Module in Globalization and Public Administration

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GLOBALIZATION AND PUBLIC

ADMINISTRATION
Course Code: PA Elective 2

SY 2021-2022

BACHELOR OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION


CATANDUANES STATE UNIVERSITY
Virac, Catanduanes

BRIEF OVERVIEW

This learning material includes introduction to international relations and an overview of


world politics in a global era. The Course explores the nature of globalization and investigates
when it takes place and to what extent it affects and is affected by public administration. Topics
included are: theories of globalization, political analysis or interpretation of globalization,
regionalism and globalization, globalization and political development (e.g., democratization) the
issue of a global order, and the impact of globalization.

This Self-Learning Material is designed for use as guide for self-learning by the student
outside of the usual classroom setting. The student is therefore expected to achieve the learning
outcomes by him/herself, away from school and with minimal intervention by the teacher.

Each student will be provided with a digital folder containing all the documents pertinent
to the course. The student is strictly prohibited to share any of such documents to anybody. Doing
so will be treated as a disciplinary case and the perpetrator will have to face sanctions.

DISCLAIMER: This learning material is used in compliance with the flexible teaching-
learning approach espoused by CHED in response to the pandemic that has globally affected
educational institutions. Authors and publishers of the contents are well acknowledged. As such
the college and its faculty do not claim ownership of all sourced information. This learning
material will solely be used for instructional purposes not for commercialization.

Rommel R. Regala, Ph.D.


CatSU College of Arts and Sciences

GUIDELINES IN STUDYING WITH THE LEARNING MATERIAL

1. Start by taking note of the objectives. Then at the end of each lesson, check if you have
fulfilled all of the objectives.

2. Be sure to read first the required reading/s for each lesson before proceeding to the
summary provided in the “Content” part of the learning material. Remember, what is in
the lesson is only a summary which is not enough to gain adequate understanding of the
topic/s covered in the lesson. Also, it will be most advantageous for the student to read
more materials over and above what is required here. You can search for them in the
internet and at the CSU Library.

3. Have a separate notebook. Make your own notes as you read through the reading
materials and summary provided for here. Transferring the ideas, organizing and
rendering them in your own words and understanding, help you to absorb and internalize
the content.

4. Have a dictionary or thesaurus handy to be able to check out the meaning of words that
are not very familiar to you.

5. Do the self-assessment activity to end your work for each particular lesson.

6. Answers to your self-assessment questions must be written in digital word document by


clusters and submitted either by email or in printed hard copies to your teacher.
Clustering and deadlines will be posted on Google Classroom.

7. Be sure to write your name on your submission. Submit on or before deadline. Late
submission will not be accepted.

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CATANDUANES STATE UNIVERSITY
Virac, Catanduanes

8. Compose your answers to the self-assessment questions in your own words. Do not copy
any portion/s of the learning materials from any source (book or the internet). DO NOT
COPY FROM YOUR CLASSMATE, in part or in full.

Both the original and the copied


papers will be given “0” mark.

It is advised therefore that a student should not show his/her self-assessment activity
paper to any classmate so as to prevent copying.

9. The rubrics below will be used in assessing your answers in the self-assessment
questions that you will be submitted.

EXCELLENT – 10 Points (1.0)


• Concise and direct to the point
• Precise explanation of concepts and exact illustrations

VERY SATISFACTORY – 8 Points (1.5-1.1)


• Concise and direct to the point
• Explanation and illustrations are quite adequate

SATISFACTORY – 6 Points (2.0-1.6)


• Moderately concise
• Explanation and illustrations are moderately adequate

LESS SATISFACTORY – 4 Points (2.5-2.1)


• Fairly concise
• Explanation and illustrations are fairly adequate

POOR – 2 Points (3.0-2.6)


• Vague but intelligible
• Explanation and illustrations are minimally adequate

VERY POOR – 0 Point (5.0)


• Answers is thoroughly out of range, or no answer at all

10. There will be written midterm and final examinations. You have to come to school for the
examinations. Examination will be on the following schedules:

Midterm Examination - _________________________________


Final Examination - _________________________________

11. We will create a group chat on Messenger. This will be used only for clarifications
regarding lessons/topics in the course. No submissions will be accepted on group
chat/messenger. Socializing and raising unrelated issues should be minimized.

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CATANDUANES STATE UNIVERSITY
Virac, Catanduanes

LEARNING OUTCOMES

At the end of this handout, you should be able to:

1. Offer an overview of world politics in a global era;


2. Summarize the main theoretical approaches to explaining contemporary world
politics; and
3. Provide the material necessary to develop a concrete understanding of the main
structures and issues defining world politics today.

COURSE CONTENT

Desired Learning Course Content/


Outcomes Subject Matter

A. At the end of the unit, the students shall A. From International Politics to World
be able to: Politics

1. Determine how globalization and 1. Globalization and global politics


global politics shapes the lives of the
people, individually and collectively.

B. At the end of the unit, the students shall B. The Historical Context
be able to:
1. The rise of modern international order
1. Describe the parallel streams of
globalization which are reflected in 2. International history 1900-99
its historical background.
3. From the end of the cold war to a new
global era

4. Rising powers and the emerging global


order

C. After studying this Unit, the students C. Structures and Processes: World
should be able to: Politics and International Law

1. Describe Public Administration at 1. War and world politics


present; and figured out how should
we now define Public Administration 2. International and global security
in a borderless, globalizing world.
3. Global political economy

4. Gender in world politics

5. Race in World Politics

6. International law

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CATANDUANES STATE UNIVERSITY
Virac, Catanduanes

Desired Learning Course Content/


Outcomes Subject Matter

D. After reading this unit, you will be able to: D. Structures and Processes:
International Organizations and Global
1. Understand the role of international Governance
organizations in world governance
particularly the United Nations and 1. International organizations in world
other major sub-regional politics
organizations.
2. The United Nations

3. Non-Governmental Organizations in
world politics

4. Regionalism in international affairs

E. After reading this unit, you will be able to: E. International Issues

1. Describe and analyze how 1. Environmental issues


international issues shapes
globalization and affects the lives of 2. Terrorism and globalization
the people, individually and
collectively. 3. Proliferation of weapons of mass
destruction

4. Nationalism, national self-


determination, and international
relations

5. Global trade and global finance

6. Poverty, hunger, and development

7. Human security

8. Human rights

9. Humanitarian intervention in world


politics

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CATANDUANES STATE UNIVERSITY
Virac, Catanduanes

LESSON 1

From International Politics to World Politics

OBJECTIVES

At the end of this lesson, the student must be able to:

1. Determine how globalization and global politics shapes the lives of the people,
individually and collectively.

READINGS

“Globalization and Global Politics”


From: Owens, P., Baylis, J., & Smith S. (2017). The Globalization of World Politics: An
Introduction to International Relations (7th ed). England: Oxford University Press.

CONTENT

Globalization and Global Politics

Globalization denotes a tendency towards the growing extensity, intensity, velocity, and
deepening impact of worldwide interconnectedness.

Globalization is associated with a shift in the scale of social organization; the emergence
of the world as a shared social space; the relative deterritorialization of social, economic, and
political activity; and the relative denationalization of power.

Globalization can be conceptualized as a fundamental shift or transformation in the spatial


scale of human social organization that links distant communities and expands the reach of power
relations across regions and continents.

Globalization is to be distinguished from internationalization and international


interdependence.

Economic globalization may be at risk as a result of the GFC, but the contemporary phase
of globalization has proved more resilient than the sceptics recognize.

Patterns of economic globalization and cultural globalization are neither identical nor
simply reducible to one another.

Contemporary globalization is a complex and uneven process.

Contemporary economic globalization constrains the political autonomy of national


governments, as is evident from the GFC.

Globalization is transforming but not burying the Westphalian ideal of sovereign


statehood.

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CATANDUANES STATE UNIVERSITY
Virac, Catanduanes

Globalization is associated with the disaggregated state.

