Module in Globalization and Public Administration
Module in Globalization and Public Administration
Module in Globalization and Public Administration
ADMINISTRATION
Course Code: PA Elective 2
SY 2021-2022
BRIEF OVERVIEW
This Self-Learning Material is designed for use as guide for self-learning by the student
outside of the usual classroom setting. The student is therefore expected to achieve the learning
outcomes by him/herself, away from school and with minimal intervention by the teacher.
Each student will be provided with a digital folder containing all the documents pertinent
to the course. The student is strictly prohibited to share any of such documents to anybody. Doing
so will be treated as a disciplinary case and the perpetrator will have to face sanctions.
DISCLAIMER: This learning material is used in compliance with the flexible teaching-
learning approach espoused by CHED in response to the pandemic that has globally affected
educational institutions. Authors and publishers of the contents are well acknowledged. As such
the college and its faculty do not claim ownership of all sourced information. This learning
material will solely be used for instructional purposes not for commercialization.
1. Start by taking note of the objectives. Then at the end of each lesson, check if you have
fulfilled all of the objectives.
2. Be sure to read first the required reading/s for each lesson before proceeding to the
summary provided in the “Content” part of the learning material. Remember, what is in
the lesson is only a summary which is not enough to gain adequate understanding of the
topic/s covered in the lesson. Also, it will be most advantageous for the student to read
more materials over and above what is required here. You can search for them in the
internet and at the CSU Library.
3. Have a separate notebook. Make your own notes as you read through the reading
materials and summary provided for here. Transferring the ideas, organizing and
rendering them in your own words and understanding, help you to absorb and internalize
the content.
4. Have a dictionary or thesaurus handy to be able to check out the meaning of words that
are not very familiar to you.
5. Do the self-assessment activity to end your work for each particular lesson.
7. Be sure to write your name on your submission. Submit on or before deadline. Late
submission will not be accepted.
8. Compose your answers to the self-assessment questions in your own words. Do not copy
any portion/s of the learning materials from any source (book or the internet). DO NOT
COPY FROM YOUR CLASSMATE, in part or in full.
It is advised therefore that a student should not show his/her self-assessment activity
paper to any classmate so as to prevent copying.
9. The rubrics below will be used in assessing your answers in the self-assessment
questions that you will be submitted.
10. There will be written midterm and final examinations. You have to come to school for the
examinations. Examination will be on the following schedules:
11. We will create a group chat on Messenger. This will be used only for clarifications
regarding lessons/topics in the course. No submissions will be accepted on group
chat/messenger. Socializing and raising unrelated issues should be minimized.
LEARNING OUTCOMES
COURSE CONTENT
A. At the end of the unit, the students shall A. From International Politics to World
be able to: Politics
B. At the end of the unit, the students shall B. The Historical Context
be able to:
1. The rise of modern international order
1. Describe the parallel streams of
globalization which are reflected in 2. International history 1900-99
its historical background.
3. From the end of the cold war to a new
global era
C. After studying this Unit, the students C. Structures and Processes: World
should be able to: Politics and International Law
6. International law
D. After reading this unit, you will be able to: D. Structures and Processes:
International Organizations and Global
1. Understand the role of international Governance
organizations in world governance
particularly the United Nations and 1. International organizations in world
other major sub-regional politics
organizations.
2. The United Nations
3. Non-Governmental Organizations in
world politics
E. After reading this unit, you will be able to: E. International Issues
7. Human security
8. Human rights
LESSON 1
OBJECTIVES
1. Determine how globalization and global politics shapes the lives of the people,
individually and collectively.
READINGS
CONTENT
Globalization denotes a tendency towards the growing extensity, intensity, velocity, and
deepening impact of worldwide interconnectedness.
Globalization is associated with a shift in the scale of social organization; the emergence
of the world as a shared social space; the relative deterritorialization of social, economic, and
political activity; and the relative denationalization of power.
Economic globalization may be at risk as a result of the GFC, but the contemporary phase
of globalization has proved more resilient than the sceptics recognize.
Patterns of economic globalization and cultural globalization are neither identical nor
simply reducible to one another.
Globalization requires a conceptual shift in thinking about world politics, from a principally
state-centric perspective to the perspective of geocentric or global politics—the politics of
worldwide social relations.
Global politics is best described as divided global politics, because it is imbued with
significant power asymmetries.
SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS
4. What do you think are the reasons for the unequal effects of globalization on different
parts of the world and among different social groups?
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LESSON 2
OBJECTIVES
1. Describe the parallel streams of globalization which are reflected in its historical
background.
READINGS
CONTENT
More recently, scholars have viewed the emergence of modern international order as
the product of the last two centuries, as this is when various regional systems were forged into
a deeply interdependent, global international order.
After 1800, there was a ‘great divergence’ between some Western states and much of
the rest of the world.
There were three main sources of the ‘great divergence’: industrialization, the ‘rational’
state, and imperialism.
These dynamics were deeply intertwined with international processes, most notably
industrialization with de-industrialization, and rational states with imperialism.
A major consequence of the global transformation was the ‘shrinking of the planet’ via
steamships, railways, and the telegraph.
The modern international order that emerged during the nineteenth century was
profoundly unequal. The sources of this inequality included racism and economic exploitation.
