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Title: The Chaldean Account of Genesis

Containing the description of the creation, the fall of
man, the deluge, the tower of Babel, the times of the
patriarchs

Author: George Smith

A. H. (Archibald Henry) Sayce

Release Date: October 23, 2019 [EBook #60559]

Language: English

*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE CHALDEAN ACCOUNT OF GENESIS ***

Produced by MFR, Les Galloway and the Online Distributed

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Transcriber’s Notes

Obvious typographical errors have been silently corrected. Variations in hyphenation

have been standardised but all other spelling and punctuation remains unchanged.
In footnote 8 the star Benelnash is usually called Benetnash. This may be an
alternative spelling so is unchanged.
In Chapter XIV it is possible that “change” should read “chain” in 32. thou didst strike
him; to a pillar thou didst change him,
The cover was created by the transcriber and is placed in the Public Domain.
THE CHALDEAN ACCOUNT
OF GENESIS.
 THE
CHALDEAN ACCOUNT OF GENESIS

CONTAINING
THE DESCRIPTION OF THE CREATION, THE DELUGE, THE
TOWER OF BABEL, THE DESTRUCTION OF SODOM,
THE TIMES OF THE PATRIARCHS,
 AND NIMROD;
BABYLONIAN FABLES, AND LEGENDS OF THE GODS;
FROM THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS.

BY GEORGE SMITH,
FORMERLY OF THE DEPARTMENT OF ORIENTAL ANTIQUITIES, BRITISH MUSEUM,
AUTHOR OF “HISTORY OF ASSURBANIPAL,” “ASSYRIAN
DISCOVERIES,” ETC. ETC.

A NEW EDITION, THOROUGHLY REVISED AND CORRECTED (WITH ADDITIONS),

BY A. H. SAYCE,
DEPUTY-PROFESSOR OF COMPARATIVE PHILOLOGY IN THE
UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD.

WITH ILLUSTRATIONS.

NEW YORK:
CHARLES SCRIBNER’S SONS
743 AND 745 BROADWAY.
 PREFACE BY THE EDITOR.
IT is now five years since the present volume was first laid before the
public by Mr. George Smith, just before setting out on his last ill-fated
expedition to the East. It naturally awakened extreme interest and curiosity.
The earlier chapters of Genesis no longer stood alone. Parallel accounts had
been discovered by the author among the clay records of ancient Babylonia,
which far exceeded in antiquity the venerable histories of the Bible. All
those who had a theory to support, or a tradition to overthrow, turned
eagerly to the newly-discovered documents, which possessed an equal
interest for the students of history, of religion, and of language.
The five years that have elapsed since the publication of “The Chaldean
Account of Genesis” have been five years of active work and progress
among Assyrian scholars. The impulse given to Assyrian research by Mr.
Smith has survived his death; numberless new tablets and fragments of
tablets have been brought to Europe from Assyria and Babylonia; fresh
students of the inscriptions have risen up in this country and on the
continent, more especially in Germany; and the scientific spirit which has
been introduced into the study of the Assyrian language has immeasurably
increased our knowledge of it. Thanks to the labours of men like Oppert,
Lenormant and Guyard in France, or of Schrader, Delitzsch, Haupt and
Hommel in Germany, texts which were obscure and doubtful at the time of
Mr. Smith’s death have now become almost as clear as a page of the more
difficult portions of the Old Testament. The Assyrian student, moreover, has
an advantage which the Hebrew student has not; he possesses dictionaries
and vocabularies compiled by the Assyro-Babylonians themselves, and
these frequently throw light on a word which otherwise would be a “hapax
legomenon.”
 The more backward condition of our knowledge of Assyrian, however,
was not the only difficulty against which Mr. Smith had to contend. He was
pressed for time when writing the present volume, which had to be finished
before his departure for the East. The class of texts, also, which he had
brought to light was a new class hitherto unknown, or almost unknown, to
the Assyrian decipherer. He had to break fresh ground in dealing with them.
Their style differed considerably from that of the texts previously studied;
they had a vocabulary of their own, allusions of their own, and even, it may
be added, a grammar of their own. If the texts had been complete the
difficulty perhaps would not have been so great; but it was enormously
increased by their mutilated condition. The skill and success with which Mr.
Smith struggled against all these difficulties show more plainly than ever
what a loss Assyrian research has sustained in him.
Nevertheless, even the genius of Mr. Smith could not do more than give a
general idea of the contents of the fragments, and not always even this. A
comparison of the translations contained in the present edition with those
contained in the preceding ones will show to what an extent the details of
translation have had to be modified and changed, sometimes with important
consequences. Thus the corrected translation of the fragments relating to the
Tower of Babel will remove the doubts raised by Mr. Smith’s translation as
to his correctness in associating them with that event; thus, too, the
corrected rendering of a passage in the Izdubar Epic will show that the
practice of erecting a Bethel or sacred stone was familiar to the early
Babylonians. In some instances Mr. Smith has misconceived the true
character of a whole text. What he believed to be a record of the Fall, for
instance, is really, as M. Oppert first pointed out, a hymn to the Creator.
On the other hand, the fresh materials that have been acquired by the
British Museum during the last five years, or a closer examination of the
treasures it already possessed, have enabled us to add to the number of
cuneiform texts which illustrate the earlier portions of Genesis. Mr. Rassam,
for example, has brought home a fragment of the Deluge tablet, which not
only helps us to fill up some of the lacunæ in the text, but is also important
in another way. It is written, not in Assyrian, but in Babylonian cuneiform
characters, and comes, not from an Assyrian, but from a Babylonian library.
But it agrees exactly with the corresponding parts of the Assyrian editions
of the story, and thus furnishes us with a proof of the trustworthiness of the
Assyrian copies of the old Babylonian texts. The text, again, which relates
to the destruction of a country by a rain of fire, though long contained in the
British Museum Collection, was first noticed by myself as being apparently
the Babylonian version of the biblical account of the destruction of Sodom
and Gomorrah.
Numerous alterations and insertions have had to be made in the text
which accompanies the translations. The latter necessarily occupied the
main part of Mr. Smith’s attention; he had neither time nor inclination to
enter very elaborately into the questions raised by them, or the illustrations
they might receive from elsewhere. In fact, any adequate treatment of the
great Izdubar Epic, for instance, demanded a special acquaintance with the
method and results of Comparative Philology, as well as a more intimate
knowledge of its history and character than was possible at the time when
Mr. Smith wrote.
A large proportion of the cuneiform texts from which the translations
contained in the present volume are made has not yet been published. I
have, however, gone carefully over them all with the exception of a small
portion of the Izdubar Epic, and endeavoured to bring the translations up to
the level of our present knowledge of the Assyrian language. I am indebted
to the ready kindness and accurate eye of Mr. Pinches for copies of almost
all the unpublished portions of the Izdubar legends. In these he has
corrected several faulty readings, more especially that of the name of the
pilot of Xisuthrus, which ought to be Nes-Hea, “the lion of Hea.” Mr.
Pinches assures me that the name of the deity composing the second part of
the name is invariably written with the numeral 40, the symbol of the god
Hea, except once when the scribe has miswritten 50, the symbol of Bel, and
he has pointed out to me a passage in a bilingual tablet where the name is
explained in Assyrian by Nes-Hea. Unfortunately, the texts given in pp.
103-124 cannot be found, and here therefore I have been obliged to leave
Mr. Smith’s translations unaltered.
The reader, however, must remember that no translations of these
mutilated tablets can be more than approximately correct. Even if the
meaning of all the words were well known, and they were divided from one
another (which is not the case), the broken condition of so many of the
inscriptions would make a good deal of the translation more or less
conjectural. This must be doubly the case where the signification of the
words is either unknown or only half known. I have always endeavoured to
indicate a doubtful word or passage by a query; but there must be instances
in which the meaning that I believe ought to be assigned to particular words
will be corrected by the further progress of discovery. This is even more
true of what may be termed the commentary accompanying the translations.
Surprises are constantly in store for the Assyrian decipherer, and a tiny
fragment may suddenly throw a new light on a question he had supposed to
be settled. In fact, in Assyriology, as in all other branches of science, there
is no finality; we cannot be more than approximately exact at any given
time, and every month enables us to introduce fresh corrections and
improvements into our work.
A fresh illustration of the fact has been afforded even while the present
volume has been passing through the press. Mr. Pinches has come across
two fragments (one marked S 669, the other unnumbered) which belong to
two separate copies or editions of a very interesting work. This is nothing
less than a list of the ancient epics and legends of Chaldea, along with the
names of their reputed authors, many of whom, however, are probably as
mythical as the famous Rishis of India. The list shows how numerous these
early poems were, and how few of them, comparatively, we possess at
present. Both fragments belong to the same part of the list, and we are
therefore ignorant of many of the ancient compositions it must originally
have contained. Some of the works mentioned receive their names from the
heroes celebrated in them, others are named from their opening lines. A
distinction is drawn between those that belonged to the Accadian period,
and were written by Accadian poets in the Accadian language, and those
that were of Semitic Babylonian origin. The interest of the list is enhanced
by the great antiquity of the poems it records, none of them being later than
about 2000 B.C. Here is a translation of the text as restored from a
comparison of the two fragments according to the copies I have made of
them:—
OBVERSE.

1. Ca ....
2. This is the work (literally from the mouth) of .
—–———–———–———–
3. “a khus ba a ri ....
4. the god .... tsu bu nu” .... [Accadian.]
5. This is the work of Nupatuv ....
—–———–———–———–
6. “The mighty lady, the winged one, Nigirra,” or “Bel” ....
7. “He restored Til-enni,” or “Life.”
8. “May Merodach the great lord firmly defend.” [Semitic.]
9. This is the work of Basa-Gula, the scribe ...
—–———–———–———–
10. “The king of the sphere in their front,” or “the lord” .... [Acc.]
11. This is the work of En-me-duga ....
—–———–———–———–
12. .... “head, thy lustre” .... [Acc.]
13. This is the work of Elum ....
—–———–———–———–
14. .... ci bat ....

REVERSE.

