Šušnjari 1941 Zbornik - 2013

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ŠUŠNJAR 1941.
PROCEENDINGS
PAPERS AND TESTIMONES
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LU 201
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ŠUŠNJAR 1941
PROCEEDINGS OF THE THIRD ROUND TABLE
PAPERS AND WITNESS ACCOUNTS
Oštra Luka, 1st August 2013
Publisher:
Association "Jasenovac-Donja Gradina" Banja Luka
For publishers:
Vladimir Lukic, Ph. D.
Editor in Chief:
Vladimir Lukic, Ph. D.
Organising Committee:
Vladimir Lukic, Ph D.
Petаr Dodik,
Mihajlo Orlovic
Djoko Stojakovic
Vukasin Davidovic
Radoslav Lazic
Mirjana Milivojcevic Praca
Pero Ilic
Milan Dasic
Translation:
Dejan Milinović, Duško Popović,
Slobodan Keleman and Svetlana Mitic
Prepress and Design:

Janko Velimirovic
Printed by:
Grafomark, Laktaši
For the printing:

Svetozar Ćerketa
Circulation:
1200 copies
ŠUŠNJAR 1941
PROCEEDINGS OF THE THIRD ROUND TABLE
PAPERS AND WITNESS ACCOUNTS
Oštra Luka, 1st August 2013
Oštra Luka
2014
TABLE OF CONTENTS
In place of a foreword
THIRD ROUND TABLE “ŠUŠNJAR 1941” ................................................... 9
Dragan Stanar, mayor of Oštra Luka Municipality
MORAL AND HUMAN DUTY .......................................................................... 11
Mihajlo Orlović, member of the Organising Committee
TRUTH AS A SHIELD FROM EVIL .............................................................. 13
Prof. Vladimir Lukić, PhD, chairman of the Organising Committee
MONUMENTS IN WRITING LARGER THAN THOSE IN STONE .....17

PAPERS

Dušan Lukač
RECKONING IN SANSKI MOST .................................................................. 27
Petar Dodik
A MASS GRAVE OF SERBS IN THE SANA RIVER ................................ 29
Radovan Jović
SAINT GEORGE’S DAY UPRISING IN TRAMOŠNJA ........................... 35
Vaso Predojević, PhD
PODGRMEČ BETWEEN TWO CRIMES OF GENOCIDE
(ŠUŠNJAR 1941 AND GRMEČ 1943) AND THE ETHNIC
CLEANSING IN 1995 AS THEIR FINAL CHAPTER ................................ 47
5
Krstan Šućur
TO REMEMBER AND TESTIFY .................................................................... 61
Vaso Mikan
MEMORY OF THE USORA VILLAGERS KILLED IN
THE SUMMER OF 1941 ....................................................................................71
Đuro Trkulja
THREE WAR STORIES FROM KORČANICA ON THE GRMEČ
MOUNTAIN ......................................................................................................... 83

WITNESS ACCOUNTS

Professor Vladimir Lukić
CRIMES NOT FORGOTTEN .......................................................................... 95
Rade Stojanović
THINGS BEYOND DESCRIPTION ............................................................105
Mirjana Milivojčević Praća
THE SAD LOOKS OF IMPRISONED JEWS ............................................ 117
Ljuban Mijatović
THEY DEMOLISHED, BURNED AND KILLED ALL IN
THEIR PATH ..................................................................................................... 119
Cvjeta Kondić, née Vokić
THEY KEPT SHOOTING AND KILLING .................................................. 123
Jovan Vidović
A HERO OF HIS TIME ................................................................................... 129
FORCED CONVERSION INTO ROMAN CATHOLICISM ....................131
Petar Dodik
OBRAD “THE SILKY” (“PANTE”) LAZIĆ.................................................. 135
Petar Popović
THE TOMINA GENOCIDE: 1941, 1995 ...................................................... 137
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ŠUŠNJAR 1941 - PROCEEDINGS OF 3rd ROUND TABLE - PAPERS AND WITNESS ACCOUNTS (2013)
Rade Stanisavljević
I SAW CRIMES BEING COMMITTED AT ŠUŠNJAR ........................... 141
Radmila Vuković, née Kragulj
A CHILDHOOD SPENT AMONGST BLACK KERCHIEFS .................. 147
Mirjana Jurišić, née Nikolić, and Ljiljana Nikolić
THE KILLING OF JEKA AND PETAR DELIĆ’S SONS .........................151
Tomo Đurđević
A FLIGHT TO SAFETY ................................................................................... 153
Tomo Đurđević
CONVERSION .................................................................................................. 157

CONCLUSIONS

Prof. Vladimir Lukić
THE VICTIMS WANT THE TRUTH........................................................... 163
CONCLUSIONS of The Third Round Table “ŠUŠNJAR 1941”,
held in Oštra Luka on 1st August 2013 ..................................................... 167

POEMS ON ŠUŠNJAR

Ranko Pavlović
ŠUŠNJAR AND POETRY ............................................................................... 173
Nenad Grujičić
THE GRACE OF THE SOULS OF ŠUŠNJAR ........................................... 175
Mihajlo Orlović
THE STORY OF THE ONE WHO FAILED TO TELL IT
BY HIMSELF ............................................................................................................ 179
7
In place of a foreword
THIRD ROUND TABLE

“ŠUŠNJAR 1941”
On 1st August 2013, the Third Round Table “Šušnjar 1941” was held
in Oštra Luka, with around 45 historians, civil servants and scientists,
veterans of the NOR [Narodno-oslobodilački rat, People’s Liberation
War], surviving victims, writers, journalists and others. It was organised
by the Municipality of Oštra Luka and the Organising Committee con-
sisting of Prof. Vladimir Lukić, PhD, Petar Dodik, Mihajlo Orlović,
Ranko Pavlović and Vukašin Davidović.
More than 35 testimonies and witness accounts were given on the
horrifying slaughter that took place on Saint Elijah’s Day (2nd August)
in 1941.
At the very beginning, the poet Boro Kapetanović recited verses
from his touching poem about Šušnjar, followed by one minute’s silence
dedicated to the victims of the Second World War and the deceased
participants of the First and Second Round Table.
The following participants were elected working chairpersons: Prof.
Vladimir Lukić, PhD, chairman of the Organising Committee; Dragan
Stanar, mayor of the Municipality of Oštra Luka; Petar Dodik; Mihajlo
Orlović and Ranko Pavlović.
The assembly was then addressed by Mayor Dragan Stanar, member
of the Organising Committee Mihajlo Orlović, and Prof. Vladimir Lukić,
PhD. The convention was blessed by the priest Ilija Milovac.
In a remarkable, one could even say solemn atmosphere, sorrowful
voices gave out words that were carved into the silence and testified,
with the firmness of their arguments and their enormous emotional
charge, to atrocities we must not forget.
9
At the end of the Round Table certain conclusions were reached,

one of which is that assemblies such as this one are to continue to be
held biannually. One of a number of special tasks is that, while there are
still living witnesses, we should meticulously record the memories of
the victims that came out alive and of those who witnessed the satanic
feast of the bloodthirsty Ustashas, as well as of family members of the
innocent people who were murdered. It was also concluded that a book
of proceedings of testimonies and witness accounts would be published
from this round table as well, both in the Serbian and in the English
language.
The Third Round Table “Šušnjar 1941” was moderated by the writer
Ranko Pavlović.
On the next day, 2nd August, Saint Elijah’s Day, a memorial service
was held at the Šušnjar memorial cemetery.
10
Dragan Stanar,
mayor of Oštra Luka Municipality
MORAL AND HUMAN

DUTY
Ladies and gentlemen, honourable chairpersons, distinguished

guests, representatives of the media,
Please let me welcome you on behalf of the Administrative Service
of Oštra Luka Municipality and on behalf of our residents!
I am very pleased that we have managed to organise this Third
Round Table and that by doing so we are carrying out both our moral
and human duty, which is to gather and preserve from oblivion the tes-
timonies about the suffering of our people in the area of what used to
be the Sana County.
I know it is difficult to speak of Šušnjar without emotions. However,
the time has come for us to use a scientific approach and historical facts
to bring the scale of this genocide to the attention of both the local and
global public.
The facts are appalling. Gestapo’s status report for the period of
April 1941 to March 1942 states that on St. Elijah’s Day alone 2862 Serbs
were slaughtered, and further lists the names of young women who
were raped that day by the Ustashas in Suhača, Kljevci and other vil-
lages with exclusively Serbian population.
It is also a fact that nearly 10,000 Serbs were killed in this region
during World War II.
By all parameters of crime, Šušnjar is second only to Jasenovac in
the amount of suffering of the Serbian population during WWII in ex-
Yugoslavia.
11
Unfortunately, we failed to realise in time the scale of the tragedy

that had come upon us. We had learned no lessons, so during the last
war, in 1995, the entire Serbian population was exiled from a large part
of the Serbian municipality of Sanski Most. Only Oštra Luka, where we
are today, preserved its population by remaining within the boundaries
of the Republic of Srpska.
I hope today’s Round Table contributes to the propagation of truth,
and as I said earlier, to preserve from oblivion the suffering we endured.
Thank you!
12
Mihajlo Orlović,
member of the Organising Committee
TRUTH AS A SHIELD
FROM EVIL
We are here once more because of truth. We seek it and wonder how
it is that, except to us, the cries of thousands of voices from 1st and 2nd
of August 1941 fall on deaf ears. How come it ails only our hearts and
why does it echo so painfully in our memories?
We do not need the bare truth. We know the truth. We know how
many of us perished and by whose hand. We need the truth with the
reasons and consequences. We need it to shield us from all possible evil.
The cries of Šušnjar are still echoing. Let them echo! For what did a
human – a victim – have at the killing field but the cry of his voice?
Today’s generations see those cries as something that is cursed. Some-
thing that brooded mistrust towards everything. Something which, if
unrevealed, stops us from finding our path.
And that is why we have decided to voice these victims’ ordeals.
Some have asked us, “What is the point of these round tables after eve-
rything we went through? Life goes on.” Of course it does, but we re-
mind them of this:
After two round tables, held here in this place, the truth was sent out
into the world, but not timidly like before. It emerged strong, backed
with arguments. Today we have two books of recollections before us.
We have a completely different approach to what happened at Šušnjar.
Now, when historians and others who speak of the crimes of WWII list
places where horror took place, they say: Jasenovac, Sajmište, Jadovno,
Šušnjar... Or sometimes they list Šušnjar straight after Jasenovac. That
means that the truth has reached them at some extent. It continues to
spread. Today people speak of Šušnjar with piety and sadness, and all
13
mostly thanks to these Round Tables about the agonies at Šušnjar. It is

a confirmation that what we were doing made sense and was of great
value. At least we did plenty to save those victims from dying again, this
time forever. Because if that had happened, they would never have for-
given us.
For us, the word Šušnjar induces feelings of pain, injustice, sorrow,
horror, distrust and who knows what else. What really hurts us is the
minimisation of crimes against innocent Serbs and Jews whose lives
were only beginning. Can you imagine the progeny that we would have
today had that crime not happened – surely it would be a mid-sized
town.
Some of the words spoken in 1941 by the villains of Šušnjar and San-
ski Most still echo with malice. For example, Gutić’s paraphrase of a folk
song: “Roads will miss Serbs, but there will be no Serbs to walk them”,
or the words heralds were given to call out, “From this day forward not
everyone is entitled to killing Serbs...”, which made Serbs sound like
animals to be killed off by only the chosen ones. We are asked to apol-
ogise for so-called murders we had to commit in order to defend our-
selves a hundred years ago in the Balkan Wars or in this last war. It is a
human act to apologise for any injustice committed against a fellow hu-
man, to seek forgiveness, and not only that, but also never to repeat it
again. Everything else is hypocrisy. But who has apologised for the
crimes committed at Šušnjar? Nobody ever has! Witnesses to the mas-
sacre say it pained them immensely to see how the common people who
did not take part in the slaughter looked at them with contempt as they
were marched to be executed by the malefactors.
Criminals, the ones that evaded justice, went into hiding and contin-
ued to live after the war with the descendants of their victims as if they
had done nothing at all. They were not haunted with conscience or guilt.
When reading the crime reports they sent to their superiors, one cannot
but wonder: how is it possible that the monstrosity of evildoers is end-
less? In their eyes, their actions at Šušnjar and other places of execution
were a completely logical chain of events, and their hypocrisy reaches
its highest with that announcement, “Not everyone is entitled to killing
Serbs...”
14
Living witnesses to the crimes at Šušnjar and other places of execu-

tion are fewer and fewer; Nature is running its course. What remains
are their memories, which are passed on from generation to generation.
If we do not record them, they too will perish or turn into legends and
myths no one will believe. The cries of 5,500 voices from Šušnjar will
be in vain. This is why this painstaking labour of collecting material
needs to go on. I know, there are those who will nag, “What use is that,
who are you working for, don’t open old wounds because they cause
pain, and pain causes other reactions, life goes on” etc. I say, let them
grumble, for it is because of those people who want us to forget every-
thing that we keep suffering misery and trouble. Because of them today
we have no homeland or motherland. Let us be ourselves.
15
Prof. Vladimir Lukić, PhD,
chairman of the Organising
Committee
MONUMENTS IN
WRITING LARGER
THAN THOSE IN STONE
Opening statement at the Third Round Table “Šušnjar 1941”

Ladies and gentlemen, dear friends, dear witnesses, authors of the
texts that were published in the Books of Proceedings of the First and
Second Round Tables “Šušnjar 1941” and which will be published in the
third Book of Proceedings,
First of all, I would like to give special thanks to all guests, to all those
people who came to honour and dignify this convention, to writers and
journalists, to everyone who has in any way contributed to the organi-
sation of the First, Second and Third Round Table! I also give special
thanks to the hosts who found a way, which has never been easy, to
make this assembly possible.
At the very beginning, I would like to say the following.
You are surely wondering why we have these round tables. When we
analysed the international conferences on Jasenovac and when we re-
viewed the Books of Proceedings which were consequently published,
we thought it was very useful and good. But we have noticed that many
citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina, ex-Yugoslavia, and especially peo-
ple abroad, believe that Jasenovac was practically the only place of mass
execution in this region.
Having talked to some foreigners, and even our people who live
abroad, we realised that they know very little about, for example,
Garavice (12,000 dead), Šušnjar (5,500 dead), then Šurmanci, Pre-
bilovci, Ržani Do, Korita and many other places of execution which our
people know little about. The decision was thus made to shed some
17
more light on the slaughter at Šušnjar, which led to the First Round
Table in 2008. It was also decided to publish a book of proceedings with
the testimonies and witness accounts heard in that convention in Ser-
bian and English, which along with materials from the Fourth and Fifth
International Conferences on Jasenovac made its way to Russia, Israel,
Italy, Austria, Germany, England, France, the United States of America,
and all the countries that arose from the fall of ex-Yugoslavia.
Let me mention something you may have already read. Academician
and Professor Srboljub Živanović, upon reviewing the Book of Proceed-
ings of the First Round Table, said: “This is a greater monument to the
victims of Šušnjar than any monument of stone that was built there!”
We set out to erect these written monuments in other places as well.
So we had a round table about the crimes on the Kozara Mountain and the
villages of Potkozarje below it, where the Committee is chaired by Prof.
Todić. We hope that for the next International Conference on Jasenovac in
May 2014 we will have a book of proceedings from that convention as well.
Then, we organised round tables about the atrocities in Grahovo, Glamoč,
Livno, Duvno, Kupres. This book of proceedings is also under preparation
and I believe it will be ready for the International Conference in the second
half of May, and then it will be sent out into the world.
Certain data tells us that in the area of Sanski Most more than 10,000
Serbs were killed in the Second World War. To the best of my knowledge
there is not a single village in this municipality where no crimes took place
back then.
It is therefore my desire for all the speakers today to freely say what
they know and to help us make sure that those who still have not given
their testimonies (and they can give them in the next two months) do so, in
order that we can have the third Book of Proceedings ready.
Perhaps there is one more important thing to say here. There is plenty
more to be done to service and properly mark places of execution. Some
of them seem quite eerie. It seems to me that we should engage some or-
ganisations and individuals to get these sites into the condition that such
sites boast in other regions, not to say other parts of the world, especially
Europe, where crimes were also committed.
I would like to most sincerely invite you to take part in these activities.
Please accept my kindest regards and thank you!
18
Poet Boro Kapetanovic (behind the presidency of the Round Table) speaks
disturbing verses about Susnjar
Homage to all victims of crime in Susnjar
19
Organising Committee
Presentations of the participants of the Round Table was followed by

with special attention ›››
20
21
Writers Zoran Kostic and Dusan Praca
Participant of all poetry event "Susnjar" poet Dobrica Eric joins his verses on
homage to the innocent victims of the memorial centre Susnjar
22
Writers Ruzica Komar and Krstan Sucur - Evidence of crime warning not to forget
23
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25
Dušan Lukač
RECKONING IN SANSKI MOST
The atmosphere of hatred towards Serbs could be felt right after the
proclamation of the NHD [Nezavisna država Hrvatska, The Independ-
ent State of Croatia] on 10th April 1941. In the breakdown of the Yugo-
slavian army and its disorganised retreat, Croatian radical elements
stood out with their uncooperative and destructive attitude towards the
then still existing Kingdom of Yugoslavia. Since the percentage of Cro-
ats in the population of Bosanska Krajina was lower than in other areas,
the number of covert Ustasha “camps” and “clusters” was lower. Pavelić
and his associates tried to include most of the Muslims of Western Bos-
nia into the hunt on Serbs. They were largely successful, having enlisted
into the Ustasha ranks the majority of Muslims from the towns of Cazin,
Bihać, Velika Kladuša and Kulen-Vakuf. This is where Serbian villages
surrounded by Muslim ones suffered the most.
The recognisable Serbian identity of Bosanska Krajina, its epic spirit
and highland individualism, which was expressed through the uprising
of 1875 (which even King Petar took part in as the Chetnik Duke Petar
Mrkonjić), as well as the resistance to the Austro-Hungarian Empire
(grand treason processes from the beginning of the 20th century), agi-
tated the Ustasha leaders, especially the commissioner Viktor Gutić.
The Serbian libertarian spirit, epitomised in the heroes of Petar Kočić’s
literature, and the persistent heritage of the soldier Golub Babić also
became prominent in these times, so difficult for western Serbs.
On St. George’s Day, 6th May 1941, the first armed conflict took place
between the Serbs and Ustasha units. The fanatical Croats and Muslims
decided to attack the Serbs on this great Orthodox Christian holiday, to
insult their religious sentiments and to demonstrate power and arro-
gance. The situation did not quite follow the oppressors’ plans. On that
day, the haughty Ustashas stormed the village of Srpsko Kijevo, lying
27
southeast of Sanski Most, intending to interrupt the celebration of the

patron saint’s day. A large group of peasants confronted them and man-
aged to drive the Ustashas away from the village. The Banja Luka Usta-
sha HQ launched a story that “a large group of Chetniks is gathering
and preparing to revolt,” so a squad of 40 German soldiers were sent
out into Srpsko Kijevo, led by two officers and reinforced by units of the
Ustasha camp in Sanski Most. German reports say that around 1000
Serbs, some armed with primitive fire-weapons, but most armed only
with cold weapons, repelled the German-Ustasha attack, having killed
3 Wermacht soldiers and many more Ustashas. What followed was a
punitive expedition with artillery attacks and armoured vehicles. The
outcome was bloody. The epicentre of the revolt, the Sjenokose hamlet
of Kijevo, went up in flames. A total of 450 Serbs were arrested, 100 of
whom were kept in prison; 27 of them, mainly from the hamlet of Vi-
dovići, were shot at dawn on 9th May. Their bodies were hung in the
park in the centre of Sanski Most.1
1
Ustanak u Bosanskoj Krajini, Beograd 1967, pp. 61-62.
28
Petar Dodik
A MASS GRAVE OF SERBS IN

THE SANA RIVER
On the last days of July 1941, great tragedy struck the Serbian peo-
ple, especially the young men who were labouring at the construction
of the road from Sanski Most to Lušci Palanka, which ran past our vil-
lage, so these youths, forced labourers, were close to their homes, work-
ing for free and on their own food. They were forced to do it, because
no one would dare not show up for work, and especially no one dared
run away from the road during the working hours.
The NDH was formally formed on 10th April 1941, and immediately
started conjuring up various measures to make the lives of the Serbs
miserable, all with the agenda of making them consider moving away or
converting to Roman Catholicism.
The government programme of the new state listed all the measures
to be implemented to cleanse its entire territory of Serbs. It was decided
to wipe out one-third of the Serbs, to convert another third, and to ban-
ish the remaining third to Serbia. At a fair in Sanski Most at the end of
June 1941, the Banja Luka Commissioner Viktor Gutić said, “Roads will
miss Serbs, but there will be no Serbs to walk them”. The threat pro-
nounced by Gutić became known to all Serbs – those working on the
road as well as those staying at home.
The labour was forced upon young men between 20 and 30 years of
age, which included my two brothers, Jovo, who was born in 1914, and
Mile, who was born in 1921 and had just turned 20, and was supposed
to be conscripted into the army. However, he was selected to toil away
on the road instead of doing basic army training, which was the com-
mon procedure, the first training for new recruits. The forced labour
29
that was introduced for young Serbs lasted only one month. From my
family, as I said, that included my two brothers.
Our mother used to prepare the meals, and she took special care of
Mile, who was her favourite. He was the best-looking, so it was no won-
der she cared for him the most, and when he went missing she mourned
him the most, she would spend days lamenting and weeping. At that
time, Muslims from Skucani Vakuf, Naprelje, Gorice, Fajtovci, Modra,
Gornji and Donji Kamengrad, i.e. from all the villages of Podgrmeč
where there were Muslims, were running away from their homes on a
mass scale. They travelled on horse wagons, with some livestock, mostly
calves, lambs and hens, ducks, geese and chickens. This indicates that
they believed there would be no livestock or fowl at their destination,
which would make survival impossible, especially for the children.
This act of mass fleeing induced a psychosis of fear with the Serbian
populace as well. If some people are leaving their homes, those who are
not usually become increasingly anxious and worried. So, this was a
strange situation for everyone. Nobody knew where to go or how long
this turmoil and suspense would last. They had to ponder issues of day-
to-day survival and shelter for their families. Since normal life was dis-
rupted, one had to conceive a new life for the entire family, which could
be very disconcerting, especially for the householder, who was expected
to tend to everybody’s needs. It was hardest to find bathing water, es-
pecially for the children, as it was something that could not be post-
poned.
One day at the end of July 1941, only Mile, the younger of my two
brothers, went to work, while Jovo did not. Around 10 o’clock that day,
rumour spread that the labourers were going to be taken away some-
where, but nobody knew where. While they were still there on the road,
in our village, we were peaceful and not really concerned. However,
when they stopped working and were gathered into one motionless
group, we kept our calm and prayed to God that they would not be taken
to Sanski Most, for it was not safe there. Albeit for as long as they were
in the hands of the Ustashas and their foreman for forced labourers,
they were not safe. Since our house was on a rise, we had a good view
of everything that was going on down on the road.
30
My mother, with her strong and penetrating voice, called out for
Mile and begged him to come home, without explaining her plea. But it
was not possible, for they were all under threat of being shot if they
tried to run away, and they were all discouraged from running away,
including our Mile.
My entire family was dispirited, because we knew that danger
awaited them in Sanski Most. Mother cried and grieved in a peculiar
way, and since we all listened to it, the rest of us also became overcome
with grief. At dusk that day rebels appeared; there were a few gunshots,
which perturbed us greatly, and some of the rebels advised us to get
away from home, which we did. We took some blankets and herded our
livestock to where we wanted to go. There was a thick forest above our
house so we set up camp and spent the night there. A few moments later,
the group on the road was formed into a column, to be escorted to San-
ski Most, which worsened our mood, because it was obvious that they
would not be dismissed to go home. I remembered the fair in Sanski
Most where the Banja Luka Commissioner had held a speech and ut-
tered the greatest threat to Serbs: “Roads will miss Serbs, but there will
be no Serbs to walk them.” This was a major threat aimed at the Serbs,
hinting at their annihilation. Fear was at the highest possible. We did
not like the fact they were moving towards Sanski Most, because we
were afraid something would happen to these youths, including our
Mile. Around half way from the starting point, that is from the house of
Abid Karabeg, near the village of Podbriježje, the procession was
stopped. Then the guards picked out 10-15 youths whose lives were to
end there, a fact known only to the foreman Halilović and the rest of the
Ustasha guards. It is unknown what criteria were applied in the selec-
tion, but it was most probably physical appearance. And that means that
they hand-picked those who were sentenced to death, while those who
were most concerned knew nothing of it. All the youths who were sin-
gled out like that were killed with blunt objects: mallets, axes, wooden
pitchforks and hefty sticks. No traces were left, and no grave was found
where they could have been buried. All the families whose members
were in that unfortunate procession spent days looking for any mark-
ings, but they found nothing. It is unknown what the motives were for
murdering those poor souls with blunt objects, but something can be
assumed. Surely the motive was not to save bullets. Gunshots are loud
31
and leave bullet casings behind, and these executioners wanted to hide
the place and manner in which they killed those poor souls.
When the youths were murdered, their bodies were to be disposed
of. No mass graves were found, not then and not later, so it may be as-
sumed they were thrown into water, because the Bliha River was near,
and somewhat further away was the Zdena River, with a similar water-
level. Even further away was the Sana River, so they may have used
horse-wagons to haul them there and throw them into the Sana. During
larger floods Sana was known to carry logs and tree-trunks into the
Danube, and even as far as the Black Sea, so the crime scene was easy
to conceal.
And so the Sana River became the hidden tomb of Serbian youths –
forced labourers from the construction site for the road from Sanski
Most to Lušci Palanka, since the Bliha and Zdena rivers were small, and
the bodies would have been washed ashore. After this hapless war many
families went looking for their missing relatives, finding fault with eve-
ryone in sight, but many have never found those they were looking for,
blaming the authorities as much as the killers. One can imagine what
the families whose members were killed back in 1941 feel like, because
today, more than 70 years later, they still know nothing about them. Not
a whisper of them in all these years. The youths we are talking about
were killed before the great massacre at the ŠUŠNJAR graveyard in Au-
gust 1941, following a Serb rebellion in the village of Kijevo, which was
a response to the Ustasha malefactions, because on St. George’s Day the
Ustashas raided the houses of Serbs who celebrated it as their patron
saint, and molested the hosts and guests for the duration of the festivity,
which is the greatest offence for the man of the house, as well as for all
the Serbs around.
It remains unclear why these villains tried to hide this crime. Later
that year in September, a penal battalion came along set on killing,
burning and pillaging Serbian houses, commanded by Alija Kamber.
When Alija came to our house, he asked my father: “Ilija, where are your
sons?” Father pointed at my eldest brother Jovo and myself, but Alija
asked: “And where is the third one?” Father told him that Mile had
worked with the other labourers on the road and that he had been taken
away with the rest of them and there had been no word of them since
32
then. Then Alija said: “Well maybe he joined the Chetniks”. And if any-
one knew what had happened to that group of youths, it would be Alija
Kamber himself, since he is from the village of Podbriježje, and we had
heard that 10-15 of those youths had been killed with blunt objects in
the vicinity of that village. But that was not where they were buried,
because neither then nor later did anyone ever find any trace of them,
not even a hole which they could have been buried in. They might have
been thrown into the Bliha River, which ran past that spot, or the Zdena,
which is two kilometres away. The third river, which was three to four
kilometres away, was the Sana River. Since we know that the villains
wanted to hide their crime, then it is most probable that the bodies were
carted to that river and disposed of there. If that is what they did, if the
Sana is where they threw the bodies of those youths, the labourers from
the Sanski Most – Lušci Palanka road, then the Sana River is the hidden
mass grave of the young Serbian forced labourers killed in late July
1941.
At the end of July, when the Serbian rebels reached our house, in-
cluding several famous people, such as Milančić Miljević, his son Veljko
Miljević, the Brkić brothers etc., we could not ignore their advice to get
away from our homes and into the woods, or to seek refuge in the village
of Dabar, far away from Sanski Most, because that town was a threat for
the local Serbians and Serbian people in general. A few days earlier we
had watched Muslims flee their homes, and now it was our turn.
That first night in the forest above our house was grim and short; we
kept thinking about what the next day would bring. At the crack of dawn
we drove our livestock onwards, across Do and towards Dabar, that is,
towards the Smrešnjak hill, where Mile Miljević lived, and we reached
him by noon. We mourned mostly for our brother Mile, while the ap-
pearance of the rebels and gunfire in the night unsettled all the neigh-
bouring Serbians, who were just as worried about what was going on as
about what was to come. Together with the livestock we passed the
hamlet of Kakići and moved away from the gunshots that were closing
in on us. Around 10 o’clock a small biplane appeared, increasing our
unease and fear, although it did not fire upon the villagers but at the
rebels, who were fighting the Ustashas and the Croatian army. We made
no stops, moving on to Smrešnjak. Mile Miljević knew my father Ilija, so
we were warmly welcomed by Mile’s whole family. We heard that the
33
rebels had dispersed, some of them to their homes. Much of Dabar was
hit by the Croatian troops. They burned down houses and farms in each
and every hamlet they reached. Word of this spread among those who
were involved in the fighting, but also among those who were far from
the Ustasha terror. These clashes claimed the life of Mića Milinković,
which grieved his family, as well as his neighbours and relatives.
We stayed with the kind Miljević family for only one night and one
day, and then we headed back to our village and our house, but it was
gone. It had been burned down on the very first day of the skirmish in
the village. Some farm buildings had also been set on fire, so we could
only take shelter from the rain in the summer kitchen and the corn crib.
Since we had not reaped the wheat and rye, now was the time for those
chores. Although we did the reaping, we did not have the machines for
threshing. We held the corn in sheaves stacked into several hayricks,
which were later burned as well, so we had nothing to eat any more.
Those in the family who had not been killed were now dependant on the
neighbours, who were willing to provide that part of our unfortunate
family with food and lodging.
34
Radovan Jović
SAINT GEORGE’S DAY UPRISING