Debates about the origins of the First World War focus on whether responsibility
should rest with the German government or whether it originated from more complex factors.
The Paris peace settlement in 1919 failed to address central problems of European
security, and in restructuring the European state system created new sources of grievance and
instability. Principles of self-determination, espoused in particular by Woodrow Wilson, did not
extend to European powers’ colonial empires.
The rise of Hitler posed challenges that European political leaders lacked the ability
and will to meet, culminating in the outbreak of the Second World War.
The German attack on the Soviet Union extended the war from short and limited
campaigns to extended, large-scale, and barbaric confrontation, fought for total victory.
The Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor brought America into the war in Europe and
eventually forced Germany into war on two fronts (again).
Debate persists about whether the atomic bomb should have been used in 1945.
Different European powers had divergent attitudes to decolonization after 1945: some
sought to preserve their empires, in part (the French) or whole (the Portuguese).
Independence and national liberation became embroiled in cold war conflicts when the
superpowers and/or their allies became involved, for example in Vietnam. Whether
decolonization was judged successful depends, in part, on whose perspective one adopts—
that of the European power, the independence movement, or the people themselves.
Disagreements remain about when and why the cold war began, and who was
responsible.
Distinct phases can be seen in East–West relations, during which tension and the risk
of direct confrontation grew and receded.
Some civil and regional wars were intensified and prolonged by superpower
involvement; others may have been prevented or shortened.
To what extent the arms race had a momentum of its own is a matter of debate.
Agreements on limiting and controlling the growth of nuclear arsenals played an important role
in Soviet–American (and East–West) relations.
The end of the cold war has not resulted in the abolition of nuclear weapons.
Various international crises occurred in which there was the risk of nuclear war. How
close we came to nuclear war at these times remains open to speculation and debate.
The end of the cold war increased the USA’s weight in the international system.
By 2000, the popular view was that the USA was more ‘hyperpower’ than
‘superpower’.
Under President Clinton there was a great focus on economic issues as a central part
of US foreign policy.
President Clinton was attacked by his conservative critics for having no grand
strategy.
The break-up of the USSR inevitably unleashed problems which proved difficult to
solve.
Economic reforms in the 1990s created a new class of super-rich Russians but
exacerbated Russia’s overall economic decline.
Vladimir Putin has attempted to reverse what he saw as Russia’s decline in the 1990s.
It is misleading to talk of a ‘new cold war’ between the West and Russia.
In spite of the break-up of former Yugoslavia, Europe benefited from the end of the
cold war.
Europe may not possess much collective military power, but it does retain important
soft power.
The crisis in modern Europe is the most serious it has faced since 1945.
The cold war in Asia was in fact very ‘hot’—marked by revolutions, wars, and
insurgencies.
Asia has experienced relative peace and great prosperity since the end of the cold
war.
China’s economic rise has been the key change in Asia since 1989.
The Third World was a political project that aimed to create ‘real’ independence from
the West.
In the new South, resentments against the more powerful West remain.
Arab Spring has led to instabilities that now threaten the Middle East and the West.
The Syrian crisis has so far turned out be costly and almost impossible to resolve.
Barack Obama was elected in 2008 in large part because of the 2008 financial crisis.
His foreign policy aimed to restore US standing in the world while drawing US troops
home from Iraq and Afghanistan.
Obama’s view was that the US had to adjust its policies to take account of new
economic realities—most notably in Asia.
During the 1990s there was near universal agreement that the global system was led
by the power of the United States and its allies and by the institutions that it dominated.
From the perspective of the emerging powers, the US order involved a powerful move
to change many of the existing rules, norms, and practices of global politics. Seen from the
global South, the United States has rarely been a status quo power but has often sought to
mould the system in its own image. After the end of the cold war it was in many ways a
strongly revisionist power: in the 1990s, in terms of pressing for new norms on intervention, for
the opening of markets, and for the embedding of particular sets of what it saw as liberal
values within international institutions; in the early years of the twenty-first century, in terms of
its attempt to recast norms on regime change, on the use of force, and on the conditionality of
sovereignty more generally.
The states of the global South did not face the United States within a stable notion of
‘Westphalian order’. In their view, the dominant Western states were insisting that many of the
most important norms of the system ought to change, above all in ways that threatened
greater interventionism and sought to mould the ways in which societies were to be ordered
domestically. But, at the same time, it seemed to many that there was little alternative but to
accommodate Western power.
There was widespread consensus that challenges to the US-led order would result
from ‘blowback’ or ‘backlashes’ against US and Western power and would be focused around
anti-hegemonic social movements or radical states.
In the first decade of the century, countries such as Brazil, Russia, India, China, South
Africa, the ASEAN states, and Mexico experienced significant economic development.
Many believed that the continuation of this trend would lead in the longer term to an
alteration in the economic balance in favor of the dynamic emerging markets.
With this greater economic share of the world market, emerging countries felt that they
deserved a greater political say in the international community as well. The financial crisis that
began in 2007 seemed to underscore the shift in relative economic weight and made this call
for a seat at the top negotiating tables stronger and more urgent.
Although Southern diplomatic and institutional activism has continued, doubts have
grown about the economic and developmental foundations on which this assumed new role of
rising powers has been built.
