Harris 00 prelims 1/29/04 2:10 PM Page iii

CONTROL
AND SUBVERSION
Gender Relations in Tajikistan

COLETTE HARRIS

Pluto P Press
LONDON • STERLING, VIRGINIA
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Title: Control and Subversion: Gender Relations in Tajikistan
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Harris 00 prelims 1/29/04 2:10 PM Page iv

First published 2004

by PLUTO PRESS
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and 22883 Quicksilver Drive,
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Copyright © Colette Harris 2004

The right of Colette Harris to be identified as the author of this work

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A catalogue record for this book is available from
the British Library

ISBN 0 7453 2168 2 hardback

ISBN 0 7453 2167 4 paperback

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data

Harris, Colette, 1948–
Control and subversion : gender relations in Tajikistan / Colette Harris.
p. cm. –– (Anthropology, culture, and society)
Includes bibliographical references.
ISBN 0–7453–2168–2 –– ISBN 0–7453–2167–4 (Pbk.)
1. Women––Tajikistan––Social conditions. 2. Sex customs––Tajikistan.
3. Social control––Tajikistan. 4. Post-communism––Tajikistan.
5. Tajikistan––Social conditions––1991– I. Title. II. Series.

HQ1735.25.H37 2004
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Harris 00 prelims 1/29/04 2:10 PM Page vii

CONTENTS

Acknowledgements viii
Dramatis Personae xii

Introduction: The Research Setting and Methodology 1

1. Conceptual Background 12
2. The Bolsheviks Attack but the Tajiks Resist 42
3. Community Control 67
4. Intergenerational Family Control 92
5. The Individual Unmasked 114
6. The Couple Relationship: Love, Sex and Marriage 134
Conclusion: Control and Subversion 170

Technical Information and Terminology 177

Glossary 179
Notes 182
Bibliography 188
Index 196
Harris 01 intro 1/29/04 2:10 PM Page 12

1 CONCEPTUAL BACKGROUND

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

Power relations

Zora is from the town of Uroteppa in the north, while her husband, Fayziddin, is from
a village near Qurghonteppa in the south. They met and married at university and
afterwards stayed on in Dushanbe. They have two children, a daughter Dila, and a
son, Ali.
Although Fayziddin earned much less than Zora he considered himself the head of
the family and insisted everyone obey him, so that, despite the fact that his wife held a
taxing job, he always refused to help in the house. It was not his business to do ‘women’s’
work. On the contrary Zora must wait on him. If she protested he would beat her. Zora
was often very tired and could not cope with all the housework by herself. With only one
daughter to help her she found herself forced to co-opt her son into assisting her.
Fayziddin, however, was concerned with the effect this was having on his children’s
upbringing and especially on the family image. It made him very nervous to imagine
the neighbours’ comments. Therefore, whenever he came home and found Ali helping
his mother he would beat her and threaten to repeat this if he caught her encouraging
his son to behave in ‘womanly’ ways again. ‘Boys do not do housework’, Fayziddin told
Ali repeatedly, while also beating him for greater emphasis. Eventually Ali learned his
lesson, so that even in his father’s absence he would refuse to do any work in the home,
including taking out the refuse, ignoring his mother’s plaint that this was a man’s job.
Fayziddin never laid a finger on Dila because her upbringing was her mother’s respon-
sibility. He did, however, check how Zora was fulfilling this task. He was a strict father
and wanted his children to behave as he and his siblings had done in his native village.
Although they lived in Dushanbe, he would have preferred Dila to dress in traditional
clothes all the time, even at university. In Soviet times all students had to wear Russian
dress. Dila had been allowed to comply with this but by the time she started university
the Soviet Union had ended, and with it such rules. Fayziddin was determined his
daughter would wear ezor to cover her legs. Dila wanted to protest, but she could not
oppose her father directly. Instead she begged her mother to intercede for her.
Zora, herself raised in an urban culture, thought her husband was over-reacting and
that his attitude reflected his village upbringing. She told him that dressing like that
would make Dila a laughing stock. Reluctantly, Fayziddin agreed to allow Dila to wear
Russian clothes, but he kept strict reins on her throughout her student days.

12
Harris 01 intro 1/29/04 2:10 PM Page 13

Conceptual Background 13
When Ali started college he found himself unable to concentrate or work hard. As a
result his parents ended up paying for him to pass the exams he could not manage on
his own. He has now graduated but since he did not gain much in the way of skills he
cannot find a job, so he spends most of his time at home. Dila is also at home a lot and
the two of them bicker constantly. Their parents, however, demand total obedience from
the two of them, just as they did when they were little. Fayziddin no longer beats his
son, who is too strong, but he will brook no opposition from either child. Ali can sulk,
but, like his sister he does not dare answer his father back or refuse to obey him. He
knows that it would be a serious offence to confront him directly.
Dila and Ali are neither materially nor psychologically able to free themselves from
their parents. Ali, in particular, resents their authority over him but for the time being
he is unable to relinquish his dependence on them. Without their help he could not have
got through college and he is unlikely to obtain a job or be able to marry without their
intervention. Dila too knows she has no option but to accept parental authority until
such time as control over her is passed to her future husband and his family.