Globalization requires a conceptual shift in thinking about world politics, from a principally
state-centric perspective to the perspective of geocentric or global politics—the politics of
worldwide social relations.

Global politics is best described as divided global politics, because it is imbued with
significant power asymmetries.

SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS

1. Briefly describe what globalization is.


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2. What do you think are the impacts of globalization to the Philippines?


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3. Differentiate the main three elements of the Westphalian order.


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4. What do you think are the reasons for the unequal effects of globalization on different
parts of the world and among different social groups?
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5. Do you consider globalization as a process of fast-growing interconnectedness among


countries? Why or why not?
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PA Elective 2 – GLOBALIZATION AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION 6|Page


CATANDUANES STATE UNIVERSITY
Virac, Catanduanes

LESSON 2

The Historical Context

OBJECTIVES

At the end of this lesson, the student must be able to:

1. Describe the parallel streams of globalization which are reflected in its historical
background.

READINGS

“The rise of modern international order –


Rising powers and the emerging global order”
From: Owens, P., Baylis, J., & Smith S. (2017). The Globalization of World Politics:
An Introduction to International Relations (7th ed). England: Oxford University
Press.

CONTENT

The Rise of Modern International Order

International orders are regularized practices of exchange among discrete political


units that recognize each other to be independent.

It is possible to speak of multiple international orders in world history, perhaps even as


far back as ancient Sumer.

In International Relations, the 1648 Peace of Westphalia is often considered to be the


benchmark date from which ‘modern’ international order emerged.

More recently, scholars have viewed the emergence of modern international order as
the product of the last two centuries, as this is when various regional systems were forged into
a deeply interdependent, global international order.

After 1800, there was a ‘great divergence’ between some Western states and much of
the rest of the world.

There were three main sources of the ‘great divergence’: industrialization, the ‘rational’
state, and imperialism.

These three dynamics served as the mutually reinforcing foundations of modern


international order.

These dynamics were deeply intertwined with international processes, most notably
industrialization with de-industrialization, and rational states with imperialism.

A major consequence of the global transformation was the ‘shrinking of the planet’ via
steamships, railways, and the telegraph.

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CATANDUANES STATE UNIVERSITY
Virac, Catanduanes

These technologies increased the ‘regularized exchanges’ that serve as the


foundations of international order.

These exchanges were increasingly managed by IGOs and INGOs.

The modern international order that emerged during the nineteenth century was
profoundly unequal. The sources of this inequality included racism and economic exploitation.

International history 1900-99

Debates about the origins of the First World War focus on whether responsibility
should rest with the German government or whether it originated from more complex factors.

The Paris peace settlement in 1919 failed to address central problems of European
security, and in restructuring the European state system created new sources of grievance and
instability. Principles of self-determination, espoused in particular by Woodrow Wilson, did not
extend to European powers’ colonial empires.

The rise of Hitler posed challenges that European political leaders lacked the ability
and will to meet, culminating in the outbreak of the Second World War.

The German attack on the Soviet Union extended the war from short and limited
campaigns to extended, large-scale, and barbaric confrontation, fought for total victory.

The Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor brought America into the war in Europe and
eventually forced Germany into war on two fronts (again).

Debate persists about whether the atomic bomb should have been used in 1945.

Decolonization was founded on the principle of self-determination and marked the


eclipse of European power.

Different European powers had divergent attitudes to decolonization after 1945: some
sought to preserve their empires, in part (the French) or whole (the Portuguese).

The process of decolonization was relatively peaceful in many cases; in others,


however, it led to revolutionary wars (Algeria, Malaya, and Angola) whose large scale and
ferocity reflected the attitudes of the colonial powers and nationalist movements.

Independence and national liberation became embroiled in cold war conflicts when the
superpowers and/or their allies became involved, for example in Vietnam. Whether
decolonization was judged successful depends, in part, on whose perspective one adopts—
that of the European power, the independence movement, or the people themselves.

Disagreements remain about when and why the cold war began, and who was
responsible.

Distinct phases can be seen in East–West relations, during which tension and the risk
of direct confrontation grew and receded.

Some civil and regional wars were intensified and prolonged by superpower
involvement; others may have been prevented or shortened.

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CATANDUANES STATE UNIVERSITY
Virac, Catanduanes

Nuclear weapons were an important factor in the cold war.

To what extent the arms race had a momentum of its own is a matter of debate.
Agreements on limiting and controlling the growth of nuclear arsenals played an important role
in Soviet–American (and East–West) relations.

The end of the cold war has not resulted in the abolition of nuclear weapons.

Various international crises occurred in which there was the risk of nuclear war. How
close we came to nuclear war at these times remains open to speculation and debate.

From the end of the cold war to a new global era?

The end of the cold war increased the USA’s weight in the international system.

By 2000, the popular view was that the USA was more ‘hyperpower’ than
‘superpower’.

Under President Clinton there was a great focus on economic issues as a central part
of US foreign policy.

President Clinton was attacked by his conservative critics for having no grand
strategy.

The break-up of the USSR inevitably unleashed problems which proved difficult to
solve.

Economic reforms in the 1990s created a new class of super-rich Russians but
exacerbated Russia’s overall economic decline.

Vladimir Putin has attempted to reverse what he saw as Russia’s decline in the 1990s.

It is misleading to talk of a ‘new cold war’ between the West and Russia.

In spite of the break-up of former Yugoslavia, Europe benefited from the end of the
cold war.

Europe may not possess much collective military power, but it does retain important
soft power.

Europe also remains a major economic actor in the world.

The crisis in modern Europe is the most serious it has faced since 1945.

The cold war in Asia was in fact very ‘hot’—marked by revolutions, wars, and
insurgencies.

Asia has experienced relative peace and great prosperity since the end of the cold
war.

China’s economic rise has been the key change in Asia since 1989.

But China’s ascent has also increased regional tensions.

The Third World was a political project that aimed to create ‘real’ independence from
the West.

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CATANDUANES STATE UNIVERSITY
Virac, Catanduanes

The end of the cold war redefined the Third World.

The less-developed countries continue to be burdened by debt and poverty.

In the new South, resentments against the more powerful West remain.

The 9/11 attacks transformed US foreign policy.

It is now agreed that the US failed in Iraq.

Arab Spring has led to instabilities that now threaten the Middle East and the West.

The Syrian crisis has so far turned out be costly and almost impossible to resolve.

Barack Obama was elected in 2008 in large part because of the 2008 financial crisis.

His foreign policy aimed to restore US standing in the world while drawing US troops
home from Iraq and Afghanistan.

Obama rejected the idea that the US was in decline.

Obama’s view was that the US had to adjust its policies to take account of new
economic realities—most notably in Asia.

Rising powers and the emerging global order

During the 1990s there was near universal agreement that the global system was led
by the power of the United States and its allies and by the institutions that it dominated.

From the perspective of the emerging powers, the US order involved a powerful move
to change many of the existing rules, norms, and practices of global politics. Seen from the
global South, the United States has rarely been a status quo power but has often sought to
mould the system in its own image. After the end of the cold war it was in many ways a
strongly revisionist power: in the 1990s, in terms of pressing for new norms on intervention, for
the opening of markets, and for the embedding of particular sets of what it saw as liberal
values within international institutions; in the early years of the twenty-first century, in terms of
its attempt to recast norms on regime change, on the use of force, and on the conditionality of
sovereignty more generally.

The states of the global South did not face the United States within a stable notion of
‘Westphalian order’. In their view, the dominant Western states were insisting that many of the
most important norms of the system ought to change, above all in ways that threatened
greater interventionism and sought to mould the ways in which societies were to be ordered
domestically. But, at the same time, it seemed to many that there was little alternative but to
accommodate Western power.

There was widespread consensus that challenges to the US-led order would result
from ‘blowback’ or ‘backlashes’ against US and Western power and would be focused around
anti-hegemonic social movements or radical states.

In the first decade of the century, countries such as Brazil, Russia, India, China, South
Africa, the ASEAN states, and Mexico experienced significant economic development.