IN TRAMOŠNJA
Seven decades had passed before July 2013, when the press in Bel-
grade finally published the bitter truth about how the communist au-
thorities in ex-Yugoslavia had altered the facts about the July 1941 up-
risings against the fascist aggressor in the former Yugoslavian repub-
lics.
On the same note, the renowned historian Dragan Petrović, PhD, re-
minds the public that all the uprisings in the former Yugoslavian repub-
lics, except in Slovenia, were anti-fascist movements of the Serbian peo-
ple, and not of Croats, Muslims or Montenegrins, as it was usually in-
terpreted in history books from the end of WWII up to 1990, the begin-
ning of the violent secession and destruction of the Socialist Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia.
It was Serbians who were the most endangered by the foreign occu-
pation, but also by puppet establishments across the Serbian ethnic ter-
ritory, such as the quisling establishment of the NDH. In Montenegro,
there was a mass uprising of Serbian people on 13th July, the day after
the puppet government under Sekula Drljević was proclaimed in Ceti-
nje. The Serbs in Lika rose against the Ustasha regime on 27th July 1941
in the town of Srb, and on the same day, the Serbian people in Drvar
and Bosansko Grahovo revolted as well. The fact that it was the Serbs
in Lika who fiercely resisted Pavelić’s Ustashas does not stop today’s
Croatia from celebrating this date as its Anti-fascist Resistance Day.
Unlike Croatia, in Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina there is no
official date to commemorate the beginning of armed resistance, de-
spite the great numbers of casualties against the German and other ag-
gressors. Truth be told, for years representatives of one of the ruling
35
parties, the SPS, have been marking 7th July as the anniversary of the
anti-fascist struggle in Serbia. This year, they marked the 72nd anni-
versary, which in turn re-opened the debate that has been going on
since political changes took place on 5th October 2000, whether the
famous events of Bela Crkva should in fact be celebrated as an uprising
or it was really only a crime, with one Serbian killing another for polit-
ical reasons. There is no doubt that, as some historians are already pro-
posing in Serbia, a new date will definitely be determined as the Upris-
ing Day, and the main criterion to mark the beginning of the uprising
will be the liberation of towns, such as Loznica, Kraljevo or Kruševac.
Although there has been an initiative in Croatia to once again make
27th July a state holiday, in 2009 a very influential magazine called
“Hrvatsko slovo” [“Croatian Letters”] published a nine-part pro-Ustasha
column, which was essentially a debate on “What was it that was cele-
brated from 1945 to 1990 as the Croatian Uprising Day and Bosnia and
Herzegovina Uprising Day, with the “celebration” being renewed in re-
cent years under the patronage of officials from the public and political
life of the Republic of Croatia”. The entire column is permeated with a
note that the uprising in the village of Srb, as well as the ones in Drvar
and Bosansko Grahovo, was launched by the Chetniks.
Unlike many generations who were fed historical forgeries for dec-
ades, since 2002, pupils in primary and secondary schools in Serbia
have studied historical events from the Second World War free of ide-
ological bias.
For the people of the Republic of Srpska, there is a secondary school
history textbook of special importance, specifically the gymnasium
[school that prepared pupils exclusively for university, translator’s note]
history textbook for the third grade, for majors in natural sciences and
mathematics, i.e. the fourth grade, for majors in general education and
humanities. The authors of this textbook, which was approved on 23rd
May 2002 by the Ministry of Education and Sport of the Republic of
Serbia, are Kosta Nikolić, Nikola Žutić, Momčilo Pavlović and Zorica
Špadijer. Considering the fact it is a very important textbook, one which
gives our secondary school students, specifically gymnasium students,
a certain knowledge of our past, it should be noted that the reviewers of
36
the textbook were Dragoljub Živojinović, PhD, full professor at the Fac-
ulty of Philosophy in Belgrade; Milan Vesović, PhD, scientific advisor at
the Institute of Contemporary History in Belgrade, and Rako Tomović,
history teacher at the Zrenjanin Gymnasium.
Among other things, the 238 pages of this history textbook give pu-
pils in Serbia the opportunity and the obligation not only to get ac-
quainted with, but also to learn about this topic from a separate chapter
titled “Genocide and terror in the Independent State of Croatia and Ko-
sovo and Metohija”.
This lesson briefly reminds pupils in Serbia of the following histor-
ical events:
The establishment of the Ustasha regime. – The Independent
State of Croatia was created on 10th April 1941 with the help of
German troops, who entered Zagreb that day. The Croatian peo-
ple saw it as a century-old dream come true, as an act of renewing
national independence and liberation from the “Serbian hegem-
ony”. The first recognition of the new state immediately came
from Vladko Maček, then vice-president of the Yugoslavian gov-
ernment, in a statement in which he supported the Ustashas and
demanded transfer of authority. Support also came from the
Catholic clergy.
The genocide. – Right after the NDH was declared Serbs were
outlawed: they were removed from public service, their move-
ment was limited, they were forbidden to use the Cyrillic script,
the names of their districts were changed, Orthodox Christian re-
ligious schools were abolished, printing Serbian books became il-
legal, even in the Latin script. The Serbian people were pro-
claimed as public enemy number one for the Croatian people. As
early as 17th April, a decree on the protection of the people and
state was passed, which introduced a state of martial law in the
NDH against the Serbians, and on 25th April, the Cyrillic script
was outlawed. All traces of the Serbian past were destroyed, and
churches, libraries and culture association buildings were burnt
to the ground.1
1
Kosta Nikolić i dr., Istorija 3/4: za III razred gimnazije prirodno-matematičkog
smera i IV razred gimnazije opšteg i društveno-jezičkog smera, Zavod za udžbenike i
nastavna sredstva, Beograd, 2005, p. 154.
37
The first under attack were Orthodox Christian priests, Serbian

leaders, notable householders, elites and wealthier people. – In
the first half of May, the Ustasha authorities issued orders that all
Serbians were to carry a white armband on their left arm stating
their religion. The Serbians were to be suppressed one way or the
other. All trace of them was to be destroyed for good.
Ustasha death camps. – The most infamous means by which the
Ustashas reinforced their rule were certainly concentration
camps. As early as April 1941, the Ustashas formed a camp in
Koprivnica, followed by another one in Stara Gradiška in May. The
conditions in the camp were unbearable: insufficient water, poor
food, lots of prisoners dying of typhoid and dysentery. Incomplete
data indicates that 75,000 people were murdered in this camp
during the war. A “speciality” of the Ustashas were children’s con-
centration camps, something which even the Nazis did not have.
Children’s camps were organised in Stara Gradiška, Sisak, Jastre-
barsko, Novska and other places. Seventy-two thousand children
were imprisoned in these camps, and around 55,000 were killed.
The imprisoned children were mainly of Serbian ethnicity.
The Serbians suffered their greatest losses at the Jasenovac camp,
which was established in September 1941. Jasenovac was a huge
factory of death, where the cruellest methods were used to kill
human beings. Apart from exhausting labour, the prisoners were
exposed to severe torture. The victims were buried in mass graves,
thrown into the Sava River or burned in crematoriums. The exact
number of people who died at Jasenovac is unknown. The range
is quite extensive. Those who have tried to minimise the crime of
genocide said it was around 50,000 victims. According to a Ger-
man source (report by SS General Fink to Heinrich Himmler,
dated March 1944) between 600,000 and 700,000 people were
killed in the entire NDH, mostly Serbs, Jews and Roma people,
mainly in Jasenovac.2
This school textbook for junior and senior gymnasium students in
Serbia finally rectifies the multi-decennial injustice and great shame
that was purposely used to conceal the dedication and courage first ex-
hibited by the Serbs from the area of Sanski Most in all of the occupied
2
Kosta Nikolić i dr., ibid., p. 155.
38
Europe. Nearly a month before the Communist Party of Yugoslavia un-

der Josip Broz Tito passed a resolution by which 4th July was declared
Fighter’s Day, Serbs in the village of Tramošnja near Sanski Most rose
against the occupying forces and the Ustasha regime of the criminal es-
tablishment that was the Independent State of Croatia.
So it is not Bela Crkva, Kolašin, Srb, Drvar or Bosansko Grahovo that
should bear the title of the first rebel outbreak, since two, even three
months before all of them the bold and courageous Serbs from Tra-
mošnja rebelled against the Ustasha slayers and German aggressors.
This is why we give the complete, word-for-word text from the
aforementioned textbook, which the current and future gymnasium pu-
pils in Serbia are obliged to learn as part of their education on our past.
“UPRISING. – The Serbian uprising in the NDH was staged spon-
taneously, as a defence from a general slaughter that was being
prepared and was in the initial stage of implementation as of May
1941. The first uprising of the Serbian people against the Ustasha
authorities happened on 6th and 7th May 1941, near Sanski Most
(the village of Tramošnja, a/c). The Serbian peasants fought not
only the Ustashas, but also the German army, which also used
heavy artillery on those days.
After Tramošnja near Sanski Most, armed resistance commenced
on 3rd June in the Nevesinje County. Next, it spread to the area
around Gacko, Bileća and Trebinje. By the end of the month, most
of the Nevesinje and Gacko counties had been liberated.
In the west of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which had since early April
1941 been entirely annexed to the Independent State of Croatia,
Serbian resistance started at the end of July, as a response to the
mass killings by the Ustashas in the town and region of Bihać. The
Serbian uprising at Tromeđa (the tripoint between Kninska Kraj-
ina, western Bosnia and northern Dalmatia) started in late July
around Drvar, Lapac and some other villages. Peasant companies
from villages around Knin and across the Dinara Mountain to-
wards Lika easily took over smaller Ustasha and Croatian Home
Guard outposts. Free territory spread out towards Lika, to the
39
north of Knin, towards Gospić, and to the east, towards Bosanska

Krajina.3
It is true that Tramošnja and Sanski Most entered school curricula
only in the first decade of the third millennium, but lest the wrong con-
clusion is made, it should be noted that the exploits of the bold Serbs of
Tramošnja and other Serb villages in Sanski Most have been the topic
of many independent publications, such as those authored by Branko J.
Bokan, Dušan Lukač, Milan Zorić, Ratko Ilić and others.
First resistance to the fascists

The first cases of resistance to the fascist and Ustasha forces after
the capitulation of the Yugoslavian army were noted in the western
parts of Yugoslavia, in areas predominantly populated by Serbian peo-
ple. Italian sources noted resistance in the area of the Adriatic Division,
i.e. around Knin and Kninska Krajina. More pronounced spontaneous
forms of resistance arose in Bosanska Krajina and east Herzegovina, as
a consequence of the formation of the NDH and abuse against Serbian
people.
A month after the beginning of the April War and 18 days after the
Capitulation Act, there was a confrontation of Serb peasants from the
area of Sanski Most, more precisely, from the villages of Kijevo and Tra-
mošnja, on 6th, 7th and 8th May 1941, known as the St. George’s Day
Uprising of the Sana peasants. The peasants responded to the Ustasha
abuse with gunfire and repelled the Ustashas from their villages. As
soon as the peasants from Kozice, Hazići, Skratinska, Obrovac and other
neighbouring Serbian villages learned of the confrontation with the
Ustashas on Kijevska Gora, they headed to aid the people of Tramošnja.
“The commander of the Croatian troops deployed in Bosanska Krajina”
informed “the Commander of the entire Croatian Land Army” about the
fight with “the Chetniks of Sanski Most”. The Ustashas received help in
these clashes from Prijedor; on 7th May, the rebelling peasants were
attacked by a German unit from the First Division of the 132nd Battal-
ion stationed in Prijedor. At dawn on 8th May, a German armoured di-
vision managed to disperse the rebel positions, which did not have a
3
Kosta Nikolić i dr., ibid.
40
unified command. For their casualties, and in accordance with their ra-
tio of ten Serbs for one of their own, the Germans executed 27 Serbs in
Sanski Most and then hung their bodies in the city park, which the Usta-
shas used as a horrifying example and warning for the May (“St.
George’s Day”) rebellion and to increase their terror over the Serbs.4
Dušan Lukač wrote about the same event in 1967:
“On St. George’s Day, 6th May 1941, the first armed conflict took
place between the Serbs and Ustasha units. The fanatical Croats
and Muslims decided to attack the Serbs on this great Orthodox
Christian holiday, to insult their religious sentiments and to
demonstrate power and arrogance. The situation did not quite fol-
low the opressors’ plans. On that day, the haughty Ustashas
stormed the village of Srpsko Kijevo, located southeast of Sanski
Most, intending to interrupt the celebration of the patron saint’s
day. A large group of peasants confronted them and managed to
drive the Ustashas away from the village. The Banja Luka Ustasha
HQ launched a story that “a large group of Chetniks is gathering
and preparing to revolt”, so a squad of 40 German soldiers were
sent out into Srpsko Kijevo, led by two officers and reinforced by
units from the Sanski Most Ustasha camp.
German reports say that around 1000 Serbs, some armed with
primitive fire-weapons, but most armed only with cold weapons,
repelled the German-Ustasha attack, having killed 3 Wermacht
soldiers and many more Ustashas. What followed was a punitive
expedition with artillery attacks and armoured vehicles. The out-
come was bloody. Four-hundred and fifty Serbs were arrested, a
hundred of whom were kept in prison; 27 of the captives, mainly
from a hamlet named Vidovići, were shot at dawn on 9th May.
Their bodies were hung in the park in the centre of Sanski Most.5
Refugees on the run

In the night between 7th and 8th May 1941, the rebelling Serbs of
Tramošnja received help from the surrounding villages. Although
4
Branko J. Bokan, Opština Sanski Most. Dio 1, Do jula 1941. g., Borba, OOUR Eko-
nomska politika, Beograd, Skupština opštine Sanski Most, 1974, pp. 271-285.
5
Dušan Lukač, Ustanak u Bosanskoj Krajini, Vojnoizdavački zavod, Beograd,
1967, pp. 61-62.
41
their number considerably increased, they still lacked unified,

firm command, which is understandable considering the fact that
the rebels did not have time to organise and that Vid Đaković and
the others lacked military training. Women, children and all those
who were not fit for combat escaped on the very first day, 6th May,
out of their houses near the battle-zone and into the surrounding
forest, or even further away.
On 7th May, Vid Đaković visited the positions. He explained that
they had “agreed, made arrangements”, although he did not say
who “they” were (probably himself, Risto Kovačević, Đorđe Suljić
and Lieutenant Stanislav Maričić), that he was to visit the posi-
tions and tell the men that they were going to attack the enemy
the next day and drive them off to Sanski Most. He said that the
enemy were fewer in number than the rebelling Serbs.
That evening the Serbs from Tramošnja and the neighbouring vil-
lages brought the fighters ample dinner, which greatly boosted
their morale and determination.
On 8th May at dawn, a German armoured division shifted to the
offensive: they set up artillery on a road in the village of Čaplja to
support the infantry. One-half of the troops went behind the re-
bels’ back through Podovi, Donja Kozica and Tukovi, while the
other half attacked frontally from the direction of Kijevo. The bat-
tle of Sjenokose lasted for 2-3 hours.
Unfortunately, their numbers and arms being superior, the enemy
forces crushed the rebel fortifications.
By noon of 8th May, in Tomina, near the house of the Vidović fam-
ily, the Germans had gathered around 300 men who had been
caught at the battlefield and the neighbouring villages. Many had
escaped imprisonment by going deep into the villages of Tra-
mošnja and Kozice and had nothing to fear. Most of those who
were armed and had engaged in the fighting managed to avoid
being captured by escaping deep into the villages of Tramošnja,
Kozice, Padovi, Hazići.6
6
Branko J. Bokan, Srez Sanski Most u NOB: 1941-1945, Skupština opštine, Sanski
Most, 1980.
42
A mass slaughter of Serbs

“While the men were still thinking of the weapons they had not
got, on 27th July a mounted peasant arrived at Vitogor and gave
word that ten Ustashas had come to the village school in Dabar
and were capturing people and taking them to Sanski Most. We
immediately decided that the captured people were to be saved.
Several dozen men headed to Sanski Most to intercept the Usta-
sha group and set the peasants free. The men set off without any
weapons – barehanded. But they soon started to “arm” themselves
along the way – many got hold of axes, pitchforks, stakes or any
objects that could hurt the enemy. Some people found old hunting
rifles, and others had carbines left over from the previous war.
The morale was slowly changing. Everybody was focused on free-
ing the captured peasants and disarming the Ustashas. “We need
weapons, and we must get them from the enemy’, this was what all
those men thought and wanted.
They caught up with the Ustashas in Do, at the house of the Žutić
family. The Ustashas were taking around fifteen peasants to San-
ski Most, among whom were Obrad and Sava Ilić, Nikola and Petar
Dobrić, Miloš Vokić, Jovo Žutić, Luka Kragulj, Milan Pajković,
Božo Petrović and Mile Stupar.
Prior to 27th July, the Ustashas undertook a campaign in and
around Sanski Most. They captured and imprisoned all male
Serbs over the age of sixteen. They arrested everyone they
deemed even the slightest threat, everyone who could resist them
in any way. The lives of those people were in danger. On 30th and
31st July, the Ustashas carried out a massacre in the town. The
prisons, which had been filled with people and had no room for
newcomers, were suddenly completely empty. It was not only the
prisoners who were killed, but also the young men who were toil-
ing away on the road construction site near Sanski Most. Women
and children of the village of Kljevci witnessed one of the most
horrific slaughters around Sanski Most.”
The sole survivor of this slaughter was Dušan Bodiroža, a peasant,
who has described the tragic event:
“In the evening of 1st August, the Ustashas stormed the village and
started taking people out of their homes. The houses were soon
left empty. Around seventy people, including myself, were tied
43
with wire. Some of us were tied in twos, some in threes or fours,

and some were tied individually. I was tied alone, but it did not
occur to me at that moment that it could be a fortunate circum-
stance. The seventy of us slowly started walking and would speed
up only when one of us got hit in the back with the butt of a rifle.
We did not know where we were going, but we all felt that we
would not be coming back to our homes again. It was obvious by
the way the Ustashas treated us.
No more than twenty minutes later the Ustashas stopped us at the
Čapljanske Bare, the great plains of this village. Suddenly, before
we had time to think about what was going to happen, terrible
gunfire was heard. The Ustashas started firing short bursts at us
with their machine guns. All chaos broke loose. Some people
screamed, others merely moaned. People muttered words, men-
tioning their children, wives, mothers. Just next to me someone
said, “Didn’t I tell you we should run away!’
The slaughter in Sanski Most lasted three days, during which all
Serbs who had been caught in the town or the surrounding vil-
lages were killed. In the days following 27th July, Sanski Most be-
came a real human slaughterhouse. If the Ustashas got hold of you
in that period, you were dead. There was another mass slaughter
those days in the village of Čaplje near Sanski Most.
Having heard of these mass slaughters in several neighbouring
villages, the people of Kljevci, Dabar, Djedovača, Bosanski Mila-
novac, Grdenovci and others realised that the time had come to
fight the enemy. It was the only way to save their lives. Masses
started to gather and prepare for battle. The trouble was that
weapons were nowhere to be found at the time. What weapons
had been hidden were now brought to light of day. Rifles were
scarce. These five villages, although of considerable size, did not
yield more than a dozen carbines and fifteen handguns. The first
days were very difficult. Not only were weapons scarce, but there
was almost no organisation, nobody to tell the people what to do.
Many people did what they thought was necessary and useful, in
44
other words, they were on their own. There were no men to or-
ganise the crowds and take command.”7
A new attack on the Tramošnja repelled

Having gone through the entire area east of Sanski Most, units of
the 13th Krajina Brigade ended up in Kijevo, Tramošnja and
Stratinska on 30th August. The 2nd Battalion was stationed in the
village of Tramošnja, in the Kondići hamlet, e. 455. The 3rd Bat-
talion arrived in Tramošnja from Stratinska in the evening of 31st
August. Upon arrival, they set up camp in the Đakovići hamlet, 2.5
km east from the school. The two battalions remained in those po-
sitions until 2nd September, right up to the enemy attack on the
2nd Battalion. On 2nd September, around 300 Germans headed
from Bronzani Majdan, over the Stratinska village, towards Tra-
mošnja and the two battalions of the 13th Brigade.
During the confrontation, the 2nd Battalion managed to cut off
some of the enemy troops, but thanks to their automatic weapons,
the enemy fought back hard. However, the 2nd Battalion laid
down suppressing fire on the front, while a part of the troops went
behind the enemy’s back. When they got close enough, they
charged. One of the enemy’s machine gunners, Abdurahman Ata-
bajev, fought until our soldiers physically overcame him. There
were several such examples.8
“They all put up a bloody fight and did not want to surrender until
our guys grabbed them by their throats”. This broke down the en-
emy attack, which turned into a defensive, and in the end into a
messy retreat. They were able to retreat towards Stratinska and
Bronzani Majdan because it was already dark, the land was inter-
sected and the Germans were accompanied by the Chetniks, who
were familiar with the terrain.9
7
Ratko Ilić, “Od neizvjesnosti do slobode”, in: Ustanak naroda Jugoslavije 1941:
Zbornik: Knjiga šesta, Vojnoizdavački zavod JNA “Novo delo”, Beograd, 1964, pp.
330-353.
8
Milan N. Zorić, XIII krajiška brigada, Vojnoizdavački zavod, Beograd, 1968.
9
Report by Commander of the 13th Krajina Brigade, dated 4th September 1943,
JNA Archives III, e. 1626, reg. no. 9/1-21.
45
Map legend:
Tramošnja
1) Direction of the arrival of enemy forces to Tramošnja.
2) Location of the confrontation with parts of the 2nd Battalion.
3) Direction from which a platoon of the 2nd Battalion got behind the enemy’s
back.
4) Direction of the 3rd Battalion’s advance towards the enemy.
5) Directions of enemy retreat after the attack failed.
46
Vaso Predojević, PhD
PODGRMEČ BETWEEN TWO

CRIMES OF GENOCIDE
(ŠUŠNJAR 1941 AND GRMEČ 1943)
AND THE ETHNIC CLEANSING IN
1995 AS THEIR FINAL CHAPTER
“If you run in the path of life and fall down, dust yourself off,
because it is not the one who falls that loses,
but the one who remains on the ground.”
Aristotle
In my testimony titled “Crime after Crime – the Crime of Genocide”

from the Second Round Table “Šušnjar 1941”1 I dealt with the crime of
genocide against the Serbs of Grmeč and Podgrmeč in and around the
municipality of Sanski Most and presented the historical fact that the
crime of genocide was repeated in the form of ethnic cleansing and
complete destruction of the ancient Serbian population and homes
around the Grmeč Mountain. I say ancient because I possess historical
information that even my clan, the Predojević clan, lived there from
1546 to 1995, when, like many other clans, fearing for their lives from
the so-called army of Bosnia and Herzegovina, or better said, the Mus-
lim-Croatian army, they left their homes and hearths. What followed
was the vicious destruction of immovable property, including utilities
and other infrastructure (water works and power grid, roads etc.). All
1
ŠUŠNJAR 1941 PROCEEDINGS OF THE THIRD ROUND TABLE Proceedings Pa-
pers, Testimonies and Documents, Oštra Luka, 1st August 2013, Slovo, Banja Luka,
2010, p.150
47
that was left were the foundations and basements of houses, overgrown
with shrubs, a solitary “headless” post or a chimney here and there to
hint that there used to be a hearth in that place. Testaments to what
once was, and is no more. This fact is in no way mitigated or alleviated
by those who have returned to their land and their hearths, neither with
their age structure nor the lack of conditions for sustainable living, es-
pecially having in mind that they are cut off from the rest of their peo-
ple, outside of the Republic of Srpska, destined to die out one by one.
This historical fact – the recurrence of genocide – is valid “only if it
is understood as a historical category and placed within the frame of a
specific time and space”, as I claimed in my testimony at the Second
Round Table. Between the two genocides, at Šušnjar in 1941 and on
Grmeč in 1943, which are impossible to observe separately,2 there was
a historical drama of persecution, torture, rape and mass murder in the
cruelest ways, including burning people alive, entire families and clans
in their houses or stables, burning elderly and weak persons, women,
girls and children, even in cribs and in their mothers’ arms. The crimes
were committed by the Independent State of Croatia (NDH) and its
Ustasha army and troops, alone or in unison with the German occupi-
ers, while the Ustasha cruelty surpassed even the most notorious Ger-
man executioners – the legionnaires. This can be verified if we look at
the chroniclers of that time. They in fact testify that out of 5119 “victims
of fascism” many were victims of outright terror – 3428 murders at peo-
ple’s doorsteps and 358 in death camps; that the direct executors of
these crimes were Germans in 504 cases, the Ustashas in 1614, Muslims
in 212 and that the perpetrators are “unknown” when to comes to 3863
cases!3 That way the Ustashas are identified mainly as Croats, although
Muslims in the Ustasha uniforms were the majority here. This historical
drama is what this testimony is about.
2
Ibid, p. 151. The Predojevićes were the indigenous population of Predojevića
Glavice, the village the “new authorities” have renamed as “Glavice”.
3
Ibid., pp. 37-52.
48
I
Right after the NDH was instituted in Sanski Most (15-18th April
1941), and even prior to that, the manhunt on Serbs began with the in-
tent to destroy them and banish them from their age-old homes and
hearths. The hunters on Serbs were all those who accepted the Ustasha
ideology and the German aggressor as liberators. Namely, any Muslim
or Croat who joined the Ustasha movement took on the right and felt
licenced to freely persecute and kill Serbs, and plunder and destroy
their property. The scale of this phenomenon was so horrific in the vil-
lages around Sanski Most and the peripheral villages towards Pod-
grmeč that the German command was “forced” to inform the public in
the town and the villages through the local drummer (herald), or rather
to let them know whose privilege it was to kill Serbs and plunder their
property. “Hear, hear! From this day forward not everyone is entitled to
killing Serbs. From this day forwards Serbs can only be killed by mem-
bers of the powerful German Reich and members of the armed forces
of the Independent State of Croatia!”4 So, the right to kill Serbs be-
longed only to the brothers in arms and blood, the Ustashas and Ger-
mans! This so-called “right” looked like this: “The Ustashas went out
every day to fetch people (Serbs, needles to say, a/c), to plunder, to har-
ass women and children. It was horrible. Simply walking down the road
they would see a mother with a child in her arms and they would hit the
child in the head with the butt of a rifle, and the child’s brains would
spill out,” testified Katarina Čanak, a Croat woman from Gornja San-
ica.5 The suffering of children is most deeply imprinted in the hearts
and minds of the Serbs. The knowledge that 140 children who were
born during the war6 became victims of direct Ustasha terror in their
cribs or in their mother’s arms is deeply rooted in people’s minds and
is on the scale of a racist and genocidal act! Here are merely two pieces
of evidence:
In our region of Podgrmeč there is a widespread song: “In Grmeč, a
child crawls / and tells me – hello friend! / Hello friend, hello brother!
/ Have you seen my old man around?”, and the song is well remembered
4
Branko J. Bokan, Srez Sanski Most u NOB: 1941-1945, Vol. 2, p. 94.
5
Ibid., Vol. 3, p. 94.
6
Ibid., Vol. 3, pp. 728-733.
49
by all of us whose fathers forever disappeared into the white nights of