In the following chapters Zora, Fayziddin and their children, reappear,

along with many others. Meanwhile, this story provides a context for the
presentation of my theoretical framework, illustrating some dynamics
of Tajik family relationships and how these are affected by interaction
with the wider community.
As male head of the family, overall control is Fayziddin’s responsibil-
ity, while Zora’s task is to keep the household running. As Dila and Ali
grow up they are expected to assimilate the appropriate gendered
behaviour, at times coercively inculcated. The latters’ resentment of their
parents’ dominion over them is tempered by their material and psycho-
logical dependence. However, Fayziddin’s dominant stance does not
mean that he holds all the power within the family while the others
meekly assume positions of subordination. Even Dila, who as a young
woman holds a very low position, is able to exert a certain degree of
power. Moreover, it is notable that she behaves quite differently in front
of the different members of her family. With her father she is the most
submissive, living up to the prescribed behaviour for young girls.
However, she exhibits less docility with her mother, while behaving
anything but submissively with her younger brother. Thus, power
circulates between the members of this family and each person is able to
exert some degree of power over the others. Dila, for instance, can put
pressure on her father, but only through her mother, not directly.
Foucault’s theories on power (1980a, 1990) provide useful insights
into such dynamics. According to him, all social intercourse is shot
through with power relations (Foucault 1980a: 90). These are never one-
sided, rather a dominant power position is met with a corresponding
counter force, so that society functions by way of a multiplicity of points
of pressure and resistance (Foucault 1990: 94–6), just as described above.
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14 Control and Subversion

But the different family members exert power unequally. Dila cannot
use speech to articulate her opinions to her father, which indicates her
relative powerlessness, since the capacity to express oneself in words in
front of others is an important measure of one’s power position (Langton
1993: 314–15 in Butler 1997a: 86). Nevertheless, although she may
have been silenced verbally she can show her resentment at her father’s
injunctions by, for instance, refusing to eat or do housework. These are
strategies girls in Tajikistan traditionally use to articulate their feelings
when they are culturally constrained from doing so through speech
(Peshchereva 1976: 37).
In general, the ability to speak is not fixed but varies with circum-
stances. Almost everyone experiences both situations in which they are
socially permitted to talk and others in which they are silenced. Thus,
Dila may be silenced in front of her father but is able to scold her brother,
since although male he is also younger.
At the same time, Fayziddin and his family do not live in a social
vacuum. As head of the family he may be powerful at home but outside
it he is vulnerable to community pressures, which censure fathers whose
children do not conform. To avoid this he has to constrain his children.
Foucault (1980a) explains that power is something that circulates, that
it functions during everyday interactions at the level of the family, the
community, and other basic units of society, through strategies of
exclusion and surveillance he calls ‘micro-mechanisms of power’
(1980a: 96–102).
In my exploration of how these are used for the control of Tajik society
I start at the lowest level of social organisation with gender norms and,
following Foucault’s concept of ‘an ascending analysis of power’ (1980a:
99, emphasis in original), work upwards to show how social control in
Tajikistan is strongly organised around the dual entities of gender and age.

Gender norms

Gender is a much used term but one whose definition has never been
completely agreed upon. It is commonly used by feminists to indicate the
social construction of masculinity and femininity, as opposed to the
biological male/female sexed bodies. My usage takes this a stage further.
Starting from the ideas of Butler I define gender as: a culture-specific
ideal, varying over time, that males and females are supposed to live up
to in order to become intelligible to, and accepted members of, their own
communities. It is an ideal that remains tenuous because it is never fully
internalised, never quite lived up to (Butler 1995a: 31–2). The internal-
isation of gender ideals on its own is not sufficient. In order to become
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Conceptual Background 15
meaningful gender must be performed, not once but over and over
(Butler 1993: 95).
This means that gender must be acted out, that it is rendered
perceptible only through repeated patterns of behaviour, that Butler
terms performance (1993: x). Each social group has its own ideas of how
men and women should behave, and articulates its expectations
accordingly (Butler 1995b: 34). In fact, when people say that someone
is a ‘real man’ or a ‘real woman’ they essentially mean that his or her
behaviour lives up to their society’s expectations of gendered behaviour.
People do not, of course, mechanically follow behavioural prescrip-
tions (Butler 1997b: 16) but rather are constrained within a range of
norms that are slight variations on an underlying ideal that has been
inculcated into them from birth until it forms an integral part of their
psyche (Butler 1993: x). Moreover, the differing bodily experiences of
men and women are intrinsically related to the way they convey their
gender identities, including movements, gestures and styles, which
together produce the illusion of a permanently gendered being (Butler
1990: 140).1 In other words, when Dila behaves submissively towards
her father she is correctly expressing her gender identity as a young girl,
while Fayziddin considers Ali’s helping in the kitchen inappropriate
behaviour for a Tajik male, as it does not accord with the norms of
masculinity.
Such norms are established ‘through a stylized repetition of acts’ (Butler
1990: 140, emphasis in the original), sedimented into an effect of time-
lessness, generally called tradition. Reiteration gives such sedimentation
the appearance of something normal and natural and once this stage has
been reached it is only a small step before what seems natural acquires
regulatory force (Butler 1990: 140). The more often each norm is
reiterated, the more natural it appears and therefore the more important
it becomes not to contravene it, as this will appear almost like going
against nature. At that moment, maintaining such norms comes to seem
essential for human survival, which may account for the strength with
which communities cling to their traditions.
This appearance of timelessness is deceptive. What actually happens
is that variations continually insinuate themselves, only to be apparently
seamlessly resedimented and gradually accepted as tradition, as if no
change had taken place, although, looking back in time it is possible to
discern differences (Butler 1995b: 135).
The norms regulating Ali’s and Dila’s subordination are politically
formed expressions of Tajik social ideals. The behavioural patterns that
upon repetition form norms, are not a matter of arbitrary choice but are
directly related to a society’s hegemonic ideology (Gramsci 1971: 12),
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16 Control and Subversion