Many believed that the continuation of this trend would lead in the longer term to an
alteration in the economic balance in favor of the dynamic emerging markets.

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CATANDUANES STATE UNIVERSITY
Virac, Catanduanes

With this greater economic share of the world market, emerging countries felt that they
deserved a greater political say in the international community as well. The financial crisis that
began in 2007 seemed to underscore the shift in relative economic weight and made this call
for a seat at the top negotiating tables stronger and more urgent.

Although Southern diplomatic and institutional activism has continued, doubts have
grown about the economic and developmental foundations on which this assumed new role of
rising powers has been built.

Realists believe that power is the common currency of international relations. But for
many analysts there can be no generally accepted definition or understanding of power in
International Relations.

Power diffusion can be understood in two different ways. Sometimes it is seen as a


shift in the balance or distribution of power between and among states. Sometimes it is viewed
as a broader and more complex process by which different groups across the world become
economically more important and politically more mobilized.

For both liberals and constructivists, power is always connected with actors’ values,
purposes, and identities.

Power is very rarely understood in terms of the resources that a single actor
possesses. It is a relational concept and usually best understood in a given social context.

For mainstream realist and neorealist writers, rising powers matter because their
growing material power disrupts the balance of power. There is great debate about exactly
how changes in material power cause conflict, but widespread agreement that power shifts are
associated with conflict and that this will continue. Hence many neorealists predict that conflict
between the US and China is inevitable.

These materially-based approaches to rising powers and global order remain highly
influential. But they do not tell enough about the potential pathways that might lead to the
emergence of major power competition. What remains unexplained is precisely how an
international system might move across a spectrum from the general diffusion of power, to a
situation of multipolarity, to a system in which the foreign policies of the major states are driven
by balance of power politics and logics. Such systems do not suddenly appear out of nowhere.

Material understandings of power provide an insufficient basis for comprehending the


reasons for challenges to the existing order and the crucial importance of status and
recognition as factors in the foreign policy behavior of emerging powers. Even if one accepts
the idea of rising states as revisionist, it is difficult to understand the sources of their
dissatisfaction purely within a world of material power and system-given incentives.

For international society theorists, power hierarchies are not simply about material
power. Great Powers constituted a particular social category. Being a Great Power (as
opposed to a great power) is of course related to material power but also to notions of
legitimacy and authority. A state can claim Great Power status, but membership in the club of
Great Powers is a social category that depends on recognition by others—by its peers in the
club, and also by smaller and weaker states willing to accept the legitimacy and authority of
those at the top of the international hierarchy. The stability of power transitions will be crucially
affected by the accommodation of rising powers.

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CATANDUANES STATE UNIVERSITY
Virac, Catanduanes

SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS

1. What is “International Orders”?


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2. What are the three regulating mechanisms of international society? Enumerate.


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3. Describe concisely the concept of decolonization.


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4. What does “unipolar moment” refer to?


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5. What are the explanations for the end of the cold war?
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6. What is/are the difference/s between soft power and hard power?
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7. Discuss the idea of concert diplomacy.


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8. What is the assumption of "liberal global order“?


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CATANDUANES STATE UNIVERSITY
Virac, Catanduanes

LESSON 3

Structures and Processes: World Politics and International Law

OBJECTIVES

At the end of this lesson, the student must be able to:

1. Describe Public Administration at present; and figured out how should we now define
Public Administration in a borderless, globalizing world.

READINGS

“War and World Politics – International Law”


From: Owens, P., Baylis, J., & Smith S. (2017). The Globalization of World Politics:
An Introduction to International Relations (7th ed). England: Oxford University
Press.

CONTENT

War and world politics

War is organized violence among political entities, including both states and non-state
actors.

War has occurred frequently in history, but changes with context.

Many kinds of groups can wage war, but in order to do so they have to ‘organize
violence’ or create an armed force.

A ‘war and society’ approach to the study of war looks at how war has shaped society
and at how society has shaped war.

Strategy is a plan to make the war serve a political purpose, while tactics are the
techniques that armed forces use to win battles.

International war is a war fought between two or more sovereign states.

A civil war is a war fought inside a sovereign state, but which in practice may involve
many different international actors.

Wars connect the combatant societies; through war, the parties to the conflict shape
one another.

Wars lead to the global circulation of people, goods, and ideas.

Wars can shape world politics as a whole and have long-lasting consequences.

Clausewitz developed two trinities to describe the nature of war: a primary one
consisting of passion, chance and reason, and a second one consisting of political leadership,
armed forces, and the people.

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CATANDUANES STATE UNIVERSITY
Virac, Catanduanes

Clausewitz divided war into two types: limited war fought for a purpose less than
political existence, and total war in which existence was at stake.

Clausewitz made a distinction between ‘real war’, or war as it actually happens, and
‘true war’, the inherent tendency of war to escalate.

War for Clausewitz is a continuation of politics between the combatant societies with
the addition of other— violent—means.

Political purposes can both limit and fuel the violence of war.

Armed force is an important basis for political power, and the types of military
technology available shape politics.

Modern states claimed a monopoly of legitimate violence within their territories.

Nationalism and war had a symbiotic relationship: nationalism motivated many people
to go to war, while war increased national feeling.

Since Western states were both sovereign states and empires, their wars had both
international and global dimensions.

State-building in Europe meant imperial wars in the non-European world.

Empires were concerned with internal security and used armies and security forces
raised from colonized populations.

Great powers used military assistance to intervene in the global South after
decolonization.

War and society in the global South and North have become interconnected in new
ways in the war on terror.

International and global security

Security is a ‘contested concept’.

The meaning of security has been broadened beyond military considerations to


include political, economic, societal, and environmental aspects.

Differing arguments exist about the tension between national and international
security.

Different views have also emerged about the significance of globalization for the future
of international security.

Realists and neorealists emphasize the perennial problem of insecurity.

Some writers see the ‘security dilemma’ as the essential source of conflict among
states.

Neorealists reject the significance of international institutions in helping many states to


achieve peace and security.

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Virac, Catanduanes

In contrast, contemporary politicians and academics who write under the label of
liberal institutionalism or neoliberalism see institutions as an important mechanism for
achieving international security.

Liberal institutionalists accept many of realism’s assumptions about the continuing


importance of military power in international relations but argue that institutions can provide a
framework for cooperation that can help to mitigate the dangers of security competition among
states.

Constructivist thinkers base their ideas on two main assumptions: (1) that the
fundamental structures of international politics are socially constructed; and (2) that changing
the way we think about international relations can help to bring about greater international
security.

Some constructivist thinkers accept many of the assumptions of neorealism, but they
reject the view that ‘structure’ consists only of material capabilities. They stress the importance
of social structures, defined in terms of shared knowledge and identities as well as material
capabilities.

Critical security theorists contend that most approaches put too much emphasis on the
state.

Feminist writers argue that gender tends to be left out of the literature on international
security, despite the fact that war impacts men and women differently.

Poststructuralist writers believe that the nature of international politics can be changed
by altering the way we think and talk about security.

Global political economy

International Political Economy (IPE) is an extremely rich and diverse field, which
builds on theoretical perspectives drawn from IR, political economy, and political science, as
well as insights from other disciplines.

The conventional description of IPE theory as organized around liberalism,


nationalism/realism, and Marxism no longer captures the breadth and complexity of
approaches to IPE.

Approaches to IPE are all concerned with the interplay of material capabilities,
institutions, and ideas in the global political economy.

However, they understand the nature of these three elements in diverse ways, and
theorize their relationships differently.

Globalization is not new, but rather is a process that has proceeded through many
phases since the sixteenth century.

The post-war period was characterized by an increase in international cooperation to


restore stability in the international economic order, and re-establish economic openness
following an extended period of war and crisis.

The latest phase of globalization is associated with neoliberalism, emerging as a


response to the economic crisis of the 1970s and the ascendance of neoliberal ideas about
how the global political economy should be organized.