Grmeč. Here is another testimony on the suffering of children in Pod-
grmeč:
“We were captured (during their refuge on the Grmeč Mountain in
February 1943, a/c) by the Jerries and Muslim Ustashas and they moved
us to Bosanska Krupa... They herded us like some cattle into a barn.
There were no blankets. Not to mention fire. And the winter was cold,
so cold that long after the war it was still mentioned as the coldest win-
ter anyone could remember. People said it was as if God and the “infi-
dels” (Muslims) had consorted against Serbs. My mother Đurđija was
with us, my three sisters and myself; one of them was older and the
other two were younger than I was, with only a few years difference,
aged two to nine... In that month of slavery the children were smitten
by death. They died at almost regular intervals. They froze and starved
to death. Then they were carried out of the barn and buried some-
where... And they have remained there for all eternity. With no mark-
ings. With no graves. With no names... The first to die were my two
younger sisters, aged one and three. They had not even been baptised,
so I do not even know their names. And one after another, the children
died. The adults died as well. Not a day went by without a death. We
were not allowed to mourn. Not to mention lament. There were no fu-
nerals. They carried our deceased outside and “buried” them out there,
I do not know where...
Before that, they had picked out some of us for slavery in Germany.
From our clan they had chosen Dmitar’s Joka and Ilija Kosta’s Jela...
They came back from slavery after the war, in 1946. Jela was particu-
larly afraid. She did not know what was going to happen to her son
Boško (not even two years of age). She was also concerned about her
brother-in-law Trivo (aged 13) and his eleven-year-old sister Koviljka,
who was one of the first to die... Trivo snuck little Boško out, put him in
a bag and ran away from the barn – from Krupa to our Glavica (a dis-
tance of 38 km, a/c). Probably even he himself did not know which way
he was going. He was shrouded by the forest, wilderness, deep snow and
sheer cold. The boy carried the baby, running for his life. Then he en-
countered some of our people, Serbs, refugees from Andulajevići. They
were on an oxcart, on their way back to Andulajevići. Trivo told them
about his ordeal, and they took him onto the oxcart. He took the bag off
50
his back and saw that Boško was dead. He had frozen to death. With his
dead nephew Trivo reached Andulajevići, and then Glavica, where he
found his parents, Stojko and Kosta, shrouded in pain and grief – their
sons Drago and Marko had died fighting alongside the Partisans, and
Trivo brought them a dead grandson and news of the death of their
granddaughter Koviljka. Could there be any greater sorrow, any greater
tragedy...”7 These were the words of Stevo Predojević, nicknamed Ćevo,
from the village of Predojevića Glavice, born in 1938, now a refugee.
II
During the July 1941 uprising, the Podgrmeč region, with its centre
Lušci Palanka and the nearby Grmeč Mountain, became a large, well-
organised free territory. Things remained like this until February 1943,
as opposed to the occupied part of the Sanski Most area, more precisely,
its villages bordering Podgrmeč. These villages were raided by the Usta-
sha villains called “bashibazouk” and “akinci” (damaged heads and raid-
ers) [from Turkish başıbozuk or delibaş, meaning free-headed, leader-
less or disorderly, and akıncı, historically referring to irregular light
cavalry, translator’s note] and, together with them, elite German troops
– the legionaries, whose task was to occupy the free territory. Mean-
while, on one side there were the Serbs, with very few exceptions, while
on the other were the Ustashas and their minion executioners. Here is
a record of this: out of 475 holders of the Yugoslav Partisan Commem-
orative Medal 1941 [awarded to individuals who joined the Partisan
movement during 1941, translator’s note], only four of those who were
among the first to join the Partisan movement (1299 of them, 388 of
whom did not get the medal for various reasons, while 436 died during
the war) were not Serbs. In that period, the NDH authorities in Sanski
Most were proud to have “three hundred Ustasha troops”, most of whom
were Muslims. Moreover, out of 3605 of the so-called victims of fascism
(the official data, which is in opposition to the real number of victims at
Šušnjar in 1941 and the Grmeč Mountain in 1943), only 26 were not
Serbs.8
7
Vaso Predojević, Iskoraci, Studio grad, Škofja Loka, 2009, pp. 20-22.
8
Ibid., p. 36.
51
The Serbs’ reaction to the plan to exterminate them was one of

neighbourly relations with their Muslim and Croatian compatriots. A
chronicle from that period states that only on and around St. Elijah’s
Day (2nd August), i.e. in late July and early August 1941, 5500 Serbs
were killed and thrown into pits at Šušnjar during the Viktor-Hamza
campaign.9 Why? Only because they were Serbs and Orthodox Chris-
tians! Similarly, the chronicle records that 5119 Serbs perished on the
Grmeč Mountain, during the white winter nights of February and
March 1943, which included 1001 Partisans and 316 wounded whose
lives ended at the Partisan hospital in Korčanica.10 Again, why? Only
because they were all, or almost all, Serbs! The Jews from Sanski Most
were the only other community that suffered the same fate at Šušnjar,
simply because they were Jews.
During the time between the two genocides, that at Šušnjar and that
on the Grmeč Mountain, another genocide took place, “supplementing”
them in terms of agenda and bestiality. The blood of the Serbs from the
villages bordering the free Podgrmeč territory, then known as “The
Grmeč Republic”, soaked their homes and dwellings. Bloody furrows
were ploughed by the Ustashas from Sanski Most, Bosanska Krupa,
Sanica and Ključ, especially the bashibazouk and akinci, who were Mus-
lims; the bloody furrows had never stopped bleeding, only to be re-
ploughed in 1995 and become overgrown in thicket. How was this done
and what bloody furrows and tears have been left behind for good, as
traces of the Nazi and Ustasha monsters?
First, immediately upon the establishment of NDH, the respectable
Serbs from the Grmeč-bordering villages (Gorica, Skucani Vakuf, Lip-
nik, Đurići, Kozin etc.) were deceived by being summoned to Sanski
Most over different “duties”, including “the duty to defend their coun-
try”. Unfortunately, they obeyed, disregarding the warnings by some
9
Viktor Gutić, commander of the Ustasha Headquarters, and Hamzo Rešić
Pašić, Sanski Most Mayor.
10
Vaso Predojević, Putevima Podgrmeča, Unigraf, Ljubljana, 2004. On Grmeč,
3370 men, women and children were killed, 1222 were taken prisoner and 493 dis-
appeared; 1256 froze to death, while in villages at the foot of Mount Grmeč 1142
houses, 1143 barns and 229 other structures were burnt, making a total of 5119 Serbs
and their property.
52
Muslim people from Kamengrad. They obeyed only to be end up in dif-

ferent places of execution, mostly at Šušnjar, while the horses and carts
in which they arrived became loot. All this was said to me by Svetko
Šuput from Skucani Vakuf, born in 1927, who is a refugee now. In the
same way, 14 Serbian WWI volunteers were perfidiously executed as
early as 5th May, two of whom were priests and one a holder of Order
of the Star of Karađorđe [a decoration established in Serbia on 1st Jan-
uary 1904 by King Peter I, translator’s note], along with many respect-
able Serbs and Jews.
At the same time, a census of young Serbs (in Lipnik, Đurići, Bosan-
ski Milanovac, Podvidača, Bošnjaci, Grdanovci, Tomina etc.) born 1916-
1922 was taking place; they were gathered at muster points and taken
away for forced labour such as repairing the macadam roads leading to
Podgrmeč, especially the road along Kisak, from Kamengrad to Fa-
jtovci. Most of these young Serbs were executed, especially at Šušnjar,
while a small number of them survived owing to their Muslim forced
labour supervisors.
The Roman Catholic Church also contributed to the genocide
against the Serbs. Namely, apart from the full support it gave to the
NDH, the Catholic Church organised forced conversion to Catholicism.
Many examples show that this was just a trap set by the Catholic Church
and the Ustashas because what followed was the not only the execution
of those who had not converted but also of those who had. Some Serbs
from Sanski Most converted into Catholicism to keep their lives; how-
ever, they were the first to be executed. Their new religion did not help
them; the only thing that mattered was the fact they were Serbs! There
were no attempts of conversion made in Podgrmeč, because this region
was populated exclusively by Serbs, with the exception of the villages
bordering Sanski Most, such as Skucani Vakuf, Gorica etc., which had a
mixed ethnic structure.11
III
The legacy of bestial crimes, blood and tears shed between the two
genocides, but also before and after them, soaked the land of Podgrmeč,
11
Branko J. Bokan, ibid., Vol. 2, pp. 78-81.
53
a centuries-long home of Serbs. Murderers attacked Podgrmeč from

three directions: Sanski Most, Bosanska Krupa, and Sanica and Ključ.
Here is some evidence to confirm the tradition of genocide:
Immediately upon the occupation and establishment of the NDH, “a
rule was established” according to which people would be detained and
killed for merely a shot at a German soldier. In line with the rule, 27
Serbs were shot and their bodies hung at a square in Sanski Most with
the following message: “This will be the fate of all those who are against
the state” – against the NDH.12 The persecution and pogrom of the
Serbs ensued.
In the village of Gorice (ethnically mixed – Serbs and Muslims), in
the Serbian part of the village, the Ustashas arrested nine members of
the Rodić family, took them to Sanski Most and executed them. Later
that day, they arrested five Serbs in Naprelj and seventeen in Fajtovci,
took them to Kamengrad and also killed them. The Ustashas returned
to both villages in early 1943 to arrest sixteen members of the Rodić
family in the Serbian part of Gorice and burned them alive in Spasoje
Rodić’s house. In the same village, at Petar Došenović’s barn, the Usta-
shas immolated 34 relatives (women, young girls and a boy) from the
families Rodić, Došenović, Malić, Ranić, Predojević, Škundrić and
Zavođa. They also arrested and burnt 150 people – Serbs, in hamlets
Orašje and Dolovi of the village of Fajtovci13.
In Budimlić Japra and Marina, the Ustashas arrested 27 and 64
Serbs respectively and killed them after sadistic torture on 2nd August
1941. In Majkić Japra, a combined Nazi and Ustasha patrol of 15 crimi-
nals raped a woman, who died from internal injuries at her home. Her
female neighbour was found dead at her hearth, where she had been
murdered. The Nazis and Ustashas went hunting down people in the
largely desolate villages (the population had sought refuge in the Grmeč
Mountain), arresting helpless old people and refugees from Banija, Kor-
dun and even Slovenia (there were 2797 refugees, 1973 of whom women
and children – 187 of them from the surroundings of Murska Sobota
12
Ibid., pp. 105-107.
13
Ibid., pp. 22-24.
54
and Maribor), taking them to nearby forests and executing them on a

massive scale.14
In the village of Jelašinovci, the Nazis and Ustashas killed and burnt
a large group of men, women, girls and children in their houses and
stables, whose number has never been determined. After that, in the
meadows called Đakov Grob and Plećine they executed 43 villagers –
elderly men, women, girls and children (the eight-year-old Marko Srdić
stayed alive, protected by the bodies of his three brothers, his sister and
mother). Simo Kukolj’s family was also killed, with the exception of their
ten-year-old daughter Koviljka, who stayed alive the same way Marko
Srdić did. Similarly, on 12th and 13th February 1943, Jelašinovci paid a
great death toll with the lives of its 256 villagers – men, women, girls
and children.15
In Drenova Glavica and Rudnice, the Ustashas from Bosanska Krupa
slaughtered and burned 180 and 427 men, women and children respec-
tively, compouned by another 226 victims in Srpska Jasenica.16
IV
The traces of the atrocities committed abounded, along with the
blood and tears shed. The best evidence of this is data on the so-called
victims of fascism, victims of the Muslim-Croatian Ustasha monstrous
soldiery, or better said, the civilian casualty statistics, which is three-
fold compared to the number of dead Serbian rebels, the Partisans, who
fought the Nazi aggressors and their Ustasha minions. The official rec-
ord says there were 3605 victims of fascist terror and 1001 dead sol-
diers, 75 of whom were women. Out of 3605 casualties, 1196 were
women! This is evidence of terrible genocide, and more than that. Many
Podgrmeč villages suffered such great losses and the consequences of
the atrocities were felt by the post-war generations for many years.
Listed below are more villages where atrocities took place, which is not
meant to belittle in any way the genocide committed at other places, no
matter how few the victims may have been: Brdari – 307 villagers, 99
14
Ibid., p. 318.
15
Ibid., pp. 66-67.
16
Ibid., Vol. 2, p. 72.
55
casualties (30 women; 17 people killed in combat); Đedovača – 182 vil-

lagers, 56 casualties (15 women; 9 killed in combat); Jelašinovci – 1059
villagers, 262 casualties (143 women; 69 killed in combat); the villages
of Majkić Japra Gornja and Majkić Japra Donja – 1059 villagers, 279
casualties (143 women; 104 killed in combat); Miljevci – 710 villagers,
91 casualties (35 women; 28 people killed in combat); Otiš – 476 villag-
ers, 66 casualties (36 women; 28 killed in combat); Predojevića Glavica
– 630 villagers, 90 casualties (42 women; 36 people killed in combat) –
the places of killing and graves of 18 dead Partisans have never been
discovered; Praštali – 400 villagers, 107 casualties (52 women; 38 peo-
ple killed in combat); Tuk Bobija – 352 villagers, 47 casualties (17
women; 19 people killed in combat); Podvidača – 889 villagers, 50 cas-
ualties (one woman; 35 people killed in combat); Lukavice – 910 villag-
ers, 33 casualties (2 women; 24 people killed in combat); Kruhari – 1120
villagers, 95 casualties (18 women; 24 people killed in combat) etc.17
The village of Hašani in the Grmeč Mountain suffered 71 casualties; 47
people froze to death and 24 died from spotted fever, while 72 died as
members of the resistance movement; Srpska Jasenica village suffered
226 casualties of the Nazi and Ustasha terror (92 froze to death or died
from spotted fever, while 49 were killed in combat).18
All these people became victims of the Ustasha monsters or, in a
smaller number of cases, of atrocities jointly committed by the Ustashas
and Nazi legionaries. Those people, our Serbian people, were sentenced
without a trial – to death! The death toll was most tragically paid by
women, children and the elderly, especially those who had not taken
refuge in the Grmeč Mountain, where all they could hope for was to find
death in the embrace of the mountain on white winter nights. Both
those who had not fled and had rather stayed in their villages, as well as
those who had taken refuge, in hope they would stay alive and be wit-
nesses to the Ustashas’ monstrous atrocities, knew and remembered
that hell had not satisfied its hunger; like in the famous literary work
Death and the Dervish by Meša Selimović, whenever asked “Are you full
now?”, Hell’s answer was always, “Is there more?”
17
Ibid., Vol. 3, p. 67.
18
Vaso Predojević, Putevima Podgrmeča, pp. 44 and 52.
56
V
It has been like that for centuries! Genocidal crimes saw a sequel,
the final act of this insane play, during the religious-civil war in Bosnia
and Herzegovina, more precisely, in 1995. The Muslim-Croatian or so-
called Bosnia-Herzegovina Army campaigned again using the proven
Viktor-Hamza model; as a result, the complete population of the Pod-
grmeč area took refuge to save their lives, only this time not to the
Grmeč Mountain but to the Kozara Mountain instead, seeking shelter
from extermination and hoping for a chance to return to their homes
again. Podgrmeč thus became, and has remained, a major place of exe-
cution of the Serbs, of the annihilation of their souls and fate!
The war in B&H (1992–1995) ravaged this area and sent it back to
1530, when it was still uninhabited. Not a living soul there! No houses.
No conditions for life. No conditions for sustainable return. Seventy
years ago, 1142 houses out of a total of 5000 were destroyed; 1995 saw
the destruction of all the houses. The only thing that remained was the
centre of Lušci Palanka, which was, by a “revolutionary decree”, imme-
diately renamed into “Muslim Palanka”.
Similarly, the village of Predojevića Glavica, which has existed since
1546, was recently renamed Glavice. No one has been held responsible
for that! If we look back, it may certainly be claimed that no one has
been accused or convicted of committing a crime against peace. As if
the reason for this religious-civil war, as well as all the other wars fought
in the former Yugoslavia and beyond it, had not been violence but the
Nobel Peace Prize. In other words, no one has been accused or con-
victed of committing a crime against peace for the wars that have taken
place in Europe in the last 20 years. No one can be accused or convicted
because those who are guilty have indeed been awarded the Nobel
Peace Prize!
Not only in connection with the religious-civil war in Bosnia and
Herzegovina, but also with the other conflicts of the same kind in the
former Yugoslavia, especially in Croatia and Kosovo, the Serbs have
been vilified and defamed on a massive scale, especially by the media;
a bloody media war was waged and media crimes were committed
against the Serbs. Has it not also been attested by our famous writer
57
Milovan Danojlić: “When it comes to Serbian blood, the cameras are

always far away; when the blood of Serbian enemies is spilt, every single
drop is shown...!”19 Is this not most conclusive evidence that the Serbs
have indeed been vilified? The so-called international community and
its “peace corps” deployed in this region have merely served the vilifi-
cation purposes. Under the “watchful eye” of the international commu-
nity and with the help of its “peace corps”, “more Serbs were displaced
– ethnically cleansed – by the wars in the Balkans than any other com-
munity. [...] Almost no one has been held to account, and it appears that
no one will be. [...] This will amplify the worst political instincts of the
peoples of the former Yugoslavia: the persecution complex of the Serbs;
the triumphalism of the Croats; the sense of victimization of the Bos-
nian Muslims; the vindication of the Kosovar Albanian quest for racial
purity.”20 The international community did not react to the revival of
the Ustasha ideology in Croatia either, which resurrected to live its
“millennial dream”, or to Bosnia and Herzegovina’s links with the jihadi
movement. “The lack of legal reckoning will once again channel griev-
ances into the political process, laying up plenty of ammunition for fur-
ther rounds of conflict. It is the opposite of what the war crimes tribunal
for the former Yugoslavia was created to achieve.”21
This has been proven by numerous facts and atrocities which make
blood run cold and cloud the mind. Here are just two examples: A Ni-
gerian UNPROFOR soldier in Croatia wrote the following to his mother:
“Dear mother, they kill each other so much here, but they do not eat
their victims. Today we have buried a mother killed in her bed and a
child boiled in a pot.”22 Furthermore, a general commanding the noto-
rious “Storm” operation “kills a nine-year-old boy by hitting his head
against the wall of his parents house” (Dr Žarko Puhovski, Croatian Tel-
evision, 6 February 2007). This is the “Ustasha school” from the notori-
ous concentration camp Jasenovac from 70 years ago.
19
Ibid., p. 99
20
David Harland, “Selective Justice for the Balkans.”
http://www.nytimes.com/2012/12/08/opinion/global/selective-justice-for-the-
balkans.html?_r=0. Access: 14 February 2014.
21
Ibid.
22
Svetozar Livada, Etničko čišćenje – ozakonjeni zločin stoljeća, Euroknjiga,
Zagreb, 2007, p. 51.
58
VI
So, what is the conclusion? Is there no conclusion, or is it unspeak-
able? There has been a prologue, with no end in sight yet! The Serbs as
a people are a victim of a schizophrenic situation, vilification and defa-
mation used as instruments of politics, a victim of a confused policy dic-
tated from the outside. Through hatred, we are meant to be excluded
from the circle of the civilised world, deprived of the right to live, have
our own territory or state. They want to turn us into Balkan Palestinians
or Kurds and exterminate us. This is why they need Kosovo and Meto-
hija, and it is hard to say what they will need afterwards. All that is done
in the name of an armed democracy and a new empire of evil. “All they
want is Serbian blood, Serbian horror, Serbian disaster!” (Leonid Niko-
layevich Andreyev, About Serbs, 1914). Is this the common policy when
the Serbs are concerned? Yes! History is full of facts and evidence of it.
“I am not sure I will not end up like this in this world where the grim
reaper still wanders with his scythe. Let it go, Zijo... Everyone defends
themselves with their own scythe, but the sword has not yet been smit-
ten to cut our moonlights, smiling dawns and sad twilights”23 – this is
from a prophetic letter written by the famous writer Branko Ćopić to
Zijo Dizdarević, a writer himself, killed in the Ustasha concentration
camp Jasenovac in 1942. “Dark murderers with human faces” (Branko
Ćopić) were destroying our lives and cutting off our heads again. No-
body saw it, similar to 1876, as described in this testimony: “One nation
is being killed. Where? In Europe. Is there anybody to testify to that?
The witness is only one: the whole world! And governments, do they see
that? They do not. (Victor Hugo, For Serbia, 1876).24 History remem-
bers: those were punitive expeditions, revenge for defeats, especially in
the two World Wars, return of the criminals to the crime scene in the
form of the “Merciful Angel” campaign...! This means the prologue has
been written but not the epilogue! “Messy situations are like muddy riv-
ers: they bring all the sludge up to the surface” (Jovan Dučić, 1924).
23
Branko Ćopić, Bašta sljezove boje, Besjeda, Banja Luka, 2003, p. 7.
24
Vaso Predojević, ibid., p. 91
59
Krstan Šućur
TO REMEMBER AND TESTIFY
There is probably nothing to add to the testimonies of those who

were lined up, tied with wire and scattered in pits at Šušnjar and Žegar
waiting to be executed. Their arrest and taking away took place before
their closest relatives and neighbours. These were executions of un-
armed civilians, not because they participated in the war but only be-
cause they were Serbs or Jews, since Hitler’s Germany decided to wipe
out those two ethnic groups from Europe. It was in line with the estab-
lishment of the NDH, whose plan was to eliminate the Serbs and Jews
from this region and thus accomplish the goal to be a loyal ally to the
Nazi Germany and create an ethnically cleansed NDH. Actions were
taken as early as May; the genocidal extermination of the Serbs and tak-
ing them to concentration camps meant cleansing the area from the
Serbs and Jews. The events and actions of the Ustasha authorities in
Sanski Most, which is the far west of the Krajina region, Petrovac,
Kupres and Glamoč, including the surroundings of Banja Luka, indicate
the presence of all characteristics of genocide.
One can only imagine that Monday in May 1941 in Sanski Most, the
market day, when harmless villagers from Jelašinovci, Lušci Palanka,
Tomina, Tramošnja, Kijev, Kozice and other villages in Sanski Most mu-
nicipality saw what the Ustashas were doing. As early as 4th May, they
took away the first people from their houses and locked them in a shack
at the railway station. Villagers ran into Ustasha units, which were al-
ready raiding villages, plundering, demonstrating power and authority
and instilling fear. People already knew Rajko Stojnić had been ar-
rested, while his brother and some other villagers had been tortured in
Kijev on 4th May. According to some testimonies, people from Donja
and Gornja Tramošnja, as well as the hamlets of Tukovi, Šućuri, Krejići
and Dakovići took up arms in the afternoon of 6th May, Saint George’s
Day. In a hamlet at the border between Kijevo and Donja Tramošnja,
61
around 9 a.m. on 6th May, a villager informed the men keeping watch
nearby about the movements of an Ustasha patrol. One of the present
people immediately suggested going home and taking weapons. In less
than an hour, they brought their hidden arms, mainly guns. They took
positions 300 to 400 metres from the house of Marko Kondić, who had
been arrested by the Ustashas in the centre of the village and taken to
his home. They was a group of five; meanwhile, another group of people
were gathering in the background. Just as they were reaching Marko’s
house, they saw an Ustasha abusing Marko’s sister. When the group no-
ticed it, a signal was given to start shooting at the Ustashas. The Usta-
shas fled, taking Marko away with them. The group and those from the
background withdrew in fear, assuming the Ustashas would return with
reinforcement.
The news about the skirmish and the attack on the Ustasha patrol
spread overnight to the surrounding area, reaching even faraway vil-
lages. It was believed that the Ustashas would seek revenge and crush
the resistance. A defence line was established, which went above Ki-
jevska Kosa and Sjenokos, where villagers from the surrounding vil-
lages were supposed to establish a defence line and watch the ground.
Well-known activists and resistance agitators stirring people against
the Ustashas came in the afternoon the same day: Vid Đaković, Đorđe
Suljić, a monk from Gomionica Monastery, Milan Đaković and, followed
by villagers from the adjacent villages, Risto Kovačević.
The preparations for armed resistance began as early as 7th May.
About 70 guns were distributed; Đurađ Panić (from Kozica, Gračanica
hamlet) brought a light machine gun, and from Pervan (a village near
Bronzani Majdan near Banja Luka) came Ratko Jović Palir with a ma-
chine gun, which his uncle Gojko had hidden, after bringing it with him
from the Yugoslav Royal Army in April 1941. A large quantity of wea-
ponry was taken by activists from the dismissed gendarmery in
Vrhpolje. According to Ustasha reports and testimonies by some peo-
ple, the skirmish lasted from 9 a.m. to 12.15 p.m. on 7th May. Three
Ustashas were wounded. When the fighting stopped, the Ustashas put
up a defence line above Kijevo village, inhabited by Muslims. It was ex-
pected that, in the following days, the Ustashas would launch a serious
attack on the villages of Donja and Gornja Tramošnja, Kozica, Podovi,
Ilidža and Tomina.
62
Memories of these events told by eyewitnesses can also be found in

the first volume of the book on Sanski Most by Branko J. Bokan.
Anxiously awaiting
When the Nazi Germany began to enslave Europe’s nations, the
Kingdom of Yugoslavia joined the Tripartite Pact on 25th March 1941.
The ensuing events served as a warning that defence was necessary, es-
pecially because the capitulation of the Yugoslav Royal Army caused a
great fear. The establishment of the NDH and especially its occupation
of Western Bosnia put the Serbs in a tragic position. It is a historical
fact that people from certain areas, especially the Manjača Mountain
and the right bank of the Sana River, as well as from the villages sur-
rounding Banja Luka (Vilusi, Bronzani Majdan) and a part of Ključ mu-
nicipality, supported the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and believed in their
historical connections with Mother Serbia. After the collapse of the Yu-
goslav Royal Army, some of its units gathered on the Manjača Mountain.
Uroš Drenović, a Serbian vojvoda [the principal military commander,
warlord, translator’s note] played a significant role in that. Soldiers and
military officers gathered and all kinds of weaponry were collected. Af-
ter the happenings in Sanski Most and the terror inflicted by the Usta-
shas (both Muslims and Croats were conscripted into Ustasha units),
who knew the Serbs very well since they were neighbours, the assem-
bled Chetniks, Commander Drenović and his associates started to col-
lect information and take interest in the Ustasha crimes. They used to
send military messengers to the villages of Kozica, Hazić, Tramošnja
and Podovi to learn about the happenings there. People from those vil-
lages, which bordered the Manjača Mountain, saw the presence of Chet-
nik forces as a guarantee of their safety. There was also collaboration
with the resistance movement activists, regardless of the fact that some
of them were members of the Communist Party. Numerous testimonies
state that Commander Drenović used to send messages to the Ustasha
and German headquarters in Sanski Most. It is assumed that the Ger-
man Command demanded from the Ustasha authorities to establish a
contact and cooperation with the Chetnik movement. It was rumoured
that even a non-aggression pact had been signed between the Ustasha
authorities and Commander Drenović, under the auspices of the Ger-
man Command. Drenović explicitly requested that all harassment and
63
arrests of the Serb population stop, referring to the places listed above,
as well as places on the left bank of the Sana River.
After the first armed uprising (on the Yugoslav territory) and events
that took place in the first half of May, most population living on the
right, and partially on the left side of the Sana River, lived in an atmos-
phere of a strange combination of restfulness and fear. The same could
be said about the life of the assembled Chetnik troops in the Manjača
area.
It should be pointed out that after the St. George’s Day uprising and
the atrocities committed by the Ustashas in the villages of Kruvari,
Tomina and Kijevo, some families sought refuge in the villages of Donja
and Gornja Tramošnja and Kozica (hamlets Đakovići, Krujići, Šućuri
and Čukovići). Equally worth noting is the fact that the Ustashas looked
for support in those villages that had any sort of family ties with the
Catholic and Muslim populations. So, the Ustashas managed to find a
villager in Kozica who was married to a Catholic woman; they appointed
him the village mayor and people used to call him the Ustasha knez [the
informal title of the elder or mayor of a village, translator’s note]. This
despicable man took the Ustasha demands seriously and started to mis-
treat his neighbours (they had to do field work for him and give him
livestock and other contributions). When the Ustasha authorities real-
ised what he was doing, they removed him (early July 1941) and were
unable, from that day onward, to find another loyal collaborator, so they
no longer appointed any village mayors.
Two Muslim brothers (one of them had a barber shop at the square
next to the bridge on the right bank of the Sana River, and the other was
a waiter in the old Sana Hotel) told some Serbs that, allegedly, Com-
mander Drenović came in June to talk with the Ustasha and German
command. When the Germans asked if anybody had any objections,
Drenović answered that Serb people were being mistreated and ar-
rested, which was a breach of the pact. He pointed out that he had
around 6000 men under arms and, if the incidents continued, he would
not be able to hold his troops. The Germans reassured him there would
be no more incidents.
64
People’s uprising against fascist terror and

occupation
As it is known, the uprising against the aggressor was sparked off in
Drvar on 27th July. The news of it spread quickly across Bosanska Kraj-
ina. Most of the activists from the right bank of the Sana River and the
Đurđevdan uprising leaders were hiding in the forests near Kmećani.
They mingled with people saying that the uprising was soon to be
staged. It was sparked off in the area of Lušci Palanka on 30th July and
the news spread across the Krajina overnight. It had a significant impact
on the situation in the whole area of Sanski Most municipality, while the
population was desperate due to the aggressor’s brutality.
In late July and early August, when it became clear that an uprising
had been sparked in the Sanski Most and Drvar area, it deeply upset the
Chetnik forces in the Manjača area. The villagers of Hazići, Kozice and
Tramošnja, as well as the complete Serb population on the right bank
of the Sana River could no longer expect the Chetniks to protect them.
Some of Commander Drenović’s people used to come and canvass for
support, asking people not to join the rebels and communists. Threats
ensued, and the people from these villages avoided going to or having
contacts with the villages around Manjača. It has to be mentioned here
that, based on valid historical records, the villagers of Hazići, Kozice
and Gornja/Donja Tramošnja gave massive support to the rebel units
and considered joining them to be the only solution. From villages
Gornja Kozica and Donja Kozica, 334 people fought in the National Lib-
eration War, of whom 55 died. Seventeen civilians were executed, five
villagers were awarded the Yugoslav Partisan Commemorative Medal
1941, two were awarded the Order of the National Hero [a Yugoslav gal-
lantry medal, the second highest military award, and third overall Yu-
goslav decoration, translator’s note] – Risto Kovačević, who was be-
trayed and killed by the Chetniks mid-way between villages Pavići and
Stričići in 1942 and Simo Bajić, who also died during the war. From the
two Tramošnja villages there were a total of 255 Partisans, of whom 41
died, 9 became holders of the 1941 Commemorative Medal and 45 be-
came victims of fascism.
Vojvoda Uroš Drenović’s Chetniks managed to reach Kozice and get
only three villagers to join them, while from the two Tramošnja villages
65
they only recruited four, but they also joined the Partisan movement
after August 1943. During the war, the Chetnik movement had substan-
tial forces in the Manjača area, which were mobile and fought alongside
the Partisan forces.
The suffering of Sanski Most Serbs and Jews at

Šušnjar
During July 1941, the authorities began arresting the Serbs from
Sanski Most and the surrounding villages. They were detained or sent
to do forced labour, and some were sent to concentration camps. Some
of them were restricted freedom of movement and visits by their fami-
lies while in captivity. Because of the uprising in the aforesaid places at
the end of July, on 30th July the Serbs kept in Sanski Most were forbid-
den movement and receiving visits. The Ustashas took swift action and
overnight started to massively arrest Serbian men and take them to
prisons on both banks of the river, as testified by the relatives, friends
and neighbours of the captured. On 2nd August, the Ustashas began to
shoot and throw the prisoners into pits in Šušnjar they had been forced
to dig. Living witnesses have testified to that and that is definitely true.
Testimonies and records state that the largest number of Serbs and
Jews were killed in nearby settlements, which had a high concentration
of that population and which were surrounded by their Muslim and
Croat neighbours. Here is one example: the village of Lužani near San-
ski Most, a small settlement, lost 60 householders; only 20 heads of
families managed to join the Liberation Movement. The data say that
the killed Serb population were from the town as well as the villages of
Kruvari, Tomine, Podluga, Kljevci, Dabar and so on. It should be noted
that many Serbs (women, children and the elderly) took refuge in the
villages of Tramošnja, Kozica and others towards Bronzani Majdan in
the Banja Luka region. According to the people who accommodated
those refugees and the participants of the uprising, there were about
450 refugees in those two villages alone (Tramošnja and Kozinci).
It must be mentioned that in the Vrhpolje area over 500 civilians
were executed during the period of the crime in Šušnjar, an area be-
longing to the Sanski Most area, although Vrhpolje belonged to the
Ključ municipality before the war.
66
Besides Šušnjar, it can be claimed that massive executions of Serbs

and their burial in mass graves also happened in Žegar, a village be-
tween Čaplje and Sanski Most. Apart from the killings in Šušnjar, the
villagers of Žegar, Lužani, a part of Tomine, Kljevci and other surround-
ing villages were executed in Žegar. Testimonies say that in some cases
the groups to be executed in Sanski Most were instead sent to Žegar for
execution. This was vividly testified by Rade Knežević, Niko Burić (a tax
inspector after the war), both from Žegar, Zoran Bjelanović from Kozice
(a post-war judge in Sanski Most), Mitar Grković, Vid Petrić, Vid Čolić
and many other survivors. The execution of the captured Serbs was car-
ried on in the swamps about 800 metres along the left side of Kriva
Cesta from Žegar towards Sanski Most. According to witnesses’ as-
sumptions, between 800 and 1000 civilians were thrown into two mass
graves. Testimonies say that the Ustashas used to bring their victims
from Peć, Vrhpolje and other southern villages and leave them in Žegar
for execution. This was happening in parallel to the mass executions at
Šušnjar.
After the Second World War, a 4-metre high monument to the vic-
tims was erected in that place, engraved with the names of only those
who were known to have been executed there. Since it is known that, in
the post-war period, Žegar, Šušnjar and other places of mass execution
of Serbs and Jews used to be mentioned with shyness and fear for 40
years (as it was in the interest of the regime), in order to preserve
“brotherhood and unity” [a guiding principle of Yugoslavia’s post-war
inter-ethnic policy, translator’s note], with the goal to preserve the com-
munist regime, too little was investigated and recorded. Nowadays, the
Žegar monument, which I visited on 1st August 2013, stands with almost
all its ceramics destroyed; the remaining inscription still shows the fam-
ily name Gavranović from Lužani; others are barely visible. My bow, my
clenched teeth and a bunch of flowers I had picked nearby served as a
symbolic memorial upon my visit.
Preserving places of mass execution from

oblivion
If it is true that history is the teacher of life, we should learn from
our national history and the wars we have waged. It is well-known the
67
Serbs have always waged liberation wars. It should not be forgotten that
our people sided with the Allies in the two World Wars, fighting along-
isde the victors against the aggressors and conquerors. Those who
started the world wars chose the Serbs to be their victims but also the
cause and reason for the wars.
The proof of this is especially the beginning of the Second World
War and the creation of the NDH, which was a fine pretext for Ante
Pavelić to destroy Serbian people in an easy way.
I do not wish to speculate about how much the Serbs have succeeded
in protecting their national interests after the Second World War. How-
ever, the results, prospects and disintegration of SFR Yugoslavia, as well
as the destiny of the Serbs in Croatia and the civil war in Bosnia and
Herzegovina have led to disastrous results and consequences. It is pos-
sible to say a lot about the contribution of the Serbs to the victory in the
Second World War or do historical research on the Balkan Wars. Also,
it is especially important for new generations to be told the truth, which
has often been pushed aside. We must cherish the memory of our free-
dom fighters and casualties in the liberation wars, as well as erect and
preserve monuments for them to be duly remembered.
It is a fact that history textbooks in Serbia say that the first armed
resistance and attack on fascist military units was carried out in the
Sanski Most district around Saint George’s Day (6th May), which is also
written in many records and documents in Bosnia and Herzegovina. To-
day, there are about 20 associations in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the
Republic of Srpska in connection with the liberation wars, which try to
preserve the values of the liberation wars and memories of the fight for
the truth and rights of participants and casualties of the liberation wars.
Numerous associations work in the public interest and are partners of
republic institutions, but sometimes their most immediate goal is to
simply determine the truth, which is justifiable. However, there is no
noticeable unity and desire for all the victims, achievements, values and
contributions of our wars and suffering to be valued. Common mes-
sages and a common legacy for all Serbs should be derived from the
liberation wars, with full respect for the victims. In the last 15 years, I
have been observing and participating in commemorations, memorial
services, conferences and panels, reading and listening to conclusions,
68
messages and appeals, and what I can notice is disunity, divisions and
turning to the needs of daily politics, even fear of disclosing the truth,
as well as submitting to legitimately partial interests. Apart from notic-
ing the disagreement between the associations that cherish the tradi-
tion and values of the liberation wars, their participants and casualties,
there is a lack of due interest on the part of relevant institutions, intel-
lectuals and historians (sometimes disregarded altogether). The fight to
preserve these values must find its place in the Academy of Sciences
and Arts of Serbia, and that of the Republic of Srpska.
I have noticed that the places of mass killings of civilians and na-
tional liberation movement members are badly neglected, some of the
memorials even crumbling, which means that those places are doomed.
I have mentioned the monument in Žegar, but the Šušnjar monument
and its grounds are also an eyesore. Some memorials (especially those
in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina) are in critical condition.
Authorities in both entities claim that the reason for this is the lack of
money for renovation of these memorials and centres.
Maybe we should look at how small countries and nations cherish
their past and history, preserving them carefully and trying to neglect
some dark events in which they took part, while trying to find values, or
even ascribe the achievements of other nations to themselves as their
own contribution to the liberation and victory of the people of Europe,
in order to remove the stigma from their nation and past.
The Serbian history and meritable achievements necessitate that we
keep the memory of our liberators and victims alive and maintain the
memorials dedicated to them with greater care.
69
Vaso Mikan
MEMORY OF THE USORA