1. ....
2. (This is the work of ....) ragas, the scribe, the man (of a non-existent
tablet).
—–———–———–———–
3. ..... “the gods” [Acc.]. This is the work of ....
—–———–———–———–
4. .... “the bull of Bit-Esir (the firmament),” or “The great fortress of
the royal crown” ....[Acc.]
5. This is the work of Cus-dib the son of....
—–———–———–———–
6. .... nun-na [Acc.]. This is the work of Elum-ban-cudur, the son of
Khumetis, the scribe, the man of (a non-existent) tablet.
—–———–———–———–
7. .... “the paggalti which over heaven are placed” [Sem.].
8. (This) is the work of Gimil-Gula, the son of Il-khigal the scribe, the
man of a non-existent tablet.
—–———–———–———–
 9. “The day of calling, the long day at the dawning of light” (?) [Acc.].
This is the work of Ekur (Esiru), the son of Nunna-tur.
—–———–———–———–
10. The hero Izdubar. This is the work of Sin-lici-unnini the scribe ....
—–———–———–———–
11. The hero Etana. This is the work of Nis-Sin the scribe ....
—–———–———–———–
12. The hero the Fox. This is the work of Kak-Merodach the son of
Eri-Turnunna, the man of a non-existent tablet.
—–———–———–———–
13. (The hero) ’Sidu. This is the work of ’Sidu-labiri the prince, the
man of a non-existent tablet.
—–———–———–———–
14. .... a tu gab [Acc.]. This is the work of Lig-Dimir the scribe, the
man (of a non-existent tablet).
—–———–———–———–

What is meant by the phrase “the man of a non-existent tablet,” I do not

know. Possibly it signifies that the autograph of the author no longer existed
at the time the list was drawn up. “The Bull of the firmament” was a legend
which was probably connected with the second month of the year,
originally, it would seem, the first, which like the zodiacal sign after which
it was named, was called the month of “the directing bull.”
Future excavations will doubtless bring to light some of the poems
mentioned in the list and not previously known. I have myself lately come
across two fragments (S 802 and S 316) which belong to legends hitherto
unknown, but they are too short to be worth translating. What curious
revelations, however, we may yet expect from the cuneiform records may
be judged from a small and well preserved tablet recently brought to
England, which contains a catalogue of the gardens belonging to Merodach-
Baladan, the contemporary of Hezekiah, and grouped according to the
districts in which they were situated. Merodach-Baladan must have been
fond of horticulture, since the catalogue contains the names of no less than
sixty-seven seed-gardens, besides six other pleasure-grounds. Many of them
were named from the localities in whose neighbourhood they were, but
others bore such significant titles as “the forest of reeds,” “the small
enclosure,” or “the garden of the waters of the city.” As the tablet was
copied by a scribe named Merodach-sum-iddin, probably in the time of
Nebuchadnezzar or his successors, it is evident that some of the contents of
the library of Babylon escaped the destruction brought upon that city by
Sennacherib in B.C. 692.
I may add that since the greater part of this edition has been in type, I
have found myself able to explain the name of the hero which in default of
the true transcription has been provisionally read Izdubar. The name is
composed of three ideographs, the first of which is the determinative prefix
of wood, while the two latter are rendered saptu saplitu, “the lower lip,” in
Semitic Assyrian. Now M. Lenormant has shown that Izdubar was
originally the Accadian Fire-god, and Mr. Boscawen has pointed out that
the fire-stick was once used in Babylonia; it is therefore evident that the
three ideographs composing the name represent the lower piece of wood,
with a lip or groove in it, which formed the most important part of the
primitive fire-machine. I believe the Accadian pronunciation of the name
will turn out to be Kibirra.
A. H. SAYCE.
May 21st, 1880.
 CONTENTS.
PREFACE
page vi
CHAPTER I.—THE DISCOVERY OF THE GENESIS LEGENDS.
Cosmogony of Berosus.—Discovery of Cuneiform Inscriptions.—Historical Texts.—Babylonian
origin of Assyrian literature.—Mythological tablets.—Discovery of Deluge texts.—Mutilated
condition of tablets.—Lecture on Deluge tablets.—“Daily Telegraph” offer.—Expedition to Assyria.
—Fragments of Creation tablets.—Solar Myth.—Second journey to Assyria.—Tower of Babel.—
Clay records.—List of texts.—Legend of Oannes.—List of early legends and their authors
page 1
CHAPTER II.—BABYLONIAN AND ASSYRIAN LITERATURE.
Babylonian literature.—Kouyunjik library.—Fragmentary condition.—Arrangement of tablets.—
Subjects.—Dates.—Babylonian source of literature.—Literary period.—Babylonian Chronology.—
Accad.—Sumir.—Extinction of the Accadian language.—Izdubar legends.—Creation.—Syllabaries
and bilingual tablets.—Assyrian copies.—Difficulties as to date.—Library of Senkereh.—Assyrian
empire.—City of Assur.—Library at Calah.—Sargon of Assyria.—Sennacherib.—Removal of library
to Nineveh.—Assur-bani-pal or Sardanapalus.—His additions to library.—Description of contents.—
Later Babylonian libraries
13
CHAPTER III.—CHALDEAN LEGENDS TRANSMITTED THROUGH BEROSUS AND OTHER ANCIENT AUTHORS.
Berosus and his copyists.—Cory’s translation.—Alexander Polyhistor.—Babylonia.—Oannes, his
teaching.—Creation.—Belus.—Chaldean kings.—Xisuthrus.—Deluge.—The Ark.—Return to
Babylon.—Apollodorus.—Pantibiblon.—Larancha.—Abydenus.—Alorus, first king.—Ten kings.—
Sisithrus.—Deluge.—Armenia.—Tower of Babel.—Kronos and Titan.—Dispersion from Hestiæus.
—Babylonian colonies.—Tower of Babel.—The Sibyl.—Titan and Prometheus.—Damascius.—
Tauthe.—Moymis.—Kissare and Assorus.—Triad.—Bel
31
CHAPTER IV.—BABYLONIAN MYTHOLOGY.
Greek accounts.—Mythology local in origin.—Antiquity.—Conquests.—Colonies.—Three great
gods.—Twelve great gods.—Angels.—Spirits.—Anu.—Anatu.—Rimmon.—Istar.—Equivalent to
Venus.—Hea.—Oannes.—Merodach.—Bel or Zeus.—Zirat-banit, Succoth Benoth.—Bel.—Sin the
moon god.—Ninip.—Samas.—Nergal.—Annuit.—Table of gods
45
CHAPTER V.—BABYLONIAN LEGEND OF THE CREATION.
Mutilated condition of tablets.—List of subjects.—Description of chaos.—Tiamat.—Generation of
gods.—Damascius.—Comparison with Genesis.—Three great gods.—Doubtful fragments.—Fifth
tablet.—Stars.—Moon.—Sun.—Abyss or chaos.—Creation of moon.—Creation of animals.—
Monotheism.—Hymn to Merodach.—The black-headed race or Adamites.—Garden of Eden.—The
flaming sword.—The fall.—The Sabbath.—Sacred tree.—Hymn to the Creator
56
CHAPTER VI.—OTHER BABYLONIAN ACCOUNTS OF THE CREATION.
Cuneiform accounts originally traditions.—Variations.—Account of Berosus.—Tablet from Cutha.
—Translation.—Composite animals.—Eagle-headed men.—Seven brothers.—Destruction of men.—
Seven wicked spirits.—Mythical explanations of lunar eclipses.—Hymn to the God of Fire.—War in
heaven.—Tiamat.—Merodach the great dragon.—Parallel Biblical account
91
CHAPTER VII.—THE SIN OF THE GOD ZU.
God Zu.—Obscurity of legend.—Translation.—Sin of Zu.—Anger of the gods.—Speeches of Anu
to Rimmon.—Rimmon’s answer.—Speech of Anu to Nebo.—Answer of Nebo.—Lugal-turda. —
Changes to a bird.—The Zu bird.—Bird of prey.—Lugal-turda lord of Amarda.—Prometheus
115
CHAPTER VIII.—THE EXPLOITS OF DIBBARA.
Dibbara.—God of Pestilence.—Itak.—The Plague.—Seven warrior gods.—Destruction of people.
—Anu.—Goddess of Karrak.—Speech of Bel.—Sin and destruction of Babylonians.—Samas.—Sin
and destruction of Erech.—Istar.—The great god and Duran.—Cutha.—Internal wars.—Itak goes to
Syria.—Power and glory of Dibbara.—Song of Dibbara.—Blessings on his worship.—God Ner.—
Prayer to arrest the Plague.—Antiquity of the legend.—Itak
125
CHAPTER IX.—BABYLONIAN FABLES.
Fables.—Common in the East.—Description.—Power of speech in animals.—Story of the eagle.
—Serpent.—Samas.—The eagle caught.—Eats the serpent.—Anger of birds.—Etana.—Seven gods.
—Third tablet.—Speech of eagle.—Story of the fox.—His cunning.—Judgment of Samas.—His
show of sorrow.—His punishment.—Speech of fox.—Fable of the horse and ox.—They consort
together.—Speech of the ox.—His good fortune.—Contrast with the horse.—Hunting the ox.—
Speech of the horse.—Offers to recount story.—Story of Istar.—Further tablets
140
CHAPTER X.—FRAGMENTS OF MISCELLANEOUS TEXTS.
 Atarpi.—Punishment of world.—Riddle of wise man.—Nature and universal presence of air.—
Sinuri.—Divining by fracture of reed.—The foundling.—Tower of Babel.—Obscurity of legend.—
Not noticed by Berosus.—Fragmentary tablet.—Destruction of Tower.—Dispersion.—Site of the
Tower.—Meaning of Babel.—Chedor-laomer.—The destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah
155
CHAPTER XI.—THE IZDUBAR LEGENDS.
Izdubar.—Meaning of the name.—A solar hero.—Prototype of Herakles.—Age of Legends.—
Babylonian cylinders.—Notices of Izdubar.—Surippak.—Ark City.—Twelve tablets.—Extent of
Legends.—Description.—Introduction.—Meeting of Hea-bani and Izdubar.—Destruction of tyrant
Khumbaba.—Adventures of Istar. —Illness and wanderings of Izdubar.—Description of Deluge and
conclusion.—First Tablet.—Kingdom of Nimrod.—Traditions.—Identifications.—Translation.—
Elamite Conquest.—Dates
175
CHAPTER XII.—MEETING OF HEA-BANI AND IZDUBAR.
Dream of Izdubar.—Hea-bani.—His wisdom.—His solitary life.—Izdubar’s petition.—Zaidu.—
Kharimtu and Samkhat.—Tempt Hea-bani.—Might and fame of Izdubar.—Speech of Hea-bani.—
His journey to Erech.—The midannu or tiger.—Festival at Erech.—Dream of Izdubar.—Friendship
with Hea-bani
201
CHAPTER XIII.—DESTRUCTION OF THE TYRANT KHUMBABA.
Mythical geography.—Forest region.—Khumbaba.—Conversation.—Petition to Samas.—Journey
to forest.—Dwelling of Khumbaba.—Entrance to forest.—Meeting with Khumbaba.—Death of
Khumbaba.—Izdubar king
216
CHAPTER XIV.—THE ADVENTURES OF ISTAR.
Triumph of Izdubar.—Istar’s love.—Her offer of marriage.—Her promises.—Izdubar’s answer.—
Tammuz.—Amours of Istar.—His refusal.—Istar’s anger.—Ascends to Heaven.—The bull.—Slain
by Izdubar.—Istar’s curse.—Izdubar’s triumph.—The feast.—Istar’s despair.—Her descent to Hades.
—Description.—The seven gates.—The curses.—Atsu-sunamir the Sphinx.—Release of Istar.—The
dog of the dawn.—Lament for Tammuz
226
CHAPTER XV.—ILLNESS AND WANDERINGS OF IZDUBAR.
Hea-bani and the trees.—Illness of Izdubar.—Death of Hea-bani.—Journey of Izdubar.—His
dream.—Scorpion men.—The Desert of Mas.—Siduri and Sabitu.—Nes-Hea the pilot.—Water of
death.—Mua.—The conversation.—Xisuthrus
252
CHAPTER XVI.—THE STORY OF THE FLOOD AND CONCLUSION.
 Eleventh tablet.—The gods.—Sin of the world.—Command to build the ark.—Its contents.—The
building.—The Flood.—Destruction of people.—Fear of the gods.—End of Deluge.—Nizir.—
Resting of Ark.—The birds.—The descent from the ark.—The sacrifice, covenant and rainbow.—
Speeches of gods.—Translation of Adrakhasis.—Cure of Izdubar.—His return.—Lament over Hea-
bani.—Resurrection of Hea-bani.—Burial of warrior.—Age and composition of the Deluge tablet.—
Comparison with Genesis.—Syrian nation.—Connection of legends.—Points of contact.—Duration
of deluge.—Mount of descent.—Ten generations.—Early cities
278
CHAPTER XVII.—CONCLUSION.
Notices of Genesis.—Correspondence of names.—Abram.—Ur of Chaldees.—Ishmael.—Sargon
of Agané.—His birth.—Concealed in ark.—Creation.—Garden of Eden.—Oannes.—Berosus.—
Izdubar legends.—Babylonian seals.—Egyptian names.—Assyrian sculptures
315
 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

FRONTISPIECE, Photograph. Izdubar (Nimrod) in conflict with a lion,

from an early Babylonian cylinder.