IPE scholars place emphasis on a range of drivers behind contemporary globalization,


which include the role of ideology and ideas, the power of private economic interests, the
technological revolution, and the evolution of state power.

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Virac, Catanduanes

IPE is concerned with the distribution of power and material resources in the global
political economy, and lively debates center on who wins and who loses from globalization.

Globalization has been associated with a dramatic widening of inequality, between


and within countries, and between and within social groups.

Labor exploitation underpins the generation of wealth and profits in the global political
economy.

Migration has become truly ‘global’ in its scope, associated with the movement of
highly paid professionals at one end of the spectrum, and low-paid, low-skill workers at the
other.

Migration is itself a driver of globalization, in both economic and cultural terms.

Gender in World Politics

Gender is a social construct. It is not the same as biological sex, against which it is
often contrasted. Gender refers to the social codes that express ideals of masculinity and
femininity.

Just because gender is constructed does not mean it is imaginary. It has the force of a
fact because we behave as if it is a fact. So gender also includes the practices and behaviors
that express and enforce social codes.

Gender is a structure of power because gender norms and gendered behaviors are
means by which some people receive benefits, while others suffer harms.

Gender does not exist in isolation. It intersects with other forms of power in complex
ways.

Gender studies is not the same as feminism, although they are closely related
historically and conceptually.

Gender is relational. The meanings of masculinity and femininity are not fixed but
established in interaction and contrast with each other.

Gender is multiple. It means more than ‘male’ or ‘female’; there are always various
possible ways of being masculine or feminine, depending on the gender order in place.

Gender changes over time, at least in part due to political struggles over what it does
and should mean.

Gender structures how we think of international politics, right down to how we


represent states, their rulers, citizens, and defenders.

Gendered rules also shape basic elements of international politics, such as border
crossing.

Gender inequality is a major topic of contemporary political debate, and many


international organizations are officially dedicated to taking a gender perspective seriously.

The international community has committed to acting on gender inequalities through


treaties, world conferences, UN resolutions, and specialist organizations, but debate exists
about the degree of progress and which inequalities are the most pressing.

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Gender norms affect who can use violence and who it is used against. These norms
make persons into soldiers and civilians and can distort the reality of who is most at risk.

Global security is shaped by assumptions of masculinity (such as the battle-age male)


and femininity (such as ‘women and children’).

Simplistic ideas of men as violent and women as vulnerable are unsustainable.


Gender analysis helps us to understand the complexity of individuals’ situated gender
positions.

Gender matters in the preparation, enactment, and aftermath of war. Gender is


reshaped in the process of political violence, but stereotypical gender roles can also re-emerge
at war’s end.

Gender structures economic behavior, and gender ideologies support a sexual division
of labor in which women’s work tends to be lower-paid and more precarious.

The gendered character of the economy is about more than waged labor; it also
includes hidden kinds of work in the ‘reproductive economy’.

Flows of reproductive and care labor are a major element of the global economy
today.

Despite multiple manifestations of the sexual division of labor, there is no single or


simple way to characterize the disparity between women and men in the global women wield
extraordinary economic power, and many men face poverty and oppressive labor conditions.

Race in world politics

The making of the Atlantic world was crucial to the emergence of the West as the
dominant regional force in world politics. And race was fundamental to this endeavor. Similarly
race was fundamental to the subsequent expansion of European empires across the globe.

Race cannot, therefore, be understood as separate from, adjunctive to, or derivative of


the making of contemporary world politics. Rather, race is a fundamental ordering principle of
world politics.

Race orders world politics by adjudicating which groups have competencies to be fully
human. This adjudication relies upon two calculi: the cultural calculus of race and the biological
calculus of race. Each calculus determines the hierarchies and exclusions among peoples. Yet
it is just as important to note that both calculi render the ‘darker races’ threats to the civilized
race of white Europeans. And it is also important to note that each calculus took on new forms
over the course of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.

Even if race has been used to categorize and subjugate peoples, these same peoples
have utilized racial ascriptions to resist their subjugation. While this dual usage of race might
appear paradoxical, it is important to keep in mind that race is not something that simply
happens to peoples considered ‘lesser races’. Rather, these peoples have always been
actively involved in contesting the ordering principles of race, especially its hierarchies and
exclusions that determine who is competently human.

There are no ‘race genes’: race is not natural but rather socially constructed. Race
might even be mutable for at least some people, some of the time. Nonetheless, the effects of
racialization are no less real for being constructed; indeed, they can be deadly.

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The modern concept of culture and its associated logics of ethnic categorization are
inescapably entangled with the production and practice of race. The contemporary critique of
‘new racism’ speaks to this crucial issue.

Through the critique of ‘white privilege’ it is possible to understand how a white person
might be anti-racist in principle yet still reproduce—and even benefit from—the hierarchical
and exclusionary ordering principle of race. White supremacy is a structural condition, not an
individual prejudice.

Thus, while explicitly ‘racist’ discourse and practice might nowadays be rare in world
politics, race remains a key ordering principle.

The cultural calculus of race remains influential in world politics in so far as it provides
the core premises informing ‘new racism’. Practices of racialization now tend to proceed
mainly through cultural rather than biological referents.

For Western states, the premises of ‘new racism’ have helped to frame foreign policy
concerns over the GWOT as well as domestic concerns over multiculturalism and immigration.

The description of Israel as an apartheid state is contentious. Nonetheless, racialized


policies associated with apartheid—population segregation, land occupation, granting of
differential rights, and violent policing of divisions—continue in the present, and not only in
Israel.

The violence, dispossessions, and injustices through which the Atlantic world was
formed have enduring legacies in world politics. They constitute a living past through which
claims on global justice are made.

International law

States have strong incentives to free themselves from the insecurities of international
anarchy.

States face common coordination and collaboration problems, yet cooperation


remains difficult under anarchy.

To facilitate cooperation, states create international institutions, of which three levels


exist in modern international society: constitutional institutions, fundamental institutions, and
issue-specific institutions or ‘regimes’.

Of existing fundamental institutions, international law is one of the most important for
understanding cooperation and order among states.

Modern international law is a historical artefact, a product of the revolutions in thought


and practice that transformed the governance of European states after the French Revolution
(1789).

Before the French Revolution, in the ‘Age of Absolutism’, law was understood
principally as the command of a legitimate superior, and international law was seen as the
command of God, derived from natural law. In the modern period, law has come to be seen as
something contracted among legal subjects or their representatives, and international law has
been viewed as the expression of the mutual will of nations.

Because of its historical roots, the modern institution of international law has a number
of distinctive characteristics, informed largely by the values of political liberalism.

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The most distinctive characteristics of the modern institution of international law are its
multilateral form of legislation, its consent-based form of legal obligation, its language and
practice of justification, and its discourse of institutional autonomy.

So long as international law was designed to facilitate international order, it was


circumscribed in key ways: states were its principal subjects and agents; it was concerned with
the regulation of inter-state relations; and its scope was confined to questions of order.

The quest for global governance is pushing international law into new areas, raising
questions about whether international law is transforming into a form of supranational law.

Individuals, and to some extent collectivities, are gradually acquiring rights and
responsibilities under international law, establishing their status as both subjects and agents
under international law.

Non-governmental actors are becoming increasingly important in the development and


codification of international legal norms.

International law is increasingly affecting domestic legal regimes and practices, and
the rules of the international legal system are no longer confined to issues of order. As
international humanitarian law evolves, issues of global justice are permeating the international
legal order.

Placing limits on the legitimate use of force is one of the key challenges of the
international community, and the laws of war have evolved to meet this challenge.

The laws of war have traditionally been divided into those governing when the use of
force is legitimate, jus ad bellum, and how war may be conducted, jus in bello.

Laws governing when war is legally permitted have changed dramatically over the
history of the international system, the most notable difference being between the nineteenth-
century view that to wage war was a sovereign right and the post-1945 view that war was
justified only in self-defense or as part of a UN-mandated international peace enforcement
action.