Realists believe that power is the common currency of international relations. But for
many analysts there can be no generally accepted definition or understanding of power in
International Relations.
For both liberals and constructivists, power is always connected with actors’ values,
purposes, and identities.
Power is very rarely understood in terms of the resources that a single actor
possesses. It is a relational concept and usually best understood in a given social context.
For mainstream realist and neorealist writers, rising powers matter because their
growing material power disrupts the balance of power. There is great debate about exactly
how changes in material power cause conflict, but widespread agreement that power shifts are
associated with conflict and that this will continue. Hence many neorealists predict that conflict
between the US and China is inevitable.
These materially-based approaches to rising powers and global order remain highly
influential. But they do not tell enough about the potential pathways that might lead to the
emergence of major power competition. What remains unexplained is precisely how an
international system might move across a spectrum from the general diffusion of power, to a
situation of multipolarity, to a system in which the foreign policies of the major states are driven
by balance of power politics and logics. Such systems do not suddenly appear out of nowhere.
For international society theorists, power hierarchies are not simply about material
power. Great Powers constituted a particular social category. Being a Great Power (as
opposed to a great power) is of course related to material power but also to notions of
legitimacy and authority. A state can claim Great Power status, but membership in the club of
Great Powers is a social category that depends on recognition by others—by its peers in the
club, and also by smaller and weaker states willing to accept the legitimacy and authority of
those at the top of the international hierarchy. The stability of power transitions will be crucially
affected by the accommodation of rising powers.
SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS
5. What are the explanations for the end of the cold war?
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6. What is/are the difference/s between soft power and hard power?
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LESSON 3
OBJECTIVES
1. Describe Public Administration at present; and figured out how should we now define
Public Administration in a borderless, globalizing world.
READINGS
CONTENT
War is organized violence among political entities, including both states and non-state
actors.
Many kinds of groups can wage war, but in order to do so they have to ‘organize
violence’ or create an armed force.
A ‘war and society’ approach to the study of war looks at how war has shaped society
and at how society has shaped war.
Strategy is a plan to make the war serve a political purpose, while tactics are the
techniques that armed forces use to win battles.
A civil war is a war fought inside a sovereign state, but which in practice may involve
many different international actors.
Wars connect the combatant societies; through war, the parties to the conflict shape
one another.
Wars can shape world politics as a whole and have long-lasting consequences.
Clausewitz developed two trinities to describe the nature of war: a primary one
consisting of passion, chance and reason, and a second one consisting of political leadership,
armed forces, and the people.
Clausewitz divided war into two types: limited war fought for a purpose less than
political existence, and total war in which existence was at stake.
Clausewitz made a distinction between ‘real war’, or war as it actually happens, and
‘true war’, the inherent tendency of war to escalate.
War for Clausewitz is a continuation of politics between the combatant societies with
the addition of other— violent—means.
Political purposes can both limit and fuel the violence of war.
Armed force is an important basis for political power, and the types of military
technology available shape politics.
Nationalism and war had a symbiotic relationship: nationalism motivated many people
to go to war, while war increased national feeling.
Since Western states were both sovereign states and empires, their wars had both
international and global dimensions.
Empires were concerned with internal security and used armies and security forces
raised from colonized populations.
Great powers used military assistance to intervene in the global South after
decolonization.
War and society in the global South and North have become interconnected in new
ways in the war on terror.
Differing arguments exist about the tension between national and international
security.
Different views have also emerged about the significance of globalization for the future
of international security.
Some writers see the ‘security dilemma’ as the essential source of conflict among
states.
In contrast, contemporary politicians and academics who write under the label of
liberal institutionalism or neoliberalism see institutions as an important mechanism for
achieving international security.
Constructivist thinkers base their ideas on two main assumptions: (1) that the
fundamental structures of international politics are socially constructed; and (2) that changing
the way we think about international relations can help to bring about greater international
security.
Some constructivist thinkers accept many of the assumptions of neorealism, but they
reject the view that ‘structure’ consists only of material capabilities. They stress the importance
of social structures, defined in terms of shared knowledge and identities as well as material
capabilities.
Critical security theorists contend that most approaches put too much emphasis on the
state.
Feminist writers argue that gender tends to be left out of the literature on international
security, despite the fact that war impacts men and women differently.
Poststructuralist writers believe that the nature of international politics can be changed
by altering the way we think and talk about security.
International Political Economy (IPE) is an extremely rich and diverse field, which
builds on theoretical perspectives drawn from IR, political economy, and political science, as
well as insights from other disciplines.
Approaches to IPE are all concerned with the interplay of material capabilities,
institutions, and ideas in the global political economy.
However, they understand the nature of these three elements in diverse ways, and
theorize their relationships differently.
Globalization is not new, but rather is a process that has proceeded through many
phases since the sixteenth century.
IPE is concerned with the distribution of power and material resources in the global
political economy, and lively debates center on who wins and who loses from globalization.
Labor exploitation underpins the generation of wealth and profits in the global political
economy.
Migration has become truly ‘global’ in its scope, associated with the movement of
highly paid professionals at one end of the spectrum, and low-paid, low-skill workers at the
other.