2. Reverse of inscribed terra cotta tablet, containing the account of the

Deluge, showing the various fragments of which it is
composed, 9.
3. Oannes and other Babylonian mythological figures, from cylinder,
33.
4. Composite animals, from cylinder, 35.
5. Fight between Merodach (Bel) and the dragon, to face p. 62.
6. Sacred tree or grove, with attendant cherubim, from Assyrian
cylinder, 85.
7. Sacred tree, seated figure on each side and serpent in background,
from an early Babylonian cylinder, 88.
8. Merodach attacking the serpent, on an Assyrian cylinder, in the
possession of Dr. S. Wells Williams, Newhaven, 90.
9. Sacred tree, attendant figures and eagle-headed men, from the seal
of a Syrian chief, ninth century B.C., 97.
10. Merodach delivering the moon-god from the evil spirits; from a
Babylonian cylinder; 101.
11. Bel encountering the dragon, from Babylonian cylinder, 109.
12. Merodach or Bel armed for the conflict with the dragon, from
Assyrian cylinder, 112.
13. Fight between Bel and the dragon, from Babylonian cylinder, 114.
14. Eagle-headed men, from Nimroud sculpture, to face p. 102.
15, 16 Men engaged in building, from Babylonian cylinders, 162.
and
17.
18. View of Birs Nimrud, the supposed site of the Tower of Babel, 167.
19. View of the Babil mound at Babylon, the site of the temple of Bel,
168.
20. Tower in stages, from an Assyrian bas-relief, 169.
21. Izdubar strangling a lion, from Khorsabad sculpture, to face p. 175.
22. Migration of Eastern tribe, from early Babylonian cylinder, 197.
23. Bowareyeh Mound at Warka (Erech), site of the temple of Istar,
248.
24. Izdubar and Hea-bani in conflict with the lion and bull, 249.
25. Izdubar among the trees of the Gods (?), from a Babylonian
cylinder found in Cyprus by Gen. di Cesnola, 263.
26. Izdubar, composite figures, and Ur-Hea in the boat, from an early
Babylonian cylinder, 270.
27. Composite figures (scorpion men), from an Assyrian cylinder, 276.
28. Xisuthrus, or Noah, and Izdubar, from an early Babylonian
cylinder, 300.
29. Mugheir, the site of Ur of the Chaldees, 317.
30. Oannes, from Nimroud sculpture, to face p. 325.
 CHAPTER I.
THE DISCOVERY OF THE GENESIS LEGENDS.
Cosmogony of Berosus.—Discovery of Cuneiform Inscriptions.—
Historical texts.—Babylonian origin of Assyrian literature.—Mythological
tablets.—Discovery of Deluge texts.—Mutilated condition of tablets.—
Lecture on Deluge tablets.—“Daily Telegraph” offer.—Expedition to
Assyria.—Fragments of Creation tablets.—Solar Myth.—Second journey to
Assyria.—Tower of Babel.—Clay records.—List of texts.—Legend of
Oannes.—List of early legends and their authors.
IT has long been known from the fragments of the Chaldean historian,
Berosus, preserved in the works of various later writers, that the
Babylonians were acquainted with traditions referring to the Creation, the
period before the Flood, the Deluge, and other matters of which we read in
the book of Genesis.
Berosus, however, who recorded these events, is stated by Eusebius and
Tatian to have been a contemporary of Alexander the Great, and to have
lived into the reign of Antiochus Soter. His date lies, therefore, between B.C.
330 and 260. As this was three hundred years after the captivity of the Jews
in Babylon, the great antiquity of these traditions could not be proved with
certainty, much less their independence of the accounts which we have in
Genesis.
On the discovery and decipherment of the cuneiform inscriptions,
Oriental scholars hoped that copies of the Babylonian histories and
traditions would one day be found, and that earlier and more satisfactory
evidence as to these primitive histories than had previously been accessible,
would thus be gained.
In the mound of Kouyunjik, opposite the town of Mosul, Mr. Layard
discovered part of the Royal Assyrian library, and further collections, also
forming part of this library, have been subsequently found by Mr. H.
Rassam, Mr. Loftus, and Mr. George Smith. Sir Henry Rawlinson, who
made the preliminary examination of Mr. Layard’s treasures, and was the
first to recognize their value, estimated the number of fragments brought
from this Library at over twenty thousand.
The attention of decipherers was in the first instance drawn to the later
historical inscriptions, particularly to those of the Assyrian kings
contemporary with the Hebrew monarchy; and in this department of
research a very large number of texts of great importance rewarded the toil
of Assyrian scholars. Inscriptions of Tiglath Pileser, Shalmaneser, Sargon,
Sennacherib, Esarhaddon, Nebuchadnezzar, Nabonidus, and numerous
other ancient sovereigns, bearing directly on the Bible, and throwing new
light upon parts of ancient history previously obscure, for a long time
occupied almost exclusively the attention of students, and overshadowed
any work in other divisions of Assyrian literature.
Although it was known that Assyria borrowed its civilization and written
characters from Babylonia, yet, as the Assyrian nation was throughout the
greater part of its independent existence hostile to the southern and older
kingdom, it could not be guessed beforehand that the peculiar national
traditions of Babylonia would have been transported to Assyria.
Under these circumstances, for some years after the cuneiform
inscriptions were first deciphered, nothing was looked for or discovered
bearing upon the events described in Genesis; but, as new texts were
brought into notice, it became evident that the Assyrians borrowed their
literature largely from Babylonian sources, and it appeared likely that
search among the fragments of Assyrian inscriptions would yield traces at
least of some of these ancient Babylonian legends.
Attention was early drawn to this fact by Sir Henry Rawlinson, who
pointed out several coincidences between the geography of Babylonia and
the account of Eden in Genesis, and suggested the great probability that the
accounts in Genesis had a Babylonian origin.
While preparing the fourth volume of Cuneiform Inscriptions for the
trustees of the British Museum, Mr. George Smith noticed references to the
Creation in a tablet numbered K 63 in the Museum collection, as well as
allusions in other tablets to similar legends; he therefore searched through a
series of tablets he had previously classed as “Mythological,” in order to
find, if possible, some of these legends. This series of mythological tablets
was one of six into which he had divided the Museum collection of
cuneiform inscriptions for convenience of working. By placing all the
tablets and fragments of the same class together, he had been able to
complete several texts, to find easily any subject required, and to get,
whenever it was needed, a general idea of the contents of the collection.
The mythological division contained all the tablets which related to
Assyrian mythology, and all the legends in which the gods took a leading
part, together with prayers and similar subjects.
A steady search among these fragments soon brought to light half of a
curious tablet which had evidently contained originally six columns of text;
two of these (the third and fourth) were still nearly perfect; two others (the
second and fifth) were imperfect, about half being lost, while the remaining
columns (the first and sixth) were entirely gone. A statement in the third
column that “the ship” had rested on the mountain of Nizir, followed by an
account of the sending forth of a dove, and its finding no resting-place and
returning, convinced Mr. Smith that he had discovered a portion at least of
the Chaldean account of the Deluge. He then proceeded to read through the
document, and found it was in the form of a speech from the hero of the
Deluge to a person whose name might be transcribed as Izdubar. The same
name had already been read on the fragment of another tablet numbered K
231, which turned out to belong to the same series of tablets as the newly-
found account of the Deluge. Mr. Smith was thus encouraged to make a
search for other portions of the series.
The search was a long and heavy work, for there were thousands of
fragments to be examined, and these were so small, and contained so little
of the text, that it was extremely difficult to ascertain their meaning. The
search, however, proved successful. A fragment of another copy of the
Deluge was found containing a second account of the sending forth of the
birds. Several other portions of the same tablet were gradually collected and
fitted one after another into their places until the greater part of the second
column was filled up. Portions of a third copy were next discovered, which,
when joined together, completed a considerable part of the first and sixth
columns. Mr. Smith now translated the text he had so laboriously pieced
together, and published his discovery to the world at a meeting of the
Society of Biblical Archæology, December 3rd, 1872. By this time he had
made out that the series of Izdubar legends, as we may term them,
contained twelve tablets or books. Of this series the tablet describing the
Deluge was the eleventh and K 231 the sixth.
The interest excited by Mr. Smith’s discovery was naturally very great.
Immediately after the meeting of the Society of Biblical Archæology, Mr.
E. Arnold, in the name of the proprietors of the “Daily Telegraph,” asked
the fortunate discoverer to reopen, at their cost, the excavations in Assyria
in the hope of finding the missing portions of the story of the Deluge. The
trustees of the British Museum granted Mr. Smith leave of absence for the
purpose, and he accordingly started for the ruins of Nineveh, and there
engaged in researches, the history of which is related in his work entitled
“Assyrian Discoveries.” Hardly had he begun his excavations on the site of
the palace of Assur-bani-pal at Kouyunjik, when he came across a new
fragment of the Chaldean account of the Deluge belonging to the first
column of the tablet, containing the command to build and fill the ark, and
nearly filling up the most considerable blank in the story. Some other
fragments, found afterwards, still further completed this tablet, which was
already the most perfect one in the Izdubar series. The trench in which the
fragment in question was discovered must have passed very near the part of
the Library in which the Assyrians kept a series of inscriptions relating to
the early history of the world. The same trench soon afterwards yielded a
fragment of the sixth tablet, describing the destruction of the bull of Istar by
Izdubar and Hea-bani, an incident often depicted on early Babylonian gems.
The next discovery was a fragment which referred to the creation of the
world; it formed the upper corner of a tablet, and gave a fragmentary
account of the creation of animals. Two other portions of this legend were
found further on in the trench, one of which contained a mutilated account
of the war between the gods and evil spirits.
In the following year Mr. Smith was again in Assyria, in charge of an
expedition sent out by the trustees of the British Museum, and succeeded in
bringing home fresh fragments relating to the early traditions and legends of
Babylonia. Among these is the fragment which seems to describe the
building of the Tower of Babel. Then followed the disastrous expedition of
1875-6, in the course of which Mr. Smith fell a victim to over-fatigue and
his zeal for Assyrian research. The subsequent explorations of Mr.
Hormuzd Rassam, though rich in other results, have added very little to our
knowledge of the old Babylonian legends; and it seems probable that the
missing portions of the tablets which contained them have irretrievably
perished. We must wait for further light upon the subject until the cities and
libraries of Babylonia have been excavated. After all, the early Babylonian
legends, of which copies were made for the Assyrian Library at Kouyunjik,
were but a selected few; the Assyrians took little interest in that part of
Babylonian literature which had no connection with their own history or
beliefs, and we have reason to congratulate ourselves that among the
traditions they borrowed from their older and more civilized neighbours
were so many which bear upon the earlier chapters of Genesis.
The fragmentary condition of the legends we possess, however, is much
to be lamented. The chief difficulties with which the Assyrian scholar has to
contend, when dealing with them, are due to the mutilated state of the
tablets. If the inscriptions were perfect, their translation would be a
comparatively easy matter. As it is, so skilled a decipherer as Mr. Smith
himself was deceived by the defective character of the text into imagining
that a hymn addressed to the Creator was the Babylonian version of the Fall
of Man.
The fragmentary and scattered character of these legends is explained by
the nature of the material of which the tablets are composed, and the
changes undergone by them since they were written. They consist of fine
clay and were inscribed with cuneiform characters while in a soft state; they
were then baked in a furnace until hard, and afterwards transferred to the
library. The library seems to have been in an upper storey of the palace, and
after the destruction of Nineveh, the fall of the building in which it was
placed naturally caused the tablets contained in it to be broken to pieces.
Many of them were cracked and scorched by the heat of the burning ruins.
Subsequently the ruins were turned over in search of treasure, and the
tablets still further broken; while, to complete their destruction, the rain,
soaking through the ground every spring, saturates them with water
containing chemicals, and these chemicals form crystals in every available
crack. The growth of the crystals further splits the tablets, some of them
being literally shivered to pieces.
REVERSE OF INSCRIBED TERRA COTTA TABLET CONTAINING THE ACCOUNT OF THE DELUGE, SHOWING
THE VARIOUS FRAGMENTS OF WHICH IT WAS COMPOSED AT THE TIME OF MR. SMITH’S TRANSLATION.