Laws governing how war may be conducted divide, broadly, into three categories:
those governing weaponry, combatants, and non-combatants.

Since 2001 both jus ad bellum and jus in bello have come under challenge, as
successive US administrations have pushed the limits of international law in their conduct of
the war on terror, transnational insurgents have openly flaunted established legal principles,
and Russia has undermined the territorial integrity of neighboring states.

Realists argue that international law is only important when it serves the interests of
powerful states.

Neoliberals explain how self-interested states come to construct dense networks of


international legal regimes.

Constructivists treat international law as part of the normative structures that condition
state and non-state agency in international relations. They emphasize the way in which law,
like other social norms, constitutes actors’ identities, interests, and strategies.

New liberals emphasize the domestic origins of state preferences and, in turn,
international law. In international law, they stress the need to disaggregate the state to
understand transnational legal integration and interaction, and they prioritize international
humanitarian law.

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Virac, Catanduanes

Critical legal studies concentrates on the way in which the inherent liberalism of
international law seriously curtails its radical potential.

Practice theorists challenge claims that legal obligation derives from coercion,
consent, or legitimacy, claiming instead that it is a product of participating in the practice of
international law.

SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS

1. What is the traditional view of state-to-state war?


____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

2. Do you agree with Hedley Bull’s definition of war? Explain.


____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

3. What is your take on the statement: "War made the state, and the state made war."
by the historical sociologist, Charles Tilly?
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

4. What is the focus of the Revolution in Military Affairs?


____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

5. What describes the Clausewitz's philosophy of war?


____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

6. What does “total war” mean?


____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

7. How does democratic peace theory challenge realism?


____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

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8. Enumerate some problems with collective security?


____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

9. Briefly explain the Dependency Theory.


____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

10. With regards to gender in world politics, what do you think are the impacts of
globalization to women.
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

11. Explain the legal concept of “white privilege”?


____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

12. Explain the legal concept of "jus ad bellum"?


____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

13. Enumerate three levels of institutions in modern international society.


____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

14. What are the distinctive characteristics of the modern institution of international law?
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

15. What do you think is the importance of international law?


____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

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Virac, Catanduanes

LESSON 4

Structures and Processes: International Organizations and Global Governance

OBJECTIVES

At the end of this lesson, the student must be able to:

1. Understand the role of international organizations in world governance particularly the


United Nations and other major sub-regional organizations.

READINGS

“International Organizations – Regionalism in International Affairs”


From: Owens, P., Baylis, J., & Smith S. (2017). The Globalization of World Politics:
An Introduction to International Relations (7th ed). England: Oxford University
Press.

CONTENT

International organizations in world politics

International organizations (IOs) have representatives from three or more states


supporting a permanent secretariat to perform on-going tasks related to a common purpose.

IOs were first created by European states to smooth their inter-state relations across a
range of new activities resulting from industrial revolutions and technological breakthroughs.

The basis for IOs emerged with multilateral fora such as the Concert of Europe and
the Hague System in the nineteenth century.

States increasingly turned to multilateralism and then formal IOs after the First World
War to prevent international conflict.

Formal treaty-based IOs continue to be established, but these are now outstripped by
emanation IOs that work on increasingly specialized issues.

IOs are important because they survive and have endured in the international system.

They shape how states respond to international problems.

They increasingly affect the lives of individuals everywhere by shaping the distribution
of power and making policies that were previously left to states.

IOs can help states create global public goods by being forums for international
cooperation and then helping enact and enforce the provision of those goods.

Classical liberal theories advanced the idea that IOs can contribute to individual
prosperity and peace. Neofunctionalist liberals examined the European experiment to predict
the likelihood of increased integration among states leading to a world government, while
neoliberal institutionalists argued that states can use IOs as a means of international
cooperation that benefits all states.

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Realists view IOs as tools for states to achieve their interests. Neorealism argues that
IOs have no independent effect on world politics. Neorealists see cooperation occurring when
states perceive their own gains to be greater than the gains going to the states they are
cooperating with, and they believe that states controlling IOs can lock in rules that others must
follow.

Social constructivists demonstrated that IOs can be autonomous and shape world
politics by framing issues, setting international agendas, and classifying states’ behavior. IOs
thus help shape what is possible and socially accepted at the international level.

Marxist and Gramscian approaches examine how IOs extend capitalism globally
through their programs and policies in order to reinforce the power of capitalist states and
elites. They seek to demonstrate how consensus is constructed over the global capitalist
system through the operations of IOs.

The Principal–Agent model extends the insights of neoliberal institutionalism by


looking at how member state principals negotiate to give IOs as agents autonomy to undertake
tasks on their behalf.

The P–A model examines when IOs are likely to be slack or engage in slippage, for
example when member states cannot agree on a concerted agenda for IOs to enact.

Social constructivists have challenged the P–A model’s assumption that IOs will use
their autonomy to advance their own power, autonomy, and resources.

Social constructivism looks at how organizational culture shapes whether new ideas
are promoted, accepted, or rejected by IOs.

Marxist and Gramscian accounts require further empirical investigation to explicitly


trace how powerful elites shape IO programs, policies, and operations.

The United Nations

The United Nations was established to preserve peace among states after the
Second World War.

In a number of ways, the institutions of the United Nations reflected lessons learned
from its predecessor, the League of Nations.

The institutions and mechanisms of the United Nations reflect both the demands of
great power politics (i.e. Security Council veto) and universalism. They also reflect demands to
address the needs and interests of people, as well as the needs and interests of states. The
tensions between these various demands are a key feature of UN development.

There have been a number of disagreements over UN membership, and


over the composition of the UN Security Council.

The cold war and the decolonization process discouraged more active involvement
by the United Nations within states.

By the mid-1990s the UN had become involved in maintaining international


peace and security by resisting aggression between states, attempting to resolve disputes
within states (civil wars), and focusing on economic, social, and political conditions within
states.

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The United Nations does not have a monopoly on peace operations. While the
UN often provides legitimation, operations are sometimes conducted by regional
organizations, ad hoc coalitions, or hybrid arrangements involving UN and non-UN actors,
such as the African Union.

The UN has paid increasing attention to peacebuilding and the gendered


dimensions of peace and security, with a number of important reports and initiatives in these
areas.

Critics, however, point to severe shortcomings such as allegations of sexual


exploitation and abuse committed by some UN peacekeeping personnel.

The cold war and the North–South divide led to differences in opinions over how
best to address economic and social development.

The number of institutions in the UN system that address economic and social
issues has increased significantly. Several Programs and Funds have been created in
response to global conferences.

Reform of the economic and social arrangements of the UN in the late 1990s
aimed at improving coordination and clarifying spheres of responsibility.

The MDGs consisted of measurable socio-economic targets and further integrated


the work of the UN at the country level. They have been replaced by the SDGs, which are
universally applicable to all countries.

NGOs in world politics

TNGOs are in theory voluntary organizations aspiring to work for the common good.
Nevertheless, these organizations vary greatly with respect to their mandates (general vs.
issuespecific; religious vs. secular); their functions (delivery vs. advocacy); their size; and the
relationships they maintain with other actors.

TNGOs differ from states insofar as they are representatives of civil society and do not
possess an international legal personality. Their relationships with states range from strict
independence to dependence as a result of the funding they receive or the services they
perform for governments.

Most TNGOs, in contrast to TNCs, are non-profit. However, TNGOs have recently
begun exhibiting trends generally associated with corporations, such as professionalization or
commercialization. Apart from opposition, their strategies with respect to TNCs increasingly
also include cooperation in the form of participation in MSDs or PPPs.

While frequently emerging from and being part of TSMOs, TNGOs have more formal
structures compared to these rather amorphous networks. Together with other NGOs, states,
IGOs, or TNCs, they often participate in TANs to amplify their own strength as well as the
effects of their campaigns.

The growth of TNGOs has been encouraged by related international occurrences,


including globalization, the end of the cold war, a wave of democratization at the national level,
a series of UN special conferences at the outset of the 1990s, and advances in communication
technologies.