which, in effect, is ‘the dominant material relationships grasped as ideas’
(Marx 1846a: 64), so that changes in ideas are directly related to
material transformations (Marx 1846b: 3). This does not mean that only
the material counts, but rather that ideology and the material situation
are not isolated phenomena but effects of the same cultural processes.
Variations in gender norms are an inevitable concomitant of material
change but can also be used for deliberate subversion of the norms.
When gender norms are well established it may not be necessary to
articulate them. They may simply be taken for granted. It is only through
tension around some aspect of them that they enter public discourse. The
result is that they gain explicit definition, after which silent variation
becomes considerably more difficult. Since they have been publicly
defined everyone knows what they should be and their preservation may
become a weapon in power struggles (see Foucault 1990: 101–2).
Upholding the norms then becomes all the more vital since any change
can be exploited as a weakness in a society’s defences (Chapter 2).
Invaded and colonised by the culturally alien Russians, the Tajik
people were forced to defend their culture when their homeland was
incorporated into the Soviet Union, with the regime making a determined
and organised onslaught on its values (Chapter 2). Withstanding this
required an especially strong resistance, which took the form of
hardening social norms (Chapter 3). Confronted with the alien values of
the governing powers, the Tajik population could not afford to make
changes in their own norms that would appear to be an acceptance of
the conquerors’ ideology. Probably for this reason, in Tajikistan
behaviour that in other places might be considered modern is labelled
‘Russian’. It is notable that it was gender identities, particularly feminine
gender identities, that were central to the struggles around community
values (see Anthias and Yuval-Davis 1992: 113ff).2

Gender identity and the theories of Butler

The work of Butler has been invaluable in helping me conceptualise a

number of important aspects of the functioning of Tajik social norms for
which I have been able to find no other convincing theoretical
framework that makes sense of my observations. There are, however,
several aspects of her work I find problematic.
The first of these is her discussion about the relationship of gender
identities to such modalities as ethnicity, class and race. After stating
that she finds them inextricably linked (1990: 3), she ignores them
throughout the remainder of her discussions. This may well be
intentional because Butler is exploring psychological categories, and at
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Conceptual Background 17
the level she is doing this, she may feel that the modalities of ethnicity,
class and race do not possess overt meaning.
But in my view their influence is sufficiently important that we cannot
afford to ignore them. As Moore states, gender discourse cannot exist
outside discourse on these modalities (1994b: 20), since psychological
subjects do not exist outside them. To assume otherwise is to perpetuate
the hegemonic gaze of an elite. In this respect, and contrary to the uni-
versalistic approach of most psychoanalytical theory, including that
posited by Butler (for instance, 1997b), I believe human psychological
development to be culture dependent (see Ross and Rapp 1997). Thus,
in those communities that prioritise group identity and conformity, it
seems likely that individuals, and most especially the young, will be kept
subjected to their parents as long as possible so that they develop agency
much more slowly than the average middle-class white westerner.
In fact, Weyland notes it was traditional in rural Egypt for (male) heads
of families to exert strict control over all family members, including adult
sons. They did this partly through psychological pressures and partly
through their control over economic resources, such as land (1994:
163–6). Although Dila and Ali are now in their 20s, they have no way
of supporting themselves. Their parents expect them to remain
financially as well as psychologically dependent, and their entire
upbringing has been aimed at preventing them from wishing to break
away. This is all the more vital since Tajik parents who cannot keep
control over their offspring, irrespective of age, come under strong
community censure.
In other words, ethnic differences produce highly significant distinc-
tions in psychological development as also in gender identities (Chhachhi
and Pittin 1996: 93ff; Cornwall and Lindisfarne 1994b: 40; Fraser 1995:
159) and in fact, gender performance is always mediated through the
cultural norms of specific social groups (see Schrijvers 1999).
The struggle between Fayziddin and Dila over the clothes she should
wear to university highlights the cultural differences between the Russo-
Soviet identity privileged by the state and that of the Tajik community,
differences symbolised by whether or not a woman should show her legs
in public. Apparently trivial, this is fundamental to the different concepts
of femininity in these communities. What is at stake here is not just the
distinctive traits of each social group’s specific gender norms, but also
the strength of the pressure towards conformity, the range of variations
in performance acceptable for each gender and the degree to which per-
formances reflect internalised ideals. Each community is distinctive in
respect of these values and they constitute some of the most important
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18 Control and Subversion

features that distinguish societies from one another; in other words, they
form the essence of cultural identity.
I take issue again with Butler, or at least with Wittig’s position as cited
by Butler, on a further point. According to Wittig (heterosexual) men
can be considered to constitute a universal from which all other types,
being relative and particular, deviate. As a result there is only one sex, the
female, since a condition of the existence of sex, and with it gender, is
that it must be particular (Butler 1990: 115ff). In my opinion, however,
(heterosexual) man cannot simply be considered as a universal. To do so
is to follow the position taken by the elite classes, who consider that their
ideals should form the norms to be accepted by the whole of society (see
Gramsci 1971: 12; Marx 1846a: 64).
In practice, there are actually significant differences in masculine
gender norms among men from varying ethnic groups and classes. Even
within each one of these there may also be marked distinctions in
masculine gender identities. For instance, in Tajikistan the constraints
put upon Ali and other young men, and their subordinate relationships
in respect of their fathers3 would suggest that the young of both sexes
are subordinated, not just women, so that neither can be said to be
without compulsion to perform according to specific communal gender
norms. I would therefore beg to differ from Wittig and say that although
there may be a case for male heterosexuality constituting a universal,4
the same cannot be said for masculine gender. The power differential
between the hegemonic masculine gender identity (see Carrigan et al.
1987) of Fayziddin and the subordinate one (see Cornwall and
Lindisfarne 1994a: 3) of his son make it difficult to conceive of men in
Tajikistan as a universal ungendered category.