Some idea of the mutilated condition of the Assyrian tablets, and of the
work required by the restoration of a single text, will be gained from the
engraving above, which exhibits the appearance of one of the Deluge
tablets at the time Mr. Smith published his translation of it. In this tablet
there are no less than sixteen fragments.
The clay records of the Assyrians are by these means so broken up, that a
single text is in some cases divided into over one hundred fragments; and it
is only by collecting and joining these together that the old texts can be
restored. Many of the fragmentary tablets which have been more than
twenty years in the British Museum have been added to considerably by the
fragments recently brought to England by Mr. Smith and Mr. Rassam; and
yet there probably remain from ten to twenty thousand fragments still
buried in the ruins, without the recovery of which it is impossible to
complete these valuable Assyrian inscriptions.
It is, nevertheless, out of these imperfect materials that we have at
present to piece together our knowledge of the early legends of Babylonia
and Assyria. Most, if not all, of them, are, it must be remembered, of
Chaldean or Babylonian origin, the Assyrians having either slavishly copied
Babylonian originals or simply put into a new form the story they had
borrowed from their southern neighbours. Such as they are, however, they
are presented to the reader as faithfully translated as our existing knowledge
of the Assyrian language allows; it is for him to draw his inferences and
make his comparisons. The greater number of them, as we shall see, mount
back to a date earlier than the second millennium before the Christian era,
and even where the actual text belongs to a later period, the legend which it
embodies claims a similar antiquity. We may classify them in the following
order:—
1. An account of the Creation of the world in six days, parallel to that in
the first chapter of Genesis, and probably in its present form not older than
the 7th century B.C.
2. A second account of the Creation, derived from the Library of Cuthah,
and belonging to the oldest period of Babylonian literature.
3. A history of the conflict between Merodach, the champion of the gods,
and Tiamat, “the Deep,” the representative of chaos and evil. To this we
may add the bilingual legend of the seven evil spirits and their fight against
the moon.
4. The story of the descent of the goddess Istar or Venus into Hades, and
her return.
5. The legend of the sin of the god Zu, punished by Bel, the father of the
gods.
6. A collection of five tablets giving the exploits of Dibbara the god of
the pestilence.
7. The story of the wise man who put forth a riddle to the gods.
8. The legend of the good man Atarpi, and the wickedness of the world.
9. The legend of the tower of Babel, and dispersion.
10. The story of the Eagle and Etana.
11. The story of the ox and the horse.
12. The story of the fox.
 13. The legend of Sinuri.
14. The Izdubar legends: twelve tablets, with the history of Izdubar, and
an account of the flood.
15. The story of the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah. Besides these
there are fragments of other legends, which show that there was a
considerable collection of such primitive stories still quite unknown to us.
In fact we have little chance of becoming acquainted with them until the
libraries of Babylonia are excavated. Thus for example we learn from
Berosus that the Babylonians ascribed their civilization to certain wonderful
creatures who ascended out of the Persian Gulf, and more especially to a
being called Oannes. But of all this the library of Nineveh tells us nothing,
although an Accadian Reading-book compiled for Assyrian students
contains an excerpt which seems to be taken from the legend of Oannes. It
is as follows:—

1. To the waters their god

2. had returned.
3. To the glistening house
4. he descended (as) an icicle.
5. (On) a seat of snow
6. he grew not old in wisdom.
7. The wise people
8. with his wisdom he filled.

Two fragments, belonging to two editions of the same text, have just been
found, containing a list of the numerous legends and epics current among
the ancient Babylonians, along with the names of their authors. Among
them are found several of which translations are given further on in this
volume; but there are also several of which we hear for the first time. The
great Izdubar Epic, it may be noted, is ascribed to a certain Sin-lici-unnini
(“O Moon-god, receive my cry!”). A fuller account of the fragments and
their contents will be found in the Introduction.
 CHAPTER II.
BABYLONIAN AND ASSYRIAN LITERATURE.
Babylonian literature.—Kouyunjik library.—Fragmentary condition.
—Arrangement of tablets.—Subjects.—Dates.—Babylonian source of
literature.—Literary period.—Babylonian Chronology.—Accad.—
Sumir.—Extinction of the Accadian language.—Izdubar legends.—
Creation.—Syllabaries and bilingual tablets.—Assyrian copies.—
Difficulties as to date.—Library of Senkereh.—Assyrian empire.—
City of Assur.—Library at Calah.—Sargon of Assyria.—Sennacherib.
—Removal of Library to Nineveh.—Assur-bani-pal or Sardanapalus.
—His additions to library.—Description of contents.—Later
Babylonian libraries.