Gender is a social construct. It is not the same as biological sex, against which it is
often contrasted. Gender refers to the social codes that express ideals of masculinity and
femininity.
Just because gender is constructed does not mean it is imaginary. It has the force of a
fact because we behave as if it is a fact. So gender also includes the practices and behaviors
that express and enforce social codes.
Gender is a structure of power because gender norms and gendered behaviors are
means by which some people receive benefits, while others suffer harms.
Gender does not exist in isolation. It intersects with other forms of power in complex
ways.
Gender studies is not the same as feminism, although they are closely related
historically and conceptually.
Gender is relational. The meanings of masculinity and femininity are not fixed but
established in interaction and contrast with each other.
Gender is multiple. It means more than ‘male’ or ‘female’; there are always various
possible ways of being masculine or feminine, depending on the gender order in place.
Gender changes over time, at least in part due to political struggles over what it does
and should mean.
Gendered rules also shape basic elements of international politics, such as border
crossing.
Gender norms affect who can use violence and who it is used against. These norms
make persons into soldiers and civilians and can distort the reality of who is most at risk.
Gender structures economic behavior, and gender ideologies support a sexual division
of labor in which women’s work tends to be lower-paid and more precarious.
The gendered character of the economy is about more than waged labor; it also
includes hidden kinds of work in the ‘reproductive economy’.
Flows of reproductive and care labor are a major element of the global economy
today.
The making of the Atlantic world was crucial to the emergence of the West as the
dominant regional force in world politics. And race was fundamental to this endeavor. Similarly
race was fundamental to the subsequent expansion of European empires across the globe.
Race orders world politics by adjudicating which groups have competencies to be fully
human. This adjudication relies upon two calculi: the cultural calculus of race and the biological
calculus of race. Each calculus determines the hierarchies and exclusions among peoples. Yet
it is just as important to note that both calculi render the ‘darker races’ threats to the civilized
race of white Europeans. And it is also important to note that each calculus took on new forms
over the course of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
Even if race has been used to categorize and subjugate peoples, these same peoples
have utilized racial ascriptions to resist their subjugation. While this dual usage of race might
appear paradoxical, it is important to keep in mind that race is not something that simply
happens to peoples considered ‘lesser races’. Rather, these peoples have always been
actively involved in contesting the ordering principles of race, especially its hierarchies and
exclusions that determine who is competently human.
There are no ‘race genes’: race is not natural but rather socially constructed. Race
might even be mutable for at least some people, some of the time. Nonetheless, the effects of
racialization are no less real for being constructed; indeed, they can be deadly.
The modern concept of culture and its associated logics of ethnic categorization are
inescapably entangled with the production and practice of race. The contemporary critique of
‘new racism’ speaks to this crucial issue.
Through the critique of ‘white privilege’ it is possible to understand how a white person
might be anti-racist in principle yet still reproduce—and even benefit from—the hierarchical
and exclusionary ordering principle of race. White supremacy is a structural condition, not an
individual prejudice.
Thus, while explicitly ‘racist’ discourse and practice might nowadays be rare in world
politics, race remains a key ordering principle.
The cultural calculus of race remains influential in world politics in so far as it provides
the core premises informing ‘new racism’. Practices of racialization now tend to proceed
mainly through cultural rather than biological referents.
For Western states, the premises of ‘new racism’ have helped to frame foreign policy
concerns over the GWOT as well as domestic concerns over multiculturalism and immigration.
The violence, dispossessions, and injustices through which the Atlantic world was
formed have enduring legacies in world politics. They constitute a living past through which
claims on global justice are made.
International law
States have strong incentives to free themselves from the insecurities of international
anarchy.
Of existing fundamental institutions, international law is one of the most important for
understanding cooperation and order among states.
Before the French Revolution, in the ‘Age of Absolutism’, law was understood
principally as the command of a legitimate superior, and international law was seen as the
command of God, derived from natural law. In the modern period, law has come to be seen as
something contracted among legal subjects or their representatives, and international law has
been viewed as the expression of the mutual will of nations.
Because of its historical roots, the modern institution of international law has a number
of distinctive characteristics, informed largely by the values of political liberalism.
The most distinctive characteristics of the modern institution of international law are its
multilateral form of legislation, its consent-based form of legal obligation, its language and
practice of justification, and its discourse of institutional autonomy.
The quest for global governance is pushing international law into new areas, raising
questions about whether international law is transforming into a form of supranational law.
Individuals, and to some extent collectivities, are gradually acquiring rights and
responsibilities under international law, establishing their status as both subjects and agents
under international law.
International law is increasingly affecting domestic legal regimes and practices, and
the rules of the international legal system are no longer confined to issues of order. As
international humanitarian law evolves, issues of global justice are permeating the international
legal order.
Placing limits on the legitimate use of force is one of the key challenges of the
international community, and the laws of war have evolved to meet this challenge.
The laws of war have traditionally been divided into those governing when the use of
force is legitimate, jus ad bellum, and how war may be conducted, jus in bello.
Laws governing when war is legally permitted have changed dramatically over the
history of the international system, the most notable difference being between the nineteenth-
century view that to wage war was a sovereign right and the post-1945 view that war was
justified only in self-defense or as part of a UN-mandated international peace enforcement
action.