While the study of TNGOs in IR has been hampered by realism, whose proponents
perceive non-state actors and their actions as inconsequential, the growing influence of liberal
approaches followed by the constructivist and governance turns have all contributed to
heightened interest in these organizations.

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Depending on their rules and practices, IGOs provide more or less favourable
opportunity structures through which TNGOs may gain access to policy-making processes.
However, access is far from even; it differs across IGOs, policy fields, the policy cycle, and
across TNGOs, and does not guarantee influence.

TNGOs possess issue-specific expertise and moral authority through which they can
engage in information and symbolic politics; they also exert material as well as moral leverage
in efforts to hold states or TNCs accountable.

Regionalism in international affairs

Regional cooperation is not an isolated, but rather a global phenomenon, though with
a high degree of diversity regarding the drivers, modes, and outcomes of such cooperation.

Regionalism has various dimensions—economic, social, political, and security—and


takes different forms across the world.

Some regional integration processes are more state-led, while others are more
market-led.

There is a basic difference between cooperation arrangements and integration


processes, but both approaches may coexist within a regional system.

Regionalism in the Americas has developed at multiple levels, with some tension
between Inter-Americanism and Latin American integration reflecting mixed attitudes towards
the role of the United States.

An African Union has been established, based on eight Regional Economic


Communities that have achieved significant results in functional cooperation, but deep
integration remains elusive.

Asian regionalism has been shaped by security concerns as well as market forces, but
it has also been limited by rivalries between Asian powers, and it is now being cut across by
trans- continental agreements respectively led by the United States and China.

The dissolution of the Soviet Union led to new regional arrangements in Eurasia as
post- Soviet states evolved in zones of competing influence between Russia and the EU, or
between Russia and China.

The process of integration in post-war Europe was launched in the context of long
debates about the creation of a federal system, but ultimately the choice was made in favour
of a gradual path towards an ‘ever closer union’.

Integration has proceeded by conferring competence for many economic sectors to


supranational institutions that can take decisions that are binding on the member states.

Over time, more politically sensitive areas, such as monetary policy and internal and
external security, have also become the domain of the European Union.

Successive reforms of the EU treaties have sought to maintain and enhance the
legitimacy and efficiency of a Union that has grown to 28 member states, the latest being the
coming into force of the Lisbon Treaty at the end of 2009.

Since 2009, the EU has confronted a number of existential crises that have challenged
the viability of existing institutional arrangements and raised questions about the limited
popular support for further integration.

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SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS

1. What is the importance of International Labor Organization (ILO)?


____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

2. What does hybrid international organization refer to?


____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

3. Briefly explain the idea of “multilateralism”.


____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

4. Discuss how states benefit from the “collective action”.


____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

5. What are the main powers and duties of the UN Secretary-General?


____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

6. Enumerate the permanent members of the UN Security Council.


____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

7. How did the UN become involved in maintaining peace and security in the mid-
1990s?
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

8. What does "Country Strategy Notes" contain?


____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

9. Briefly explain the concept of "human security".


____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

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10. Why will further UN reform be necessary?


____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

11. What does “transnational actors” refer to?


____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

12. What are the problems with the state-centric approach to IR?
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

13. Do you agree that the concepts of "nation" and "state" are the same? Explain your
answer.
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

14. Compare and contrast NGO and network.


____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

15. How does Hybrid INGO is formed?


____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

16. What does “policy domain” mean?


____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

17. What is the idea of 'track-tow-diplomacy'?


____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

18. Discuss the notion of “regionalism”?


____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

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19. What does the term “supranationalism” refer to?


____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

20. What is the role of the European Commission?


____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

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Virac, Catanduanes

LESSON 5

International Issues

OBJECTIVES

At the end of this lesson, the student must be able to:

1. Describe and analyze how international issues shapes globalization and affects the
lives of the people, individually and collectively.

READINGS

“Environmental Issues – Humanitarian Intervention in World Politics”


From: Owens, P., Baylis, J., & Smith S. (2017). The Globalization of World Politics:
An Introduction to International Relations (7th ed). England: Oxford University
Press.

CONTENT

Environmental Issues

In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, international environmental politics
was strictly limited, but from around 1960 its scope expanded as environmental problems
acquired a transnational and then a global dimension.

The process was reflected in and stimulated by the three great UN conferences of
1972, 1992, and 2002.

The most important role of these UN conferences was to make the connection
between the international environmental and development agendas, as expressed in the
important concept of sustainable development.

International environmental politics reflected the issue-attention cycle in developed


countries and relied heavily on increasing scientific knowledge.

International environmental meetings serve political objectives alongside


environmental aims.

A key function of international cooperation is transboundary regulation, but attempts at


environmental action may conflict with the rules of the world trade regime.

International action is needed to promote environmental norms, develop scientific


understanding, and assist the participation of developing countries.

International cooperation is necessary to provide governance regimes for the global


commons.

Climate change, because of its all-embracing nature and its roots in essential human
activities, poses an enormous challenge for international cooperation.

A limited start was made with the Kyoto regime, but this was later undermined by the
withdrawal of the US and other major emitters.

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Although the 2009 Copenhagen Conference was a disappointment to climate activists,


subsequent meetings mapped out a new universal basis for international climate cooperation.

The 2015 Paris Agreement involved ‘bottom up’ national contributions by all parties,
stressing the importance of adaptation and additional funding for developing countries. Its
success will depend on the ratcheting up of ambition and the level of national efforts.

The environment has been a growth area for IR scholars interested in identifying the
conditions under which effective international cooperation can emerge.

Scholars attach varying importance to different explanatory factors in their analyses of


international environmental governance, including crude calculations of the power and
interests of key actors such as states; cognitive factors such as shared scientific knowledge;
the impact of non-governmental actors; and even the extent to which the system of states is
itself part of the problem.

IR scholars are also interested in the extent to which the environment in general and
particular environmental problems are now being seen as security issues in academic,
political, and popular discourse.

Debate exists over whether the securitization of the environment is something to be


welcomed.

Terrorism and globalization

Agreement on what constitutes terrorism continues to be difficult given the range of


potential motivations for acts involving violence.

Terrorism, or acts of violence by sub-state groups, is distinguished from criminal acts


on the basis of the purpose for which violence is carried out, namely political change.

Terrorist groups succeed when their motivations or grievances are perceived to be


legitimate by a wider audience. Disproportionate or heavy-handed responses by states to acts
of terrorism often increase support for terrorist groups.

The definition of globalization, like that of terrorism, is open to subjective interpretation,


but the technologies associated with globalization have undeniably increased terrorist
capabilities.

Terrorism is a form of political violence to achieve disproportionate effects with limited


means.

The majority of transnational terrorist attacks from 1979 onwards targeted Western
citizens and symbols.

Trends in terrorism since 1968 include greater casualties, increasing sophistication,


and suicide attacks.

Transnational Marxist-Leninist groups have been replaced by global militant Islamic


terrorist groups.
Experts disagree on what violent Islamic extremism precisely represents.

Cultural, economic, and religious factors provide necessary explanations for globalized
terrorist violence, but they are insufficient individually.

’New’ terrorism uses religion as a motivator and to provide the justification for killing
non- combatants.

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The ultimate purpose for modern violent Islamic extremism is obtaining political power
in order to conduct widescale reform according to Sharia law.

Elements of globalization that permit the rapid exchange of ideas and goods are also
exploited by terrorist groups.

The internet and social media allow terrorists to reach and influence audiences
instantaneously and recruit new followers.

The technologies associated with globalization allow terrorists to operate in a highly


distributed global ‘network’ to shares information, conduct highly coordinated, lethal attacks,
and permit a high degree of mobility and security.

Globalization may allow some terrorist groups to acquire, manufacture, and use
weapons of mass of destruction to conduct catastrophic attacks in the future.

Globalization does not convey advantages to terrorists alone.

States should utilize their advantages against terrorists individually and collectively.