IN order to understand the position to which we must assign the legends

of early Chaldea, it is necessary to give some account of the literature of the
Ancient Babylonians and their copyists, the Assyrians. As has been already
stated, the fragments of burnt brick on which these legends are inscribed
were found in the débris which covers the palaces called the South West
Palace and the North Palace at Kouyunjik; the former building being of the
age of Sennacherib, the latter belonging to the time of Assur-bani-pal. The
tablets, which are of all sizes, from one inch long to over a foot square, are
generally in fragments, and in consequence of the changes which have
taken place in the ruins the fragments of the same tablet are sometimes
scattered widely apart. They were originally deposited, it would seem, in
one of the upper chambers of the palace, from which they fell on the
destruction of the building. In some of the lower chambers the whole floor
has been found covered with them, in other cases they lay in groups or
patches on the pavement, and there are occasional clusters of fragments at
various heights in the earth which covers the ruins. Other fragments are
scattered singly through all the upper earth which covers the floors and
walls of the palace. Different fragments of the same tablet or cylinder are
found in separate chambers which have no immediate connection with each
other, showing that their present distribution has nothing to do with the
original position of the tablets of which they formed part.
 The inscriptions show that the tablets were arranged according to their
subjects. Stories or subjects were continued on other tablets of the same size
and form as those on which they were commenced, in some cases the
number of tablets in a series and on a single subject amounting to over one
hundred.
Each subject or series of tablets had a title, the title consisting of the first
phrase or part of a phrase in it. Thus, the series of Astrological tablets,
numbering over seventy tablets, bore the title “When the gods Anu (and)
Bel,” this being the commencement of the first tablet. At the end of every
tablet in each series was written its number in the work, thus: “the first
tablet of When the gods Anu, Bel,” “the second tablet of When the gods
Anu, Bel,” &c. &c.; and, further to preserve the proper position of each
tablet, every one except the last in a series had at the end a catch phrase,
consisting of the first line of the following tablet. There were besides,
catalogues of these documents written like them on clay tablets, and other
small oval tablets with titles upon them, apparently labels for the various
series of works. All these arrangements show the care taken with respect to
literary matters. There were regular libraries or chambers, probably on the
upper floors of the palaces, appointed for the reception of the tablets, and
custodians or librarians to take charge of them. These regulations were all
of great antiquity, and like the tablets had a Babylonian origin.
Judging from the fragments discovered, it appears probable that there
were in the Royal Library at Nineveh over 10,000 inscribed tablets, treating
of almost every branch of knowledge existing at the time.
In considering a subject like the present one it is a point of the utmost
importance to define as closely as possible the date of our present copies of
the legends, and the most probable period at which the original copies may
have been inscribed. By far the greatest number of the tablets brought from
Nineveh belong to the age of Assur-bani-pal, who reigned over Assyria
from B.C. 670, and every copy of what we will term the Genesis legends yet
found was inscribed with one exception during his reign. The statements
made on the tablets themselves are conclusive on this point, and have not
been called in question, but it is equally stated and acknowledged on all
hands that most of these tablets are not the originals, but are only copies
from earlier texts. It is unfortunate that the date of the original copies is
never preserved, and thus a wide door is thrown open for difference of
opinion on the point. The Assyrians acknowledged that this class of
literature was borrowed from Babylonian sources, and of course it is to
Babylonia that we have to look to ascertain the approximate dates of the
original documents. But here we are met by the following difficulty. It
appears that at an early period in Babylonian history a great literary
development took place, and numerous works were produced which
embodied the prevailing myths, religion, and science of the day. Written
many of them in a noble style of poetry, and appealing to the strongest
feelings of the people on one side, or registering the highest efforts of their
science on the other, these texts became the standards of Babylonian
literature, and later generations were content to copy them instead of
composing new works for themselves. Clay, the material on which they
were written, was everywhere abundant, copies were multiplied, and the
veneration in which the texts were held fixed and stereotyped their style.
Even the language in which they were written remained the language of
literature up to the period of the Persian conquest. Thus it happens that texts
of Rim-agu, Sargon, and Khammuragas, who lived at least a thousand years
before Nebuchadnezzar and Nabonidus, are composed in the same language
as the texts of these later kings, there being no sensible difference in style to
match the long interval between them.
We have, however, clear proof that, although the language of devotion
and literature remained fixed, the speech of the bulk of the people was
gradually modified; and in the time of Assur-bani-pal, when the texts of the
Genesis legends which we possess were copied by Assyrian scribes, the
common speech of the day was widely different from that of literature. The
private letters and despatches of this age which have been discovered differ
considerably in language from the contemporary public documents and
religious writings, showing the change the language had undergone since
the style of the latter had been fixed. So, too, in our own country the
language of devotion and the style of the Bible differ in several respects
from those of the English of to-day.
These considerations show the difficulty of fixing the age of a cuneiform
document from its style, and the difficulty is further increased by the
uncertainty which hangs over all Babylonian chronology—an uncertainty
that can be cleared away only when the ruined cities of Babylonia are
excavated.
Chronology is always a thorny subject, and dry and unsatisfactory to
most persons besides; some notice must, however, be taken of it here, in
order to fix something like an approximate date or epoch for the original
composition of the Genesis legends.
The so-called Assyrian Canon affords us an exact chronology up to the
year B.C. 909, and a series of contemporaneous monuments, together with
one or two chronological allusions in later inscriptions, enables us to work
back from this date to a period falling between B.C. 1450 and 1400 when
Assyria was brought into close relation with the southern kingdom of
Babylonia. Babylonia was at the time under the sway of a foreign dynasty
of Kossæan princes from the mountains of Elam, which was overthrown, as
we learn from the Assyrian records, about B.C. 1270. It had been in
possession of the country for a considerable time, since a fragmentary list
which gives the names of the first nine sovereigns composing it does not
come down to the time when the first of the princes who came into close
contact with Assyria was reigning. Indeed, a considerable interval must be
allowed between the latter period and the last of the nine kings mentioned
in the list, in which to insert the isolated names of more than one monarch
of the dynasty incidentally mentioned on later monuments. Supposing that
not more than fifteen kings preceded Cara-indas in B.C. 1450, and that the
average length of their reigns was twenty years, we should have B.C. 1750
as the approximate date of the leader of the dynasty. He could not have been
later than this, and there are many reasons which would lead us to suppose
that he was earlier.
Khammuragas was the leader of the dynasty in question. He had
conquered the rulers of the two kingdoms into which Babylonia was at this
time divided. One of these was a queen, with whom ended a dynasty,
famous in the annals of early Babylonia, whose seat was at Agané or
Agadé, near Sepharvaim. She had been the successor of Naram-Sin, the son
of Sargon, who, like his father, had extended his power far and wide, and
had even penetrated as far as the shores of the Mediterranean. Sargon had
been a great patron of learning as well as a conqueror; he had established a
famous library at Agané, and had caused a work on astronomy and
astrology to be compiled, which remained the standard authority on the
subject up to the end of the Assyrian Empire. It was entitled, “The
Illumination of Bel,” and was in seventy-two books. Berosus, the historian,
seems to have translated it into Greek.
Like the Babylonians and Assyrians of a later day, Sargon and his
subjects belonged to the Semitic stock, and were therefore related to the
Hebrews and the Arabians. But they were really intruders in Chaldea. The
primitive inhabitants of the country, the builders of its cities, the inventors
of the cuneiform system of writing, and the founders of the culture and
civilization which was afterwards borrowed by the Semites, were of a
wholly different race. They spoke an agglutinative language of the same
character as that of the modern Turks or Finns, and were originally divided
into two sections—the inhabitants of Sumir or Shinar, the plain country, and
the Accadians or “Highlanders,” who had descended from the mountains of
Elam subsequently to the first settlement of their kinsfolk in Shinar. At
some date between B.C. 3000 and 2000, the Semitic population which
bordered upon Babylonia on the west, and had long been settled in some of
its western cities, such as Ur (now Mugheir), conquered Shinar or Sumir.
The Accadians, however, maintained their independence for a considerable
time after this conquest, until, finally, Accad also was reduced under the
sway of the Semitic kings. The old population of the country was gradually
absorbed, and its language became extinct. The extinction of the Accadian
or Sumerian language had already taken place—at all events among the
educated classes—at the time that Sargon founded his library at Agané, and
one of the chief reasons which led to the compilation of the great work on
astronomy, was the necessity of preserving the astronomical and
astrological observations recorded in a language which was beginning to be
forgotten. At the same time Semitic translations of other portions of the old
Accadian literature were made. The library at Agané, however, was not the
only place where the work of translation went on; many other libraries
existed, and their scribes and readers had alike become Semites, who
required works written in their own tongue. The Semitic translations of
Accadian works which were made for the library of Erech, one of the
earliest seats of Semitic power, must have been considerably older than
those made for the library of Sargon.
 The extinction of the Accadian language and the translation of Accadian
works into Semitic Babylonian are important facts for settling the
chronology of a document or inscription. Wherever we can show that a
Babylonian or Assyrian text is translated from an Accadian original, or
wherever we have a copy of that original itself, we may feel pretty sure that
we are dealing with something older than the eighteenth century before the
Christian era.
Mr. Smith believed that the “Exploits of the God Dibbara” was one of the
oldest of the mythological texts which have come down to us, though he
admitted that the mention of Assyria in it was in favour of a somewhat later
date.
It notices a large number of peoples or states, the principal being the
people of the coast, Subartu or Syria, Assyria, Elam, the Kassi, the Sutu,
Goim, Lullubu, and Accad.
The Izdubar legends, containing the story of the Flood, and possibly also
the history of Nimrod, were probably written in the south of the country,
and at least as early as B.C. 2000. These legends were, however, traditions
before they were committed to writing, and were common in some form to
the whole of Chaldea.
The account of the Creation in days, though probably of late Assyrian
origin in its present form, may nevertheless rest on older traditions. At
present, however, it is not possible to assign to it any great antiquity.
It should, of course, be remembered, that the texts we possess at present
are written in Semitic Babylonian or Assyrian—Babylonian and Assyrian
being but slightly varying dialects of the same language. They are, however,
mostly translations of earlier Accadian documents, and belong to the same
period as that which witnessed the foundation of the library of Agané. We
shall not be far wrong, therefore, in dating them in their present form about
B.C. 2000. The translations then made were copied by successive
generations of librarians and scribes, the latest copies of which we know
being those that have been brought from the library of Kouyunjik.
To the same early period belonged various other literary compositions,
among which we may particularize a long work on terrestrial omens,
compiled for Sargon of Agané, as well as the syllabaries, grammars, phrase-
books and vocabularies, and other bilingual tablets by means of which a
knowledge of the old language of Accad was conveyed to the Babylonian
or Assyrian scholar.
On the other hand, a series of tablets on evil spirits, which contained a
totally different tradition of the Creation from that in days, goes back to the
Accadian epoch; and there is a third account from the City of Cutha, closely
agreeing in some respects with the account handed down by Berosus, which
must be placed about the same date.
In spite of the indications as to peculiarities of worship, names of states
and capitals, historical allusions and other evidence, it may seem hazardous
to many persons to fix the dates of original documents so high, when our
only copies in many cases are Assyrian transcripts made in the reign of
Assur-bani-pal, in the seventh century B.C.; but one or two considerations
may show that this is a perfectly reasonable view, and no other likely period
can be found for the original composition of the documents unless we
ascend to a greater antiquity. In the first place, it must be noticed that the
Assyrians themselves state that the documents were copied from ancient
Babylonian copies, and in some cases state that the old copies were partly
illegible even in their day. Again, in more than one case there is actual proof
of the antiquity of a text. We may refer, for example, to a text an Assyrian
copy of part of which is published in “Cuneiform Inscriptions,” vol. ii. plate
54, Nos. 3 & 4. In a collection of tablets discovered by Mr. Loftus at
Senkereh, belonging, according to the kings mentioned in it, to about B.C.
1600, is part of an ancient Babylonian copy of this very text, the
Babylonian copy being about one thousand years older than the Assyrian
one.
Similarly a fragment of a Babylonian transcript of the Deluge tablet has
recently been brought from Babylonia, and serves not only to fill up some
of the breaks in our Assyrian copies, but also to verify the text of the latter.
It is unfortunate that so many of the documents embodying the Genesis
traditions are in such a sadly mutilated condition, but there can be no doubt
that future explorations will reveal more perfect copies, and numerous
companion and explanatory texts, which will one day clear up the
difficulties which now meet us at every step of our examination of them.
So far as known contemporary inscriptions are concerned, we cannot
consider our present researches and discoveries as anything like sufficient
to give a fair view of the literature of Assyria and Babylonia; and however
numerous and important the Genesis legends may be, they form but a small
portion of the whole literature of the country.
It is generally considered that the earliest inscriptions of any importance
which we now possess belong to the time of Lig-Bagas, king of Ur, who
first united under his sway the petty kingdoms into which Chaldea was
previously split up, and whose age is generally assigned to about three
thousand years before the Christian era.
The principal inscriptions of this period consist of texts on bricks and on
signet cylinders, and some of the latter may be of much greater antiquity.
Passing down to a time when the country was again divided into the
kingdoms of Karrak, Larsa, and Agané, we find a great accession of literary
material, almost every class of writing being represented by contemporary
specimens. Each of the principal cities had its library, and education seems
to have been widely diffused. From Senkereh, the ancient Larsa, and its
neighbourhood have come our oldest specimens of these literary tablets, the
following being some of the contents of this earliest known library:—
1. Mythological tablets, including lists of the gods, and their
manifestations and titles.
2. Grammatical works, lists of words, and explanations.
3. Mathematical works, calculations, tables of cube and square roots, and
tables of measures.
4. Works on astronomy, astrology, and omens.
5. Legends and short historical inscriptions.
6. Historical cylinders, one of Kudur-mabuk, B.C. 1800 (?) (the earliest
known cylinder), being in the British Museum.
7. Geographical tablets, and lists of towns and countries.
 8. Tablets containing laws and law cases, records of sale and barter, wills
and loans.
Such are the inscriptions a single library of Babylonia has produced, and
beside these there are numerous texts, only known to us through later
copies, but which certainly had their origin as early as this period.
Passing down from this period, for some centuries we find only detached
inscriptions, accompanied by evidence of the gradual shifting of both
political power and literary activity from Babylonia to Assyria.
In Assyria the first centre of literature and seat of a library was the city of
Assur (Kileh Shergat), and the earliest known tablets date about B.C. 1500.
Beyond the scanty records of a few monarchs nothing of value remains
of this library, and the literary works contained in it are only known from
later copies.
A revival of the Assyrian empire began under Assur-natsir-pal, king of
Assyria, who ascended the throne B.C. 885. He rebuilt the city of Calah
(Nimroud), and this city became the seat of an Assyrian library. Tablets
were procured from Babylonia by Shalmaneser, son of Assur-natsir-pal, B.C.
860, during the reign of Nabu-bal-idina, king of Babylon, and these were
copied by the Assyrian scribes, and placed in the royal library. Rimmon-
nirari, grandson of Shalmaneser, B.C. 812, added to the Calah library, and
had tablets written at Nineveh. Assur-nirari, B.C. 755, continued the literary
work, some mythological tablets being dated in his reign.
Tiglath Pileser, B.C. 745, enlarged the library, and placed in it various
copies of historical inscriptions. It was, however, reserved for Sargon, who
founded the last Assyrian dynasty, B.C. 721, to make the Assyrian royal
library worthy of the empire. Early in his reign he appointed Nabu-zuqub-
cinu principal librarian, and this officer set to work to make new copies of
all the standard works of the day. During the whole of his term of office
copies of the great literary works were produced, the majority of the texts
preserved belonging to the early period previous to Khammuragas.
With the accession of Sargon came a revival of literature in Assyria;
education became more general, ancient texts were brought from Babylonia
to be copied, and the antiquarian study of early literature became
fashionable.
Sennacherib, son of Sargon, B.C. 704, continued to add to his father’s
library at Calah, but late in his reign he removed the collection from that
city to Nineveh (Kouyunjik), where from this time forth the national library
remained until the fall of the empire.
Esarhaddon, son of Sennacherib, B.C. 681, further increased the national
collection, most of the works he added being of a religious character.
Assur-bani-pal, son of Esarhaddon, the Sardanapalus of the Greeks, B.C.
670, was the greatest of the Assyrian sovereigns, and he is far more
memorable on account of his magnificent patronage of learning than on
account of the greatness of his empire or the extent of his wars.
Assur-bani-pal added more to the Assyrian royal library than all the kings
who had gone before him, and it is to tablets written in his reign that we
owe almost all our knowledge of the Babylonian myths and early history,
beside many other important matters.
The agents of Assur-bani-pal sought everywhere for inscribed tablets,
brought them to Nineveh, and copied them there; thus the literary treasures
of Babylon, Borsippa, Cutha, Agané, Ur, Erech, Larsa, Nipur, and various
other cities were transferred to the Assyrian capital to enrich the great
collection there.
The fragments brought over to Europe give us a good idea of this library
and show the range of the subjects embraced by its collection of works.
Among the different classes of texts, the Genesis stories and similar legends
occupied a prominent place; these, as they will be further described in the
present volume, need only be mentioned here. Accompanying them we
have a series of mythological tablets of various sorts, varying from legends
of the gods, psalms, songs, prayers, and hymns, down to mere allusions and
lists of names. Many of these texts take the form of charms to be used in
sickness and for the expulsion of evil spirits; some of them are of great
antiquity, being older than the Izdubar legends. One fine series deals with
remedies against witchcraft and the assaults of evil spirits. Izdubar is
mentioned in one of these tablets as lord of the oaths or pledges of the
world.
Some of the prayers were for use on special occasions, such as on
starting on a campaign, on the occurrence of an eclipse, &c. Astronomy and
astrology were represented by various detached inscriptions and reports, but
principally by the great work of which mention has already been made, and
many copies of which were in the Library of Assur-bani-pal.
Among the Astrological tablets is a fragment which professes to be
copied from an original of the time of Izdubar.
Historical texts formed another section of the library, and these included
numerous copies of inscriptions of early Babylonian kings; there were
besides, chronological tablets with lists of kings and annual officers,
inscriptions of various Assyrian monarchs, histories of the relations
between Assyria and Babylonia, Elam, and Arabia, treaties, despatches,
proclamations, and reports on the state of the empire and military affairs.
Natural history was represented by bilingual lists of mammals, birds,
reptiles, fishes, insects, and plants, trees, grasses, reeds, and grains, earths,
stones, &c. These lists are classified according to the supposed nature and
affinities of the various species, and show considerable advance in the
sciences. Mathematics had a place in the library, there being tables of
problems, figures, and calculations; but this branch of learning was not
studied so fully as in Babylonia.
Grammar and Lexicography were better represented, since there were
many works on these subjects, including lists of the characters, the
declension of the noun, the conjugation of the verb, examples of syntactical
construction, reading-books, interlinear translations of Accadian texts, and
the like. All these tablets were copied from Babylonian originals. In legal
and civil literature the library was also rich, and the tablets serve to show
that the same laws and customs prevailed in Assyria as in Babylonia. There
are codes of laws, law cases, records of sale, barter, and loans, lists of
property, lists of titles and trades, of tribute and taxes, &c.
In Geography the Assyrians were not very advanced; but there are lists of
countries and their productions, of cities, rivers, mountains, and peoples.
 Such are some of the principal contents of the great library from which
we have obtained our copies of the Creation and Flood legends. Most of the
tablets were copied from early Babylonian ones which have in most cases
disappeared; but the copies are sufficient to show the wonderful progress in
culture and civilization already made by the people of Chaldea long before
the age of Moses or even Abraham. Babylonian literature, which had been
the parent of Assyrian writing, revived after the fall of Nineveh, and
Nebuchadnezzar and his successors made Babylon the seat of a library
rivalling that of Assur-bani-pal at Nineveh. Of this later development of
Babylonian literature we know very little, explorations being still required
to bring to light its texts. A few fragments only, discovered by wandering
Arabs or recovered by chance travellers, have as yet turned up, but there is
in them evidence enough to promise a rich reward to future excavators.
 CHAPTER III.
CHALDEAN LEGENDS TRANSMITTED THROUGH
BEROSUS AND OTHER ANCIENT AUTHORS.
Berosus and his copyists.—Cory’s translation.—Alexander
Polyhistor.—Babylonia.—Oannes, his teaching.—Creation.—Belus.—
Chaldean kings.—Xisuthrus.—Deluge.—The Ark.—Return to
Babylon.—Apollodorus.—Pantibiblon.—Larancha.—Abydenus.—
Alorus, first king.—Ten kings.—Sisithrus.—Deluge.—Armenia.—
Tower of Babel.—Kronos and Titan.—Dispersion from Hestiæus.—
Babylonian colonies.—Tower of Babel.—The Sibyl.—Titan and
Prometheus.—Damascius.—Tauthe.—Moymis.—Kissare and
Assorus.—Triad.—Bel.