VILLAGERS KILLED IN THE
SUMMER OF 1941
Village Usorci is located on the right bank of the Sana River and is
almost entirely on a hilly terrain, with hamlets scattered on hummocks,
apart from the few houses of the families Crnobrnja, Majkić, Brkić and
Džaja located near the river. There were once around a hundred houses
in this purely Serbian village.
Immediately next to Usora hummocks, the narrow-gauge railway
Prijedor – Lička Kaldrma curved along the Sana River valley, where
since the Austro-Hungarian time up to the 1970s the famous ćiro steam
train clattered. The railway station in Usorci was exactly at the 17th kil-
ometre from Prijedor and the 11th kilometre from Sanski Most.
During the Second World War, the village of Usorci was surrounded
by Ustasha villages on three sides. To the south, Trnova lay between
Usorci and Sanski Most; a Muslim village and a notorious Ustasha hot-
bed. To the east towards Bronzani Majdan and Banja Luka, there was
the purely Croatian village Sasina, also a notorious Ustasha base. To the
north, across the Sana River, there was the Muslim village of Ališići,
from where the Ustashas committed terrible atrocities in Oštra Luka
and Usorci.
A book called The Sanski Most District in the National Liberation
War by Branko Bokan contains the information on the killed Usora vil-
lagers. This information is not complete and not chronologically in tune
with the actual times when the atrocities occurred, there are no details
on the events taking place during the crimes, the interpretation of cer-
tain crimes is not consistent with the memories being retold in Usorci
for decades. These memories have been recorded for this reason.
71
Unfortunately, there are almost no living witnesses to these events

who were really present at the time when they took place. This is why
this book contains memories of relatives and children of the executed,
who remember what their mothers told them, although they themselves
are rather old.
It was the most respectable people who were immediately targeted
by the Ustasha authorities.
The first Usora people who got arrested were:
- Aćim Savić, a father of four and a First World War volunteer,
holder of the Order of the Star of Karađorđe, deeply respected as a man
and farmer, and
- Blagoje Crnobrnja, a father of five and one of the wealthiest villag-
ers, who, besides farming, also worked as a merchant.
One day, most probably during May, four armed men came into
Aćim Savić's house with a warrant for his apprehension and transport
to Sanski Most for a hearing and pledging allegiance to the new author-
ities. According to his deceased wife Stana, who told their eldest son
Milan about the course of events, Aćim told his wife that he was able to
kill the four Ustashas but was afraid of the Ustashas taking revenge and
killing her and the children, so he surrendered and went with them to
Sanski Most. He was sadistically tortured together with a few other
WWI volunteers and killed in Šušnjar on 2nd August 1941. When peo-
ple learnt that he had been executed, his eldest son Milan, who was 15
at the time, went to the Kozara Mountain to join the Partisan unit under
the command of the famous Mladen Stojanović. After the war, he grad-
uated from the Military Aviation Academy and became a pilot in the
Yugoslav People’s Army. Aćim Savić retired as a colonel. He died re-
cently.
Almost at the same time, according to Ranko Kajtez, who was 11 at
the time, one day while he was keeping cattle in a field near Blagoja
Crnobrnja’s house, a train came from Prijedor and stopped by the house
which was very near the railway. A railway employee named Toljagić,
who worked as a conductor before the war, got off the train. He was an
acquaintance with a lot of Usora villagers.
He shouted several times:
72
- Hey Blagoje! Hey Blagoje!

Blagoje soon appeared at a window, asking Toljagić why he was call-
ing him.
- Come quickly, I’ve got something very important for you – Toljagić
answered.
- Wait a moment, let me just put my shoes on – answered Blagoje
and disappeared from the window. An armed soldier immediately ran
into the house to fetch Blagoje.
According to what Mihajlo Orlović wrote in his book titled A Town
on a Lake of Blood (probably based on the memories of family mem-
bers), when the Ustasha Jandre from Sasina ordered him to come to
town with him, Blagoje went to his room to bring out a bag full of
money. He hit the bag with his hand believing that money could solve
everything.
- It won’t help you, you’re never going to get back home again – Jan-
dre said.
- As long as I have money, I am not going to die – said Blagoje with
confidence.
When they got onto the train, Blagoje asked why they were calling
for him and bent down to lace up his shoes, at which the Ustasha
shouted:
- Get on the train, we don’t have that much time!
They put him in a cattle wagon, got on the train after him and
slammed the door. The train then departed.
A person from Usorci happened to be in Sanski Most when the Usta-
shas took Blagoje out of the train. Later, this person said that Blagoje
was all covered in blood, his clothes torn and, as he could barely walk,
the Ustashas were almost dragging him.
He was executed at Šušnjar on 2nd August the same year.
73
The massacre at Varda

It was spring, the time when maize is hoed. Anđelka Plavšić remem-
bers the story told by her mother, Jovanka Vasiljević, Niko Vasiljević’s
wife: there were some people in one of Ostoja Plavšić’s fields, hoeing
maize.
Around midday a group of Ustashas came to the village from Trnova,
split into groups and started to search for people in the surrounding
hamlets. A lot of people from the village were hiding from the Ustashas
in the woods during the day. One group of Ustashas came to the Plavšić
family, in the field where the people were working. There they found
the householder Ostoja Plavšić and helpers Niko Vasiljević, his brother
Pero Vasiljević and Marko Plavšić. They asked them to go to Trnova
with them for a meeting to agree about the protection of Usorci. Two
of the Ustashas came to the hamlet of Gončine, where they found and
brought Ostoja Gončin and Marko Gončin. A group of the Ustashas
brought Tode Vasiljević and Petar – Šumar Andrijević from another
hamlet. The Ustashas took all of them towards Trnova, reassuring them
that nothing bad would happen.
The road to Trnova goes along the upper part of Usorci, through the
last hill in Usorci called Varda, and then down to a field where the Sana
River flows immediately next to the hill, leaving a narrow space just for
the railway and the road. A mill owned by a Memišević from Trnova was
in the field where the Trnova area begins.
According to the story told to Mirko Savić by a man from Trnova, all
those eight people from Usora were killed at Memišević’s mill. A mute
Muslim from Trnova, mentally disabled, was with the Ustashas. The
Ustashas brought one prisoner at a time and he cut their heads off and
threw them into the river. This story is probably mostly true, since nei-
ther the graves nor the bodies of the slaughtered have ever been found.
The Sana River took them away. Only one grave was found in a little
pond near the mill, and the body inside identified as Tode Vasiljević’s.
Never believe the Ustashas

Corporal Ante Mandić and Smiljan Kozić, Ustashas from the village
of Sasine, who were the most notorious ones, came to Vaso Crnobrnja’s
74
house, which was the last house in Usorci in the direction towards
Sasina. Threatening to kill Vaso, they ordered him to pass on a message
to Savo Crnobrnja, Vaso Mikan and Milan Gvozden to come to Sasina
to make a non-aggression agreement with the Ustashas.
Vaso Crnobrnja passed the message to them and they went to Sasina
“for an agreement”.
Ranko Kajtez, Stanko’s son, remembers everything that happened in
Sasina as he heard the story a number of times from the late Mile
Gvozden (the only survivor of the Sasina shooting). Mile Gvozden’s ac-
count is similarly remembered by another person, Dušan Kecman, Jo-
van Kecman’s son, who heard it from his mother, Gospa Kecman, who
also heard it personally from Mile Gvozden.
When the four men arrived at Tada’s grocery store in Sasina, a group
of Ustashas took them to a house. They locked them in the basement,
where there were already a few prisoners. Approaching the house, they
had noticed an Ustasha with a machine gun on the upper floor and sev-
eral armed guards at the entrance and around the house. They were
guarded well. The Ustashas kept on bringing new prisoners.
The following day, they took them in front of the house; there were
15 or 16 prisoners and the same number of Ustashas, perhaps a few
more. They lined up the prisoners and forced them towards Dakića
grove. They stopped in the meadow at the rim of the grove, which was
enclosed with a rather tall hawthorn hedge. The Ustashas ordered them
to line up beside the hedge and turn towards the forest. The Ustashas
lined up about ten metres behind them. One of them asked:
- Does anybody want to say their last wish?
Savo Crnobrnja left the group, took a few steps forward, took his
wallet out and said:
- I want to pay for my life, here you are, take as much as you want.
- We will take both your life and your money, so get back in the line
right now! - one Ustasha shouted.
The Ustashas were bustling confusedly for a few moments and sud-
denly a command was heard – Fire! The prisoners fell to the ground;
two of them fell over Mile, but he felt no pain. He turned and took a
75
look; all of them were lying, only Savo Crnobrnja was still standing and
swaying back and forth.
The Ustasha commander ordered one of the Ustashas:
- Take a gun and shoot each one of them a bullet in the head so that
no dog stays alive!
The Ustasha came closer and started to shoot. Mile was lying at
around the centre of the group. When he heard the third or fourth shot,
he slowly got out of the pile of corpses and suddenly jumped over the
hedge, rolled away a bit and then jumped to his feet and ran to the for-
est.
Soon bullets were heard whistling past him and there was shouting
and noise from the Ustashas, who were running along the fence to cut
off his path. Mile managed to run across the grove and reach a wheat
field with some reapers. As Rajko Kajtez remembers it, Mile said he had
run between the reapers so that the Ustashas would not fire out of fear
they might shoot their own villagers; so Mile reached the forest and got
away. Dušan Kecman remembers that Mile told his mother Gospa, Jo-
van’s wife, that the owner of the wheat field called him over to hide
among them and then they put some sheaves on him before the Usta-
shas managed to reach the field. They told the Ustashas that Mile had
escaped to the forest. After the war, that man was a dear guest in Usorci.
After the war, Mile Gvozden used to take the relatives of the murdered
to the place of execution. The corpses of Savo Crnobrnja and Jovan
Kecman were found in the mass grave and buried in the Usorci local
cemetery. The corpse of Vaso Mikan was never identified and he is be-
lieved to have stayed in the mass grave.
The massacre at Todor Crnobrnja’s house

After the killing of Savo Crnobrnja, Vukosava, his wife, and Bosiljka,
Blagoja Crnobrnja’s wife, left their houses in the field by the railway
and, together with their children, went to the hills, to Todor Crnobrnja’s
cousin. The house was full of people. Among others, there were two
adult sons of Blagoja Crnobrnja, Gavro and Rade, who was a cadet of
the royal army academy.
76
One day, around noon, while Rade and his older sister Radojka were
tending cattle in a field by the road leading to Todor’s house, a group of
Ustashas from village Ališići appeared on the road, led by Islam Ališić.
A little further down the road was Mlađen Crnobrnja with his sister.
They were carrying two bucketfuls of well water each. Islam shouted
“Get him!” and then started to call:
- Hey Todor! - Hey Todor!
When Todor answered in front of the house, Islam asked him:
- Are you home? Wait for us, we’re coming.
Todor saw just how roughly the Ustashas handled Mlađen as they
grabbed him and took him towards the group which was in front of
Todor's house. He realised he was in danger, ran into the house and said
the Ustashas were coming. He took his son Aleksa by the hand and
jumped through the window to the backyard and ran towards the cem-
etery. The family members ran out of the house in panic; however, some
were too late, as shouting and the clang of arms began. Among those in
the house was Milka Crnobrnja, born in 1922, who had recently got mar-
ried to Veljko Crnobrnja, at the age of 19. Today she is a very vigorous
and bright elderly woman, who remembers all the details of what hap-
pened inside and outside the house that day.
In front of the house, the Ustashas immediately separated Gavro and
Rade Crnobrnja, Simo Bašić, who just happened to be there, and
Mlađen Crnobrnja, who they had caught on the road. When they saw
that Todor had escaped, one group of the Ustashas went to search the
other houses of the Crnobrnja family. They soon found and brought Mi-
lan Crnobrnja, Trivuna’s husband, while the rest of the family members
were already hiding outside their houses.
The Ustashas forced all the men into the house and locked them up
in a room, while the others were ordered to lie on the ground wherever
they were at the moment. When they got into the room, an Ustasha
walked in after them, a gun in his hand. He noticed the watch Gavro
Crnobrnja had around his wrist and ordered him to take it off. While
taking off the watch and giving it to the Ustasha, Gavro seized his
chance, grabbed the Ustasha’s gun and started to fight him. While
77
struggling with the Ustasha, the bayonet cut his face a bit; still, he man-
aged to push the Ustasha away, take his rifle and jump out of the win-
dow, which had been open since Todor’s escape. Jumping over the fence
in the backyard, the rifle strap got stuck to a pole but the Ustashas had
already started to shoot at him so he dropped the rifle and ran across
the garden and into the forest.
When the Ustashas rushed into the room, Milka remembers, shoot-
ing and screaming started. When all that stopped, the Ustashas came
out of the house and then women and children started to cry. Milka was
the first to get up on her feet and open the room door. The room was
crowded with blood and corpses. Mlađen Crnobrnja was lying in a pool
of blood and Rade was lying dead under the bed, where he had probably
tried to hide. Leaning against the wall, Milan Crnobrnja was sitting on
the bed, dead and mutilated; his arm had been cut off and blood was
gushing from all the wounds. After the war, people used to say it must
have been impossible to kill Milan with a gun, which is why the Ustashas
stabbed him to death. Simo Bašić was found dead behind the house af-
terwards, because he had also jumped through the window hoping to
escape.
After Todor had escaped, he came to an old cemetery, hid behind a
tombstone, and watched what was going on at his house. When he saw
that the Ustashas were going to take away his wife and children, he
shouted:
- O Islam, don’t touch my family, I’m still alive and I’ll take revenge
on you, sooner or later! I’ll destroy even the ashes from your hearth!
The Ustashas started to shoot at him but he was protected by the
tombstones. Then Islam shouted:
- Hey Todor, wait for us there at the cemetery, let’s make a deal.
- I don’t make deals with murderers – answered Todor and escaped
to the forest.
Then the Ustashas left and did not harass women and children any
more.
78
An armoured train sowing death

On 3rd August, the following day, an armoured train from Prijedor
stopped at the Usorci station. A group of Ustashas got off it.
They found Mile and Jevto Majkić, Trivo Stojanović and Drago
Gončin in Mile Majkić’s house, which housed the grocery store. They
soon brought Boško Brkić out of his house, which stood right next to
the railway.
The Ustashas lined them up on the river bank, right next to the wa-
ter. The only thing to be heard was the command “Fire!”
Drago Gončin jumped into the water as soon as he heard the com-
mand, while the others fell into the river as they shot with bullets. The
Ustashas kept shooting at the floating corpses. Unharmed, Drago man-
aged to get hold of some branches and slip under the bank directly be-
neath the Ustashas. The bank was quite steep with some branches over
it so the Ustashas were unable to spot him. Soon he heard one of the
Ustashas saying:
- I can’t see the damned one with the hat!
- Look, there’s his hat floating down the river, he must have gone
down before it - said another Ustasha.
It was Drago’s hat. When the train left, Drago came out of the water
and, out of fear, ran away from the railway as far as possible. Drago also
told this story to the author of this text, and the whole story was con-
firmed by Milan Brkić, a grandson of Boško Brkić, who had been shot.
The same day around noon, a group of Ustashas from village Trnova,
led by Nezir Kamenčić, were seen walking along the railway; they were
coming towards Džaja’s mill, which stood at at the very entrance to the
village of Usorci. They were noticed by Blagoje Džaja, who was acci-
dentally in front of the mill. He quickly ran away and hid in the bushes,
near the Sana River bank. The Ustashas soon came and caught Milica
Damjanović and Đurđe Zorić in the mill and took them to Džaja’s family
houses. Another group of Ustashas had already caught Lazar Džaja at
home and killed him next to the house. They got separated there – one
group took Milica and Đurđe uphill towards the hamlets of Vasiljevići
79
and Vujkovići, while the other group went down along the railway to-
wards the hamlet of Brkići.
The Ustashas did not find any men in Brkići and Majkići due to the
events of just a few hours before. They only found the old Pero Brkić, a
paralytic, lying in his bed. They carried him out in a sheet and took him
to the railway intersection, where they killed him.
Everybody had fled before the group that went uphill reached the
village, so they found nobody there, and after reaching the end of Varda
hill together with Milica and Đurđe, they let them go back home.
The same memories of this event were shared by Đorđo Damjanović,
Milica’s son, and Milan Brkić, a grandson of Boško, who was killed at the
station and was a great-grandson of Pero, the old paralytic.
The endless tragedies that took place in Usora

In the spring of 1942, strong Ustasha forces advanced along the right
bank of the Sana River up to Sanski Most, burning Serbian houses and
arresting Serbs on their way. As they entered Usorci, a large number of
plunderers from Trnova came following them. Terror-stricken and in a
state of panic, the villagers of Usorci fled to Prijedor and in the direction
right of Gomjenica to seek refuge on the Kozara Mountain, in an area
under the control of the Partisans.
Village Usorci was plundered, burned and totally destroyed. When
they returned several months later, they found their houses burnt; not
even a single chicken was alive.
Thirty-eight members of the National Liberation Army from Usorci
died fighting in the Second World War.
Only 50 years later, the monster reared its head again, threatening
to destroy every Serbian soul. The grandchildren of the people from
Usorci who were killed in 1941 took up arms to defend the Serbs and
the Republic of Srpska. Five of the grandsons of the killed Usora villag-
ers gave their lives during the 1992 – 1995 Patriotic-Defensive War.
80
Marko and Ostoja Plavšić, Ostoja Gončin and Boško Brkić, who had
been named after their killed grandfathers, also died. Mirko Mikan, a
grandson of Vaso Mikan, who had been killed in Sasina, died as well.
In the Patriotic-Defensive War, sixteen young people from Usorac
built their lives in the foundations of the Republic of Srpska.
Dear God, will the Usora tragedies ever end?
81
Đuro Trkulja
THREE WAR STORIES

FROM KORČANICA ON
THE GRMEČ MOUNTAIN
From 1979 to the beginning of the 1992 Civil War, the Korčanica
Memorial Area was visited by over half a million visitors from all over
the former Yugoslavia, as well as by foreign visitior. It is an honour and
pleasure for me to have worked for ten years as a curator, historian and
researcher in the Korčanica Memorial Area, which was recognised as
an institution of special interest for the Republic of Bosnia and Herze-
govina and as such existed within the so-called Self-Governing Com-
munity of Interest for Cultural, Historical and Natural Heritage of Bos-
nia and Herzegovina until 1992.
All the visitors I met were greatly impressed by this locality, its his-
torical importance and the beauty and splendour of the picturesque
landscapes of the Grmeč Mountain. For that reason, they would return
many times to this oasis of Nature’s beauty to enjoy its enchanting mag-
nificence. I talked with many of those who survived the atrocities in
Grmeč about their most striking experiences from that period. I used to
tape their stories so I gradually created a rich audio archive, which was
an integral part of a memorial room with more than 2000 exhibits. Un-
fortunately, all those priceless items were destroyed during the last war.
The only things which have remained are sad memories, an eerie ruin
and the walls of the building where that treasure was kept as a silent
witness of the fatality of war and human madness it produces.
Fortunately, what has also remained is a diary of reminiscences, still
ingrained on my mind, which I sentimentally leaf through; writing these
lines, I strive to preserve those reminiscences from the mighty streams
83
of oblivion. Out of the numerous encounters, I separate three particu-

larly striking ones.
Story one
One beautiful spring day, after the Grmeč Mountain had already cast
away its winter shroud and put on its leafy green clothes, adorned with
colourful fragrant flowers, where hard-working bees and birds were
performing their concert, a car stopped in front of the museum. Aided
by his carer, a man in a wheelchair came out of the car. This detail as
well as his physiognomy of a sixty-year-old mountain man, gave me the
impression that he was a war invalid, probably one of the witnesses of
the Grmeč events. I approached him, introduced myself and offered my
assistance as a curator. His wrinkled face, which clearly showed traces
of his rough past, lit up with a warm smile as if he had met up somebody
very close, which is a general feature of the Krajina people, who express
their heartfelt closeness even during the first contact, making the inter-
locutor free to communicate.
When I introduced myself, he said cheerfully: “Hello, countryman! I
am Simo Knežević aka Dika Elektrika [Dika the Electricity, translator’s
note]. I got this nickname right here, in Korčanica, in 1942. This is my
first time here after the war; I have wanted to visit this place, which I
have so many memories of, before I die. So please, tell me what I can
see here today.”
As a curator, I had been involved in the research concerning the
place and the historical events there, and was delighted to have a wit-
nesses of the Grmeč war reality, an authentic source of historical data.
My happiness was even greater when I noticed at first sight that he liked
and wanted to talk, was a man of cheerful disposition, and also one who
could spin a yarn.
First, I showed him the memorial room. Impressed by the exhibition,
he said he would also like to contribute to that by presenting a set of
tools he had used as a handiman during the construction and mainte-
nance of buildings in Korčanica during the war. I learnt from him that
he was a general technician, although with a specialty in electrical en-
gineering. He was the chief designer and contractor during the instal-
lation of a power station powered by a steam locomotive, which was the
84
main power source of all lighting facilities in that locality. Apart from
powering the local hospital, it was also used to power a steam mill where
grain from many Grmeč silos was milled and bread baked for the needs
of the hospital and soldiers. It was him, Simo Knežević, a man from
Drvar and member of the resistance movement since 1941, who had
masterminded all those operations. Back in the day, he had proved his
skill with electricity and had rightfully earned both the admiration of
his associates and his nickname, Dika the Electricity; for many people
that was the only name he ever went by.
After I showed the Memorial Area to the dear guest and made him
familiar in detail with all the memorial items and their symbolism, we
continued our conversation over a glass of Grmeč slivovitz [plum
brandy, translator’s note], with a tape recorder turned on. Feeling
cheered up, Dika Elektrika told stories one after another, spinning his
yarn, with occasional jokes to assuage the bitterness of the reality of
war.
One particular detail remained engraved in my memory, like a burr
sticking to one’s clothes; from then onwards, I regularly told it as a high-
light of the historical lectures I gave to our visitors. It was about the
activities organised by the Podgrmeč pioneers during the construction
of the hospital and supporting facilities in 1942. The major problem was
the lack of nails. That critical building material was not easy to procure,
given the circumstances. The pioneers managed to solve the problem in
a very resourceful way. Organised in units, they would go from one
burnt house to another, a large number of which remained after occa-
sional Ustasha intrusions into this free territory during 1941. They
would patiently search the ash and collect charred nails, which had re-
mained after the houses were burnt; they would straighten them with a
hammer on a flat stone, put them into small colourful hand-woven bags
and take them to handimen in Korčanica. Apart from nails, they often
picked wild strawberries and other fruit for the wounded soldiers from
the abundance of Podgrmeč orchards. This story was the most engross-
ing for the visitors, making a lot of them cry.
As we were saying goodbye to each other, I promised Dika Elektrika,
at his request, to visit him at his home in Prijedor, which I did later,
85
once again feeling exhilarated to hear stories about his adventures dur-
ing the war. He was not able to give me the promised set of tools as his
family wanted to keep it as a family memento, which did not change my
impression about their generous hospitality.
Story two
Another remarkably touching meeting was that with Ljubica Todo-
rović, who was a nurse in Korčanica during the war. This elderly lady,
traces of the war noticeable in her physiognomy and psyche, could not
resist her strong desire to visit Korčanica, although her health was ra-
ther fragile for something like that.
- I firmly decided to make this visit, even if that meant dying right
away – she told me before we reached the monument, the place where
the hospital used to be. When we got to the monument, she suddenly
stopped and started to tremble. Her eyes stared at the flower nipped in
the bud and its inside, which represented a warm motherly bosom. Sud-
denly, like a torrential rain, huge tears ran down her pale face, accom-
panied by a loud bitter cry. Ljubica was so overwhelmed that she could
not say a single word. Since I had heard she had a weak heart and bad
nerves, I was scared she might suffer a heart attack or a stroke. I held
her on and slowly escorted her to the nearest bench in the park, not far
away from the monument. One of our maintenance workers was nearby,
so I asked him to run for a glass of water and a cube of sugar from the
administrative building. Refreshed with cold mountain water from a
Korčanica spring and calmed with the sedative she took from her purse,
Ljubica pulled herself together and, after a long silence, started to talk.
- Although I mentally prepared for this visit for a long time, I can’t
bear it. The feelings are stronger than my reason and the awareness that
too much excitement could be fatal for me. Like in a film, horrible
scenes from the period I worked in the hospital started to reappear. Af-
ter being wounded, those big, strong, young men – Partisans full of
strength they were – were brought to hospital, often without their legs
or arms, with holes in their stomach through which you could see their
guts. I thought of each of them as my brothers, looking after them and
feeling their horrible pains with a sisterly love. My most difficult mo-
86
ments were when surgeons had to amputate parts of their bodies with-
out an anaesthetic because there wasn’t any in the hospital. The only
anaesthesia was the Grmeč slivovitz, which we, fortunately, had in large
amounts, as the locals used to bring it together with food and other
things. After taking some slivovitz, some of the bravest among the
wounded soldiers would find the strength to sing a Partisan songs.
Their loud singing reverberated the heights of Grmeč, blended with oc-
casional painful wails; we, the nurses, still burst into tears watching
these scenes. However, that was not the most painful thing. The most
difficult of all was when these brave young men, who had just started to
live and had never even kissed a girl, were dying in our arms. Neverthe-
less, there were some wonderful moments too. Some of the wounded
had a talent for music and played the tamburizza [a small, long-necked
string instrument, translator’s note], fife or accordion. They got the in-
struments from Partisan music and dance ensembles, which were very
active on the free Podgrmeč territory, then called “Bihaćka Republika”
[the Bihać Republic]. They would often organise entertaining pro-
grammes for the wounded soldiers, who would practically forget the
war at such moments. They would sing and dance and, secretly, since it
was forbidden for it to take place publicly, an occasional spark of youth-
ful love would flare. Such was life in this small Partisan town, which was
our term of endearment, because regarding the number of facilities and
the variety of social, military, political, sanitary, economic, and crafts-
manship activities, that territory really deserved to be called a town. As
I recalled all that, I became overwhelmed and couldn’t resist crying. I
have feelings of sorrow for so many young people who rest in these
graves here, among these centennial fir and spruce trees, these silent
witnesses of the glorious, epic fight for liberation in the Grmeč area,
mixed with feelings of happiness because all that is commemorated in
such a wonderful and dignified way. I wouldn’t regret dying now as I
have fulfilled the wish of my life – concluded Ljubica Todorović, the
brave Partisan nurse from village Koprivne near Sanski Most, who re-
sided in Zenica at the time.
Story three
The third hero of these stories is the now late Dane Miljuš, from the
village of Miljevci, a colonel of the Yugoslav People’s Army, who lived in
87
Split. However, nostalgia for his homeland was too strong so after re-
tirement he decided to swap the busy city life for a calm and quiet life
on the slopes of his beloved Mount Grmeč, in Lušci Palanka, where he
built a family home and spent the rest of his life. We were first-door
neighbours, but much closer, like true friends. His rich life experience,
but mostly the purity of his highland character, earned him my deepest
respect and shared with me his considerable and invaluable experience.
As a mature young man, he joined the National Liberation War on
the very first day of the uprising in Podgrmeč, and was rightully
awarded a Partisan Commemorative Medal 1941. In addition to his
many positive qualities, modesty was his greatest virtue. He did not like
talking about his accomplishments in the war, which he did not have to,
because his comrades talked about them quite often and writers put
them into books, presserved as morals for the generations to come.
Since he was a gunner during his regular military service, which he
completed before the war, he put himself at the disposal of the libera-
tion movement and, after the first canons were captured from the en-
emy in Prijedor in 1942, he formed the First Partisan Artillery Division
and became its commanding officer. As the National Liberation Fight
grew, the First Artillery Brigade was formed, with Dane as its first com-
manding officer; this brigade helped conquer the enemy strongholds in
many towns and cities. When the war ended, he had already been given
many medals; he graduated from the High Military Academy and be-
came a true expert, one of the most famous and most appreciated artil-
lery officers of the Yugoslav People’s Army. He reached the rank of
commanding artillery officer for the Sarajevo military area, the largest
one in Bosnia and Herzegovina at the time. Dane was captivated by
Korčanica, by the many memories of the war and time spent there. The
headquarters of his artillery division was located there during 1942 un-
til the Fourth Enemy Offensive. At that place, within the memorial com-
plex, a canon was set up, a war trophy and museum exhibit dedicated to
the memory of the mentioned division. That was why he was a frequent
guest at Korčanica, which helped me a great deal in my curatorial work.
Although greatly held back by his principles of modesty, he could not
resist my friendly persuasion to tape his story about his war odyssey,
which was one of the jewels in my audio archive.
88
One episode from that impressive story especially deserves to be