The formation of human identity

Something all communities have in common is pressure to conform to

the norms, of which the most important are usually gender identities.
Indeed, it might be said that those who do not conform may even be
unintelligible to the community. In the vast majority of cases, the first
criterion necessary for social intelligibility is a correctly sexed body, of
which social norms generally permit only two types, the male and the
female.5 In most societies all bodies, whether or not they possess clearly
categorisable genitalia at birth, have to be subsumed under one or other
of these labels. While in the west the power to decide the sex of babies
with indeterminate sexual organs is invested in the medical profession,6
in the Muslim world this has long been the prerogative of jurists, who in
the Middle Ages produced an immense literature on the subject (Sanders
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Conceptual Background 19
1991). From mediaeval Islam to modern Europe, nowhere is there any
suggestion that the opposite approach might be taken and the social
categories expanded to include persons whose material bodies do not fit
within the standard two. On the contrary, the material body has consis-
tently been forced to fit into the limited categories of social acceptability.7
The second criterion for human intelligibility is that individuals must
carry out gender performances as prescribed for their type of sexed body
within their social group. Thus, the ‘naming’ of a baby’s sex at birth
(Butler 1997a: 49, 51) is the start of a process of gendering, whereby
children learn to perform sex-appropriate characteristics. Fayziddin is
preoccupied with his children’s gender performances precisely because it
is only by learning to perform correctly that they can become acceptable
members of the Tajik community. Their failure to do so will not only bring
down disgrace on his head, but also complicate their future lives.
When Fayziddin beats out of his son the notion that it is acceptable for
males to do housework, he is endeavouring to inculcate in him those
gender norms prevalent in Tajikistan. He has recourse to physical
violence to counteract the influence of Zora and ensure that Ali learns
to associate doing housework with negative consequences. As Butler
states, children internalise gender identities through the reiteration of
compulsion (1993: 94ff), although this is not necessarily physical.
Usually constant repetition in itself is sufficient, and indeed more effective,
since inducement functions better the less explicit it is (Butler 1997b:
21). When parents subjugate their children in this way, inculcating in
them their community’s regulatory norms, they are in essence making
them recognisable (Butler 1995b: 134–6, 1997b: 7–12). Without this
effect of subjugation, especially regarding gender identities, individuals
would be as unintelligible to human society as Tarzan, or Romulus and
Remus after being raised by the wolf.
Now, thanks to his father’s pressures, Ali has internalised Tajik gender
norms and thus behaves like a Tajik man. Although his internalisation
of the norms was originally induced coercively he now thinks of them as
just the way things are. This does not necessarily mean he has fully
accepted them. His sister, Dila, certainly has not completely internalised
the norms that maintain that girls should be silent and submissive, or
she would neither try to contravene them by finding a way to get round
her father’s interdictions, nor be capable of standing up to her brother.
This conforms to Butler’s contention that norms are never wholeheart-
edly embraced, always being imbued with force and constraint (1993:
94ff). It is for this reason that parents always have to be on guard to see
that, irrespective of the extent of internalisation, the norms are appro-
priately performed.
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20 Control and Subversion

Just as Ali cannot entirely free himself psychologically from his
parents, Butler’s subjects can never completely liberate themselves from
the subjugation that formed them; they develop a passionate attachment
to their subjugators, which renders them vulnerable to subordination
and exploitation (Butler 1997b: 7). It is this attachment that gives
parents so much power over their children. The child that has not
detached itself from its parents will not be able to give up its state of
dependence on them and therefore its vulnerability to exploitation by
them. Even when subjects have been freed from direct dependence, they
will never be able completely to escape some level of conformity, witness
Rustam’s relationship with his father (Chapters 4–6).
As Ali and Dila grow up, they start to develop a sense of individuality
and gradually learn to assert themselves as they start to assume agency.
This occurs when individuals have internalised the power through
which their parents first subjected them, which then becomes the basis
for their own power. This will constitute the instrument of their learning
to separate from their parents, and eventually to develop independently
(Butler 1997b: 1–6).8 Individual rates of development differ, and depend
on many variables, including ethnicity, class, age and gender.9

Variant gender performances

Gender norms in Tajikistan are dependent on that ruling principle of

Tajik society, the honour-and-shame system (Chapter 3). As a result of
this system’s influence, the most important masculine gender charac-
teristics are those related to male honour – control over women and
younger family members and virility, this last chiefly expressed through
impregnation. The corresponding feminine characteristics are
submission and virginity/chastity/fertility. Thus, male control is
dependent on female submission, and virility contingent on female
virginity before marriage and subsequent fertility and faithfulness. It is
important to note here that what counts is image. To be acceptable,
therefore, Dila must visibly display submission in front of her father.
Dila is not submissive in her behaviour with the less powerful members
of her family, but only with her father, the male head of family.10 The
fact that she is capable of behaving non-submissively towards others
proves she has not entirely internalised this. Thus, when she performs
submissively in front of her father she is doing this intentionally.
I have not been able to find a theory that exactly covers this use of
gender performance for the intentional projection of an image. Theorists
of western society, including Butler, do not deal with this dimension of
gender, although the suggestions by Riley (1988) and Moore (1994a),
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Conceptual Background 21
that there is a gap between discourse and practice in regard to the
performance of gender, come close. There are also some relevant
concepts in some recent work on Muslim societies, particularly on mas-
culinities. Cornwall and Lindisfarne’s notion that subordinate males
respond to situations of dominance ‘by creating variant masculinities
and other gendered identities’ (1994b: 24) is useful here, as is also the
idea of different subjectivities embodied within one individual (Shire
1994: 152) and of the ‘façade that hides profound ambiguities’
(Kandiyoti 1994: 212). Cornwall and Lindisfarne raise similar questions
to those I deal with here, in particular ‘How do individuals present and
negotiate a gendered identity?’ and how do these ‘change before different
audiences and in different settings?’ (1994a: 3).
Although situated within a somewhat different framework and in no
way applied to gender identities,11 Scott’s conceptualisation of the way
subordinates deal with the need for public display of submission as
theatrical public performances in which their unacceptable and insub-
ordinate real faces are carefully camouflaged behind stereotypically
ritualistic mask-like expressions, ‘the more menacing the power, the
thicker the mask’ (1990: 3) has provided a useful notion that I have
drawn on for my analyses of subordinate gender performances in
Tajikistan.12 This comes close to my explanation of Dila’s behaviour,
when she assumes a thicker mask in front of her father than the one she
uses in front of her mother.
Taken together, these concepts have led me to elaborate a theory of
variant gender performances for both sexes that is enabled by the use of
what, following Scott, I have labelled ‘gender masks’. It is not only men
to whom variant identity positions are open. Women can assume
positions of dominance as well as ones of subordination. Moreover,
variations exist within both dominant and subordinate gender positions.
What I call variant gender performances are (semi-conscious)
enactments of characteristics associated with the appropriate sexed body,
varied by the actors according to situation and audience. This notion of
gender masks has been further influenced by Butler’s concepts of perfor-
mativity and the impossibility of fully internalising gender (1995a: 31–2).
I conceive of these masks as closely resembling the use of the mask in
classical Greek drama, that is, as a shorthand way of portraying stock
characters. The masks have boldly delineated traits so that the audience
can easily distinguish the characters they represent. Thus, in her
portrayal of submission Dila uses a ‘mask’ to make her performance
explicit to her father. Like the Greek masks the Tajik ones are assumed
intentionally. Consider the remarks of an Azeri woman interviewed by
Tohidi: ‘Every day we [Azeri women] have to wear different masks and
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22 Control and Subversion