BY way of introduction to the native versions of the early legends left us

by the Babylonians, it is advisable to glance at the principal fragments
bearing on them which are found in the classical writers of Greece and
Rome. Several others might have been quoted, but their origin is doubtful,
and they are of less importance for the subject in hand. Those who wish to
consult them may turn to Cory’s “Ancient Fragments” (2nd edition, 1876),
whose translations, as being fairly scholarlike and correct, are here given
without alteration.
Berosus, from whom the principal extracts are copied, lived, as has
already been stated, about B.C. 330 to 260, and, from his position as a
Babylonian priest, had the best means of knowing the Babylonian
traditions.
The others are later writers, who copied in the main from Berosus, most
of whose notices may be taken as mere abridgments of his statements.

EXTRACT I. FROM ALEXANDER POLYHISTOR

(CORY, p. 56).

Berosus, in the first book of his history of Babylonia, informs us that he

lived in the age of Alexander, the son of Philip. And he mentions that there
were written accounts, preserved at Babylon with the greatest care,
comprehending a period of above fifteen myriads of years; and that these
writings contained histories of the heaven and of the sea; of the birth of
mankind; and of the kings, and of the memorable actions which they had
achieved.
And in the first place he describes Babylonia as a country situated
between the Tigris and the Euphrates; that it abounded with wheat, and
barley, and ocrus, and sesame; and that in the lakes were found the roots
called gongæ, which are fit for food, and in respect to nutriment similar to
barley. There were also palm-trees and apples, and a variety of fruits; fish
also and birds, both those which are merely of flight, and those which
frequent the water. Those parts of the country which bordered upon Arabia
were without water, and barren; but that which lay on the other side was
both hilly and fertile.
At Babylon there was (in these times) a great resort of people of various
races, who inhabited Chaldea, and lived in a lawless manner like the beasts
of the field.

OANNES AND OTHER BABYLONIAN MYTHOLOGICAL FIGURES FROM CYLINDER.

In the first year there appeared, from that part of the Erythræan sea which
borders upon Babylonia, an animal endowed with reason, by name Oannes,
whose whole body (according to the account of Apollodorus) was that of a
fish; under the fish’s head he had another head, with feet also below similar
to those of a man, subjoined to the fish’s tail. His voice, too, and language
were articulate and human; and a representation of him is preserved even to
this day.
 This being was accustomed to pass the day among men, but took no food
at that season; and he gave them an insight into letters and sciences, and arts
of every kind. He taught them to construct houses, to found temples, to
compile laws, and explained to them the principles of geometrical
knowledge. He made them distinguish the seeds of the earth, and showed
them how to collect the fruits; in short, he instructed them in every thing
which could tend to soften manners and humanize their lives. From that
time, nothing material has been added by way of improvement to his
instructions. And when the sun had set this being Oannes used to retire
again into the sea, and pass the night in the deep, for he was amphibious.
After this there appeared other animals like Oannes, of which Berosus
proposes to give an account when he comes to the history of the kings.
Moreover, Oannes wrote concerning the generation of mankind, of their
different ways of life, and of their civil polity; and the following is the
purport of what he said:—
“There was a time in which there existed nothing but darkness and an
abyss of waters, wherein resided most hideous beings, which were
produced of a two-fold principle. There appeared men, some of whom were
furnished with two wings, others with four, and with two faces. They had
one body, but two heads; the one that of a man, the other of a woman; they
were likewise in their several organs both male and female. Other human
figures were to be seen with the legs and horns of a goat; some had horses’
feet, while others united the hind quarters of a horse with the body of a
man, resembling in shape the hippocentaurs. Bulls likewise were bred there
with the heads of men; and dogs with fourfold bodies, terminated in their
extremities with the tails of fishes; horses also with the heads of dogs; men,
too, and other animals, with the heads and bodies of horses, and the tails of
fishes. In short, there were creatures in which were combined the limbs of
every species of animals. In addition to these, fishes, reptiles, serpents, with
other monstrous animals, which assumed each other’s shape and
countenance. Of all which were preserved delineations in the temple of
Belus at Babylon.
 COMPOSITE ANIMALS FROM CYLINDER.