Laws governing how war may be conducted divide, broadly, into three categories:
those governing weaponry, combatants, and non-combatants.
Since 2001 both jus ad bellum and jus in bello have come under challenge, as
successive US administrations have pushed the limits of international law in their conduct of
the war on terror, transnational insurgents have openly flaunted established legal principles,
and Russia has undermined the territorial integrity of neighboring states.
Realists argue that international law is only important when it serves the interests of
powerful states.
Constructivists treat international law as part of the normative structures that condition
state and non-state agency in international relations. They emphasize the way in which law,
like other social norms, constitutes actors’ identities, interests, and strategies.
New liberals emphasize the domestic origins of state preferences and, in turn,
international law. In international law, they stress the need to disaggregate the state to
understand transnational legal integration and interaction, and they prioritize international
humanitarian law.
Critical legal studies concentrates on the way in which the inherent liberalism of
international law seriously curtails its radical potential.
Practice theorists challenge claims that legal obligation derives from coercion,
consent, or legitimacy, claiming instead that it is a product of participating in the practice of
international law.
SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS
3. What is your take on the statement: "War made the state, and the state made war."
by the historical sociologist, Charles Tilly?
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10. With regards to gender in world politics, what do you think are the impacts of
globalization to women.
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14. What are the distinctive characteristics of the modern institution of international law?
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LESSON 4
OBJECTIVES
READINGS
CONTENT
IOs were first created by European states to smooth their inter-state relations across a
range of new activities resulting from industrial revolutions and technological breakthroughs.
The basis for IOs emerged with multilateral fora such as the Concert of Europe and
the Hague System in the nineteenth century.
States increasingly turned to multilateralism and then formal IOs after the First World
War to prevent international conflict.
Formal treaty-based IOs continue to be established, but these are now outstripped by
emanation IOs that work on increasingly specialized issues.
IOs are important because they survive and have endured in the international system.
They increasingly affect the lives of individuals everywhere by shaping the distribution
of power and making policies that were previously left to states.
IOs can help states create global public goods by being forums for international
cooperation and then helping enact and enforce the provision of those goods.
Classical liberal theories advanced the idea that IOs can contribute to individual
prosperity and peace. Neofunctionalist liberals examined the European experiment to predict
the likelihood of increased integration among states leading to a world government, while
neoliberal institutionalists argued that states can use IOs as a means of international
cooperation that benefits all states.
Realists view IOs as tools for states to achieve their interests. Neorealism argues that
IOs have no independent effect on world politics. Neorealists see cooperation occurring when
states perceive their own gains to be greater than the gains going to the states they are
cooperating with, and they believe that states controlling IOs can lock in rules that others must
follow.
Social constructivists demonstrated that IOs can be autonomous and shape world
politics by framing issues, setting international agendas, and classifying states’ behavior. IOs
thus help shape what is possible and socially accepted at the international level.
Marxist and Gramscian approaches examine how IOs extend capitalism globally
through their programs and policies in order to reinforce the power of capitalist states and
elites. They seek to demonstrate how consensus is constructed over the global capitalist
system through the operations of IOs.
The P–A model examines when IOs are likely to be slack or engage in slippage, for
example when member states cannot agree on a concerted agenda for IOs to enact.
Social constructivists have challenged the P–A model’s assumption that IOs will use
their autonomy to advance their own power, autonomy, and resources.
Social constructivism looks at how organizational culture shapes whether new ideas
are promoted, accepted, or rejected by IOs.
The United Nations was established to preserve peace among states after the
Second World War.
In a number of ways, the institutions of the United Nations reflected lessons learned
from its predecessor, the League of Nations.
The institutions and mechanisms of the United Nations reflect both the demands of
great power politics (i.e. Security Council veto) and universalism. They also reflect demands to
address the needs and interests of people, as well as the needs and interests of states. The
tensions between these various demands are a key feature of UN development.
The cold war and the decolonization process discouraged more active involvement
by the United Nations within states.
The United Nations does not have a monopoly on peace operations. While the
UN often provides legitimation, operations are sometimes conducted by regional
organizations, ad hoc coalitions, or hybrid arrangements involving UN and non-UN actors,
such as the African Union.
The cold war and the North–South divide led to differences in opinions over how
best to address economic and social development.
The number of institutions in the UN system that address economic and social
issues has increased significantly. Several Programs and Funds have been created in
response to global conferences.
Reform of the economic and social arrangements of the UN in the late 1990s
aimed at improving coordination and clarifying spheres of responsibility.
TNGOs are in theory voluntary organizations aspiring to work for the common good.
Nevertheless, these organizations vary greatly with respect to their mandates (general vs.
issuespecific; religious vs. secular); their functions (delivery vs. advocacy); their size; and the
relationships they maintain with other actors.
TNGOs differ from states insofar as they are representatives of civil society and do not
possess an international legal personality. Their relationships with states range from strict
independence to dependence as a result of the funding they receive or the services they
perform for governments.
Most TNGOs, in contrast to TNCs, are non-profit. However, TNGOs have recently
begun exhibiting trends generally associated with corporations, such as professionalization or
commercialization. Apart from opposition, their strategies with respect to TNCs increasingly
also include cooperation in the form of participation in MSDs or PPPs.