told. The style of his storytelling easy and likeable, easily recognised
and associated with anyone from Mount Grmeč, his tone serious, as be-
fitting the nature of the events recounted, he spun his yarn, frequently
broken by fits of chronic asthma ripping his chest.
- This happened during January 1943, at the time of the Grmeč Of-
fensive. The Germans fierce infantry attacks were aided by airplanes;
the air raids went on forever, targeting primarily the Grmeč hospitals
and its facilities, in order to cut the supply of Partisan units with food,
weapons and medical supplies, and to drive them into a tight circle on
the snowbound Grmeč Mountain, and eventually destroy them, along
with thousands of wounded people and refugees. Also, to the Germans’
advantage, the winter was very harsh, with snow up to two meters deep
and temperatures dropping to minus 30 degrees. Due to such weather
conditions, the offensive was given a special name and was known
among the people as THE WHITE OFFENSIVE, and described in The
Grmeč White Nights. Our forces were ordered to break through the
Grmeč Mountain to Bosanski Petrovac, get hold of the wounded, join
the hospital of the Supreme Headquarters, which was located in that
area, and continue the journey over the Šator Mountain towards the
Neretva River. Weary from constantly hiding and fleeing German
planes (locally known as “pikes”), which produced eerie, frightening
sounds and made blood run cold, some soldiers began to experience
hallucinations, since they were without any food or water, scantily
clothed, and forced to tread through deep snow. They imagined the
trees to be warm houses, and approached them with bowls in their
hands to get some food. Some of them even removed their greatcoats,
spread them under trees and lay down, imagining they were lying down
next to a fire. Being delirious, some started suspecting they had been
betrayed by those who were at the head of the column and were being
taken straight to the enemy. The people leading the column were locals,
and they were the only ones familiar with the Grmeč wilderness. During
such moments of obsessive doubt, individuals even shot at their com-
rades. It became a real nightmare and the situation seemed hopeless.
The soldiers suffering this ordeal were mostly from the Second and
Third Krajina Brigade. Owing to the composure of the brigade com-
manders, especially one of them, Đurin Predojević, who the soldiers
89
trusted immensely, the units consolidated and eventually broke out of

the enemy encirclement, making it a superhuman effort.
My artillery division was not evacuated at that time because of the
harsh weather conditions, and for the protection of our troops. Only
later, upon an order that came from Kosta Nađ, the commander of the
Operations Staff for Bosanska Krajina, I was supposed to drive the can-
ons across the Grmeč peaks. For this very complex operation we mobi-
lised dozens of pairs of ox-drawn carts from Podgrmeč villages in order
to go up a very steep slope. The drama lasted for hours, but the slope
could not be overcome. Both the men and the oxen were completely
exhausted. Then, commander Nađ came and, after he had seen the ef-
forts we were putting in, he told me to stop the activities and not to put
any further strain on the troops because he estimated that we would not
be able to succeed. I replied in a military manner: “Comrade Com-
mander, I have already received your order to get the canons over
Mount Grmeč and I will not quit on that order. Therefore, I will disobey
your second order and abide by your first order. Only when I conclude
that I cannot execute the first order will I proceed by the second one.”
It was the first time in my military career that I refused an order
from a superior officer. Kosta Nađ had fought in the Spanish civil war
and was a very sensible, humane and experienced officer, so he did not
reprimand me, when he could even have punished me, but rather
calmly addressed me: “If you feel you can do it, try again, but you also
have my permission to give up.”
“Yes, sir, Comrade Commander!” I curtly replied, satisfied he did not
insist on his second order. I was not able to accept failure. Our high-
lander perseverance and determination, as well as resourcefulness,
were fully shown. Some of the soldiers in my division, who had worked
in the forests before the war, remembered there should be a winch at
the top of the slope, which was used to pull logs to the forest railway
line that was close by and was used to transport logs to sawmills. The
presumption proved to be true. We found the winch and used it to pull
the canons to the top, one by one. After that, it went much more easily
with the help of the ox-drawn carts, over the Grmeč Mountain and to
our destination.
90
After this event, on our next encounter, Commander Nađ praised my

division for the success in doing something that had seemed unattain-
able to him. I always had that case in mind during my military and of-
ficer career. I always appreciated any initiative coming from my subor-
dinates, not adhering to the rigid rule that only superior officers’ orders
are productive, as one man alone is never clever enough. You should
always hear the opinions and suggestions of other people and then an-
alytically come to a solution for any problem in life – Dane Miljuš, an
eloquent and wise man from whom I received many valuable life les-
sons, ended his instructive story.
91
93
Professor Vladimir Lukić
CRIMES NOT FORGOTTEN
The peaceful and hard-working residents of the village Dabar, or ra-

ther the hamlet Brajića Tavan, practically had no problems until the war
mobilisation in 1941. Brajića Tavan is located on a beautiful plateau
above the Dabar River, that is, Dabar Springs, next to which is the large
and beautiful Dabar cave, with numerous cave decorations and hollows
that are home to a variety of birds. That is where shepherds took shelter
with their herds during summer heat and storms. The village had very
good family and neighbourly relationships; in the true sense of the
word, the villagers had good interpersonal relationships. It can be said
that the people of Brajića Tavan lived very well for the period. Brajića
Tavan is lined by the Dabar River to the east and partly to the south,
and further west by quite a spacious area called Dol, lying a few hun-
dred metres below the level of the hamlet.
Nikola Lukić, my father, was mobilised like many other men from
Dabar and the surrounding area. After the fall of the Kingdom of Yugo-
slavia, soldiers in uniforms of the Yugoslav army but without weapons,
began to pass through our village. We waited for our father’s return for
a long time and to our great satisfaction and joy, he also appeared in
military uniform. He told us that he and his two companions had been
disarmed in Slavonia and confined within the perimeter of some mili-
tary barracks enclosed by wire. When an air strike on the barracks hap-
pened, he asked his friends to go over the wire but they told him they
would get killed. My father replied that all of them would certainly be
killed if they did not escape, after which they went over the wire and,
fleeing across the Slavonian fields, reached the Sava River, close to
Gradiška, crossed the river by boat and went up the Kozara Mountain.
After that they descended to the Sana River to the south of Prijedor and
then went through Serbian villages to Brajića Tavan, my father’s birth-
place.
95
As soon as he arrived home he said: “There’s going to be a war and

we will have to fight!” Straight away he bought a new carbine for 1,000
dinars; that carbine and another one found in the village, belonging to
Vico Brajić, saved the lives of many people from Brajića Tavan and
Dabar. Also, one night, the two carbines had a crucial role in preventing
the entire population of Brajića Tavan from being taken to Sanski Most
and baptised; instead, the people went to the Mriježnica Mountain.
Sadly, many of those from the neighbouring villages and hamlets who
agreed to leave to be baptised that night did not return to their homes.
Those were days and months of peril for Serbs. A speech by the mil-
itary official Viktor Gutić was a truly bloodthirsty call to annihilate the
Serbs. After that came forced labour, looting, arrests and the killing of
the most prominent Serbs (Vidović brothers, gendarme Vezmar and so
on) and Jews. They began with mass arrests in villages (Podlug, Kruhari,
Kijevo, Čaplje, Tomina, Kljevci, Krkojevci, Zdena and many other vil-
lages). In Sanski Most, prisons, schools, storerooms, grain storage and
other spaces were filled with innocent Serbs.
In late July, a mass slaughter began at Šušnjar near Sanski Most,
where about 5,500 Serbs and about 50 Jews were killed, while the peak
of the carnage happened, not coincidentally, on Saint Elijah Day, 2nd
August 1941. My peers I were watching and listening to this massacre
day and night from the highest hills above Krkojevci, and I was only
eight years and four months old. Innocent victims were massacred
around the clock by Croat and Muslim villains. We got some actual in-
formation on the manner of torture and killing, killing tools, as well as
many crimes and other details from our neighbour Jovan Starčević, who
was not wounded but fell into a large grave. He managed to get out of
the grave; the same night he reached the Sana River, swam across and
got to Brajića Tavan. The atrocities, torture, beatings and executions
which Jovan described cannot be forgotten. In addition to Šušnjari,
other places of execution were initiated: Stočna pijaca, Vrponje, Čaplje,
Stari Majdan. In other words, there were no villages in the Sanski Most
municipality without places of execution, whether small or large.
Horrible news reached the village every day. In the meantime, my
father had learned that one Muslim (Kenjar... of course, a villain) took
away Jeka Trivić, his sister, Jovo Trivić, her husband, and Dušan, their
96
son (about 20 years old), to be executed. He found out everything about

this villain. As fate would have it, in the winter of 1941, Mile Borovnica,
my father’s comrade, from Miloš Perišić’s platoon, intercepted a sled in
Kljevci, on which was the villain’s wife and their five or six children. My
father was thus given the opportunity to revenge the deaths of his sister,
brother-in-law and nephew, who he loved immensely. Not only did Ni-
kola Lukić, my father, not want to take revenge, but he also prohibited
others to do that for him. Given the fact that this act caused many dis-
cussions, often very conflicting, and even minor quarrels, my father’s
decision still arouses admiration in me. I do not think there are Serbs
from any village or town that have not lost a close or distant relative in
the mentioned places of execution.
The crimes in Sanski Most and around it led to a massive uprising of
the Serbs in the whole Podgrmeč area. The rebels prevented the villains
from going around the villages without danger to their lives. Due to fre-
quent attacks, many people from Donji Dabar, as well as Brajića Tavan,
fled to the mountains Mriježnica, Gradina, and also to Gornji Dabar –
Perišići, Crnomarkovići, Miljevići, Crnovoda, Jelašinovci, Lušci Palanka
and so on. The people of Brajića Tavan repeatedly fled to almost all of
the mentioned places. All that fleeing lasted until 26th June 1942, when
strong enemy forces burned Brajića Tavan to the ground. Houses and
other buildings made of stone were torn down and the stone taken away
to the highest elevations north of the village, for the construction of
bunkers and trenches, east to the confluence of the Dabar River and
Sana and to the highest elevations toward Đedovača, and also further
to the west. That was a day like any other, and we the children, shep-
herds, competed who would get their livestock to pasture first. As soon
as we drove the livestock to Škarić Glavica, and it was very early in the
morning, we noticed two men galloping from Krkojevci over Brajića Hill
towards the village. When they reached the first houses, people began
to flee towards the Dabar Springs with unthinkable noise and shouting:
“Run!” We heard the call to run away, and we already knew the direction
of our escape – the livestock was to be taken to Dabar, that is, Dabar
cave.
Since my mother, Dragica Lukić, had a baby in the cradle, I decided
to go back home to find her and help her. Luckily, our house was on the
edge of the village. At that moment, I was the only one heading from the
97
Dabar cave in the opposite direction of the movement of flight – to-

wards the house, regardless of the fact many neighbours informed me
that the entire village had fled, including my mother. I did not know that
she had fled to Vilender (a slope lying between the village and the Dabar
River) with two neighbours and taken refuge in a gully, which protected
them from the shells falling around them. Ceaseless explosions petri-
fied my little sister and even though our mother constantly protected
and covered her, she died several months later. I barely made my way
to the house through the large crowd of fleeing people, animals and
carts. What made the panic worse was the heavy artillery shelling the
roads, the Dabar valley and the front area of the springs and caves,
where the enemy supposed the people were taking refuge. In front of
the village, I met Živka Lukić, perhaps the last person I saw; this cousin
of mine, still a little girl, had had her palm shot through with a bullet.
My house was completely empty, and after I made certain that my
mother had escaped with the baby, I went back the same way. Above
Crkvina, on the road, I found Stevo Lukić, a cousin of mine (born in
1939), in a large crowd of mostly children, adults and livestock; he was
holding on to a stone at the side of the road. I ran over to him because I
was afraid the livestock might trample him. I put Stevo on my back and
went downhill to Miljuša Luka (about 1 km), and then uphill on a wind-
ing, mostly dirt road (about 3 km), walking slouched rather than up-
right, going beyond the edges of the trodden path, and in many places
crawling because most of the road was under heavy fire. The road took
me to the house of my uncle Ostoja Šušnica and my grandmother Joka.
Stevo was practically taken off me; Savka, my older sister, and Anka, my
younger sister, arrived shortly after (Savka was born in 1926 and Anka
in 1936). My grandmother asked me many questions, especially about
my mother and the baby, but I did not know what had happened to
them. Even though night approached, at dusk, I arrived again in front
of the Dabar cave, or rather at the Dabar Springs. To my great joy, which
did not last long, I found my mother, aunt Ljubosava and uncle Obrad.
When I told them that I had carried Stevo to Šušnice and that he was
now at grandmother Joka’s, my mother, aunt and uncle went beyond
themselves with joy. My mother immediately started to feed me kaymak
and bread from a copper pot, because I had had nothing to eat all day,
but I must admit that not even once had I thought about food. As soon
98
as I started to eat, and there were dozens of people from Brajića Tavan,
perhaps mostly women and children, a grenade came down and fell
near the Dabar spring, close to a group of people from Brajića Tavan;
fortunately, it landed in shallow water and sand. My mother shouted to
my uncle: “Brother, I’ve been hit!” She got wounded; a piece of shrapnel
hit her in the back, in the direction of the heart.
The shell explosion got us moving immediately, under the cover of
the night, despite the severe shelling, whose intensity often changed.
Considering I had already taken that road while it was still daytime, I
was told to go first. My mother and I continuously and quietly called out
to each other; my aunt Ljubosava was also with us, and along with the
others we formed a large crawling line. Our retreat lasted almost until
dawn. Under the cover of the night, uncle Obrad and several other peo-
ple drove a large number of livestock, among which was our own cow
and horse. Nobody was sleeping when we arrived at my uncle’s house
(Ostoja Šušnica); everybody was waiting for us. Their biggest concern
was my mother. Only she and God knew how she had endured the re-
treat, which meant stopping and going, lying down and standing up,
bending down and crawling; although she was wounded, she had car-
ried the baby the entire way, which meant a climb of over three kilome-
tres.
As soon as it dawned, it was clear that we are within range of the
artillery shelling at us from Brajića Tavan and that we had to move away
from my uncle’s house. At dawn, the escapees began to disperse in dif-
ferent directions; together with many other people from Brajića Tavan,
we headed to Crnovoda, to Dušan Kragulj’s house, a comrade of my fa-
ther’s, which was about four kilometres away. We were given a small
wooden building in which four or five family members could lie down.
Everybody was terrifed, the youngest child as well as the oldest person.
When we went to sleep, my mother lay down beside me with the baby
and, although wounded, she kept an axe under her head. That image
has been with me my entire life.
In the meantime, my father came from the Sixth Krajiška Brigade,
which was located in the direction of Krupa. He brought a large military
tent, in which a few families settled. The next day, he took my mother
on a horse to hospital in Korčanica for treatment, where they removed
99
the shrapnel that almost reached her heart; her wounds were now
properly taken care of for the first time. The following day, my father
took us from Crnovoda to Sanička Rijeka, to the house of Bogdan and
Pepa (Petra) Babić, at the foot of Međija Brdo, on the recommendation
of his fellow soldier Stevan Babić, Pepa and Bogdan’s younger brother.
There were a lot of children and young people of all ages in their house
and we really nicely fit in with these two families that lived as if they
were one. In July, I saw some bullfights on Međije Brdo, and I also met
some of the organisers, such as Cvijeta Babić and Lazija Stanić, who
raised fighting bulls.
Despite fearing that we might be attacked by the enemy from Sanica
and Ključ, it can be said that we mostly lived peacefully, almost like in
time of peace, until the month of February 1943. The only sad event was
the death of my grandmother Joka. My mother went to her funeral. In
fact, on 11th February 1943, if I can remember correctly, a column of
our soldiers, the size of a large company, went over Zavolj. We, the little
shepherds, did not even notice that one soldier had left the column and
come round to the Babić house.That man was my father. He just said to
my mother: “Dragica, an offensive is coming and we are heading out to
fight them – take care of the children!”
The following day at dawn, we started across Međije Brdo and went
over the Kosa Mountain, without really knowing where we were going
or had best go. As soon as we came to Kosa, my mother took off my
clothes made of tent canvas and left them in a hollow beech tree; I con-
tinued walking in linen pants and a woollen vest, and it was through a
heavy snowfall. When we arrived at a forest intersection where the road
split into two, one of which led to the middle of Crnovoda, rather to
Pilipovići across Mriježnica, and the other, turning left, towards Pezići
(Mijatići), where more than 210 people, mostly women, children and
helpless elderly people, were to be killed, my mother turned to me and
asked: “Vlade, where shall we go?” I said that we should go to grand-
mother’s house. My mother took my advice, so we did not end up in the
massacre in Pezići. We went over the Kosa Mountain and got to the
middle of Crnovoda. I led the cow, while my older sister led the horse.
Our mother went behind us with our younger sister. We went far ahead
of mother and sister and headed up the hill towards the Čukanović
houses. When we had climbed half of the hill, we met a lot of fleeing
100
people. Among them was a neighbour of ours, Vid Brajić, who told us to
go back because there were troops following them. We returned to the
bottom of Crnovoda, to the crossroads, where we had already been fired
upon by artillery from Pezić Plećina, which we were able to see. A shell
flew over us and fell in the valley, upon which the horse got startled and
threw off his load. Thanks to Vid Brajić and some other people, the pack
saddle with the luggage was placed on the horse again, and we were able
to continue down Crnovoda towards Čelići.
After one kilometer, Kuzman Vajagić (Reljić) met us and invited my
mother and the rest of us to descend into a deep valley where his entire
family were situated. My mother thanked him and the four of us con-
tinued with our horse and cow. However, my younger sister fell into the
snow and shouted she could not move on, after which my mother
started to cry. My mother and I went back and picked her up. My mother
pulled out a bone of some sort and gave it to her to nibble on. My older
sister led both the cow and the horse; as it later turned out, it was for-
tunate that I decided to take the horse from her then. After a few kilo-
metres, we came across some mountain cabins, which we called huts.
There were people lying outside these huts. Women, children, mostly
typhus patients, the sick, wounded and helpless, all taken out not to
burn up, because there was no one to carry them. As soon as we had got
past these wretched people, we came to some huge oak-trees; at that
moment, an enemy plane came and started circling above us, almost
touching the canopies of the oak-trees that camouflaged us. While the
plane circled, the horse that I was leading did not drag me but actually
tossed me around; still, I did not let go of it. Our entire luggage was on
it (blankets and some food). My sister failed to keep hold of the cow and
it ran off. The army chased it off with the other animals. In that chaos,
we were joined by the wife of Nikola Nebesilović (Vučković), a fallen
soldier, and her two small children. She carried one child and led the
other one by the hand.
My mother decided not to continue to Čelići, but rather turned left
to some deep valleys, which she knew well. The enemy column that had
killed the people at the Čukanović houses was moving along the road
across Mriježnica, above the Kragulj house, in the direction of Čelići;
we went behind them, through the woods, watched the column as it ad-
vanced. Despite the deep snow and dusk, we went down into a valley;
101
my mother took the axe we carried on horseback, cleared the snow,

chopped some wood and started a fire, which basically saved us. We had
something to eat, covered ourselves with what we had, sharing every-
thing with the woman who had joined us and her two children. and her
children.
When daylight came, my mother went to scout the surroundings.
She met Kuzman Vajagić, who had called us to go down into a deep val-
ley, to join his family. He was carrying a pickaxe and shovel. He asked
my mother: “Dragica, are your children alive?” My mother responded
that we were, to which he told her: “Go to your children, I am going to
bury all my nineteen family members, who were killed in the valley be-
low.” After this encounter, which our mother told us about, we started
pulling out of the valley where we had spent the night, not knowing the
snow was over half a meter deep. When we got onto the road which the
enemy column took to come down Mriježnica, headed for Vrpolje, the
woman with two small children went left, and we took the Mriježnica
road above Dušan Kragulj’s house, above the Čukanović houses, over
Mriježnica and to my uncle Ostoja Šušnica’s house. We started in the
morning, probably around ten o’clock, and reached my uncle’s house in
the evening, between nine and ten. Normally, it is a seven-kilometre trip
but how long it took us that time is a clear indication how difficult it was
for us to move. While walking above the Čukanović houses, we saw dead
bodies in the snow, outside a wooden fence, on it and under it. I will
never forget those human corpses in the snow.
As we were walking down a path on the Lisina Mountain, we came
across a large gully, and then another accident happened to us. The
horse stumbled and almost fell into the gully. The three of us could
hardly hold the horse. It was only when I lay down next to it – it was
lying on its stomach – that I managed to pull its leg and place it on some
solid ground, after which it was able to stand up, of course with the help
of the three of us. We were happy again to have saved it, because it had
also saved us.
The arrival at my uncle’s house brought us immense joy and happi-
ness. The first thing my mother did was heat some water for us to take
a bath and go to bed. I remember well that she woke me up in the middle
of the night, and gave me a glass of brandy to drink; rather, she poured
102
it down my throat. The following day, when we woke up, we were wor-
ried about whether father was alive, because we had heard his company
had fought the enemy on the hill Smršnjak all day. When Vid Brajić told
him that he had seen the four of us in Crnovoda and had sent us away
from the Čukanović houses, where people of all ages had been killed,
my father assumed that if we were alive, we had probably gone to my
uncle’s house. His assumption was correct and he found us alive and
well at my uncle’s house. Seeing our father Nikola, our joy was com-
plete. We stayed there until the liberation of Sanski Most. I remem-
bered the advice my father had given my mother, repeating it several
times: “Dragica, do not go into the woods with the kids without an axe
or fire (matches).”
The first news we heard there was about the death of some people
from Brajića Tavan: Stana, Milan Brajić’s wife and their six children had
been killed in the offensive, including David, my best friend; the woman
and two children lying on Lazo Brajić’s chest; Mile Maljuga’s wife and
daughter... Those horrendous images are forever engraved in one’s
mind.
Banja Luka, 1st August 2013
103
Rade Stojanović
THINGS BEYOND DESCRIPTION
Introduction: Rade Stojanović wrote down his life’s record in exile,

in Prijedor, in May 1997, unaware that his life story would become one
of the most authentic testimonies about events during the Second
World War. Rade (10th October 1926 - 15th January 2001) was born in
Lužani, where he lived until 1959, when he moved to Sanski Most. He
and his family spent the following three and a half decades in that town,
until his 69th birthday. On that day exactly, along with the rest of the
Serbs, he was forced to leave his home. He spent the rest of his life as a
refugee in Prijedor, but he was buried in Sanski Most of his own will.
Rade Stojanović’s memoirs consist of three parts. In the first part,
he describes his origins, his village and the life in it. He also describes
the appearance of the houses, the way people dressed and how they
made a living. The entire second part, which is the longest, represents
memories of the war and Rade’s so-called childhood. In the third part,
he talks about his family life, starting a family with his wife Anđa, née
Karanović, and their four children, as well as his career, what his jobs
were, where he worked and where and what he did in life. The second
part of Rade’s story has been adapted for this book of proceedings.
This record was typed on a typewriter, on eight (8) pages in Latin
letters. The author left it to his son Dane for the reading and keeping. It
is from his son that I received this valuable testimony of past events, as
well as permission to publish it. In this way, I publicly thank him for his
trust and cooperation.
There are only minimal changes in this version as compared to the
original text; no changes have been made to the content or the author’s
authentic language. The text has been retyped in the Cyrillic script.
Some typos have been corrected, including joining or separating words,
a consistent use of the ijekavian dialect (in the original both the ekavian
105
and ijekavian dialects can be found), and some corrections have been
made concerning the timeframe. I intentionally left some words mis-
spelt, as representative of the colloquial speech of the area concerned,
for the text to have linguistic value. The word order has been changed
in some sentences or words complemented with addition given in
brackets, for a better understanding of the text. As Rade wrote his mem-
oirs almost 60 years after the event, it is not unusual that he could not
recall some details with absolute accuracy; also, some information is
partial or is considered less important. The facts that I had information
on are given in the footnotes.
Prepared by: Dušanka Marković
When I think of my childhood days, it seems to me that this world

came into existence 200 to 300 years ago, although I am aware it has
been here since times immemorial. I was led to this conclusion by the
fact that during my childhood people lived primitively; they cultivated
land with wooden ploughs and subsisted on what they produced. Dishes
were made from wood, and those that had to be used to cook food in
were usually made of clay... Garments were made from hemp and
linen... Shoes were mostly made from cow and sheep hide, the so-called
oputnjak, which people used to make themselves... But when I remem-
ber that we were under the Ottoman Turks for 500 years, and when I
remember the Balkan wars, frequent rebellions and uprisings, as well
as the First World War, not to mention the Second World War, and the
one that ended just recently, thing become somewhat clearer.1
All children in the world have a childhood to live; some are happy,
others not quite so happy. Many things lead to a happy and joyful child-
hood, like whether you come from a rich or a poor family; whether you
have parents or not; whether you are healthy or ill; whether your par-
ents are married or divorced; and also whether you are growing up in
peace or war...
1
The war Rade refers to as the “one that ended recently” is the civil war in
Bosnia and Herzegovina in the 1990s.
106
In order to describe my childhood, I must go back to the life of my