“The person who was supposed to have presided over them was a woman
named Omoroka, which in the Chaldean language is Thalatth; which in
Greek is interpreted Thalassa, the sea; but according to the most true
interpretation it is equivalent to Selene the moon. All things being in this
situation, Belus came, and cut the woman asunder, and of one half of her he
formed the earth, and of the other half the heavens, and at the same time
destroyed the animals within her (or in the abyss).
“All this” (he says) “was an allegorical description of nature. For, the
whole universe consisting of moisture, and animals being continually
generated therein, the deity above-mentioned (Belus) cut off his own head;
upon which the other gods mixed the blood, as it gushed out, with the earth,
and from thence men were formed. On this account it is that they are
rational, and partake of divine knowledge. This Belus, by whom they
signify Hades (Pluto), divided the darkness, and separated the heavens from
the earth, and reduced the universe to order. But the recently-created
animals, not being able to bear the prevalence of light, died. Belus upon
this, seeing a vast space unoccupied, though by nature fruitful, commanded
one of the gods to take off his head, and to mix the blood with the earth, and
from thence to form other men and animals, which should be capable of
bearing the light. Belus formed also the stars, and the sun, and the moon,
and the five planets.” (Such, according to Alexander Polyhistor, is the
account which Berosus gives in his first book.)
 (In the second book was contained the history of the ten kings of the
Chaldeans, and the periods of the continuance of each reign, which
consisted collectively of an hundred and twenty sari, or four hundred and
thirty-two thousand years; reaching to the time of the Deluge. For
Alexander, enumerating the kings from the writings of the Chaldeans, after
the ninth, Ardates, proceeds to the tenth, who is called by them Xisuthrus,
in this manner):—
“After the death of Ardates, his son Xisuthrus reigned eighteen sari. In
his time happened the great deluge; the history of which is thus described.
The deity Kronos appeared to him in a vision, and warned him that upon the
fifteenth day of the month Dæsius there would be a flood, by which
mankind would be destroyed. He therefore enjoined him to write a history
of the beginning, progress, and conclusion of all things, down to the present
term, and to bury it in Sippara, the city of the Sun; and to build a vessel, and
take with him into it his friends and relations; and to convey on board every
thing necessary to sustain life, together with all the different animals, both
birds and quadrupeds, and trust himself fearlessly to the deep. Having asked
the Deity whither he was to sail, he was answered, ‘To the Gods;’ upon
which he offered up a prayer for the good of mankind. He then obeyed the
divine admonition, and built a vessel five stadia in length, and two in
breadth. Into this he put everything which he had prepared, and last of all
conveyed into it his wife, his children, and his friends.
After the flood had been upon the earth, and was in time abated,
Xisuthrus sent out birds from the vessel; which not finding any food, nor
any place whereupon they might rest their feet, returned to him again. After
an interval of some days, he sent them forth a second time; and they now
returned with their feet tinged with mud. He made a trial a third time with
these birds; but they returned to him no more: from whence he judged that
the surface of the earth had appeared above the waters. He therefore made
an opening in the vessel, and upon looking out found that it was stranded
upon the side of some mountain; upon which he immediately quitted it with
his wife, his daughter, and the pilot. Xisuthrus then paid his adoration to the
earth: and, having constructed an altar, offered sacrifices to the gods, and,
with those who had come out of the vessel with him, disappeared.
 They who remained within, finding that their companions did not return,
quitted the vessel with many lamentations, and called continually on the
name of Xisuthrus. Him they saw no more; but they could distinguish his
voice in the air, and could hear him admonish them to pay due regard to the
gods; and he likewise informed them that it was upon account of his piety
that he was translated to live with the gods, and that his wife and daughter
and the pilot had obtained the same honour. To this he added that they
should return to Babylonia, and, as it was ordained, search for the writings
at Sippara, which they were to make known to all mankind; moreover, that
the place wherein they then were was the land of Armenia. The rest having
heard these words offered sacrifices to the gods, and, taking a circuit,
journeyed towards Babylonia.
The vessel being thus stranded in Armenia, some part of it yet remains in
the Gordyæan (or Kurdish) mountains in Armenia, and the people scrape
off the bitumen with which it had been outwardly coated, and make use of it
by way of an antidote and amulet. In this manner they returned to Babylon
and when they had found the writings at Sippara they built cities and
erected temples, and Babylon was thus inhabited again.”—Syncel. Chron.
xxviii.; Euseb. Chron. v. 8.

BEROSUS, FROM APOLLODORUS (CORY, p. 51).

This is the history which Berosus has transmitted to us. He tells us that
the first king was Alorus of Babylon, a Chaldean; he reigned ten sari
(36,000 years); and afterwards Alaparus and Amelon, who came from
Pantibiblon; then Ammenon the Chaldean, in whose time appeared the
Musarus Oannes, the Annedotus from the Erythræan sea. (But Alexander
Polyhistor, anticipating the event, has said that he appeared in the first year,
but Apollodorus says that it was after forty sari; Abydenus, however, makes
the second Annedotus appear after twenty-six sari.) Then succeeded
Megalarus from the city of Pantibiblon, and he reigned eighteen sari; and
after him Daonus, the shepherd from Pantibiblon, reigned ten sari; in his
time (he says) appeared again from the Erythræan sea a fourth Annedotus,
having the same form with those above, the shape of a fish blended with
that of a man. Then reigned Euedorachus (or Euedoreschus) from
Pantibiblon for the term of eighteen sari; in his days there appeared another
personage from the Erythræan sea like the former, having the same
complicated form between a fish and a man, whose name was Odakon. (All
these, says Apollodorus, related particularly and circumstantially whatever
Oannes had informed them of; concerning these Abydenus has made no
mention.) Then reigned Amempsinus, a Chaldean from Larancha; and he
being the eighth in order reigned ten sari. Then reigned Otiartes,1 a
Chaldean, from Larancha; and he ruled eight sari. And, upon the death of
Otiartes, his son Xisuthrus reigned eighteen sari; in his time happened the
great Deluge. So that the sum of all the kings is ten; and the term which
they collectively reigned an hundred and twenty sari.—Syncel. Chron.
xxxix.; Euseb. Chron. v.

BEROSUS, FROM ABYDENUS (CORY, p. 53).

So much concerning the wisdom of the Chaldeans.

It is said that the first king of the country was Alorus, and that he gave
out a report that God had appointed him to be the shepherd2 of the people;
he reigned ten sari; now a sarus is esteemed to be three thousand six
hundred years, a neros six hundred, and a sossus sixty.
After him Alaparus reigned three sari; to him succeeded Amillarus from
the city of Pantibiblon, who reigned thirteen sari; in his time there came up
from the sea a second Annedotus, a demigod very similar in form to
Oannes; after Amillarus reigned Ammenon twelve sari; who was of the city
of Pantibiblon; then Megalarus of the same place reigned eighteen sari; then
Daos the shepherd governed for the space of ten sari, he was of Pantibiblon;
in his time four double-shaped personages came up out of the sea to land,
whose names were Euedokus, Eneugamus, Eneubulus, and Anementus;
afterwards in the time of Euedoreschus appeared another, Anodaphus. After
these reigned other kings, and last of all Sisithrus, so that in all the number
amounted to ten kings, and the term of their reigns to an hundred and
twenty sari. (And among other things not irrelative to the subject he
continues thus concerning the Deluge): After Euedoreschus some others
reigned, and then Sisithrus. To him the deity Kronos foretold that on the
fifteenth day of the month Dæsius there would be a deluge of rain: and he
commanded him to deposit all the writings whatever which were in his
possession in Sippara the city of the sun. Sisithrus, when he had complied
with these commands, sailed immediately to Armenia, and was presently
inspired by God. Upon the third day after the cessation of the rain Sisithrus
sent out birds by way of experiment, that he might judge whether the flood
had subsided. But the birds, passing over an unbounded sea without finding
any place of rest, returned again to Sisithrus. This he repeated with other
birds. And when upon the third trial he succeeded, for the birds then
returned with their feet stained with mud, the gods translated him from
among men. With respect to the vessel, which yet remains in Armenia, it is
a custom of the inhabitants to form bracelets and amulets of its wood.—
Syncel. Chron. xxxviii.; Euseb. Præp. Evan. lib. ix.; Euseb. Chron. v. 8.

OF THE TOWER OF BABEL (CORY, p. 55).

They say that the first inhabitants of the earth, glorying in their own
strength and size and despising the gods, undertook to build a tower whose
top should reach the sky, in the place where Babylon now stands; but when
it approached the heaven the winds assisted the gods, and overturned the
work upon its contrivers, and its ruins are said to be still at Babylon; and the
gods introduced a diversity of tongues among men, who till that time had
all spoken the same language; and a war arose between Kronos and Titan.
The place in which they built the tower is now called Babylon on account
of the confusion of tongues, for confusion is by the Hebrews called Babel.
—Euseb. Præp. Evan. lib. ix.; Syncel. Chron. xliv.; Euseb. Chron. xiii.

OF THE DISPERSION, FROM HESTIÆUS (Cory, p. 74).

The priests who escaped took with them the implements of the worship
of the Enyalian Zeus, and came to Senaar in Babylonia. But they were again
driven from thence by the introduction of a diversity of tongues; upon
which they founded colonies in various parts, each settling in such
situations as chance or the direction of God led them to occupy.—Jos. Ant.
Jud. i. c. 4; Euseb. Præp. Evan. ix.

OF THE TOWER OF BABEL, FROM ALEXANDER POLYHISTOR (CORY, p. 75).

The Sibyl says: That when all men formerly spoke the same language
some among them undertook to erect a large and lofty tower, that they
might climb up into heaven. But God sending forth a whirlwind confounded
their design, and gave to each tribe a particular language of its own, which
is the reason that the name of that city is Babylon. After the deluge lived
Titan and Prometheus, when Titan undertook a war against Kronos.—SYNC.
xliv.; JOS. ANT. JUD. i. c. 4.; EUSEB. PRÆP. EVAN. ix.

THE THEOGONIES, FROM DAMASCIUS (CORY, p. 92).

But the Babylonians, like the rest of the barbarians, pass over in silence
the One principle of the universe, and they constitute two: Tauthe3 and
Apason,4 making Apason the husband of Tauthe, and denominating her the
mother of the gods. And from these proceeds an only-begotten son,
Moymis,5 which I conceive is no other than the intelligible world
proceeding from the two principles. From them also another progeny is
derived, Dache and Dachus;6 and again a third, Kissare and Assorus, from
which last three others proceed, Anus (Anu), and Illinus (Elum), and Aus
(Hea). And of Aus and Dauke (Dav-cina, “lady of the earth,”) is born a son
called Belus, who, they say, is the fabricator of the world, the Demiurgus.
 CHAPTER IV.
BABYLONIAN MYTHOLOGY.
Greek accounts.—Mythology local in origin.—Antiquity.—
Conquests.—Colonies.—Three great gods.—Twelve great gods.—
Angels.—Spirits.—Anu.—Anatu.—Rimmon.—Istar.—Equivalent to
Venus.—Hea.—Oannes.—Merodach.—Bel or Zeus.—Zirat-banit,
Succoth Benoth.—Bel.—Sin the moon god.—Ninip.—Samas.—
Nergal.—Anunit.—Table of gods.