Differences among states regarding the threat of terrorism, and how best to respond to
it, reflect subjective characterizations based on national biases and experiences.

Combating the appeal of ideas that inspire terrorism is crucial.

Proliferation of weapons of mass destruction

The technology that underlies nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons has spread
rapidly since 1945. Chemical and biological weapons production are particularly difficult to
monitor and detect.

Nuclear weapons use weapons-grade fissile material (plutonium or uranium) to


produce an explosion through either fission or fusion. These explosions produce blast, heat,
and radiation, and have explosive yields equivalent to thousands or millions of tons of TNT.

Nuclear deterrence is about using nuclear weapons to prevent an adversary from


taking an undesirable action they would otherwise take. Nuclear deterrence can be achieved
using strategic or tactical nuclear warheads employed in a range of delivery vehicles in either a
counterforce or countervalue strategy.

The growth of nuclear energy and the spread of dual-use technology have raised
concerns that non-state actors could acquire nuclear or radiological material.

Nuclear opacity and latent nuclear capacity raise questions about how to define
nuclear proliferation. Latent capacity is also an issue for chemical and biological weapons.

States acquire nuclear weapons for different reasons. They also choose policies of
nuclear restraint, nuclear reversal, and providing nuclear assistance to other countries.
Strategic factors, culture and ideology, political economy, domestic politics, and leader
psychology may all influence these decisions.

There is a debate about whether the spread of nuclear weapons will lead to more
stability and less conflict, or more accidents, instability, and conflict.

The effect of nuclear weapons on conflict varies over time, and from country to
country.

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Non-proliferation efforts address both horizontal and vertical proliferation, and can
focus either on disarmament or on limiting the size and use of WMD stockpiles.

The NPT is seen as a bargain between nuclear weapons states and non-nuclear
weapons states.

However, critics complain that the NPT is not universal, is unfair, and is difficult to
monitor and enforce.

Since the end of the cold war, the international community has also used counter-
proliferation approaches to disrupt the pursuit of nuclear weapons, nuclear smuggling, and the
risk of nuclear terrorism. These approaches have included UNSC Resolution 1540, the
Proliferation Security Initiative, and the Nuclear Security Summit.

Nationalism, national self-determination, and international relations

There is no single, dominant form of nationalism. It can be ethnic or civic, elite or


popular, and it may support or oppose existing states.

There is no simple sequence leading from nationalism to nation-state formation to


changes in the global political order.

The political ideology of the leading states matters most because others respond to
their power and ideologies. In a first phase, Britain and France set the tone for nationalist
developments elsewhere, but by 1900 German and Japanese models also became important,
and after 1918, and especially after 1945, US and Soviet models mattered most.

A combination of imitation and challenge, conflict among the major powers, and
nationalist assertion in the peripheries produced a world order of nation-states and turned
nationalism into the dominant political idea.

The cold war era stabilized the new world order, which became one of nation-states
with the break-up of European overseas empires.

The collapse of the Soviet Union and the crises in Western capitalism have been
accompanied by the rise of nationalist movements in Europe: ‘civic’ separatism (Scotland,
Catalonia) and ‘ethnic’ state-supporting nationalism (UK Independence Party, Front National).
Beyond Europe, state breakdown occasionally stimulates nationalism (Kurds) but usually is so
fundamental as to undermine any kind of nationalism, while non-nationalist movements are
often more prominent (Iraq, Syria).

The sacrosanct principle of state sovereignty was weakened by the end of the cold
war, new nation-state formation, and new economic and cultural forms of globalization.

This provoked a first wave of state-opposing ethnonationalisms, which sometimes led


to violence and ethnic cleansing.

However, international recognition for new states as civic, territorial entities, along with
new forms of intervention, put pressure on nationalism to move away from this ethnic and
state- opposing character.

There is a state-supporting nationalism that focuses on the threats globalization poses


to the nation-state, and which can paradoxically get stronger the more the nation-state is
weakened.

However, perhaps more important is the shift of nationalism away from a state focus
towards concerns with devolution, cultural recognition, and transnational linkages.

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Global trade and global finance

There are more flows of trade and finance both in and around the world economy
today than at any previous time.

Analytical care should be taken about the precise senses in which trade and finance
are labelled ‘global’.

The increase in world trade since 1970 is dramatic, although it might be that the
process of regional economic integration accounts for those changes more readily than the
process of genuine global economic integration.

Trading on financial markets only very rarely involves money physically changing
hands, but the volumes of ‘paper’ financial trading are now eye-poppingly large.

The move to disband the GATT in favour of the law-making WTO system was an
attempt to create more straightforward negotiations for global free trade by eliminating
potential veto points.

The WTO system operates asymmetrically to the advantage of its most powerful
members.

Developing countries’ decisions about whether to become members of the WTO are
often influenced heavily by the political pressures placed upon them to demonstrate their
commitment to the existing global economic order.

If the US and the EU do manage to introduce the Transatlantic Trade and Investment
Partnership (TTIP), this will be a leap into the unknown for the existing WTO system.

There is much more ‘money’ in the world today than goods to spend it on: the dollar
value of total domestic financial assets is around four times higher than world GDP.

Under the Bretton Woods system of the immediate post-Second World War era,
finance was stripped of its global mobility and generally boxed in by political decree so that it
would serve the interests of stable global trade relations.

The institutionalized power of global finance has led to a regressive redistribution from
the 1970s in which the global rich have become significantly richer and the global poor have
been increasingly left behind.

There are now many activist groups, of which Occupy is just one, challenging the
influence of the global financial elites.

Poverty, hunger, and development

The monetary-based conception of poverty has been almost universalized among


governments and international organizations since 1945.

The $1.25 poverty line includes people who do not have sufficient income to satisfy
their basic material needs in the marketplace, leaving out non-material poverty.

Developed countries see poverty as an issue that affects and defines the less
developed: integration into the global economy is the solution to poverty

Under conditions of economic globalization, poverty is found in both the wealthy North
and the less developed South.

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A critical alternative view of poverty places more emphasis on lack of access to


community, resources, community ties, and spiritual and cultural values.

In recent decades global food production has burgeoned, but, paradoxically, hunger
and malnutrition remain widespread.

The orthodox explanation for the continued existence of hunger is that population
growth outstrips food production.

An alternative explanation for the continuation of hunger focuses on lack of access or


entitlement to available food. Access and entitlement are affected by factors such as the
North–South global divide, particular national policies, rural–urban divides, class, and gender.

Globalization can simultaneously contribute to increased food production and to


increased hunger.
Development is a contested concept.

Development policies since the mid-twentieth century have been dominated by the
mainstream approach— embedded liberalism and, more recently, neoliberalism.

The last two decades of the twentieth century saw some movement towards
alternative conceptions of development—emphasizing participation, empowerment, and
sustainability—with NGOs, grassroots movements, and some UN organizations taking the
lead.

Whether the mainstream approach’s attempt to incorporate some of the language and
ideas developed by the alternative approach will actually bring real change is questionable.

Human security

In its broader sense, human security is distinguished by three elements: (1) its focus
on the individual/people as the referent object of security; (2) its multidimensional nature; (3)
its universal or global scope, applying to states and societies of both the North and the South.

The concept of human security has been influenced by the rejection of economic
growth as the main indicator of development and by the accompanying notion of ‘human
development’ as empowerment of people.

It also reflects the rising incidence of internal conflicts and civil wars and the impact of
globalization in spreading transnational challenges such as environmental degradation,
pandemics, forced migration, and the post-cold war emphasis on human rights and
humanitarian intervention.

The concept of human security offers a powerful example of how concepts and
approaches developed from non-Western contexts and by non-Western scholars can have
significant global impact and enrich the theory and practice of international relations,
development, and security, laying the basis for a Global International Relations (Global IR).

The concept of human security has been criticized: (1) for being too broad; (2) for
creating false expectations about assistance to victims of violence which the international
community cannot deliver; and (3) for ignoring the role of the state in providing security to the
people.