parents. My paternal grandfather did not remember his parents. My fa-
ther did not remember his father, while his mother had a long life. My
mother did not remember her mother, while her father had a long life.
I lost my father when I was 15 years old. Nutrition was bad and there
was little food; to us, it tasted savoury, and we contended for it. On many
occasions, we even fought over it. It was food from plants: fruit, vegeta-
bles, strawberries, cornel and so on, which we picked, stole and ate. Per-
haps, that is why we were healthy. However, back then, women gave
birth to many children, the weak died and the healthy ones survived.
My mother had nine childeren, four of whom died and five survived...
...I worked the land with my father. When he went to villages to do
craftwork, he often took me along to help him and learn from him. I was
glad to go because it was not hard for me, and the food offered to crafts-
men was excellent.
Such were my childhood and boyhood days until May 1941. Then,
the Second World War started. That year, on 8th May, Germans shot
30 Serb civilians and hung their dead bodies in front of the town hall
building in Sanski Most.2 Three days later, they were buried in the town
cemetery in Šušnjar. My father, Pero, was one of the people who were
shot.
After that, hard and difficult days came for our mother and us, the
children. Among the executed, there were 7 people from our village,
Lužani.3 This might not have been a great loss for our village, which had
37 homes, had not there been for the sad and dark 2nd August 1941.4
The Ustashas came to the village of Lužani, rounded up all men aged 18
years and above and took them to the village of Čaplje. They locked
them in a storeroom, where they spent the night. The following day, 2nd
August, in the afternoon, they tied them in groups of four and took them
to Žegar. They were shot and buried at the ponds near the “winding
road” in Čaplje. The Serbs from Čaplje and Lužani were shot there.
2
Twenty-seven Serbs were shot on that day, 8th May.
3
Nine Serbs from Lužani were shot. Those were Tomo Vrkeš, Veljko Praća, Mi-
loš Delić, Dušan Jovanović, Ilija Milanko, Prole Milanko, Pero Stojanović, Petar Šo-
bot and Ljubomir-Ljupko Šobot.
4
In the original text, the author wrote 2nd April by mistake.
107
Forty-one of the men killed that day came from but one village, that of
Lužani.5 On the second day, the same Ustashas came to our village and
killed another seven women.6
After the death of our father, difficult, gloomy days came, especially
for our mother. She had to hide us day and night, in the woods, hedges
and maize, when it grew tall. Since my sister and I were slightly bigger
than the others, on a few occasions she sent us to Kozica and Tramošnja
for a few days. That happened when she anticipated serious danger. I
believe other mothers did the same, all those whose husbands were ex-
ecuted in May. As I have already mentioned, even more dreary days
were coming. On 2ndAugust, they killed 41 men and 7 women. This left
so many fatherless orphans, and some children lost both their parents.
Almost every household lost one or two people. In one house, they killed
an old woman and her three sons;7 in another, they killed a man, his
wife and their five adult sons, who had already moved out of their fa-
ther’s house.8 Those seven women were shot in the village, at their
homes, in front of the children and women who happened to be there.
After these dark days and this suffering, mothers and children suc-
cumbed to fear, and no one dared stay in the houses, whether by day or
night. We hid in hedges, fields of maize and woods.
Three days later, an order came that there would be no more kill-
ings, but we could not believe it. We continued to hide. After a while,
we were taken to Kijevsko Polje, to Roman Catholic homes, where we
continued hiding. Those Catholic families were glad to have us, despite
fearing the authorities. While there, we felt a lot freer and more con-
tent. Mothers used to sneak up to the houses and bring us food every
day. After some time, we started to go back home, where during the day
5
On that day, 33 people from Lužani were shot in Žegar, but 7 more died when
the Ustashas went through the village looking for men who had not gone to the
meeting in Čaplje. Only five survived the execution.
6
These events connected with the village of Lužani are described in detail in the
text “The Suffering of the People of the Village of Lužani, with a Special Regard to
the Child Victims”, Dušanka Marković, Šušnjar 1941, Proceedings – Papers, Testimo-
nies and Documents, Oštra Luka, 2010, pp. 99-126
7
This refers to Marija Milanko and her three sons, Ilija, Prole i Duje.
8
This refers to Simeun Šobot, his third wife Jelka Bjelovuk and his five sons,
Mile, Petar, Dušan, Ljupko and Kosta.
108
we fed the livestock and cultivated the crops; we went back to our Cath-
olic host families to spend the nights. We gradually became accustomed
to that, so two or three of the mothers would at somebody’s house and
spend the night, along with a toddler or two. That went on for about two
months, if not more. After that, all of us, one by one, began to return
home, until we all came back. We can only thank those Roman Catholics
for for everything did for us, especially Lovro Banović, his mother Luca
and his wife Zorka.
Here, I described the dreary life in the unfortunate year of 1941.
There were no more killings for the rest of the year, but we were afraid
and occasionally fled and hid at night. In the year 1942, there were no
executions, but fear and danger were constantly present. Since Ključ,
Petrovac, and Drvar, sometimes Kozica also, were in the Partisan hands,
while our region was under the Germans and Ustashas, they often
fought and we felt the consequences. Those two years (1941/42) were
truly dreary and hard, especially when it came to farming and food. The
children were too weak; the mothers were ignorant and too weak to
tend to hard agricultural work. We struggled working the land and were
rather hungry.
Around 20th October, the Partisans attacked Sanski Most and con-
quered all the villages up to the Sana River, in the direction of Ključ,
but they failed to conquer Sanski Most. The villages of Čaplje, Lužani,
Tomina, Kruhari etc. that the Partisans liberated stayed under their
control from 20th December 1942 to 17th January 1943. On 17th Janu-
ary 1943, the Germans, Ustashas and Croatian Home Guard started the
Fourth Offensive from Sanski Most, intent on breaking through the Par-
tisan lines and reaching Ključ. The Partisans started their retreat to
Ključ and the Grmeč Mountain. We, Serbian people, dared not wait for
the Germans and Ustashas. We were told to pack and flee. I and my
cousin Bogdan, who was one year older than me, were given a single
cart and one horse each.9 We quickly fetched our horses and harnessed
them to the cart, piled up food and some clothes, blankets mostly, be-
cause it was a harsh winter. Small children were put on the cart and
9
Bogdan Vukmir is Rade Stojanović’s cousin (his uncle’s lineage). Pero
Stojanović, Rade’s father, and Mitar Vukmir, Bogdan’s grandfather, came from one
mother, Mara Vukmir (Stojanović), née Simić.
109
wrapped in the blankets, and we, the stronger ones, came on foot with
our mothers. We tied the cows to the cart and fled. I believe the whole
village headed out. We headed out in a column through Tomina and
Ilidža and got to Podovi, more precisely, to the school in Podovi. Since
the winter was so harsh, we put mothers and children inside the school,
while my cousin and I slept on the cart because the school was pack full.
I still remember how long that night was because of the cold, fear and
uncertainty – we did not know where to move on from that place, where
to go.
Our column of refugees had in it over 30 families from Lužani, and
we were also joined by some people from Čaplja, Tominjani, as well as
from Kruhari and Ilidža, and everyone settled down in Podovi for the
night as best they could. Early in the morning, someone informed us
that the Germans were coming from Ilidža and that we needed to con-
tinue. Those of us who had spent the night at the school went to
Sokolovo, while the others, those from the houses, headed to Kozica.
The column in front of us was long, and I did not even know how long it
was behind us. Upon our arrival at Sokolovo, some time in the after-
noon, we scattered all over Donje Sokolovo. We were taken in by a good
family living by the Sana River, right at the entrance to Sokolovo. We
spent two nights there, 18th and 19th January. The following morning
was 20th January, our patron saint’s day, St. John’s Day. Our mother
prepared some food. She took out some bacon, meat and brandy. The
host read the prayer, and I, as the oldest male of the Stojanović family,
was asked to light the candle and pour everybody some brandy. I did
that with a sense of pleasure. In the afternoon, just as we had finished
lunch and started to relax, news came that the Germans were moving
from Podovi towards Sokolovo. It meant getting ready, packing and
fleeing again. We were close to the Sana River and the bridge which we
had to cross. When we came to the bridge, a large column had already
formed, so we, people from Lužani, scattered, with only 5 or 6 families
sticking together in the column. We went through unknown villages. It
was pitch dark and incredibly cold. You could not see anything. The
livestock roared. The children on the carts cried. Good Lord, it was a
terrible sight!
We came to Ramići and headed towards Pudin Han. Next, we
reached the road Ključ - Petrovac. The entire column headed towards
110
Petrovac then. It was not clear who led the column. We came to a road
which goes to Gornja Sanica. The column stopped there and it was de-
cided who was going to go where. People started looking for their rela-
tives, neighbours and friends, in order to decide who would go to Pe-
trovac and who would go to Sanica. There, we found our sister, her hus-
band and mother-in-law.10 Everyone who had any relatives in Petrovac,
Drvar or Lika headed to Petrovac. The rest of us went to Gornja Sanica.
There was a lot of crying and tears at that leave-taking. We were happy,
especially our mother, because our sister and her family decided to join
us. As for the other refugees who went to Sanica, there were about ten
families from Lužani.
When we left the road leading to Petrovac and turned to Sanica, it
was already about 2 o’clock in the afternoon. After one to two kilome-
tres, a German aircraft suddenly came and began to bomb the column
of refugees. Those of us who went on foot lay down in the ditches, but
the children who were on the carts simply stayed there, because there
was no time to get them off the carts. Then the children started to
scream, the cows went mooing, the horses neighed, it was horrible.
Luckily, it did not last long. The bombing stopped. Fortunately, they
overshot the column and no one was hurt. After that, we continued our
journey and came to Sanica before nightfall.
As we entered Sanica, we were welcomed by the Sanica town coun-
cilmen. They took us to the houses of the Muslims who had fled to es-
cape the Partisans, justa as we had escaped from the Germans. My fam-
ily were all placed together in one house. We settled in the house and
put our livestock in the basement. We were there during February and
part of March and started to feel at home. We ate the food we had
brought with us. Our two families ate together. We were frugal with the
food to make it last longer. We ate as much as we were given, not as
much as we could, because we received no aid in the form of food.
Meanwhile, the Germans occupied Ključ and the area reaching as far as
Pudin Han. One morning, at about 5 o’clock, we received the terrible
news that we had to pack and move on. Quickly, we got up and got ready.
My cousin and I rushed out to prepare the horses and the cart. To our
10
The author is referring to Dara Šobot, his sister, Simeun, Dara’s husband, and
Deva Šobot née Simić, her mother-in-law.
111
great misfortune, someone had stolen our cart that night and driven off
with it. We went into the house and told our mothers what had hap-
pened. They burst into tears, wailed and cried out loud. In the end, we
decided to put the blankets and clothes on the livestock, and top it all
with the little food we had left. We would lead the small children by the
hand, or sometimes carry them. We agreed that was the way to proceed.
We set off to Lušci Palanka. After going through some villages, we got
to Zavolj near Međeđe Brdo. We were stopped there and told we could
not continue, because the Germans from Bihać were on their way to
Sanski Most and were about to pass through Palanka. As if the the situ-
ation was not sad enough, the people now had to hide in the houses
around. About ten families stuck as close together as possible; we set-
tled in three houses that stood next to each other. Those were Serbian
houses, and we moved in with the families living there. Life was miser-
able there; we were terror-stricken, and had to fight hunger, lice and
other adversities.
The month of March drew to a close. It was obvious spring would
soon reach the plains along the Sanica River. For us at the foot of the
Grmeč Mountain, as if our troubles were not bad enough, the winter
was a harsh one, with snow one metre deep; on the mountain, it was
even deeper. In such a situation, we got the news the Germans were
moving from Sanica and Lušci Palanka and were about to meet at Zavolj
– exactly where we were. Panic struck both the troops and civilians. Our
troop retreated from the Sanica and Lušci Palanka areas. Many columns
were on their way to the Grmeč Mountain; each one of them looked for
a favourable, passable path. The ten families from Lužani, including
ours, set off after one Partisan unit so we could also get to Grmeč, but
the Partisans did not allow us, arguing that we would die of exhaustion
and frostbite in the cold, complete with out livestock and small children.
At that time, we did not know what had happened to the other families,
or where they had gone.
Since there was no other way, as wretched as we were, we chose to
cross Međeđe Brdo and Čelić Kosa. Whatever God had in store for us,
we chose to go across Kljevci to our homes. We had no other option. It
took us all day to cross Čelić Kosa and descend to Sjenokose in Čelić.
We settled in some shepherds’ huts and spent the night there. The next
morning, we saw people fleeing from Crnovoda. They said the Germans
112
were coming, burning houses and killing everyone on the way. We

quickly packed our things, crossed Malovani and Kljevci, and went
down to Donji Kljevci, to some Roman Catholic houses called the Ba-
karićes. It was about noon when we sneaked into those houses. Sud-
denly, someone noticed the Germans coming down the same road we
had taken to get there. Someone remembered to put a white flag on the
roof. There was a road about a hundred metres above us; it ran to
Vrhpolje, and the Germans took it. They did not go past us. Whether it
was the white flag that saved us or they simply did not pay attention to
us has remained a mystery. Those were the same Germans who came
from Jelašinovcid, where they had killed people and burned their prop-
erty.
We spent the night there and rested a little. The next day, we agreed
that a group of men should go to Sana and cut down poles close to the
railway, in order to make a raft and use the night to cross the Sana River
and get to Tomina, to the Vidović houses, which stood next to the river.
Since Kljevci was abandoned and there was no one around, we were
able to do that without being disturbed. The ones who had gone to make
a raft told us, just before nightfall, that everything was ready and that
we needed to pack and set out at about 9 o’clock. So we did. First, we
got the people and things across the river, then we had to force the live-
stock into the water; but it swam to the other side easily. We came to
the Vidović family, who were still awake. They quickly took us into their
houses and put our livestock in their barns, so that we would not be
noticed by the Germans, who were located along the road. Fortunately,
our journey ended with nobody noticing us.
We spent the night there and set off to Lužani the next day, one little
group at a time, taking the livestock with us. We came home without
even being asked where we were coming from. We found the houses
intact, except that they had been looted and emptied of all their con-
tents.
Let us go back to our flight. Those who had turned to Kozica or had
been fortunate enough and stayed in Sokolovo, they all set off for home
after exactly 10 days, and those who had gone to Drvar or Lika returned
when Sana was liberated. We had chosen the worst route. Fortunately,
not one of all those refugees got killed. Only Savka Mijić was killed in
Crnovoda, and how she got there I do not know. She was about 16 years
113
old. Her father, Đurađ, was shot in 1941 and her mother had died before
that.11 Many families from Palanka and Jelašinovci went to the Grmeč
Mountain; some of them were later found next to some beech trees,
where they had frozen to death.
Those families that were fortunate enough to get back home quickly
found their houses had not been looted and all their things and grains
at home. As for those of us who returned later, we found nothing; my
mother and I thus had to go and work in other people’s fields for a mere
kilo or two of maize. We were also given some for free, that is, we did
not have to pay for it. Concerning food, we somehow survived the year
of 1943. The political and military situation often saw change of luck; it
was volatile beyond description. From March until August, there was
frequent fighting between the Partisans and the Germans, right in our
area, but we stayed calm and did not flee. Starting in August, the Parti-
sans became stronger and too dangerous for the Germans. The Ger-
mans retreated to Sanski Most, so our area became nobody’s and eve-
rybody’s at the same time. Sometimes the Partisans came and some-
times the Germans and Ustashas; it was uncertain what the next day or
night would bring. That went on until 20th October 1943.
The Partisans launched an assault on Sanski Most on 19th October
and liberated it on 20th October, after which it never fell into the en-
emy’s hands again. Freedom and liberation came on 15th May 1945. I
do not know what to say about this long awaited freedom. My genera-
tion grew up and matured during those war years. We became young
men and women. The children who were small during the war grew up
to become boys and girls. The women who had lost their husbands in
the war were happy to have kept their children at least. A sense of cheer-
fulness, joy and youth spread, like nature blossoms in spring. It is be-
yond my power to describe. One has to experience it. After such a war
and the joy of being free again, we could finally return to our private
lives and work, as well as courting, falling in love, getting married...
Prijedor, 3rd May 1997
11
The author lists only one person who died in the Fourth Offensive. However, 21
people from Lužani died that winter, of whom 17 were children. The children who
did not survive the war atrocities were not registered as war casualties.
114
115
THE SAD LOOKS OF

IMPRISONED JEWS
Sanski Most was well-known as a trading town. Jews, Serbs and a

few Muslims owned large stores, and there was a newsstand that sold
newspapers. Jewish people owned some large stores, which were pack
full of various goods, and they had regular customers. They were very
helpful and liked children a lot, whom they always gave chocolate,
candy and other trifles. It was a town that lived a peaceful, friendly life,
where no one paid attention to ethnicity. Everyone lived peacefully; it
was a real pleasure to live there. That wonderful peace was soon dis-
turbed by the fascist Ustasha hordes and Germans, who began arresting
the local Serbs, Jews and Roma. I often walked to school next to the
barracks where the Jews were imprisoned, and they permanently en-
graved on my mind, the image of those sad, crying, exhausted Jews, who
could think of nothing but the fate awaiting them.
They were without food for three days, then came the Ustashas and
took them, tormented as they were, to the train station, where they put
them in cattle cars and sent them straight to the concentration camps
in Jasenovac, Stara Gradiška and Gradina. There, they went through
hell. They were beaten, hit in their arms and legs with heavy objects,
not just the adults, but complete families. There were so many children.
They were given no mercy, not even the youngest. The Germans
planned to kill half of them, and the second half they locked in gas
chambers and incinerated. Normal people cannot comprehend such
evil and atrocities. Many prisoners were thrown into the river and thus
“dispatched” to Belgrade, while others were transported to Sajmište in
Belgrade and killed in gas vans. Similarly, they killed people by the Sana
River; Rahela lost her two brothers there. The most respectable Jews
from Sanski Most who lost their lives were from the families Albahari,
117
Atijas, Kabiljo, Papo, Levi, Isak, Lezo, Hadson, Godberg, Ninberg,

Nasmijan, Rajh and others. The large field at Jasenovac, with a flower-
shaped monument, tells about the sufferings of those wretched people
and warns that such evil should never happen again.
118
Ljuban Mijatović
THEY DEMOLISHED, BURNED AND

KILLED ALL IN THEIR PATH
On 19th February 1942, to the great horror and suffering of the Ser-
bian people, the Ustashas attacked Kljevci from Rustovo, Tominska Pal-
anka, Vrhpolje, Čaplje and other surrounding villages, intent on killing
the remaining Serbs, those who were not killed in 1941 at Šušnjar,
Vrpolje, Čaplje and Sanski Most.
On that day, when the Ustashas attacked Kljevci, they tore down and
burned everything, and killed everyone they caught.
They killed the daughter of Laka Ćosić; the wife of Đurađ Trivić; Ilija
Utješanović, Rade Stojković, Damjan Karanović; they also beat Dam-
jan’s wife Stana, permanently scarring her lower jaw. Dušan Stojković
died with a gun in his hands, protecting his village. We who survived
fled to Dabar, Crnovoda, Jelašinovci and other Serbian villages on the
Grmeč Mountain.
The third adversity for the Serbian people in the village of Kljevci
came when it was hit by the calamitous German offensive that swept the
Grmeč Mountain and Podgrmeč area, when the Serbs were put in huts
and houses and set on fire. Those were the houses of Mićo and Nikola
Srdić. Later they went to Crnovoda and Mijatovići, called Pezići. They
filled a valley with Serbs and shot them. My aunt Ljuba Mijatović sur-
vived the shooting. Some of the people from Kljevci who were shot there
were Đuka Zmijanac, her daughter Anđa and the wife and daughter of
Branko Stojinović. Many a Serb was killed at Mriježnica, near the house
of Stole Petrović, one of whom was my grandmother Đuja Stojković,
who was about 80 years old. Then they continued their attack on
Kljevci; below the collards, near Bajić Lake, they killed the families of
Jovo Zmijanjac and his brothers Đuka and Vid, as well as their mother,
119
who was 85 years old. Only one boy, who was 3 or 4 years old, survived.
They killed Vid Mijatović on the church grounds on the hill Risonjinka
and then moved on to Kljevci. They came to the house of Jovo Utješa-
nović, where I was; the house was full of people. They wanted to get into
the house, but old Mara Miljatović went out to meet them and presented
them with three letters from Germany; two of her sons were impris-
oned, and so was Trivo, her brother-in-law’s son. They took the letters,
read them and went back to Sanski Most. Thus ended the third suffering
of the Serbs from the village of Kljevci. Tomo Stojković was killed in
Mriježnica, but his remains were never found.
In Bajti, in the forest on the Dabar slope, they immolated the son of
Kosta Stojković, Stevan, and Đuja, Dušan Stojković's wife, who both had
typhus; whoever could run got away. The village of Kljevci, located near
Sanski Most under the Grmeč Mountain and Čelić Kosa, lost 361 of its
villagers to fascist terror in the Second World War, along with 18 sol-
diers killed in combat, out of its total of 64 soldiers, 15 of whom received
the Partisan Commemorative Medal 1941: Milan Damjanović, Nikola,
Dušan and Gojko Stojković, Jovan and Dušan Stojković, Mile and Mima
Mijatović, Đuro Karanović, Đuro Karan, Nikola Vučković, Ilija Martić,
Dušan Radić, Marko Krička, and Pero Erak.
Unfortunately, of all those soldiers only two are still alive, Petar
Savić and Petar Utješanović, both aged 88.
Here is another account concerning Gornji Kljevci and the time we
were taken to Šušnjar by the Ustashas, our neighbours, in 1941, to be
killed there. There were over 20 Serbian houses in the hamlet of Doli-
nari; the Ustashas did not dare go there because of Milan Damjanović,
a gendarme who lived there. He had been fired because he was a Serb,
and he had returned home. Only one Ustasha ventured to the house of
Mitar and Trivo Utješanović; he was Luka Bakarić called Lujin, who told
Mitar to go to Vrhpolje straight away, and then went back. Mitar sum-
moned his family, all twenty-eight of them, because he was the head of
the house. He told them he was going to Vrhpolje. His sons Drago,
Mirko, Marko and Sava told him not to go to Vrhpolje, but to flee to the
woods instead. Gojkan and Branko, Trivun’s sons, said that they would
also flee to the woods. Then Mitar cried and said: “My dear children, I
was the head of this family until today, but from now on, it is all up to
120
you, individually.” Six of them joined the Partisans, only Dragan disap-
peared on the Grmeč Mountain during that wretched German offen-
sive, never to be found.
I remember my uncle Mile Mijatović telling me about 1941, when his
Ustasha neighbours from Kenjare came to take them to Vrhpolje. His
father Vid said: “I’m not coming, kill me right here in front of my house!”
And he stayed. Mile’s wife, Mitar and children went, so Mile went after
them and stopped at Biba Kenjar’s store to buy some tobacco. Biba’s
two sons, Arif and Ale, both of them Ustashas, were there. They were
Mile’s close friends but they told him to go quickly to Vrhpolje. Abid
Cerić, an old Muslim, was also there, and he said: “My children, it would
be a shame to kill such a man.” Arif grabbed him by the shoulder and
threw him out, but he came back and said: “Children, a God’s plan can-
not be undone.”
Mile went away, but as he was passing by Marta Bakarić’s house, she
told him not to go to Vrhpolje but to hide in her stable instead. That was
exactly what he did; he hid there for three days and stayed alive. He
joined the rebels in 1941, along with other people from Kljevci, Damja-
novići, Stojakovići...
121
Cvjeta Kondić, née Vokić
THEY KEPT SHOOTING AND

KILLING
The testimony given by Cvjeta Kondić, née Vokić, from the village of
Kruvare near Sanski Most, is about the atrocities committed by the
Ustashas and Germans at the beginning of the Second World War.
Cvjeta gave her testimony on 12th May 2011 in the village Stratinska,
Banja Luka municipality, where she lives with her son Ratko Kondić and
his family. When the war broke out, Cvjeta was 13 years old.
According to Cvjeta Kondić’s account and what she was able see
from her house at the beginning of the Second World War, Serbs were
killed at Šušnjar, “on hill slopes” and in Sanski Most, near the ware-
house, where the market place used to be and where there is a slaughter
house now. She had also heard many people had been killed in Čaplje,
by the “winding road”.
I was 13 when the war broke out. At that time my family and I were
living in Kruvari. My father’s name was Đurađ Vokić; our family cele-
brated St. John the Baptist. I had mother, two brothers and one sister,
there were four of us.
Here is what Cvjeta said about how it was during the first days of the
war:
- When Yugoslavia was occupied, when everything fell apart, new
soldiers showed up every single day, they came out of the woods and
went to the Grmeč Mountain. Then the war started, it came to us; the
Germans came just before St. George’s Day, and on St. George’s they
took the Kruvari road; some turned to Kijeva at the crossroads, while
others took the Winding Road – the main road. They came to the family
123
Borenović; they encircled and captured the people as they were cele-
brating their patron saint’s day. They captured around ten people, took
them to Sana and hanged them all in the park. They dug a large grave
across from our cemetery and buried them all in it. Later on, Italians
and Croats arrived. All sorts of people came, and the war started. They
took all of our men, first for forced labour in Sasina. All the boys who
were taken were forced to work on the roads. They were captured, tied
into pairs and had their noses cut off. As they went down the road, they
were spotted by one of our people, Mlađen Vulić from Stratinska. A
Catholic man came along and told him to hide: “Run, hide in the woods,
behind the brushwood, here they come, bringing them, two by two!”
They were taken to the warehouse in Sana near the market place, across
the bridge. Everyone was there, the Branković family – four houses, all
ten of them, the sons and the old Stanko Branković, who used to have
three sons, all of them taken and killed in the alder-tree grove near Pol-
jaci on the day they started to capture people. They came to get us too.
They took my father, and up Lajo’s slope, the Ustashas started shooting
and yelling: “Stop, don’t let them get away!”
- Some people did get way, so they went after them – Cvjeta was in
tears as she recalled the scene. My father was taken. They came to our
yard, and it was the Razboj Ustashas that took him away. He asked for
his tobacco from the house but the Ustashas told him he would not need
his tobacco any more. They had known my father from before the war.
So, they took him away and he said nothing, and as for us, we did not
even dare watch. We ran and hid behind the house, it was a terrible
scene. They did not let him say anything and just took him down the
road. They only arrested men then, but I also saw them take Stevan
Glamocić’s wife and daughter away. I saw them taking them away, it was
about ten people they captured. On the eve of the day my father was
taken away, there were gunshots near the cemetery; that was around St.
Elijah’s Day, and many people were killed then. Shots missed their tar-
gets and whizzed around us. We heared the Ustashas yelling: “Tell us,
where are the Chetniks?!” They said this over and over again, apparently
to the people they brought. The shooting continued all night – Cvjeta
spoke through tears. – We hid in the house, we did not eat anyting, or
turn the lights on, we just went to bed. We were woken up by Stanko
Topić, a Croat. He was the main Ustasha in the village. He called my
124
mother Joka and asked whether all the children were in the house.
That’s how it was, we did not dare leave the house for three days, or take
the cattle to graze. The shooting lasted for two nights – they killed those
people of ours they had captured in Sanski Most. The people were shot
at the edge of previously dug holes, but who had dug them, I do not
know. The Delić family were taken and beaten, next to the road and near
the cemetery. But before that, the entire Milinković family was killed
first, all the men, women and a girl, Nikola Milinković’s only daughter,
the Ustashas killed everyone. They told her to get inside the house, but
she did not want to and said: “Now that you’ve killed everyone, kill me
too.” And they did. Some Gypsies dug the pits for them to be buried in.
Vico Milinković was a young man. He tried to run away, but they
caught him near the brickyard, in the grove where they dug clay. They
killed him there and brought his body back to the Milinković house in a
wheelbarrow. And so they killed everyone. Vico was a hard-working
young man. They also killed Stojan and Tomo Delić, the family that later
made monuments, they were all killed by the Ustashas. In the autumn
they called us, the women, to harvest the maize: “Come on, just do the
work, or the maize will go to waste!” they said. There were no men
around, they had killed everyone. The only men who came were some
Catholics from Poljaci, who brought their horses with them. The Mil-
inković and Delić families had good horses, but it was the Catholics who
drove the maize, so they called us and we went to harvest their maize. I
was paid 10 dinars a day, and when we went to harvest the wheat, a day’s
wage was 12 dinars. We were asked to go to their church, we learned all
their prayers and confessed and received communion. We had to go
there, make the Catholic sign of the cross, dip hands into that bowl of
theirs, with holy water, and make the sign of the cross again. We went
up to a man, he put us on a list and asked if we could read, about our
beliefs, some service or something, God knows what else, I can’t even
remember. He would take their ceremonial bread and turned it like this,
to give us communion. We went to their main ceremonies too. We
weren’t allowed to make the sign of the cross with three fingers but had
to do it with an open hand, according to their custom – Cvjeta showed
how they were ordered to make the sign of the cross. – We went to
church both on Easter and the Nativity of Mary. We went to the church
in Sasina. They took us their with those horses that used to belong to
125
the Milinković family, and we also did forced labour. There were Cath-
olic churches in Sasina, Sana, Poljak, but not in Škrljevita. That was
where we received communion. There was also a church in Stratinska,
the same church we have today, nothing happened to it in the war, it
was preserved.
When my father was killed, my mother stayed with us. I heard Serbs
were killed in other villages too, captured and taken to Sana (Sanski
Most). They did not destroy the Orthodox Church in Kruvari. I don’t
know where the Orthodox Christian priest who lived in the village went.
We were not allowed to observe our customs, but on Christmas we se-
cretly closed our windows and lit a candle so they would not see. I have
forgotten many things; it was a long time ago. Back then, we had our
"fair share of fear" – she sighed and moaned. – I used to say: “Oh Lord,
why didn’t you take me?!"
In the autumn of 1941, as we were going to harvest maize, we went
past the graves where the Serbs had been buried. Blood streamed from
the graves, it kept flowing, and down below you could see blood bubbles.
The women cried, there were three women with us, but we kept silent.
We were told the dead bodies had been covered with some rock, lime,
and when the women cried and moaned, the Ustashas told them to be
quiet or they would kill them as well. “Why are you crying, why are you
mourning them? They are over there eating sugar, you see, they covered
them in sugar.” Then they covered them with dirt. They frequently
warned women not to cry or they would kill them. “Why are you mourn-
ing them, can’t you see they’re eating sugar?”
Not all the Catholics were bad. There were good people, like our
neighbours. One neighbour took our two boys straight away, Stanko and
Sava, my brothers, took them to his house and hid them in the attic dur-
ing the executions. They were about ten. We went crazy then, we were
completely out of our minds with fear. We had cows in the barn; we had
bread, potatoes in our garden,but we did not dare leave the house for
two days. Stanko Topić, the main Ustasha, told my mother Joka that she
must not leave the house. They were in uniform, with the letter “U” on
their caps.
On one occasion, they told us we could observe our customs, have
our religion and abide by our laws. Those neighbours never attacked us;
126
they never forced us to do anything. When we lit a candle for Christmas,

they were never bothered, but our people never bothered them later
either, when the Partisans came.
We fled our homes during the offensive in Kozica and Vilusi. Those
who were young left with the troops, but the elderly came back. They
charged on St. John’s Day from the direction of Prijedor and Banja Luka
and followed our troops headed for the Grmeč Mountain. We fled dur-
ing the night, travelled all night to Kozica. A child fell off a sleigh, the
snow was deep. A man said to the woman her child had fallen off, but
she said: “Let them fall, I have no idea where I am taking them or what
will become of us.” The carts were pulled by oxen. People fled in all di-
rections, young people went to Vilusi. There were some Chetniks, but
they had allied with the Germans. We went to the Šator Mountain with
the troops, and then to Crikvenica. We had to go, there was nowhere to
go back and we were there for a long time. The elderly people returned
home from exile but we came back only later, when Sanski Most was
liberated. The women and children went back, some Croats also helped
them a little. They managed to save some things by taking them to their
houses and then returning them when the people came back from exile.
The Ilinčić family were the worst Ustashas, they were captured later
on and taken to Tominska Palanka. There were four of us, four young
girls from Kruvari, and we joined the Partisans. We tended to the
wounded, the Partisans tried to capture Prijedor two times. Later, in
Husimovci, they put the wounded near the mosque. I was with the Par-
tisans for over a year.
During Tito’s time, I received a pension, but since this war I have not
got anything. I went around and asked, I had all the paperwork, they
read it, but they gave me nothing, saying: “Tito’s gone, the old country’s
gone. No country – no money.” You cannot get anything. I only get 60
Bosnian marks, as a kind of aid. It’s all gone, we’re done, that’s it.
Interview by: Gojko Vokić
127
The old woman is Cvjeta Kondic, née Vokic

Attached is a photograph taken on 12th May 2011
128
Jovan Vidović
A HERO OF HIS TIME
Until 1941, the village of Tomina, located a few kilometers from San-
ski Most, was a Serb community. It used to be divided into two parts, of
which the high-lying one was inhabited by poor families, mainly farm-
ers, and the low-lying one by rich people, of whom the most prominent
was the populous Vidović family.
The restfulness and beauty of rural life vanished into thin air with
the arrival of Ante Pavelić’s Ustasha cutthroats. Black clouds obscured
the sky above the village. The Ustasha killing began, but the highlanders
of the village met it with resistance, rising up in rebellion with whatever
arms they had at hand. This was the first rebellion mounted in Bosanska
Krajina. The Ustashas took away the Vidović brothers, seven of them.
They executed them at the Engineering Bridge over the Sana River,
took their bodies to the centre of Sanski Most and hung them on the
trees in the town park.
The victims remained hanging for three days. The Serb population
living in that part of the town were beside themselves with fear and no
one dared leave their homes the day of the hanging. The only people
lingering at the square were the Ustashas and their followers.
It was merely by chance that Jovan Vidović escaped the same fate
and stayed alive. He was at work at the time and was getting ready to
visit his parents for a celebration of Saint George, their family patron
saint. A friend warned him to escape – they were after him as well.
Jovan decided to fetch his wife Sava and their two-year-old boy
Drago. Mother put Drago in a bag and together they set off for the
Grmeč Mountain – the Ustashas had not come that far yet. Mother Sava
stumbled as she carried her boy across the moor and through the
thicket, and when they reached an opening in the ground, Drago, the
son, burst into tears and said to his mother: “Leave me in the thicket,
129
you and Dad go and save yourselves, for it’s a long way to the Grmeč
Mountain.” Mother refused, and she and her husband managed to reach
the outskirts of the town of Ključ. It was at Ključ that Jovan decided to
join the Partisan troops, while Drago and his mother found a temporary
refuge in the house of a Serb family. Jovan had lost his parents, his
home and seven brothers, so he fought bravely, avenging his loss.
As a result, he got himself into trouble with Đuro Pucar, and General
Morača had to come to his rescue, defending Jovan Vidović as one of
the best intelligence men in Bosanska Krajina. The family temporarily
left Drago with a friend of theirs living on the Manjača Mountain, after
which they took him to Majkić Japra, to his grandmother and grandfa-
ther, who looked after him and protected him for the rest of the war.
Sava joined her husband and became a Partisan as well; it was at that
time that the Partisan forces spread their military operations across the
country. Jovan was first promoted to the rank of major, and later even
to colonel. As the war drew to a close and people felt liberation was im-
minent, Jovan was offered a position with the State Security Service
(UDBA). He refused the offer and stayed in the military, first in Banja
Luka, followed by Sarajevo, and finally in Belgrade. In Belgrade, he was
appointed Head of the JNA Headquarters Personnel Department. He
was a hero of his time, and continued to love and respect people even
after the war. I can remember him well: he helped me and my sisters,
by finding us a room to rent, and we were then able to continue our
studies. Also, he helped Mirjana Praća to get a hefty scholarship from
one of the ministries, since she was a good student, daughter of a man
who had been killed in Sanski Most. Drago, his son, graduated from a
college of agriculture and married Gordana, a native of Belgrade, an
architecture undergraduate at the time.
Written by: Gordana Vidović, daughter-in-law,