While frequently emerging from and being part of TSMOs, TNGOs have more formal
structures compared to these rather amorphous networks. Together with other NGOs, states,
IGOs, or TNCs, they often participate in TANs to amplify their own strength as well as the
effects of their campaigns.
While the study of TNGOs in IR has been hampered by realism, whose proponents
perceive non-state actors and their actions as inconsequential, the growing influence of liberal
approaches followed by the constructivist and governance turns have all contributed to
heightened interest in these organizations.
Depending on their rules and practices, IGOs provide more or less favourable
opportunity structures through which TNGOs may gain access to policy-making processes.
However, access is far from even; it differs across IGOs, policy fields, the policy cycle, and
across TNGOs, and does not guarantee influence.
TNGOs possess issue-specific expertise and moral authority through which they can
engage in information and symbolic politics; they also exert material as well as moral leverage
in efforts to hold states or TNCs accountable.
Regional cooperation is not an isolated, but rather a global phenomenon, though with
a high degree of diversity regarding the drivers, modes, and outcomes of such cooperation.
Some regional integration processes are more state-led, while others are more
market-led.
Regionalism in the Americas has developed at multiple levels, with some tension
between Inter-Americanism and Latin American integration reflecting mixed attitudes towards
the role of the United States.
Asian regionalism has been shaped by security concerns as well as market forces, but
it has also been limited by rivalries between Asian powers, and it is now being cut across by
trans- continental agreements respectively led by the United States and China.
The dissolution of the Soviet Union led to new regional arrangements in Eurasia as
post- Soviet states evolved in zones of competing influence between Russia and the EU, or
between Russia and China.
The process of integration in post-war Europe was launched in the context of long
debates about the creation of a federal system, but ultimately the choice was made in favour
of a gradual path towards an ‘ever closer union’.
Over time, more politically sensitive areas, such as monetary policy and internal and
external security, have also become the domain of the European Union.
Successive reforms of the EU treaties have sought to maintain and enhance the
legitimacy and efficiency of a Union that has grown to 28 member states, the latest being the
coming into force of the Lisbon Treaty at the end of 2009.
Since 2009, the EU has confronted a number of existential crises that have challenged
the viability of existing institutional arrangements and raised questions about the limited
popular support for further integration.
SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS
7. How did the UN become involved in maintaining peace and security in the mid-
1990s?
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12. What are the problems with the state-centric approach to IR?
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13. Do you agree that the concepts of "nation" and "state" are the same? Explain your
answer.
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LESSON 5
International Issues
OBJECTIVES
1. Describe and analyze how international issues shapes globalization and affects the
lives of the people, individually and collectively.
READINGS
CONTENT
Environmental Issues
In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, international environmental politics
was strictly limited, but from around 1960 its scope expanded as environmental problems
acquired a transnational and then a global dimension.
The process was reflected in and stimulated by the three great UN conferences of
1972, 1992, and 2002.
The most important role of these UN conferences was to make the connection
between the international environmental and development agendas, as expressed in the
important concept of sustainable development.
Climate change, because of its all-embracing nature and its roots in essential human
activities, poses an enormous challenge for international cooperation.
A limited start was made with the Kyoto regime, but this was later undermined by the
withdrawal of the US and other major emitters.
The 2015 Paris Agreement involved ‘bottom up’ national contributions by all parties,
stressing the importance of adaptation and additional funding for developing countries. Its
success will depend on the ratcheting up of ambition and the level of national efforts.
The environment has been a growth area for IR scholars interested in identifying the
conditions under which effective international cooperation can emerge.
IR scholars are also interested in the extent to which the environment in general and
particular environmental problems are now being seen as security issues in academic,
political, and popular discourse.
The majority of transnational terrorist attacks from 1979 onwards targeted Western
citizens and symbols.
Cultural, economic, and religious factors provide necessary explanations for globalized
terrorist violence, but they are insufficient individually.
’New’ terrorism uses religion as a motivator and to provide the justification for killing
non- combatants.
The ultimate purpose for modern violent Islamic extremism is obtaining political power
in order to conduct widescale reform according to Sharia law.
Elements of globalization that permit the rapid exchange of ideas and goods are also
exploited by terrorist groups.
The internet and social media allow terrorists to reach and influence audiences
instantaneously and recruit new followers.
Globalization may allow some terrorist groups to acquire, manufacture, and use
weapons of mass of destruction to conduct catastrophic attacks in the future.
States should utilize their advantages against terrorists individually and collectively.
Differences among states regarding the threat of terrorism, and how best to respond to
it, reflect subjective characterizations based on national biases and experiences.
The technology that underlies nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons has spread
rapidly since 1945. Chemical and biological weapons production are particularly difficult to
monitor and detect.
The growth of nuclear energy and the spread of dual-use technology have raised
concerns that non-state actors could acquire nuclear or radiological material.
Nuclear opacity and latent nuclear capacity raise questions about how to define
nuclear proliferation. Latent capacity is also an issue for chemical and biological weapons.
States acquire nuclear weapons for different reasons. They also choose policies of
nuclear restraint, nuclear reversal, and providing nuclear assistance to other countries.