juggle multiple identities’ (1997: 147). This suggests both consciousness
and intention. What is more it shows that my concept of gender masks
speaks to the lived experiences of women in such societies, the culture of
(former Soviet) Azerbaijan bearing a close resemblance to that of
Tajikistan, especially in regard to fundamental gender norms.
Tohidi (1996) explains how Azeri women understand themselves to
have taken on a Sovietised gender identity in public, while retaining their
Azeri identities in private. Their Soviet identity allows them to be strong,
controlling, to take charge openly and even give orders to men. Their
Azeri identities are more varied but generally much meeker, allowing
these women to appear subservient to their menfolk, never overtly
showing themselves strong or controlling but rather subtly manipulat-
ing them, while feigning powerlessness (Tohidi 1997: 160). The fact that
they are conscious of their performances of variant identities to the point
where they are able to discuss them, implies that none of these identities
has been completely internalised, that the women are deliberately
performing.
This contradicts Butler’s position that gender performances cannot be
assumed at will and can differ from the internalised ideal only by way of
minute variations (1993: x). According to her the person carrying out
the performance is unable to step outside the character being played,
since individuals cannot step outside the social frameworks that have
been instrumental in forming them. Performance is thus not so much
akin to theatre as psychological. Butler considers that no-one can exist
outside the act, since it is the performance that constitutes the person
(1995b: 134–6).
It is my contention that this is only partially true. The power regimes
that form human subjects (Butler 1995b: 134–6) may also force them
into displays of characteristics other than or, perhaps more accurately,
beyond those that have been internalised, in order to be accepted within
their own communities. That is to say, people do not necessarily
internalise everything that is supposed to constitute their (gender)
identity. Examining the performances of Dila it can be seen that she
projects different images depending on the necessity of the moment. Not
all these images live up to the ideal of the submissive Tajik girl.
In most societies, and certainly in Tajikistan, gender norms are too
narrow for people to internalise completely and too extreme to be
accepted as corresponding to the way people really experience
themselves. To do so would be tantamount to becoming the stock
characters such norms appear to demand. What is important for the
maintenance of social norms is not so much the rooting out of
aberrations as their concealment. If people are willing to present
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Conceptual Background 23
themselves in the appropriate stock characterisation, what goes on
beneath their gender masks becomes socially irrelevant. By displaying
the appropriate surface, gender masks proclaim their wearers’
willingness to conform. This is essentially what Dila is doing in enacting
submission in front of her father. It is irrelevant whether she actually
experiences herself as submissive.
Like the Azeri women Dila is capable of intentionally varying her
gender performance. Thus, while at the deepest level of the psyche no
doubt Butler’s claim that there is no ‘intentional subject behind the deed’
(1995b: 136) is correct, this is not true at the level of social interaction.
I would suggest that, like Dila, subjects can, and do, deliberately vary
their gender performances according to their public. Of course, Dila’s
own self is inevitably always present and her performances are not
merely assumed at whim but inevitably constrained not just by psycho-
logical, but also by external pressures. In fact, her enactments are likely
always to consist of an admixture of the compulsory, the internalised and
the intentional, but this last element is definitely present and it is this that
allows her to assume the mask.
Although Butler talks about drag as the only conscious parody on
gender performance (1993: 124ff) it could be said that Dila and the Azeri
women consciously parody their gender identities as defined by the
ruling discourse. Dila clearly does not experience herself as merely meek
and submissive since she performs quite differently when with others,
but she must portray such characteristics in order to be accepted by her
father, and eventually by society at large. However, she is not just
pretending. Nor is she simply trying to rebel when she behaves otherwise
in different situations.
Moreover, it is clearly not possible freely to choose the identity one
wishes to enact. Dila is severely constrained, not just by her father but
also by the context she is performing in, as well as by her own inter-
nalised identity. Furthermore, even Ali has to behave submissively before
his father, so he too learns to assume gender masks to protect himself.
It seems to me, therefore, that the theatrical analogy is more apt than
Butler would like to admit. In this respect, perhaps that technique which
in the United States theatre world is known as method acting might be
a helpful metaphor.13 Method acting stresses the impossibility of an actor
giving a convincing performance without the character’s identity first
being internalised, in other words, without the actor’s ‘becoming’ that
character. In reality, of course, the actor and the character differ, and
there will inevitably be inconsistencies between them.
Gender performance could be said to bear a strong resemblance to this,
some performances being largely internalised and others more
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24 Control and Subversion