Predrag Vidović, grandson, and
Mirjana Praća, retired teacher
130
FORCED CONVERSION INTO

ROMAN CATHOLICISM
IN A TIME OF GENOCIDE
Remembering 3rd August 1941, as it was in Sanski Most
As the Ustashas took control of the country, the Serbs were sub-
jected to systemic persecution. Many wonder today, why did the Serbs
not offer resistance in defence of their lives? All those who were impris-
oned told their families they needed to bow to the pressures, or else
they faced the threat of confinement in a death camp. They stressed the
need to convert to Islam or Roman Catholicism; somehow, Catholicism
felt closer, because the faith was also Christian.
After performing the conversion ritual, the priest told us he was do-
ing it to protect us from deportation to a death camp, and our obligation
was to attend Sunday mass, and we the youths were to join the church
choir.
The next day – it was 3rd August 1941, one day after our dearest ones
had been brutally shot – the Catholic priest Šeremet told us our families
were to take turns in attending a ritual in which they would be con-
verted to Roman Catholicism, a faith superior to Orthodox Christianity.
The Praća and Lazić families attended the ritual in the morning, along
with the singer Kristina Petković.
Frenzied, offended and humiliated, we entered the church and knelt
before the altar. The priest said Mass and gave us rosaries to pray to
God, saying he only did it to save us from deportation to a death camp
– despite the fact we were already Christian. We received Communion
following the Roman Catholic ritual: “Hail Mary, full of grace, the Lord
131
is with Thee.” He insisted that we attend Mass regularly, and that we,
the youngsters, join the Catholic children and sing in the church choir.
Filled with terror, we obeyed.
From time to time, Mass was disrupted by the screams and cries of
a two-year-old boy, whose name was Radoslav “Rade” Lazić; the church
echoed with his voice. The priest warned me and my sister Borka to stop
the boy from crying. In vain – the toddler sobbed incessantly, making
us all more and more sorrowful.
After the conversion ritual finished, we went home, all of us dressed
in black; meanwhile, Rade the toddler kept howling like a wolf in the
woods. He would not be consoled. We all cried and wondered: was it
indeed necessary to convert us to Roman Catholicism, since we were
also Christians and shared the same customs and holidays?
No answer ever came in response to that question; an order had
been given by Pavelić and his Ustasha authorities – the Serbs were to
be killed, some of them converted to Roman Catholicism, and some
banished. So, we returned home. There was no consolation for us – we
were to regularly attend Sunday Mass with our good women and men
comrades, and pray to God in their Roman Catholic fashion.
Here I wish to mention Radoslav Lazić and say something about his
life.
Radoslav Lazić, PhD, professor at
Belgrade University, theatre director
and theorist of theatre studies
Radoslav Lazić, PhD, now a resi-
dent of Belgrade, is a famous director,
theorist of theatre studies and Bel-
grade University professor. This re-
nowned humanitarian, researcher and
writer has never reconciled with the
great tragedy of genocide committed
against the Serb people by the Croat
and Muslim Ustasha murderers. On
1st and 2nd August 1941, he lost his fa-
Radoslav Lazić, PhD ther Panto, a station master, and two
132
brothers, Branko and Obrad “The Silky”, students of the Prijedor Gym-
nasium, in the killings committed at Šušnjar, Sanski Most. Seventy-two
years after the tragedy, the memorial plaque that used to stand at Šušn-
jar, this terrible graveyard, and hold their noble names was destroyed
by the original perpetrators’ beastly descendants from the Federation
of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
133
Petar Dodik
OBRAD “THE SILKY”

(“PANTE”) LAZIĆ
Obrad Lazić was a student of the Civil School in Sanski Most, at the
time when I attended the same school. He had a nickname, “The Silky”.
Girls used to say his hair was as smooth as silk, which earned him the
above nickname.
School ended in April 1941, and that was when I last saw him. Shortly
afterwards, Germany attacked Yugoslavia and the war came. Next, it is
a well-known fact, the quisling state of the NDH was created, whose one
agenda was annihilating the Serbs and Jews. Thus, there was a massacre
of the Serbs in Sanski Most, during which Panto, the father of the fam-
ily, was killed together with his sons Branko and The Silky, who was still
underage at that time.
As far as I can remember, he was an agreeable person. He was rather
handsome, of medium height, always well dressed and elegant. He used
to sit in the back row with Veljko Dodik. He was a good student, but I
cannot remember his actual marks. As far as I may recall, he always fin-
ished the form with very good or excellent marks.
Obrad Lazić was a progressive youth; rumour had it he was a com-
munist. At that time, I did not know who communists were, but I cher-
ished and liked him, not because of his political affiliation, but because
of his pleasant manner and his fair treatment of others. He was slightly
mysterious, because he came from a family richer than those of the
other students, which he never showed; instead, he respected his class-
mates, regardless of their backgrounds, and never rebuffed any of the
children coming from underprivileged families.
All members of the Lazić family were greatly respected – Panto, the
father, and Staka, the mother, as well as the brothers, well-educated and
135
appreciated by their local community. Thus, The Silky came from a

well-known, respectable family, for which he also deserved recognition
and esteem. All his brothers – Branko, Milan, Jujo and Rade – finished
university; because he was killed by the Ustashas in 1941, The Silky
never got more education, ending his life with a diploma of the Civil
School.
Sarajevo, 22nd September 2010
136
Petar Popović
THE TOMINA GENOCIDE: 1941, 1995
What happened in Tomina, first in 1941,

then again in 1995?
I may rightfully claim that the goal of the Ustasha criminals and
Nazi supporters in the NDH was to annihilate the Serb populations of
Tomina and the surrounding villages, likewise in the County of Sanski
Most, the valley of the Sana River and Podgrmeč. More than that – all
across Krajina and Bosnia and Herzegovina, let alone Croatia, wherever
the Serbs had lived for centuries, an entire people was to have been de-
stroyed in a crime of genocide.
Tomina was the wealthiest village in the area of Podgrmeč. It con-
sisted of two parts, Gornja Tomina, inhabited mainly by the Popović
clan, and Donja Tomina, with the Vidović clan as the most populous.
There was also part of the village inhabited exclusively by the Muslims,
called Tominska Palanka.
Tomina Municipality, the County of Sanski Most, also comprised the
villages of Donja and Gornja Tramošnja, Kijevo, Čaplje, Vrhpolje,
Hrustovo, Ilidža, Podovi, Kozica, Sokolovo... Back in 1941, there was an
Orthodox Christian church in Tomina, which was partly demolished
during the war.
My earliest memories relate to the accounts of my uncles Savo and
Milo Popović. They told me that in 1941, the Ustashas came to Tomina
and killed their parents, my grandparents, Đuka and Đujo Popović, in
their own house. Their plan was to kill the two most populous clans of
the village, the Vidovićes and the Popovićes, who also owned the fertile
land along the Sana River. The Popovićes also possessed woodland and
were best known as cattle-breeders.
137
During this first attack, the criminals killed several more members
of the Popović family, who were all my cousins.
Đurađ Popović, my father, was an outstanding stonecutter. For a
long time, he worked in Belgrade, where he was engaged in the con-
struction of the administrative building of the National Post Office and
the Aircraft Centre in Zemun, as well as the Faculty of Technics and
Technology in Belgrade, which I would graduate from in the late 1960’s.
My father also helped with the construction of the Palace Hotel in Banja
Luka. When the war started, he was drafted and joined the Army of the
Kingdom of Yugoslavia. He left the army to return to Tomina and pro-
tect his family, Stoja, his wife, Boja, my sister, Dušan, my brother, and
myself, Petar Popović.
Soon after returning to Tomina, my father Đurađ was arrested,
along with other Popovićes and Serb inhabitants, and sent to a concen-
tration camp in Banja Luka, from which he was dispatched to Germany,
where he was interned and spent five years, from 1941 to 1945, doing
forced labour.
Stoja, my mother, realised everybody’s life was in danger. She de-
cided to leave the village and seek refuge with all of us – we were only
small children at the time – in Gornja Tramošnja and Kozica, followed
by Kočić’s Zmijanje, where the Chetniks fought to save the Serb people
from being exterminated by the Ustashas.
Our house, like all Serb houses, was robbed and put on fire. There
was a Muslim community in Tomina, the so-called jamaat of Tominska
Palanka. I heard stories that Muslim criminals partook in the Ustashas’
murderous crimes, for example, the Mušić family, our nearest neigh-
bours.
In 1945, my mother, brother, sister and I returned to our demolished
house in Tomina. Đurađ, my father, was still interned. When he came
back to Tomina, the people began to rebuild the devastated village.
School opened in Tominska Palanka, in the building which previously
housed the Muslim primary school. My first teacher’s name was Zaga,
she came from Belgrade. It was 1945, and we had religious education,
as did the Muslim children, only at the local mosque. The church was
138
soon renovated, whereas the mosque had not been demolished in the
war.
All houses belonging to Serb families, those of the Popovićes, Ču-
kovićes, Kuzmanovićes, Bornovićes, Bubutas, Đurićes, Simićes, as well
as the Vidovićes, Stojanovićes, Vojnovićes... all Serb houses were either
burnt or torn down, and many of the Serb villagers of Tomina killed.
***
A crime of genocide shook Tomina in 1995, and was even more sin-
ister than that committed in 1941.
As told by my aunt Deva Popović, née Vidović, the Muslim troops led
by General Dudaković, among whom there were mujahideen, ransacked
the village, killing on their way all members of the Serb clan Popović,
who had stayed in the village to look after their houses and estates.
The villains first killed Uncle Savo, an old man, whose innocent par-
ents were killed in 1941 by the Ustasha cutthroats. In 1995, it was the
Muslim murderers who killed Đurađ Popović, a cousin of mine, Soka
Popović and Vid Popović – who were all at least seventy years of age, as
well as Zora Gogić, a disabled person who could not move on her own…
And then there was also Deva Popović. Somehow, Deva managed to sur-
vive the massacre. Her neighbours found her three days later, in a ditch,
heavily wounded. All Serb houses were pillaged and burnt one more
time.
The people found a way to transport Deva Popović, though seriously
wounded, to the Prijedor Hospital, where she received treatment. Alt-
hough with difficulty, she gave an account of what had happened:
- When the Muslim murderers came, together with the mujahideen,
Sava Popović, my husband, stood before them and said: “Surely you
won’t kill us, like our parents were killed in 1941?” At that, they shot him.
They shot or massacred many Serbs, whose houses they robbed and
burnt down, stealing their cattle and other possessions.
Deva Popović, murdered by cutthroats, still found the strength to
tell the truth about the crimes that had taken place. She died in extreme
pain at the Prijedor Hospital six months later.
139
***
It is an appalling fact that the Serbs living in Tomina found them-
selves at the mercy of villains again, during their exodus from Sanski
Most in 1995. The genocide that took place in 1941 recurred in 1995.
Today, the once Serb village of Tomina is a wild, devastated place.
There is no school or doctor, there is no post office or church... I have
heard the news that the Wahhabi are planning on building yet another
mosque at the very heart of the once Serb village of Tomina... unfortu-
nately.
(Petar Popović, a technologist and textile engineer, was born in

Tomina in July 1939. He went to school in Tomina, Sanski Most and
Sremski Karlovci. He graduated from the Faculty of Technology in Bel-
grade in 1969. He spent most of his career working in industry. He has
a wife, Vera, a son, Đurađ, who is an economist, and a daughter, Svet-
lana, who is a lawyer.)
Account written by:

Prof. Radoslav Lazić, Belgrade, 8th July 2013
140
Rade Stanisavljević (1932)
I SAW CRIMES BEING COMMITTED

AT ŠUŠNJAR
After searching for Rade for nearly a year, I found him at his Kruvari
home. He greeted us very warmly, kissing us when he saw us. Mićo
Došenović knew where his house was, so this year, on the Pentecostal
Day of the Dead, I drove him to the graveyard in Sanski Most. Rade used
the opportunity to tell me about his hardships when he had first re-
turned home after his time as a refugee, as though he were afraid he
might not have another chance, as though telling about it were a matter
of utmost urgency. Unexpectedly, this cheerful eighty-year-old grew
sad in the face. Somebody had dug a canal across his land to dispose of
wastewater in the nearby stream, which he used for feeding his cattle;
somebody had thrown a dead sheep two metres away from the source
of the stream; his diesel engine and bicycle had been stolen, together
with his hunting rifle and his bitch; trees in his woods were felled; he
had not received the complete sum he had been donated to reconstruct
his house. In a short while, he listed quite a few things. He had tried
asking for help from the local authorities, but to no avail. We made
promises, the two of us; Mićo left to look for his wife, leaving the two of
us alone.
A column of martyrs
When he understood the reason for my visit, Rade pulled himself
together and told me his story:
It was 1941 – I was nine years old and remember everything. I was
in the first form of primary school, and my teacher’s name was Jelena
Drakulić. My older brother was in the third form, and he no longer
141
dared deliver the milk; I was younger and smaller, so I took it over. His
peers had already been shot. Every day, I went to town to deliver our
milk in a little container. I took it to a Serb, a teacher, whose name was
Ubiparip, and to a gendarme, whose name was Duraković. As we, chil-
dren, left the town, we would look at the columns of Serbs bound to-
gether with rope or wire. Each man’s arms rested on the shoulders of
the one walking right before him, and they looked like some kind of
sticks to me. Of course, their forearms and upper arms were bare, and
it seemed as if the men were joined together with those sticks. Because
they were a very short distance apart, they walked with difficulty, mak-
ing only very short steps. We followed them all the way to Šušnjar, to
the burial pit in the ground there. We looked on as those people were
being killed; the Ustashas drove us, the children, away, so we hid behind
the nearby thicket and peered from there, and then reappeared only to
be driven away again, until we went home just before dark. I was often
accompanied by a neighbour of mine, Marko Bajam, a Croat, and an-
other boy, whose name I do not remember. The Ustashas may have
thought I was a Croat too, because little Marko was known to the Usta-
shas from Poljak, a nearby village. That was how it ended, the Ustashas
would yell at us, we would hide behind some bushes, show up again, and
be there until they turned us off again. I saw very well that column of
martyrs slowly treading from the town to Šušnjar, as their steps were
not very long, because of how they were tied together, and they were
also not beaten as they walked through the town, for the sake of by-
standers. Instead, they were first steered to Gojko Delić’s house. My
God, the thrashing they were given there – the Ustashas jumped on
them like mad dogs. First with the butts of their guns, and then with
whatever they got their hands on, all the way to where the Šušnjar
graveyard began, to the burial pit. There was this man called Praćo,
from Kijevo, whom they hit so badly that his head fell onto his shoulder.
He quite possibly took a blow with an axe so the head collapsed after
the muscles in his neck had been cut, and then he collapsed onto the
poor man walking before him. This poor man in front of him carried
him on his back to the pit, only for them both to be pushed down the pit
by the Ustashas.
142
Cinders burning on a man’s chest

I saw them torturing a young man. First, they tied one of his arms to
a tree, and then an Ustasha stepped with his boots on his other arm. He
thus lay fast against the ground. While the rest of the people were being
killed and the number of corpses in the pit grew, the young man was the
object of their vicious torment, for God knows what reason. They
laughed and made fun of him, as one of the Ustashas emptied shovelfuls
of cinders onto the young man’s chest – he simply poured them onto
his chest. I will never forget the young man’s screaming. He would hurl
his legs high into the air, but the Ustasha brought them both back to the
ground by hitting them hard with the shovel, and I am sure they were
both broken. The torture went on forever; they only killed him and
threw him in the pit just before midnight – he must have been half-dead
from it. Just imagine the Ustasha who had stood on his arm all along,
revelling in the young man’s agony.
A fire burnt at Šušnjar, at the graveyard, next to the pit; it burnt day
and night, never going out. I remember well and know the name of a
beautiful girl, whose hair was in plaits reaching all the way to her waist;
it was Mara Štrbac, whom the Ustashas raped by that fire, from dusk
until dawn, only to kill her and push her in the pit in the end. I am now
80 years old, I am a family man, but I still wonder – how can one be
capable of such things?
A bridge made of corpses

It was a large pit, probably dug out by the Muslims; the Muslims
spent days on end at Šušnjar, shovels and pickaxes in hands, and when-
ever something needed to be done, there they were, at hand. They were
a kind of gang. The pit was shallow at one end to be descended into, but
2-3 meters deep and rather steep on the other three sides. The shallow
end linked to the road and was meant to receive the arriving columns,
a kind of platform leading to the pit. As the columns of people ap-
proached it, those at the head were immediately murdered and their
dead bodies arranged so that their heads faced opposite sides. One per-
son’s head went right, the next went left. Dirt was thrown over these
martyrs’ bodies to level the ground, all the way to the other end of the
143
pit. The next group of the Serbs walked over their brethren’s dead bod-
ies, to the places where rifles and machine guns opened fire, turning
them as well into human planks making the body of this human bridge.
The pit thus filled, from the entrance to the opposite end. The next layer
was made from the opposite side, the steep one, towards to the en-
trance, and then back again. Importantly, the ground was inclined,
which had made it easy to dig into the hill. The work had been done by
the Muslims, by the above-mentioned gang. As the pit filled, up above
it, at the level of Šušnjar and the road, all sorts of tortures were inflicted:
women were raped in the small hours, poor men suffered as cinders
were poured onto their chests, and any attempt to escape was punished
with a hit of a pickaxe into the back or on the head.
A pickaxe in the back

A martyr sprang from the burial pit, in an attempt to escape by cross-
ing the distance between Šušnjar and the other end, the side that led to
Kruvari, to the east. He managed to cross about 100 metres, with several
guns shooting in his direction but failing to hit him. A group of Muslim
civilians were working along that part of the road, with pickaxes and
shovels in their hands. The poor man was a hair’s breadth away from
safety, when one of the Muslim workers hit him in the back with the
point of his pickaxe. The man made another four or five steps with the
tool in his back, only to collapse on the other side of the road leading
from Šušnjar. The Muslim worker ran over to the dying man, bent over
him to see him toss and twitch; at that, he also spotted us, the children
– we had also run over to the spot – and sent us running back, to hide
behind the bushes.
As I walked past the same place two or three days later, I saw a
freshly dug grave: the man had been buried on the spot.
The killing of the Branković brothers

Here is an explanation of the position of the Branković house in
Kruvari. Kruvari is divided into Donji Kruvari, Gornji Kruvari, and there
is also a third part, between Gornji Kruvari and Poljak, stretching all the
way to Škljevita. Locally, this part of the village is known as Kruvaruša,
and the folk also cаll it “Little Albania”, for a reason unknown to me. It
144
is quite a wonder that they all probably knew that the people of Poljak
had been armed with guns, because they were Croatian, and Roman
Catholics, naturally. That is why they were killed first, the four
Branković brothers, Marko, Drago, Vasilj, I cannot remember the fourth
brother’s name. They were killed in Poljak, but one of them, Vasilj, rose
from the dead and managed to reach his home, which was one kilome-
tre away from the execution place. His mouth and nose had been
smashed by a bullet and the only thing that remained on his face was
his eyes. A man by the name of Omer, called “The Sweeper”, sighted him
and took him back to the place he had escaped from, where he was shot
again, so he would stay with his brothers. It is quite interesting that this
naive Serb ran back to his house, where he was sure to be found, and
not somewhere else, away from the village, to escape death.
The person responsible for the shooting of the Branković brothers
was Nikola Grgić, called “Ničalj”. Just as Viktor Tunić, an Ustasha from
Zdena, is to blame for the Šušnjar killings, so was Nikola “Ničalj” Grgić
the sole culprit and fully responsible for the killing of the Branković
brothers and other neighbours.
The killing of the Milinković family

That day, Svetko Milinković paid a visit to Toma Milinković’s house
and witnessed their death at the hands of an Ustasha, originally from
Herzegovina. The Ustasha had caught them seated at the table, as they
were having lunch. The whole family were killed, Toma, the father, his
son, even his daughter, who was fortunate enough to outlive the rest
and go into mourning, only to be slaughtered herself. For a moment,
the Ustasha stopped shooting and looked around to see where the pan-
try was. Svetko had hidden beneath the pantry floor; the floor planks
were slightly apart and he saw the Ustasha entering. The Ustasha found
milk and started drinking; the milk kept running down his chin, through
the spaces in the floor and on Svetko. When he had slaked his thirst
with milk, the Ustasha went back to where he had left the poor girl cry-
ing, and just killed her.
After leaving his hiding place, Svetko came to our house and told my
father about the event, shaking with fear; we, the youngsters, also heard
his account.
145
The populous Grulović family also perished in the killings, but for a
child or two. I know for sure that year after year after the war, Joka
Grulović wailed and invoked her dearest ones at the graveyard, which
she did for the rest of her life. I can still remember her keen:
“Alas, Niko, alas, Mirko,

Alas my fateful days
Where is your last resting place?”
(The gentle old man offered this sorrowful account, praying that we
send him the press willing to write about his most recent ordeal, as a
returnee to his home village.)
Written by Vukašin М. Davidović, Kruvari, 11th June 2011,

Pentecostal Day of the Dead
146
Radmila Vuković, née Kragulj
A CHILDHOOD SPENT AMONGST

BLACK KERCHIEFS
Jovo and Desa, my parents, used to live in our family house. Back in
those days, the house stood on Sanski Most’s high street, on the left
bank of the Sana.
Father kept an inn on the ground floor, while the first floor, where
my brother, sister and I used to live, was residential. It was only May
1941, but Vitomir Gutić, a chief official of the Banja Luka Ustasha Head-
quarters, was already making speeches asking for the destruction of the
Serbs, and later also for their extermination. This alarmed many re-
spectable Serbs, who began making plans to seek refuge in Belgrade.
Rumour has it that my father was reserved and reticent, so he said he
was not going because he had done nothing wrong, and chose to stay.
It was a warm night in June 1941, and as usual, he lay in bed next to
me to help me get to sleep, because I was still a little girl at the time.
The Ustashas arrived in the house not long afterwards, and took him
away; supposedly, he was to be sent to Germany for forced labour. They
told my mother to prepare the clothes he would need while there. Hast-
ily, she prepared the clothes, and they took him away.
However, this was simply a trick on their part, a lie, because they
took him to the town crop warehouse on the left bank of the Sana, quite
close to our house.
The next morning, Desa, my mother, rushed across the street, to the
house of Doctor Josip Cerjan. His wife was at home, so my mother told
her about what had happened the night before, hoping to hear words of
comfort. Not looking in the least upset, the neighbour said: “Desa, my
dear lady, it is God you should pray to”; that was all she had to say to
my mother. Mother immediately knew Father was in dire straits.
147
Not long afterwards, after days of torture and starvation at the ware-
house, which kept receiving ever new arrivals from the surrounding vil-
lages, on 2nd August 1941 – it was St. Elijah’s Day – the men were taken
out and put in a column, two by two; they were led through the town,
thinking they were going to Germany.
No, it was not Germany they were headed for tied like that, it was
for Šušnjar. My father was tied to Pero Zurinić, because they used to
live close to one another. Even today, their names stand side by side on
the Šušnjar Memorial Plaque.
The same happened to Mother’s brother, my uncle, Dušan Ko-
vačević, a 19-year-old student, who had come from Belgrade to spend
his holidays at home.
When the Ustashas came to their house on Ključ Street, they liter-
ally dragged him out of bed and of the house and took him nearby, to
the primary school located at the park on the square. The most respect-
able citizens of Sanski Most were arrested that night, only to be taken
to Šušnjar, bound in pairs, after a while. Mother told us that after they
had all been led away, shots were heard from the direction of Šušnjar
at around noon that day.
Lamenting was heard from across the town, cries made by children,
mothers and wives, for they could hear what was happening to their
dearest ones.
Several thousand Serbs were shot in Sanski Most on 2nd August
1941. The number exceeded the population of the town – all Serbs had
been brought in from the neighbouring villages.
The citizens of other nationalities did not protest against these
crimes, which is curious enough, since they all knew each other well
and had truly neighbourly relations.
Still, according to my mother, there was a small number of honour-
able friends, individuals, both Croats and Muslims. The natives of San-
ski Most knew well who those people were.
After the shooting, Mother used to say, the bell sadly pealed from
the Orthodox Church, a farewell to the Serbs of Sanski Most, who had
departed in such a horrifying way.
148
As if what had happened on the previous day did not suffice, on 3rd
August 1941, the Roman Catholic Church announced that the survivors,
mainly women and children, were to come before the church to be con-
verted into Roman Catholicism. The Roman Catholic priest Šeremet, a
well-known Ustasha, held a sermon and told them they would be pro-
tected from deportation to a death -camp. They were all distributed ro-
saries and continued to live life like that.
The Kragulj family, who came from Kruhari, my father’s village,
were also shot.
So, I spent my childhood amidst the black kerchiefs of neighbours,
of women in mourning – my mother, grandmother, aunt and all the oth-
ers who gathered at our house, I suppose, to speak about the horrible
events and nothing else.
I grew up without a single male relation – father, grandfather or un-
cle – because they had all been shot.
After all these happenings, the citizens of Sanski Most affiliating
with the Ustasha movement founded a local Ustasha council, and one
of the people who joined it was Josip Cerjan, our neighbour.
Not long afterwards, Hasan Kikić, Lazar Šušnica and Milančić
Miljević, who had by then joined the Partisan movement, approached
Desa, my mother, and persuaded her to continue running Father’s inn
so they could meet there in secrecy, hold meetings and send food and
ammunition to the troops on the Grmeč Mountain. Desa agreed.
The Ustashas soon learnt my mother had sided with the Partisans
and arrested her. Luckily, she only spent a short while in prison, be-
cause the Italian troops arrived in Sanski Most. The Italians did not act
like conquerors, and thanks to them, Mother was soon released from
prison. Her secret assistance to the Partisans continued, and later, Ha-
san Kikić wrote about her collaboration in his works.
When the war ended, she worked in a general shop for a while, and
retired as a veteran.
When it was time for me to start secondary school, I was given a
scholarship by the authorities, as “a victim of fascist terror”.
149
My mother is the source of this whole account, because I was very

small when Father Jovo died and do not remember anything.
150
Mirjana Jurišić, née Nikolić, and Ljiljana Nikolić
THE KILLING OF JEKA AND