Strategic factors, culture and ideology, political economy, domestic politics, and leader
psychology may all influence these decisions.
There is a debate about whether the spread of nuclear weapons will lead to more
stability and less conflict, or more accidents, instability, and conflict.
The effect of nuclear weapons on conflict varies over time, and from country to
country.
Non-proliferation efforts address both horizontal and vertical proliferation, and can
focus either on disarmament or on limiting the size and use of WMD stockpiles.
The NPT is seen as a bargain between nuclear weapons states and non-nuclear
weapons states.
However, critics complain that the NPT is not universal, is unfair, and is difficult to
monitor and enforce.
Since the end of the cold war, the international community has also used counter-
proliferation approaches to disrupt the pursuit of nuclear weapons, nuclear smuggling, and the
risk of nuclear terrorism. These approaches have included UNSC Resolution 1540, the
Proliferation Security Initiative, and the Nuclear Security Summit.
The political ideology of the leading states matters most because others respond to
their power and ideologies. In a first phase, Britain and France set the tone for nationalist
developments elsewhere, but by 1900 German and Japanese models also became important,
and after 1918, and especially after 1945, US and Soviet models mattered most.
A combination of imitation and challenge, conflict among the major powers, and
nationalist assertion in the peripheries produced a world order of nation-states and turned
nationalism into the dominant political idea.
The cold war era stabilized the new world order, which became one of nation-states
with the break-up of European overseas empires.
The collapse of the Soviet Union and the crises in Western capitalism have been
accompanied by the rise of nationalist movements in Europe: ‘civic’ separatism (Scotland,
Catalonia) and ‘ethnic’ state-supporting nationalism (UK Independence Party, Front National).
Beyond Europe, state breakdown occasionally stimulates nationalism (Kurds) but usually is so
fundamental as to undermine any kind of nationalism, while non-nationalist movements are
often more prominent (Iraq, Syria).
The sacrosanct principle of state sovereignty was weakened by the end of the cold
war, new nation-state formation, and new economic and cultural forms of globalization.
However, international recognition for new states as civic, territorial entities, along with
new forms of intervention, put pressure on nationalism to move away from this ethnic and
state- opposing character.
However, perhaps more important is the shift of nationalism away from a state focus
towards concerns with devolution, cultural recognition, and transnational linkages.
There are more flows of trade and finance both in and around the world economy
today than at any previous time.
Analytical care should be taken about the precise senses in which trade and finance
are labelled ‘global’.
The increase in world trade since 1970 is dramatic, although it might be that the
process of regional economic integration accounts for those changes more readily than the
process of genuine global economic integration.
Trading on financial markets only very rarely involves money physically changing
hands, but the volumes of ‘paper’ financial trading are now eye-poppingly large.
The move to disband the GATT in favour of the law-making WTO system was an
attempt to create more straightforward negotiations for global free trade by eliminating
potential veto points.
The WTO system operates asymmetrically to the advantage of its most powerful
members.
Developing countries’ decisions about whether to become members of the WTO are
often influenced heavily by the political pressures placed upon them to demonstrate their
commitment to the existing global economic order.
If the US and the EU do manage to introduce the Transatlantic Trade and Investment
Partnership (TTIP), this will be a leap into the unknown for the existing WTO system.
There is much more ‘money’ in the world today than goods to spend it on: the dollar
value of total domestic financial assets is around four times higher than world GDP.
Under the Bretton Woods system of the immediate post-Second World War era,
finance was stripped of its global mobility and generally boxed in by political decree so that it
would serve the interests of stable global trade relations.
The institutionalized power of global finance has led to a regressive redistribution from
the 1970s in which the global rich have become significantly richer and the global poor have
been increasingly left behind.
There are now many activist groups, of which Occupy is just one, challenging the
influence of the global financial elites.
The $1.25 poverty line includes people who do not have sufficient income to satisfy
their basic material needs in the marketplace, leaving out non-material poverty.
Developed countries see poverty as an issue that affects and defines the less
developed: integration into the global economy is the solution to poverty
Under conditions of economic globalization, poverty is found in both the wealthy North
and the less developed South.
In recent decades global food production has burgeoned, but, paradoxically, hunger
and malnutrition remain widespread.
The orthodox explanation for the continued existence of hunger is that population
growth outstrips food production.
Development policies since the mid-twentieth century have been dominated by the
mainstream approach— embedded liberalism and, more recently, neoliberalism.
The last two decades of the twentieth century saw some movement towards
alternative conceptions of development—emphasizing participation, empowerment, and
sustainability—with NGOs, grassroots movements, and some UN organizations taking the
lead.
Whether the mainstream approach’s attempt to incorporate some of the language and
ideas developed by the alternative approach will actually bring real change is questionable.
Human security
In its broader sense, human security is distinguished by three elements: (1) its focus
on the individual/people as the referent object of security; (2) its multidimensional nature; (3)
its universal or global scope, applying to states and societies of both the North and the South.
The concept of human security has been influenced by the rejection of economic
growth as the main indicator of development and by the accompanying notion of ‘human
development’ as empowerment of people.
It also reflects the rising incidence of internal conflicts and civil wars and the impact of
globalization in spreading transnational challenges such as environmental degradation,
pandemics, forced migration, and the post-cold war emphasis on human rights and
humanitarian intervention.