consciously enacted. As Dila’s story demonstrates, the same individuals
present variants on their gender performances at different times in front
of different audiences, with varied levels of internalisation. But I would
again stress that such performances are not enacted at whim but under
constraint, in order to avoid the negative consequences of performing
otherwise (Butler 1997b: 28). Thus, Dila might prefer to abandon her
masks but if she were to do so the penalties would be too great. In order
to remain acceptable she must wear them. This is vital to the preservation
of social order. In fact, to some extent the gender masks assumed by Tajik
women today are a symbolic version of the veils of pre-revolutionary
times. The assumption of both demonstrates willingness to accept the
norms, however their wearers experience themselves internally. At the
same time, repeated assumptions of the masks influence their wearers
psychologically, thus reinforcing their performances and to a certain
extent also their internalisation of the norms.

THE RESEARCH SETTING

What must never be forgotten when addressing the subject of the

performance of gender in Tajikistan is that people here can never be
regarded simply as individuals standing before society as independent
human beings. They are always subject to the controlling force of the
family hierarchy. Even a head of family is constrained by this because
his very position as the ultimate controller makes him vulnerable (see
Gilmore 1987: 4). Should anything go wrong, he will be blamed. This
not only shows why it was so crucial to Fayziddin that his children
conform to gender norms but also proves Foucault’s point that nobody,
however powerful, can escape being pressured (1990: 92–7).
Furthermore, in Tajikistan it must always be borne in mind that beyond
all social norms stands Islam, the tenets of which are ultimately the
arbiter of all community standards.
In order to grasp the dynamics of life in Tajikistan, therefore, it is
necessary to know something of the country’s history as also of the
conceptual frameworks around Islam and the Tajik family, both in their
socio-historical contexts and as regards their connection to gender
relations.

A brief history of Tajikistan14

The Republic of Tajikistan is a small, mountainous country, geo-

culturally divided into two. The majority speak Tajik, a Western Iranian
language, and follow Sunni Islam. The Pamiri minority speak Eastern
Harris 02 chap05 1/29/04 2:11 PM Page 177

TECHNICAL INFORMATION
AND TERMINOLOGY

TRANSLATION

Where not otherwise indicated, all translations are my own.

TRANSLITERATION

I have transliterated the Tajik words from the Cyrillic, not according to
Persian/Arabic standards. In other words, I write Ibn Sino, Donish, nikoh,
not Ibn Sinâ, Dânish, nikâh. I also transliterate Central Asian words used
by Russians from their Central Asian, not their Russian spelling – hujum
not khudzhum.
As far as possible I spell place names according to English standards –
for instance, Tajik, not Tadzhik (Russian), nor Tojik (Tajik). The names
of little-known places, I have transliterated from the Tajik spelling.

USAGES

The following usages have been adopted:

• I use the word girl in its Russo-Tajik meaning of an unmarried

person of the female sex. To a Tajik, a woman is by definition a non-
virgin, who therefore should have been married at least once.
• I use the word God rather than Allah in most places as a translation
of the Tajik word khudo. Tajiks rarely use the Arabic word.
• Besides ethnic Russians, many other people from outside Central
Asia have lived in Tajikistan. These are locally known as Russian-
speakers, since this was the language they communicated in. I have
followed this custom.
• Following usage in Tajikistan I use the word local to describe people
of Central-Asian ethnicities.

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178 Control and Subversion

ABBREVIATIONS

CIS – Commonwealth of Independent States (comprising 12 of the 15

Union republics of the FSU, that is, all except the three Baltic republics).
FSU – former Soviet Union.
IUD – inter-uterine device, or coil. Female contraceptive inserted into the
womb, the most popular method of birth control in Tajikistan and
many developing countries.
ZAGS – Soviet civil registry office of births, marriages and deaths.
Harris 02 chap05 1/29/04 2:11 PM Page 179

GLOSSARY

To control – to exercise restraint or direction over; to dominate, command.

To subvert – to undermine the principles of, corrupt.
(Random House Dictionary of the English Language, 2nd edn 1987)

SOVIET TERMS

hujum – literally ‘attack’ in Tajik/Uzbek. Used for the Soviet attack on

female seclusion and veiling in the late 1920s.
kolkhoz – collective farm.
Komsomol – Young Communist League.
oblast – corresponds to the English state or province.

LOCAL WORDS

Unless otherwise indicated, these words are Tajik (or Arabic that has
been accepted into normal usage).
aryk – irrigation canal, or ditch.
ayb – shame – the opposite of nomus.
babka – old woman (Russian), sometimes used to designate traditional
birth attendants.
bai – the rich.
basmachi – anti-Soviet Islamic rebels of the 1920s and 1930s in Central
Asia and especially Tajikistan.
bibiotun (Uzbek otin) – female religious leader.
chachvan – horsehair veil worn by some groups of Central Asian women
before the Revolution together with the faranja.
dastarkhon – tablecloth laid on the ground, on which the food is placed at
meal times.
dechkan – Central-Asian peasant.
ezor – women’s loose trousers, worn under a dress instead of underwear
and to conceal their legs.