Differences exist as to whether human security is about ‘freedom from fear’ or


‘freedom from want’.

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The former stresses protecting people from violent conflicts through measures such as
a ban on landmines and child soldiers.

For the latter, human security is a broader notion involving the reduction of threats to
the well-being of people, such as poverty and disease.

Ultimately, however, both sides agree that human security is about security of people
rather than just of states, and that protecting people requires going beyond traditional
principles of state sovereignty.

Although there was a noticeable decline in the number of armed conflicts and battle
deaths caused by conflicts during the 1990s until about 2003, these numbers have increased
since then.

In considering these mixed trends, one should take into account conflict mitigating
factors, such as economic interdependence, and the growing role of international institutions
and the international community in peace operations.

There is an interactive relationship between armed conflict and non-violent threats to


human security such as poverty and disease. Wars and internal conflicts can lead to
impoverishment, disease outbreaks, and environmental destruction. Conversely, poverty,
inequality, and environmental degradation can lead to the weakening and even collapse of
states.

Women feature in armed conflicts both as victims and actors (in combat and support
roles). Rape and other forms of sexual violence against them are increasingly an instrument of
war, and are now recognized as crimes against humanity. The international community is
seeking ways to increase the participation of women in UN peace operations and conflict-
resolution functions.

Among the most important multilateral actions to date to promote human security
include the International Criminal Court and the Anti-Personnel Landmines Treaty.

UN agencies such as the UNHCR, UNICEF, and UNIFEM have been crucial in
addressing human security issues such as the plight of refugees and the rights of children.

Non-governmental organizations promote human security by supplying information


and early warning about conflicts, providing a channel for relief operations, supporting
government or UN-sponsored peacebuilding and rehabilitation missions, and promoting
sustainable development.

The 9/11 attacks and the flow of migrants and refugees to Europe from the Middle
East and Africa have revived the traditional state-centric approach to national security at the
expense of civil liberties and human security.

Human rights

The International Bill of Human Rights provides an authoritative list of interdependent,


indivisible, and universal human rights, covering a wide range of both civil and political rights
and economic, social, and cultural rights. ‘Human rights’, for the purposes of International
Relations, means roughly this set of equal and inalienable universal rights.

This extensive body of almost universally endorsed international human rights law is
the most important contribution of the global human rights regime. These norms, independent
of any supervisory mechanisms, help to empower human rights advocates and to constrain
government action.

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The global human rights regime is based on national implementation of international


norms.

Multilateral implementation mechanisms facilitate national compliance, primarily


through mobilizing public scrutiny that reminds states of their obligations and draws national
and international attention to violations.

Strong multilateral procedures are a consequence, not a cause, of good human rights
practices.

In the mid-1970s, human rights began to emerge from its cold war slumber as an
active concern of national foreign policies.

With the end of the cold war, more and more countries developed increasingly robust
international human rights policies.

The post-9/11 world has seen some prominent setbacks in human rights
internationally. In general, however, the progress of the 1980s and 1990s has been sustained.

States often have more resources to bring to bear than multilateral actors. They can
also act unilaterally, without the need to secure a wide-ranging consensus.

States, however, are more constrained by competing national interests and much
more likely to use human rights for narrow partisan purposes.

NGOs, operating both nationally and transnationally, are the third major type of actor
in the international politics of human rights.

Lacking the material power resources of states, NGOs are nonetheless able to
mobilize the political energies of civil society and engage in monitoring as well as lobbying
practices such as ‘naming and shaming’.

By acting with a single-minded focus on human rights, NGOs can achieve results well
beyond what one might expect from their modest material resources.

Especially effective are concerted efforts by local civil society actors, transnational
NGOs, states, and international organizations to pressure states both from inside and outside,
in a variety of venues.

Human rights show that the classical realist separation of morality from foreign policy
is a problematic prescription rather than the result of reasoned reflection on the nature of
international relations.

The global human rights regime is fundamentally rooted in a liberal-democratic


conception of politics—which rejects the perspective of ‘classical’ nineteenth property
preoccupied liberalism.

Human rights have been constructed internationally in a particular way, covering a


particular range of recognized rights, with particular mechanisms of implementation and
enforcement.

These constructions, like all social constructions, reflect a particular perspective that
privileges certain interests and values over others—although in this case, that perspective
comes as much from ‘below’ as ‘above’ and, despite its Western origins, has truly global
resonance and near universal endorsement.

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Humanitarian intervention in world politics

Counter-restrictionists argue in favor of a legal right of humanitarian intervention based


on interpretations of the UN Charter and customary international law.

Many lawyers contend that the counter-restrictionist position rests on flawed and
overly liberal interpretations of the charter and customary law.

The claims for a moral duty of humanitarian intervention stem from the basic
proposition that all individuals are entitled to a minimum level of protection from harm by virtue
of their common humanity.

Debate exists about which human rights are ‘fundamental’ and who may decide when
their violation is sufficient to justify armed intervention.

States may not intervene for primarily humanitarian purposes.

States are often unwilling to place their citizens in harm’s way in order to protect
foreigners.

A legal right of humanitarian intervention would be vulnerable to abuse, as states may


employ humanitarian claims to cloak the pursuit of self-interest.

States will apply principles of humanitarian intervention selectively.

In the absence of consensus about what principles should guide humanitarian


intervention, a right of humanitarian intervention would undermine international order.

Humanitarian intervention will always be based on the cultural preferences of the


powerful.

The 1990s were described as a golden era of humanitarian activism because of a


dramatic increase in the number of humanitarian interventions.

Although some interventions were motivated by humanitarian concerns, others were


not. Most interventions were prompted by mixed motives.

The legality and legitimacy of humanitarian intervention remain hotly contested, but a
norm of intervention authorized by the Security Council emerged in the 1990s.

Interventions tended to be more successful in stopping immediate killing and less


successful in building long-term peace.

States adopted the ‘responsibility to protect’ at the 2005 UN World Summit. It is


commonly understood as comprising three ‘pillars’.

The ‘responsibility to protect’ switches the focus from a debate about sovereignty
versus human rights to a discussion about how best to protect endangered people.

The use of force for protection purposes continues to be highly controversial, as the
2011 intervention in Libya shows. ‘Responsibility while protecting’ was a concept introduced to
bridge the divides on this issue.

The UN Security Council is increasingly invoking the ‘responsibility to protect’ as it


responds to emergencies around the world, with varying degrees of success.

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SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS

1. What do we mean by environmental issues?


____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

2. Cite examples of traditional environmental issues.


____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

3. What do the norms of environmental protection include?


____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

4. Cite influences of scientific knowledge.


____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

5. What are the focuses of the IGCC which began in 1988?


____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

6. Which characteristic do globalization and terrorism share?


____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

7. What are the factors that lead to the birth of transnational terrorism?
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

8. Explain how video recordings became useful to terrorist groups to recruit members.
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

9. Cite some complications in the search for terrorists and terrorist cells.
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____________________________________________________________________
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10. Do you agree that the Hollywood blockbuster films has provided inspiration for
terrorist attacks by bin Laden and Islamic Fundamentalists? Explain.
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

11. What can terrorists hope for in order to be successful in the future?
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

12. Why did the UN Commission introduce the concept of "weapon of mass destruction"
for Conventional Armaments in 1948?
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

13. What did the counter proliferation strategy emphasize?


____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

14. What are the basic assumptions of nationalism?


____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

15. What does “primordialism” refer to?


____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

16. Explain the concept of “perennialism”.


____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

17. Cite some outcomes of the end of the cold war.


____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

18. What do you mean by Cross-border transactions?


____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

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19. Cite ways in which governments lure foreign investment.


____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

20. In your opinion, how can the world address the problem on poverty and hunger?

____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

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APPENDICES

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REFERENCE:

Owens, P., Baylis, J., & Smith S. (2017). The Globalization of World Politics: An Introduction
to International Relations (7th ed). England: Oxford University Press.

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