The concept of human security offers a powerful example of how concepts and
approaches developed from non-Western contexts and by non-Western scholars can have
significant global impact and enrich the theory and practice of international relations,
development, and security, laying the basis for a Global International Relations (Global IR).
The concept of human security has been criticized: (1) for being too broad; (2) for
creating false expectations about assistance to victims of violence which the international
community cannot deliver; and (3) for ignoring the role of the state in providing security to the
people.
The former stresses protecting people from violent conflicts through measures such as
a ban on landmines and child soldiers.
For the latter, human security is a broader notion involving the reduction of threats to
the well-being of people, such as poverty and disease.
Ultimately, however, both sides agree that human security is about security of people
rather than just of states, and that protecting people requires going beyond traditional
principles of state sovereignty.
Although there was a noticeable decline in the number of armed conflicts and battle
deaths caused by conflicts during the 1990s until about 2003, these numbers have increased
since then.
In considering these mixed trends, one should take into account conflict mitigating
factors, such as economic interdependence, and the growing role of international institutions
and the international community in peace operations.
Women feature in armed conflicts both as victims and actors (in combat and support
roles). Rape and other forms of sexual violence against them are increasingly an instrument of
war, and are now recognized as crimes against humanity. The international community is
seeking ways to increase the participation of women in UN peace operations and conflict-
resolution functions.
Among the most important multilateral actions to date to promote human security
include the International Criminal Court and the Anti-Personnel Landmines Treaty.
UN agencies such as the UNHCR, UNICEF, and UNIFEM have been crucial in
addressing human security issues such as the plight of refugees and the rights of children.
The 9/11 attacks and the flow of migrants and refugees to Europe from the Middle
East and Africa have revived the traditional state-centric approach to national security at the
expense of civil liberties and human security.
Human rights
This extensive body of almost universally endorsed international human rights law is
the most important contribution of the global human rights regime. These norms, independent
of any supervisory mechanisms, help to empower human rights advocates and to constrain
government action.
Strong multilateral procedures are a consequence, not a cause, of good human rights
practices.
In the mid-1970s, human rights began to emerge from its cold war slumber as an
active concern of national foreign policies.
With the end of the cold war, more and more countries developed increasingly robust
international human rights policies.
The post-9/11 world has seen some prominent setbacks in human rights
internationally. In general, however, the progress of the 1980s and 1990s has been sustained.
States often have more resources to bring to bear than multilateral actors. They can
also act unilaterally, without the need to secure a wide-ranging consensus.
States, however, are more constrained by competing national interests and much
more likely to use human rights for narrow partisan purposes.
NGOs, operating both nationally and transnationally, are the third major type of actor
in the international politics of human rights.
Lacking the material power resources of states, NGOs are nonetheless able to
mobilize the political energies of civil society and engage in monitoring as well as lobbying
practices such as ‘naming and shaming’.
By acting with a single-minded focus on human rights, NGOs can achieve results well
beyond what one might expect from their modest material resources.
Especially effective are concerted efforts by local civil society actors, transnational
NGOs, states, and international organizations to pressure states both from inside and outside,
in a variety of venues.
Human rights show that the classical realist separation of morality from foreign policy
is a problematic prescription rather than the result of reasoned reflection on the nature of
international relations.
These constructions, like all social constructions, reflect a particular perspective that
privileges certain interests and values over others—although in this case, that perspective
comes as much from ‘below’ as ‘above’ and, despite its Western origins, has truly global
resonance and near universal endorsement.
Many lawyers contend that the counter-restrictionist position rests on flawed and
overly liberal interpretations of the charter and customary law.
The claims for a moral duty of humanitarian intervention stem from the basic
proposition that all individuals are entitled to a minimum level of protection from harm by virtue
of their common humanity.
Debate exists about which human rights are ‘fundamental’ and who may decide when
their violation is sufficient to justify armed intervention.
States are often unwilling to place their citizens in harm’s way in order to protect
foreigners.
The legality and legitimacy of humanitarian intervention remain hotly contested, but a
norm of intervention authorized by the Security Council emerged in the 1990s.
The ‘responsibility to protect’ switches the focus from a debate about sovereignty
versus human rights to a discussion about how best to protect endangered people.
The use of force for protection purposes continues to be highly controversial, as the
2011 intervention in Libya shows. ‘Responsibility while protecting’ was a concept introduced to
bridge the divides on this issue.
SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS
7. What are the factors that lead to the birth of transnational terrorism?
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8. Explain how video recordings became useful to terrorist groups to recruit members.
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9. Cite some complications in the search for terrorists and terrorist cells.
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10. Do you agree that the Hollywood blockbuster films has provided inspiration for
terrorist attacks by bin Laden and Islamic Fundamentalists? Explain.
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11. What can terrorists hope for in order to be successful in the future?
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12. Why did the UN Commission introduce the concept of "weapon of mass destruction"
for Conventional Armaments in 1948?
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20. In your opinion, how can the world address the problem on poverty and hunger?
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APPENDICES
REFERENCE:
Owens, P., Baylis, J., & Smith S. (2017). The Globalization of World Politics: An Introduction
to International Relations (7th ed). England: Oxford University Press.