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180 Control and Subversion

faranja (Russian paranja, Uzbek paranji) – all-enveloping cloak worn
together with the chachvan.
Fiqhs – writings on Islamic jurisprudence.
haram – unclean, bad, sinful – an Islamic term.
Jadidism – a progressive political movement that started in the late
nineteenth century among the Crimean Tatars, for the defence of their
culture against Russification, which was especially concerned with
the modernisation of their educational system so that they could
become competitive in the modern world. They established what were
called ‘new method’ schools in Central Asia, in which more secular
subjects were taught than in the traditional Muslim schools of the
time.
kalym – bride price. Paid to the bride’s family, usually her parents, by the
groom or his family.
kelin – daughter-in-law or bride. From the Uzbek word to come (in), thus
literally incomer. It carries the implication that the new member is not
an accepted family member. Furthermore, the term does not specifi-
cally attach her to her husband but suggests she belongs to the entire
family. There is no fixed point at which a woman stops being a kelin
and becomes a member of a family, although usually this happens
some time before the time she is ready to welcome her own first kelin.
kofir – barbarian. Person who does not adhere to one of the religions of
the book – Islam, Christianity, or Judaism. Russians not explicitly
Christians are considered kofirs because of Soviet atheist ideology,
while westerners are assumed to be Christians.
mahalla – region or locality. The cult of locality is so strong that it is a
major factor in all aspects of life in Tajikistan. It carries many of the
same connotations as ethnicity does in the Great Lakes area of Africa,
or in the former Yugoslavia. In Tajikistan mahalla can also denote a
separate area of a town, or even a village, with its own mosque and
committee of elders.
mahr – a payment to a wife by her husband in order for her to be able to
maintain herself if the marriage ends. Equivalent to alimony but either
paid or promised at the time of marriage and distinct from kalym,
which is paid to the wife’s family.
maktab – (Muslim) school.
medressa – Muslim college.
mujahaddin – Muslim freedom fighters, such as the members of the
Afghan Northern Alliance.
mullah – self-styled local male religious leader. He may have received
some formal religious education but more usually has not. He may not
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Glossary 181
even have read the Qur’an. In theory any man can call himself a
mullah and then dictate to others how to live.
nikoh – Muslim marriage ceremony.
nomus – type of honour dependent on the correct performance of gender
identities.
non – flat round local bread.
pilau – local dish of rice, meat and vegetables.
qadi/qazi – Islamic judge.
rumol – woman’s headscarf. Not the equivalent of a ‘veil’ but worn tied
at the back of the head, exposing neck, shoulders and considerable
amounts of hair.
Sart – Tsarist period name for inhabitants of South Eastern Uzbekistan
and the Tajik plains.
sharaf – honour gained through one’s own attributes or actions.
sharia (Russian shariat) – Islamic legal code, especially important in
regard to family law.
taloq – repudiation (divorce). Three taloqs make a divorce final.
tui – party to celebrate a rite of passage, such as a wedding or male cir-
cumcision.
Young Bukharan – a progressive political movement started in 1909 in
Bukhara with similar aims to Jadidism.
waqf – a system of charitable land grants given by the wealthy for the
poor and administered by the Muslim clergy, who gained both power
and wealth by it. It provided income for maintaining mosques, schools,
and hospitals (Keller 2001: 37).
Harris 02 chap05 1/29/04 2:11 PM Page 182

NOTES

INTRODUCTION
1. See glossary for a definition of subversion in the context of this book.
2. More detailed information on this project can be found in Harris (1998b, 1999).
3. With increased support from Christian Aid, through its Central Asian affiliate ACT
Central Asia, and a grant from the TACIS LIEN Fund of the European Union
(1999–2000).
4. During my time with the centre it was funded by the Swiss Development Corporation
and the Lombard Odier Bank.
5. Within speech act theory, a performative is that discursive practice that enacts or
produces that which it names (Butler 1993: 13, 1995b: 134).
6. During the glasnost’ period in the mid-1980s stories of suicides for such reasons were
frequently published in the newspapers (Khushkadamova 1993), and discussed on
television. They continue to be discussed in the pages of popular newspapers, such as
Chakri Gardun.
7. While Tajiks usually took me for a Russian. In fact, lacking experience of foreigners,
most of my Tajik acquaintances, including the subjects of this book, treated me more
or less as an honorary Russian.
8. Although Karomat and her family were originally from the north, she moved to the
south as a young child and spent the rest of her life there.
9. I use the terms west/western in this book as a synonym for northwestern Europe and
the white English-speaking countries. However, most of my examples are drawn from
the two countries I know best, Britain and the United States.
10. According to a BBC2 television programme broadcast on 14 June 1999, produced by
the Community Programme Unit.
11. Broadcast as part of the BBC learning zone on 8 September 1999.

1 CONCEPTUAL BACKGROUND
1. Performativity must be understood not as a singular or deliberate ‘act’, nor as a
mechanical repetition of the norms (Butler 1997b: 16), but rather as ‘the reiterative
and citational practice’ (1993: x) ‘which brings into being or enacts that which it
names, and so marks the constitutive or productive power of discourse’ (1995b: 134).
According to Butler performance cannot be assumed at will but is an integral part of
the gendered subject, transformable only by way of minute variations (1993: x). But
gender is not reducible merely to the performable. Performance can only reproduce
an already existing ideal. ‘The effect of gender is produced through the stylization of
the body and, hence, must be understood as the mundane way in which bodily
gestures, movements, and styles of various kinds constitute the illusion of an abiding
gendered self’ (Butler 1990: 140).