PETAR DELIĆ’S SONS
This information tells about the killing of the sons of Jeka Delić, née
Vučković, from Čaplje, a village in the vicinity of Sanski Most, which
took place in 1941.
As far as we know (we are Mirjana Jurišić, née Nikolić, and Ljiljana
Nikolić, retired secondary school teachers and Jeka Delić’s great-
granddaughters), prior to the Second World War, Jeka and her three
sons – Mirko, Đorđo and Vlado – lived in the village of Čaplje. Petar
Delić, her late husband, had been a well-known merchant from Sanski
Most, whose boat on the Sana is still called his name, The Delić Boat.
Mirko, their first son, used to study and work in Zagreb, in a court,
but because of illness he was forced to return to his family estate in
Čaplje. Đorđo, the second son, had chosen farming over schooling. The
third son, Vlado, was a graduate of the agricultural school. The fourth
son, Jovo Delić, worked as a merchant in Sanski Most, and married Miss
Mejić, a teacher. Apart from these four sons, our great-grandmother
had three daughters, Marija, Persa and Zorka. (Marija was our maternal
grandmother, the mother of Draginja, our mother.)
In 1941, the Ustashas arrested three of the sons, with the intention
of shooting them on their estate in Čaplje. They succeeded in killing
Mirko and Đorđo; Vlado, although wounded, managed to swim across
the Sana and fled to Slavonia, where he later married. Jovo Delić was
arrested in Sanski Most on several occasions, for which reason he de-
cided to escape to Serbia, to Belgrade, and take his family with him. He
remained there for the rest of the war and later returned to Sanski Most,
where he died and was buried at the local cemetery.
151
Simo Živković wrote about the Delić family in his book, and their
birth information may be found in the Sanski Most Birth Records, that
is, if the books have been preserved.
The above family history information was given by two sisters, Mir-
jana Jurišić, née
Nikolić, and Ljiljana Nikolić, retired teachers, in Belgrade, on 24th
June 2013
152
Tomo Đurđević
A FLIGHT TO SAFETY
A few days before the 1941 mass killings of the Serbs in Sanski Most,
Šušnjar and other places, there was a killing of Serb people not far from
Sanski Most, in the hamlet of Hrast.
Several Ustashas went on a killing spree in the upper part of the
hamlet of Hrast. Just above Brdenik, near Uncle Stevan’s house, they
repeatedly hit five people, all of them Serbs, with cold weapons, until
they thought they had killed them all. One of them was Ljubo Đurđević,
my cousin.
The Ustashas considered their job done – all the five people were
unconscious and appeared dead – so they left the crime scene and
moved on through Hrast, to hunt down and kill some more Serbs.
After a while, Ljubo, my cousin, regained consciousness and crawled
to the nearest bush. He hid in the bush until dark, mustered all his
strength, and managed to get to Đedovača, and eventually to Dabar. He
later joined the People’s Liberation Movement, and fought alongside
the Partisans until the war ended.
There is a story worth sharing, which has to do with Ljubo’s time
while hiding in the bush, which he told us afterwards. As he was squat-
ting in the bush trying to hide from the Ustashas, a big viper came up to
the bush. Ljubo froze with fear, but for his fear of the Ustashas he did
not dare leave his hideaway either, although he had nothing to defend
himself against the snake. He was fortunate, though: the viper moved
around Ljubo’s hiding place, after which it went away...
After the killing described above, the Ustashas came to our house,
located in the lower part of Hrast, intent on killing my father Milan as
well. Staying in front of the house, they called Milan to come out, most
certainly with the intention of killing him. Milan told them: “I’m coming
153
right away, let me just get my coat.” The murderers yelled back: “Just
come outside, you don’t need your coat, we’re not going far.” This did
not dismay or trick Milan – he grabbed his coat from the hanger, dashed
through the house to the other end, to the balcony, and jumped into the
yard. While the villains were still on the other side of the house, he
acted wisely; instead of fleeing to Lazo Kordić’s grove, which stood near
our house, he fled to the Zdena River. Seeing that Milan was not coming
out of the house, the Ustashas immediately ran behind it, to the Kordić
grove, to look for him, because it seemed logical if he had decided to
run away, he must have fled into the woods. If Milan had indeed done
so, he would most certainly have been shot, for bullets are faster than
man. By the time the Ustashas had reached the space behind the house,
Milan was already wading through the cold Zdena, which runs close to
our house. He did not dare go across the bridge, since he would imme-
diately have been spotted by the Ustashas.
After crossing the Zdena, Milan decided to escape to our woods in
Podlug. When he reached the road leading from Pobriježje to Sanski
Most, before he actually crossed it, he saw a large group of people
driven in the direction of Sanski Most by several armed Ustashas. He
even recognised some of these people, because they came from Podlug.
He hid in the thicket by the road until the last person in the line had
walked past, then dashed across the road, waded through the Blija riv-
ulet and cautiously, hiding, went to our Podlug woods.
The poor people from Podlug escorted by the handful of armed
Ustashas, as we learned afterwards, were locked in the crop warehouse
at the cattle market, only to be killed later on; there was a sole survivor,
who did get wounded while trying to escape, as the Ustashas naturally
shot after him. I have forgotten the man’s name. People later said that
the captives held in the crop warehouse at the cattle market had to ei-
ther stand or lie on the cold bare concrete floor. They did not dare rise
for fear of being hit with bullets; the guards instantly fired warning
shots above their heads.
After a few days, Milan decided to visit his family, under the cover of
the night, and see if they had kept us alive after his flight. Luckily, before
he came to the house, he visited Jasim Cerić, our neighbor, whom he
trusted completely, even though Jasim was a Muslim. When Jasim woke
154
up and recognised Milan, he tossed him a piece of bread from the first
floor of his house and said: “Neighbour” (he did not dare say his name,
probably because he was afraid someone might hear it), ”Your family
are at home, but don’t go there, because there are people waiting for
you at your house to kill you as soon as you show up.” Milan believed
Jasim and went to Dabar, where groups of people were already assem-
bling to join the People’s Liberation Movement.
At the same time while the Ustashas were trying to kill Milan, my
father, I was in town, pushed and shoved and beaten by an Ustasha.
There is a detailed account of my ordeal, entitled “A Woolen Coverlet”,
published in the second book of proceedings ŠUŠNJAR 1941.
It was a time and an occasion when a father and son were in similar
situations, without knowing what the other one was going through. Fa-
ther did not know I was being beaten by an Ustasha, and I had no idea
he was trying to escape Ustasha troops; we had peacefully parted at
home several hours earlier, without ever assuming what was to befall
us.
155
Tomo Đurđević
CONVERSION
After the 1941 mass killings of the Serbs and Jews in Sanski Most
and the adjacent villages by the Ustashas and their like-minded allies,
indoctrination began, with previously prepared announcements and
Croatian prayer books, to be used to convert the Serbs from Orthodox
Christianity to the Roman Catholic faith.
Pressed by this kind of propaganda, the terrified Serbs, mostly
women and children – since the men had either been killed or had fled
their homes – agreed to convert, that is, relinquish their Orthodox
Christianity and embrace Roman Catholicism, as a way to preserve
their lives.
Before the conversion, the Serbs were asked to make statements
they agreed to the ritual, that is, they voluntarily accepted Roman Ca-
tholicism, as long as in return, they were guaranteed their survival.
I remember that before the conversion ritual, we were supposed to
memorise some of the Roman Catholic prayers, like the Lord’s Prayer,
Hail Mary, etc. So, the Lord’s Prayer was no longer in Church Slavic, but
in the Croatian vernacular... I remember I could tell the Lord’s Prayer
by heart, but I believe I never got down to learn Hail Mary... As far as I
can recall, the conversions continued for around two months.
One day, while the conversions were still taking place, Milica, my
mother, my brothers Vladija, Slavko, Đuro, Miloš and myself, without
our father, who had escaped being shot by the Ustashas some time be-
fore that, found ourselves in the yard of the Roman Catholic church in
Sanski Most, together with many other Serb families, to attend the con-
version ceremony.
157
Roman Catholic church in Sanski Most
As we waited for our turn to get in the church and attend the ritual,
we heard cannon shots somewhere in Dabar. Whether they were
sounds of cannons, guns or perhaps dynamite, we, women and children,
had no idea at that time, but we still whispered to each other that it was
probably our folk shooting, and that they would shortly come to save us
from our hardship. Milica, our mother, and we, her five sons, listened to
the shooting and hoped our father, Milan, was also there – we had had
no news from him since his fleeing his home to avoid dying at the hands
of the Ustashas.
The conversion ritual was an exasperating one, especially as we had
to take the Eucharist, which the Catholic priest gave to each one of us
individually. I do not remember if he ever asked us if we knew any of
the prayers by heart. It may not have been part of that religious ritual.
After the ritual, we were forced to put wooden boards on the walls
of our houses, made by a Roman Catholic, for money, of course. I have
forgotten his name, but I remember his house was on Zdenska Street,
near the Sakradžija house. The boards read, THIS IS A ROMAN CATH-
OLIC HOUSE.
158
I was thirteen at the time, and I remember well these boards. Once,
I was in the workshop belonging to Ante Sorić, a smith, my Roman Cath-
olic neighbor, when an Ustasha came in, I did not know who he was, and
asked Ante: “Ante, why are there boards on your neighbours’ houses
saying, THIS IS A ROMAN CATHOLIC HOUSE?”
Ante said: “They used to be Orthodox, they have converted to Cath-
olics.”
I was really fortunate Ante did not tell him I was also one of the con-
verts, because the Ustasha may easily have seen to my end.
Things became somewhat more bearable after the conversion, at
least locally; at the same time, the People’s Liberation Movement began
assembling, as resistance against the Germans and their allies, the Usta-
shas and Croatian Home Guard, in order to protect our people.
159
161
Prof. Vladimir Lukić
THE VICTIMS WANT THE TRUTH
The speech made during the closing of

the Third Round Table “Šušnjar 1941”
First of all, a few remarks.

We did not fall victim to the Ustashas so much as we did to our
neighbours, Croats and Muslims, who killed us. They killed us because
they were indoctrinated by the Ustasha ideology, and I am not in favour
of the idea that we should forgive them, I do not support revenge either,
but forgiving anyone for those graves, those dead people, as I see it –
that must be out of the question.
Let us not fight shy of telling the truth, anywhere. I was capable of
telling the truth in The Hague just recently, why should anyone not be
able to tell it in Oštra Luka?!
Secondly, several more people were supposed to be here. They are
not present, but they certainly made sure The Hearths of Sanski Most
Association and the Šušnjar website stopped existing.
However, The Jasenovac – Donja Gradina Association has launched
a new Šušnjar website, to be accessible as of Sunday. We’re giving you
another thing. We have been working on a project of surveying all exe-
cution places and camps in the Independent State of Croatia, using the
so-called GPS system, and it is our intention to write a short text of ex-
planation of the project and put it on GoogleEarth, along with a few
shots. To that end, about twenty days ago a young colleague and myself
used the GPS to survey and map Milin Birt and Šušnjar. I hold the opin-
ion that all those places of execution should be surveyed. As you can
see, Šušnjar will be a test, as have been these round tables. I think they
will be on GoogleEarth in about two months’ time, Šušnjar, Garavice,
163
Jasenovac, Donja Gradina. That means that shortly, basic information

about Sajmište, Prebilovci, Šušnjar and other places of mass killings will
be available on the Internet. That is one thing that needs working on.
It is very important – and I plead with you – let us all work on it, let
us collect more testimonies of persecution. You have all seen how stir-
ring these testimonies can be, like those read by Professor Davidović.
Another important thing is that the other day we agreed with the
President of the Republic that the Sixth International Conference on
Jasenovac and Donja Gradina will be held in the second half of the
month of May 2014.
Here, we heard some comments and testimonies that do not directly
concern the Municipality of Sanski Most. They are invaluable and
should be prepared for the Sixth International Conference, and I am
hopeful we will do everything to make sure the proceedings of this
round table are published by the time of the Conference so things can
then proceed as they should.
Let me inform you about one more thing. We will submit a request
for the current Jasenovac exhibition to be either reconstructed or re-
moved altogether. Let me not explain why. Since Cardinal Hočevar
wrote a letter specifying the terms and conditions on which the Pope
will attend the celebration commemorating the Edict of Milan, in other
words, that we ask him to come without offering an apology, we cer-
tainly intend to write him a letter and tell him what needs to be told.
As for the Fourth Conference, the proceedings have been published,
in both Serbian and English, and we are doing the same with the pro-
ceedings of the round tables. As for the Fifth Conference, we have pub-
lished the Declaration, which I am sure many of you have; as for those
who do not, it can be found on the website of the Association. Let me
inform you that we have succeeded in making sure it is on the agenda
of one of the sessions of the National Assembly. It has to be adopted by
the Assembly, and we believe that will happen.
Those are some of the things that are probably of importance and
that we are currently working on.
Furthermore, let me ask you, whoever you find that is willing to
write a contribution, let them write and send their texts to us, so we can
164
make the proceedings richer. Let me also inform you that we have some
more copies of the Proceedings of the First and Second Round Table to
hand out, so please take them if you do not have them.
As far as the conclusions of this round table are concerned, I suggest
we take the conclusions of the Second Round Table, which are excel-
lent, and the chairperson widens them based on the speeches, personal
accounts and discussions we heard here.
Finally, let me express my most sincere gratitude to you! Coming
here was an effort itself, and when it comes to writing – that is always
difficult. But do we have a right, in regard to those buried at Šušnjar –
let me not enumerate all the execution places between here and the
Grmeč Mountain and Stari Majdan, not to pass our testimonies on to
those who come after us, and to historians? Therefore, let me thank all
of you who participated or simply attended this round table, and made
it a truly important event. I am sure you will not mind it if I bring up the
name of Petar Dodik, one of our oldest participants and a Second World
War veteran, to whom I am particularly indebted, because he has always
seen eye to eye with me regarding all my initiatives to shed new light on
the crimes committed in the Second World War against the innocent
Serb victims.
Let me thank you one more time and wish you all a safe journey
home!
165
CONCLUSIONS
of The Third Round Table “ŠUŠNJAR 1941”,
held in Oštra Luka on 1st August 2013
The Round Table “Šušnjar 1941”, held in Oštra Luka on 1st August
2013 by the Municipality of Oštra Luka and the Round Table Organising
Committee, in which around 45 historians, researchers, public servants,
representatives of various institutions, prominent NOR veterans, survi-
vors of atrocities, writers, journalists and others participated and more
than 35 speeches and accounts by eye witnesses and survivors were
given – it is important to remark that along with Šušnjar, one of the
largest places of mass execution in the Second World War in the former
Yugoslavia, there were a number of other execution sites in the Munic-
ipality of Sanski Most where crimes of genocide were perpetrated
against Orthodox Christian Serbs and Jews, against the weak, children,
women and old people, only because they were of other faiths and other
ethnicities, by the Ustasha Independent State of Croatia, with the sup-
port and assistance of the Roman Catholic Church and under the aegis
of and in collaboration with the fascist conqueror – unanimously
adopted the following
Conclusions:
1. A book of proceedings with the speeches, discussion and con-
clusions of The Third Round Table “Šušnjar 1941” will be pub-
lished in Serbian and English.
2. A round table on Šušnjar and other places of execution on the
territory of the Municipality of Sanski Most will be held every
other year, in order to collect as much historical and documen-
tary evidence as possible, especially accounts and testimonies
167
of the eyewitnesses of the crimes of genocide, who are now

mostly elderly (while they are still alive and may offer their ac-
counts), and also their relatives, so the new generations learn
the truth and the world acknowledges it.
3. An expert board, i.e. commission will be formed, to consist of
researchers and other interested individuals, who will investi-
gate the genocide and holocaust committed in Sanski Most and
be in charge of the organisation of round tables and similar
events on Šušnjar and other places of execution on the terri-
tory of the Municipality of Sanski Most.
4. Efforts will be made to promote the Šušnjar execution site as a
memorial of the persecution of the innocent, who died because
they came from other nations and were of other faiths, the
Serbs and Jews, and not as an ordinary memorial of struggle
against fascism.
5. Appropriate measures will be taken to ensure the relevant in-
stitutions of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Federation of
Bosnia and Herzegovina admit the true character of the Šušn-
jar execution site (as well as other such sites), as a place where
innocent Serbs and Jews were executed, and it will be re-
quested that it be preserved and maintained as a memorial.
Also, appropriate memorial markers are to be placed along the
banks of the Sana and Una rivers, at all sites where the Serbs,
Jews and Roma were brutally tortured, murdered and thrown
into water, to preserve the memory of the innocent victims of
NDH murderers.
6. Since it was only members of two nations that were killed at
Šušnjar, the Serbs and Jews, it is to be requested that the tra-
ditional Jewish symbol, the Star of David, be placed next to the
cross, and that no other symbols may stand there, especially
those representative of ideologies, other nations or religions.
7. A museum will be founded, whose mission will be to collect ev-
idence on the Šušnjar atrocities (initially, the collection may be
kept in another similar institution). It will collect, store and
promote evidence of the atrocities and the suffering of victims,
168
audio and visual materials with survivor and eyewitness ac-

counts and testimonies, books on Šušnjar, and other items.
8. A thematic library department is to be opened at the Oštra
Luka Library or one of Banja Luka libraries, to collect exclu-
sively publications and printed materials related to Šušnjar.
9. The incomplete list of victims as produced in the 1964 popula-
tion census, which was presented in The First Round Table, is
to be published as an offprint and made available online, to be
open for review, corrections and extension in the future. This
activity ought to begin as soon as possible, in order to ascertain
the exact number of Serb and Jewish victims.
10. An initiative is to be started to engage the relevant institutions
and organisations to appoint special boards and commissions,
whose task will be to produce lists with the names of all victims
coming from the territory of the Municipality of Sanski Most,
who were killed in all wars in the 20th century (First and Sec-
ond World Wars, 1992-1995 Patriotic-Defensive War, etc.),
and to ensure the lists are published and duly promoted.
11. The first and last names of all perpetrators of atrocities are to
be collected and published, meaning all those who brutally
murdered the Serbs, Jews and Roma in the area of Sanski
Most, but also in other places, in the name of the Independent
State of Croatia. This is to be accomplished as soon as possible,
while there are still live eyewitnesses.
12. Special attention will be paid to the atrocities committed
against women, children and old people, including unborn ba-
bies, by dignitaries of the Roman Catholic Church and Islamic
Community (very often, they were at the head of military units
and formations), as well as to the assistance of the Vatican in
the afore-said crimes.
13. Support is to be offered to help with the writing and publica-
tion of scientific, historiographic, journalistic and literary
works on Šušnjar and other execution sites.
14. We are particularly indebted to the media for their invaluable
contribution to ensuring the general public and institutions,
169
both local and international, learn about the atrocities commit-

ted at Šušnjar. We are hopeful this contribution will be even
greater in the future.
15. The Organising Board now has a preliminary design for a
church (chapel) to be built to commemorate the Šušnjar vic-
tims (Serbs and Jews), and preparations ought to begin for its
construction. With regard to that, we are enormously grateful
to the US architect Oton Župan, who is also author of this sec-
ond preliminary design.
16. Support will be given to help stage round tables on the atroci-
ties committed against the Serbs, Jews and Roma on the terri-
tory of the Republic of Srpska, that is, Bosnia and Herzegovina.
17. Cooperation will be started with other institutions in charge of
memorials commemorating innocent Serb, Jewish and Roma
victims, such as Donja Gradina, Šumarice near Kragujevac,
Museum of the Victims of Genocide Belgrade, Yad Vashem Je-
rusalem, Banja Luka-based Jasenovac – Donja Gradina Asso-
ciation, International Commision for the Truth on Jasenovac,
as well as other institutions and associations with the same or
similar programmes of activities.
18. Efforts are to be made to promote and conduct investigations
into the war crimes of genocide, holocaust and exodus of the
Serbs and Jews committed in the region in the 20th century.
19. Representatives of the Organising Committee are to present
the conclusions of The Third Round Table to the relevant in-
stitutions and individuals of the Republic of Srpska.
170
171
Ranko Pavlović
ŠUŠNJAR AND POETRY
Historical facts need no supplementing; they are the most conclu-

sive evidence as they are, testifying to the truth with their arguments,
free of all emotion. Consider this example: if we say around five thou-
sand five hundred innocent Serbs now rest at Šušnjar together with
around 50 Jews, having perished at the hands of their murderous
neighbours – slain, shot, hammered to death only because they were
Serbs and Jews – we need say no more.
More persuasive than mere information may only be a work of art.
Perhaps even more than facts, powerful is its expression, the feelings
and beauty of that which it depicts with words, colour, lines, notes...
The pain and pride of the Jugović Mother make her a character wor-
thy of ancient drama. Rakić’s “Gazimestan” is more magnificent than
any granite monument. Bojić’s “Blue Graveyard” sublimates the cour-
age and suffering of the Serbian soldier in the First World War.
Skender’s Stojanka is symbolic of the Kozara Mountain, as well as of all
the other tragic mountains of our history...
In the beginning, there were very few literary works about Šušnjar.
Then a group of enthusiastic young writers and poets launched an
eponymous literature event, and ho! verses and prose multiplied. Of the
long list of authors who have written on Sanski Most, each of whom de-
serves to find his or her name mentioned here, it is verses by Boro
Kapetanović that are the most magnificent, but there are also Jovo
Tontić, Dušan Praća... To read all of Mihailo Orlović’s prose sketches,
one need only take one deep breath...
There are practically no major contemporary Serbian writers who
have not taken part in the Šušnjar International Literary Gathering.
While for many authors their only bond to Sanski Most is through their
poetry, offerings in heartrending verses on the Šušnjar Golgotha have
173
been made by poets such as Dara Sekulić, Stevka Kozić Preradović, Jo-
vanka Stojčinović Nikolić, Ružica Komar...
Truly stirring are the testimonies offered at the Šušnjar round tables
by those who accidentally survived the killings at this place of execu-
tion, were eyewitnesses or heard about the atrocities from their forefa-
thers. Writing down and publishing such recollections is priceless.
If another collection is published along with these proceedings, one
that will contain, in a single book, all literary creations on the subject of
Šušnjar, it will be a major contribution to keeping the memory of these
innocent victims alive, and a powerful reminder that battle against evil
must never be allowed to stop.
Note:
As proposed and agreed in The Third Round Table “Šušnjar 1943”,

poets from the area of Sanski Most have gathered as many poems (in-
cluding all other forms of poetic texts) as they were able to, by the end
of the preparations of these proceedings. Nevertheless, it is certain that
many more verses preserve for eternity the tale of the Šušnjar Golgo-
tha; the task thus remains to collect all the related literary works and
publish them as a separate book.
174
Nenad Grujičić
THE GRACE OF THE SOULS OF

ŠUŠNJAR
Language is a miracle that feeds and guides our lives, and stores
them in its memory. It is our homeland, the most spacious and dearest
one, with each of its words a capital city in its own right. Such is the
word Šušnjar as we utter it here today, a word evocative of dry leaves
that have been shed. Above it drift the living souls of our Šušnjar. This
rustle of dry leaves, mixed with the shadows of five and a half thousand
Serb souls, stirs us with the quality of a memory that is only occasionally
found in a nation.
Again and again, one asks and pleads, what is it that separates life
from death? Could it be the memory of a saddest St. Elijah’s Day, rekin-
dled every year by the image of leaves being shed too soon? What about
poetry, is it not a passionate measure as well, a border between the two
worlds, that of the quick and that of the dead? Language, too – maternal
– is it not a living death in the epiphany of the truth? The fragrance,
breath and fire of the poem? The never-ending renewal of that which
was primordial, of that word which was in the beginning and which was
in God, who was a word Himself? The alpha and omega of everything,
for good? Joy and fear? Day and night, at the same time?
How much longer are we to listen to the prayers over the bones of
Šušnjar, how much longer is to be drained this teardrop the size of the
sky, on which the Earth rests, and heaven and hell on it? Man is in eve-
rything, coming and going unbendingly. Such is the grace he has been
given, to embellish his mortal self with temptations and sins, to show
his face to God. But, overstepping the line, raising one’s hand against
another man is like raising it against God himself. Even if it is against
oneself, it is against God. God – a cycle of miraculous inceptions, trans-
formations and closures, to the infinitude of love, as named by the mind
175
and lived by the heart! The soul leaves have been shed, the dry leaves
of Sana, the leaves of Krajina. The Serb Šušnjar!
Poetry has the power to travel through time and to make space rel-
ative. Incessantly at work, rejuvenating itself, it is in others that it finds
itself. The poets of Sanski Most have not betrayed Šušnjar. They per-
sisted in Oštra Luka during the war, and worthy of the precious
memory, they found the best way to bring poetry and life together, gen-
erating an event meriting attention, an event commemorating the dead.
While other precious memories randomly faded, in literary life and
elsewhere, or occasionally flooded back, serving as channels for all sorts
of improvisation, Boro, Dušan, Mihajlo, Milan and a myriad other great
residents of Sanski Most, hovering heady with poetry, yielded their
whole selves to Šušnjar, Grmeč and Krajina. Their faith in Šušnjar and
in poetry, in their father and mother, their votive spiritual dignity, found
its place in the blossom of a rare lasting tradition of Serb literature.
There is no such false authority who, come unsummoned with sto-
ries that charm and entice, will force them to admit to seeing the em-
peror’s invisible clothes, at the expense of their talent, honour and in-
tegrity. Their moral grandeur and spiritual audacity to safeguard Šušn-
jar in poetry come from an Ossianic root, from a tradition so peculiarly
and specifically Serbian, from whose shoots, growing in Krajina, not
only have folk lyric and epic poetry been born, but also buds most re-
sembling Kočić’s Zmijanje, his Lujo and Mrgud, Ćopić’s lassie from
Bosanska Krupa, Kulenović’s Stojanka, mother from Knežopolje,
Kolundžija’s Pogleđe hillock, onto which he fell out of his mother’s
womb, Dara Sekulić’s eulogies to Kordunski Ljeskovac... The stakes
were high for the poets of Sanski Most to write about Šušnjar, but so
has been the yield of their efforts; their marks have been deep, like ban-
ners fluttering high above our humble heads, in spheres where light
breaks down into colours and sounds.
As I congratulate my excellent, gifted hosts on their ability to keep
alive the poetic soul of Šušnjar, and thank them for this rare oppor-
tunity and privilege to receive an award equalling the tenderest grace
of one’s homeland, I – a lyrical bard amid the vicissitudes of a literary
career, whose fate unwinds at the foot of Mount Fruška Gora and
Stražilovo, where yellow leaves are alredy being shed, a place between
176
Novi Sad and Belgrade that is only physically distant from here – bow
to the spirits of Šušnjar, the name of this prestigious award, which I ac-
cept in full awareness of not only its literary halo, but also of those of
living life and living death. This is a recognition that obliges me, a petty,
sinful laureate, to set out on a road of abnegation, of debts whose pay-
ment commands that I pray in silence through my waking hours.
Šušnjar is a slumbering poem, dry leaves shed with the whispering
of time that drags along the Sana River, inspiring and rejuvenating. It is
within this circle that we, the living, also rush to the spirits of Šušnjar.
Thus far, we have been halted by the deep waters of modern history,
and like the ancient Slavs, breath through a reed, patiently waiting. For
poetry knows that human life, its duration, is neither the measure of all
things nor a panacea. The poem has but one sister, eternity.
The speech held on the receipt of the Šušnjar Award, 2002
177
Mihajlo Orlović
THE STORY OF THE ONE WHO

FAILED TO TELL IT BY HIMSELF
Some say it was in the Biblical days of Sodom and Gomorrah. Others
say it came to pass in the days of Evil. Others claim it never happened,
for it is impossible for man, whatever the kind of creature he may be, to
fall so low.
I, a martyr in those days, in the days of malice and evil, am not telling
my story to the wind and silence, but to the light that pulses above my
grave every morning, to those who are yet to come. Those who will have
the power to tell between disaster and fear, fear and crime, crime and
passion, passion and hatred, hatred and man, man and shadow, shadow
and light, light and Day One, Day One and nothingness, nothingness
and that which used to be. I believe someone will have that power, and
if not, then may there be no people left.
If I had borne a different name, I would still be alive today. I would
have lived longer than the ash-tree planted in the yard before my house
on the day I was born. It was cut on the day my mother died, so full of
sorrow was she for me, to build her a casket out of it.
I was killed because of my name, quite an ordinary name, one that
anticipates dawn. I do not even remember it anymore, for as soon as I
learned how to walk, they called me a nickname that spoke of my char-
acter. They say good people have simple and funny nicknames.
You must be wondering: where and when was it that people were
killed because of their names, when was it that man to man was like
beast to beast. It happened in a peaceful, ordinary town. A town on nine
rivers. A town where each morning baker greeted lawyer, tailor greeted
station master, raftsman greeted gentlemanly school teacher, men of
this faith greeted men of that faith. It would all have been good if the
179
beast had not awakened, thirsty for blood. Instead of the rivulets run-
ning through the town, it craved streams of blood. On St. Elijah’s Day of
1941, the beast armed itself with a mallet and began killing people be-
cause of a name, without asking them what their names were or why
they bore them. It did not even condescend to look its victims in the eye
– even the viper, the horror of the Earth, looks its victim in the eye be-
fore it strikes.
Though I was but a child (it was as a child they killed me), I recall I
enjoyed cutting grass. Actually, it was the swishing sound of the steel
blade I loved, the sweet crackle of blades of grass, exuding the smell of
summer. At Šušnjar, we were those blades of grass, our dreams shat-
tered in the hot sun of St. Elijah’s Day, exuding the sweetness of our
wedding nights, never to be lived.
I used not to fear dying. I thought it was nonsense. Just as a camel
cannot drown in deep waters in a hot desert, it, death, seemed like a
joke to me.
I used to live on the outskirts of town, beside the Sana. In the morn-
ing I greeted the sun, at noon I was lighter than a butterfly, in the even-
ing the ruddy light of the day glossed my cheeks. Light as a feather I
was, so light I could leap over the ash-tree that grew side by side with
me.
I still do not believe, although I am as dead as dead can be (shortly,
I will have been dead for a hundred years), that what happened at Šušn-
jar on that hot night, on St. Elijah’s, was death. I reckon, it must be an
awful, recurrent dream; something will happen, and I will awaken the
same moment. And yet, they will not let it happen. As if somebody was
still holding the same mallet in his hands. Saliva still smeared on his
sleeve, still uttering threats, just like that day.
As five and a half thousand of us lie in the ground, in endless silence,
guarded by a monument made of rusty steel decorated with inscriptions
screaming about disaster, we wonder if bearing a name is a sin or not.
As I behold constellations of stars twinkle above me like silvery dew,
buried deep in the sky – like we are buried deep in the ground, as they
cover us again and again, like grass, I am overwhelmed by a sorrowful
feeling of senselessness. As much as I may not believe what happened,
180
I must admit it to myself, the truth and answers are in the hands of the
living. And we, who are in the ground, we are but a dark shadow stum-
bling against roots, pushing hard to make it to the light of day instead
of them, to talk to bugs, crickets and beetles... that at least, if we were
meant not to rejoice in the sun.
The world of the living breathes lies, cynicism, brutality... Thus, the
senselessness gnawing at me is quite possible, even though I do not be-
lieve in it. I anticipate an answer that may yet awaken me from my chilly
dream.
From the book of accounts A Town on a Lake of Blood
181

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THIRD ROUND TABLE

At the end of the Round Table certain conclusions were reached,

MORAL AND HUMAN

Ladies and gentlemen, honourable chairpersons, distinguished

Unfortunately, we failed to realise in time the scale of the tragedy

mostly thanks to these Round Tables about the agonies at Šušnjar. It is

Living witnesses to the crimes at Šušnjar and other places of execu-

Opening statement at the Third Round Table “Šušnjar 1941”

Homage to all victims of crime in Susnjar

Presentations of the participants of the Round Table was followed by

Writers Zoran Kostic and Dusan Praca

RECKONING IN SANSKI MOST

southeast of Sanski Most, intending to interrupt the celebration of the

A MASS GRAVE OF SERBS IN

SAINT GEORGE’S DAY UPRISING

The first under attack were Orthodox Christian priests, Serbian

Europe. Nearly a month before the Communist Party of Yugoslavia un-

north of Knin, towards Gospić, and to the east, towards Bosanska

First resistance to the fascists

Refugees on the run

their number considerably increased, they still lacked unified,

A mass slaughter of Serbs

with wire. Some of us were tied in twos, some in threes or fours,

A new attack on the Tramošnja repelled

PODGRMEČ BETWEEN TWO

In my testimony titled “Crime after Crime – the Crime of Genocide”

by all of us whose fathers forever disappeared into the white nights of

The Serbs’ reaction to the plan to exterminate them was one of

Muslim people from Kamengrad. They obeyed only to be end up in dif-

a centuries-long home of Serbs. Murderers attacked Podgrmeč from

and Maribor), taking them to nearby forests and executing them on a

casualties (30 women; 17 people killed in combat); Đedovača – 182 vil-

Milovan Danojlić: “When it comes to Serbian blood, the cameras are

TO REMEMBER AND TESTIFY

There is probably nothing to add to the testimonies of those who

Memories of these events told by eyewitnesses can also be found in

People’s uprising against fascist terror and

The suffering of Sanski Most Serbs and Jews at

Besides Šušnjar, it can be claimed that massive executions of Serbs

Preserving places of mass execution from

MEMORY OF THE USORA

Unfortunately, there are almost no living witnesses to these events

- Hey Blagoje! Hey Blagoje!

The massacre at Varda

Never believe the Ustashas

The massacre at Todor Crnobrnja’s house

An armoured train sowing death

The endless tragedies that took place in Usora

THREE WAR STORIES

of oblivion. Out of the numerous encounters, I separate three particu-

One episode from that impressive story especially deserves to be

trusted immensely, the units consolidated and eventually broke out of

After this event, on our next encounter, Commander Nađ praised my

CRIMES NOT FORGOTTEN

The peaceful and hard-working residents of the village Dabar, or ra-

As soon as he arrived home he said: “There’s going to be a war and