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Notes 183
2. Parallels can be drawn between this and the reactions of minority Muslim
communities in the west, such as Turks in the Netherlands (see Brouwer 1998; De
Vries 1987) or Pakistanis in the UK (see Jacobson 1998).
3. Compare Kandiyoti’s findings that the male child (in Anatolia, Turkey) takes on a
subservient attitude vis-à-vis adult males similar to that expected of women (1994:
207).
4. Although even here it seems to me that more fine-grained research into how the
members of different groups of heterosexual males experience their sexuality will very
likely disprove this, as also, of course, the concept of a universal female heterosexu-
ality.
5. There appear to be some societies, however, where this may be less straightforward
(Moore 1994b: 36ff).
6. See Turner (1999) for a detailed account of how this is done.
7. Some babies are born with indeterminate genitalia, which makes it difficult to assign
them categorically to one sex or the other. In modern terminology they are called
intersexed. In the past this condition was known as hermaphroditism. Western
doctors tend to operate to give such babies clearly sexed bodies, usually female, irre-
spective of their actual genetic makeup. For an inside look at the psychological
problems this can produce see Turner (1999); see also Foucault on the subject of her-
maphroditism (1980b) and Butler’s commentary on it (1990: 93ff). There is even an
American Intersex Society. In countries like Tajikistan, such people are also usually
raised female but, without the corresponding operation, may not have the appropriate
sexual organs, such as a serviceable vagina. This can cause real problems when it
comes to marriage.
8. Or, as Foucault puts it, ‘the individual which power has constituted is at the same
time its vehicle’ (1980a: 98).
9. Since agency is exerted through the ego which is ‘first and foremost a bodily ego’
(Freud 1960: 16, in Butler 1993: 13) and since gender is also inscribed on that body,
it follows that both the formation of the ego and the subsequent development of
agency must be gendered.
10. Zora is unusual in not demanding total obedience from her daughter.
11. Although Scott himself deliberately refuses to consider gender as a factor in dominant
power relations (1990: 22) his premises are nonetheless useful for those of us who
wish to employ them in this way (see Cornwall and Lindisfarne 1994b: 46).
12. I wish to thank Lorraine Nencel for bringing this passage to my attention.
13. Developed at the Group Theatre and later at the Actor’s Studio in New York as a result
of an idiosyncratic interpretation of the techniques of the Russian director Konstantin
Stanislavski, method acting is based on the actors’ ability to identify psychologically
with the characters they are playing.
14. Useful histories dealing with Central Asia as a whole are Adshead (1993), Caroe
(1967), Massell (1974), Park (1957), Pierce (1960), Pipes (1964), Sharma (1979),
Vaidyanath (1967) and Wheeler (1964). Atkin (1989) and Rakowska-Harmstone
(1970) deal specifically with Tajikistan.
15. Except where otherwise indicated, the current work does not deal at all with the
peoples of this region.
16. For an in-depth discussion of these differences see Akiner (2001).
17. See for instance, Akiner (2001), Atkin (1997), Hyman (1994), Niyazi (1994), Roy
(1993).
18. Although after the peace agreement was signed in 1997, opposition leaders were
allotted some of the ministries and thus had a chance to include their own people. By
and large, however, the Kulobis continue to hold a majority of government posts.
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184 Control and Subversion

19. According to estimates of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
(UNHCR) and the International Committee of the Red Cross.
20. A useful summary of the central tenets of Islam can be found in Jacobson (1998: 26ff).
21. At that time, for example, the opposition to religious marriage services was weakened,
so that Karomat could be openly married by a mullah, something normally severely
castigated.
22. While excoriated for his role in breaking up the Soviet Union and hence indirectly
causing the economic hardships and the civil war.
23. See Sura 24: 32: ‘marry the single among you’.
24. See Sura 30: 31: ‘And one of [Allah’s] signs is, that He has created for you mates from
yourselves, that you may dwell in tranquillity with them, and has ordained between
you Love and Mercy’. Sura 7: 189: ‘It is He who created you from a single soul (nafs)
and therefrom did make his mate, that he might dwell in tranquillity with her’ (Omran
1992: 14).
25. Such marriages are traditional in Maghreb families (Bouamama and Sad Saoud 1996:
40). In Egypt marriages among peasants and lower-class urban families are almost
always between cousins. Only educated girls can marry exogamously (Rugh 1984:
11, 133; Zénié-Ziegler 1988: 23). Cousin marriage is also common in Iran and
throughout Central Asia.
26. According to al-Bukhari the Prophet said: ‘Learning is a duty for every Muslim [male
and female]’ (Omran 1992: 46).
27. Although this is slowly changing, witness the recent introduction of sharia law into
Nigeria.
28. This again is neither specific to Tajikistan nor to Muslim societies. During gender-
training workshops in Catholic Ecuador even young educated men have made the
same claims. But this culture, like others in Latin America, has been heavily
influenced by the Mediterranean honour-and-shame system imported from Spain.
29. I use the word mature to apply to persons whose (eldest) children have reached mar-
riageable age.
30. But even today I have seen 30 or more people living in one compound in parts of
Khatlon.
31. Aside from the earnings of women, for instance, from breeding silk worms or embroi-
dering hats, etc. These earnings were considered to be private and thus not to be
absorbed into general family finances (Meakin 1903: 100–1). Under Islamic law the
husband is supposed to be the sole financial supporter of the family. However, in
Turkestan in cases of great poverty, disability, widows without male relatives, etc. a
woman’s earnings might have to go towards the provision of basic family needs
(Harris 1996: 91).
32. Here the women might sit in but often had no active voice. However, if they got on well
with their husbands they might be able to influence them in private discussions
outside the family meetings.
33. Compare the attitudes of the Tajik men returning from Russia today (Chapter 5).
34. The same was true in Europe until child mortality rates started to fall sharply in the
eighteenth century (Stone 1977: 68).
35. For this reason official marriage statistics correspond only very partially to reality.
Even today many marriages are not registered and such couples also frequently fail
to register the births of their children.
36. China, Iran and Afghanistan to name a few, have long histories of young people’s and
especially young women’s suicides, for much the same reasons as in Tajikistan (see
Afshar 1987: 76; Lajoinie 1980: 82).
Harris 02 chap05 1/29/04 2:11 PM Page 188

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