IN their accounts of the Creation and of the early history of the human
race the Babylonian divinities figure very prominently, but it is often
difficult to identify the deities mentioned by the Greek authors, because the
phonetic reading of many of the names of the Babylonian gods is still very
obscure, and the classical writers frequently replace them by the deities of
their own mythology, whom they imagined to correspond with the
Babylonian names.
In this chapter it is proposed to give a general account only of certain
parts of the Babylonian mythology, in order to show the relationship
between the deities and their titles and work.
Babylonian mythology was local in origin; each of the gods had a
particular city which was the special seat of his worship, and it is probable
that the idea of weaving the gods into a system, in which each should have
his part to play, did not arise until after the Semitic occupation of the
country. The antiquity of this systematized mythology may, however, be
seen from the fact, that two thousand years before the Christian era it was
already completed, and its deities definitely connected into a system which
remained with little change down to the close of the kingdom.
In early times the gods were worshipped only at their original cities or
seats, the various cities or settlements being independent of each other; but
it was natural as wars arose, and some cities gained conquests over others,
and kings gradually united the country into monarchies, that the conquerors
should impose their gods upon the conquered. Thus arose the system of
different ranks or grades among the gods. Colonies, again, were sent out at
times, and the colonies, as they considered themselves sons of the cities
they started from, also considered their gods to be sons of the gods of the
mother cities. Political changes in early times led to the rise and fall of
various towns and consequently of their deities, and gave rise to numerous
myths relating to the different personages in the mythology. In some remote
age there appear to have been three great cities in the country, Erech, Eridu,
and Nipur, and their divinities Anu, Hea, and Bel were considered the
“great gods” of the country. Subsequent changes led to the decline of these
states, but their deities still retained their position to the end of the
Babylonian system.
These three leading deities formed members of a circle of twelve gods,
also called “great.” These gods and their titles are given as:
1. Anu, meaning “the sky” in Accadian, king of angels and spirits, lord of
the city of Erech.
2. Bel, Elum or Mul in Accadian, lord of the lower world, father of the
gods, creator, lord of the city of Nipur.
3. Hea, “god of the house of water,” maker of fate, lord of the deep, god
of wisdom and knowledge, lord of the city of Eridu.
4. Sin, the Moon-god, Acu or Agu in Accadian, lord of crowns, maker of
brightness, lord of the city of Ur.
5. Merodach, “the glory of the Sun,” just prince of the gods, lord of birth,
lord of the city of Babylon.
6. Rimmon, the Air-god, Mirmir in Accadian, the strong god, lord of
canals and atmosphere, lord of the city of Muru.
7. Samas, the Sun-god, Utuci in Accadian, judge of heaven and earth,
director of all, lord of the cities of Larsa and Sippara.
8. Ninip, warrior of the gods, destroyer of the wicked, lord of the city of
Nipur.
9. Nergal, “illuminator of the great city” (Hades), giant king of war, lord
of the city of Cutha.
 10. Nusku, holder of the golden sceptre, the lofty god.
11. Belat, wife of Bel, mother of the great gods, lady of the city of Nipur.
12. Istar, Gingir in Accadian, eldest of heaven and earth, raising the face
of warriors.
Below these deities there was a large body of gods forming the bulk of
the pantheon, and below these were arranged the Igigi, or 300 angels of
heaven, and the Anunnaki, or 600 angels of earth. Below these again came
various classes of spirits or genii called Sedu, Vadukku, Ekimu, Gallu, and
others; some of these were evil, some good.
The relationship of the various principal gods and their names, titles and
offices will appear from the following remarks.
At the head of the Babylonian mythology stands a deity who was
sometimes identified with the heavens, sometimes considered as the ruler
and god of heaven. This deity is named Anu, his sign is the simple star, the
symbol of divinity, and at other times the Maltese cross. In the philosophic
theology of a later age, Anu represents abstract divinity, and he appears as
an original principle, perhaps as the original principle of nature. He
represents the universe as the upper and lower regions, and when these were
divided the upper region or heaven was called Anu, while the lower region
or earth was called Anatu; Anatu being the female principle or wife of Anu.
Anu is termed the old god, and the god of the whole of heaven and earth;
one of the manifestations of Anu was under the two forms Lakhmu and
Lakhamu, which probably correspond to the Greek forms Dache and
Dachus, see p. 44.7 These forms are said to have sprung out of the original
chaos, and they are followed by the two forms Sar and Kisar (the Kissare
and Assorus of the Greeks). Sar means the upper hosts or expanse, Kisar the
lower hosts or expanse; these are also forms or manifestations of Anu and
his wife. Anu is further called lord of the old city, and bears the name of
Alalu. His titles generally indicate height, antiquity, purity, divinity, and he
may be taken as the general type of divinity. Anu was originally worshipped
at the city of Erech, which was called the city of Anu and Anatu, and the
great temple there was called the “house of Anu,” or the “house of heaven.”
 Anatu, the wife or consort of Anu, is generally only a female form of
Anu, but is sometimes contrasted with him; thus, when Anu represents
height and heaven, Anatu represents depth and earth; she is also the lady of
darkness, the mother of the god Hea, the mother of heaven and earth, the
female fish-god, and is often identified with Istar or Venus. Anatu, however,
had no existence in Accadian mythology. She is the product of the
imagination of the Semites, whose grammar drew a distinction between the
masculine and feminine genders.
Anu and Anatu had a numerous family; among their sons are numbered
Lugal-edin, “the king of the desert,” Latarak, Ab-gula, Kusu, and the air-
god, whose name was Ramman or Rimmon, in Accadian Mirmir. Rimmon
is god of the region of the atmosphere, or space between the heaven and
earth, he is the god of rain, of storms and whirlwind, of thunder and
lightning, of floods and watercourses. He was in high esteem in Syria and
Arabia, where he bore the name of Dadda; in Armenia he was called
Teiseba. Rimmon is always considered an active deity, and was extensively
worshipped.
Another important god, a son of Anu, was the god of fire, whose name
was Gibil in Accadian. The fire-god takes an active part in the numerous
mythological tablets and legends, and is considered to be the most potent
deity in relation to witchcraft and spells generally.
The most important of the daughters of Anu was named Istar; she was in
some respects the equivalent of the classical Venus. Her worship was at first
subordinate to that of Anu, and as she was goddess of love, while Anu was
god of heaven, it is probable that the first intention in the mythology was
only to represent love as heaven-born; but in time a more sensual view
prevailed, and the worship of Istar became one of the darkest features in
Babylonian mythology. As the worship of this goddess increased in favour,
it gradually superseded that of Anu, until in time his temple, the house of
heaven, came to be regarded as the temple of Venus.
The planet Venus, as the evening star, was identified with Istar of Erech,
while the morning star was Anunit, goddess of Agané.
Istar, however, was worshipped under a great variety of forms. Each city,
each state, had its own special Istar and its own special worship of her. In
the syncretic age of Babylonian theology, these various forms and modes of
worship were amalgamated together, and epithets of the goddess which
were originally peculiar to particular localities, were applied to the single
goddess of the state religion. Thus, according to the legends of one part of
Babylonia, Istar was the daughter of the Moon-god, according to those of
another part of the country she was the daughter of Anu. Hence in the
mythology of a later period she appears sometimes as the daughter of the
one deity, sometimes as the daughter of the other.
A companion deity with Anu is Hea, who is god, of the sea and of Hades,
in fact of all the lower regions. In some of his attributes he answers to the
Kronos of the Greeks, in others to their Poseidon. Hea is called god of the
lower region, he is lord of the sea or abyss; he is also lord of generation and
of all human beings and bears the titles: lord of wisdom, of mines and
treasures; of gifts, of music, of fishermen and sailors, and of Hades or hell.
It has been supposed that the serpent was one of his emblems, and that he
was the Oannes of Berosus; but these conjectures have not yet been proved.
The wife of Hea was Davkina, the Davke of Damascius, who is the goddess
of the lower regions, the consort of the deep; and their principal son was
Maruduk or Merodach, the Bel of later times.
Merodach, god of Babylon, appears in all the earlier inscriptions as the
agent of his father Hea; he goes about the world collecting information, and
receives commissions from his father to set right all that appears wrong. He
is called the redeemer of mankind, the restorer to life, and the raiser from
the dead. He is an active agent in creation, but is always subordinate to his
father Hea. In later times, after Babylon had been made the capital,
Merodach, who was god of that city, was raised to the head of the Pantheon.
Merodach afterwards came to be identified with the classical Jupiter, but the
name Bel, “the lord,” was only given to him in times subsequent to the rise
of Babylon, when the worship of the older Bel, the Accadian Elum, was
falling into decay. The wife of Merodach was Zirat-panit, perhaps the
Succoth Benoth of the Bible. Besides Merodach, Hea had a numerous
progeny, his sons being principally river-gods.
Nebo, the god of knowledge and literature, who was worshipped at the
neighbouring city of Borsippa, was a favourite deity in later times, as was
also his consort Tasmit “the Hearer.” Nebo, whose name signifies “the
prophet,” was called Timkhir in Accadian, and had his temple in the island
of Dilvun, called “the island of the gods” by the Accadians, now Bahrein.
Here he was worshipped under the name of Enzak.
A third great god was united with Anu and Hea, named Enu, Mul, and
Elum in Accadian, and Bel in Semitic Babylonian; he was the original Bel
of the Babylonian mythology, and was lord of the surface of the earth and
the affairs of men. Elum was lord of the city of Nipur, and in the Semitic
period had a consort named Belat or Beltis. He was held to be the most
active of the gods in the general affairs of mankind, and was so generally
worshipped in early times that he came to be regarded as the national
divinity, and his temple at the city of Nipur was regarded as the type of all
others. The extensive worship of Bel, and the high honour in which he was
held, seem to point to a time when his city, Nipur, was the metropolis of the
country.
Belat, or Beltis, the wife of Bel, is a famous deity celebrated in all ages,
but as the title Belat only signified “lady,” or “goddess,” it was a common
one for many goddesses, and the notices of Beltis probably refer to several
different personages.
Bel had, like the other gods, a numerous family; his eldest son was the
moon-god, called Agu or Acu in Accadian, in later times generally termed
Sin. Sin was presiding deity of the city of Ur, and early assumed an
important place in the mythology. The moon-god figures prominently in
some early legends, and during the time when the city of Ur was capital of
the country his worship became very widely-spread and popular throughout
the country.
Ninip, god of hunting and war, was another celebrated son of Bel; he was
worshipped with his father at Nipur. Ninip was also much worshipped in
Assyria as well as Babylonia, his character as presiding genius of war and
the chase making him a favourite deity with the warlike kings of Assyria.
Originally he was a form of the sun-god.
Sin the moon-god had a son Samas, the sun-god. Samas is an active deity
in some of the Izdubar legends and fables, but he is generally subordinate to
Sin. In the Babylonian system the moon takes precedence of the sun, as
befitted a nation of astronomers, and the Samas of Larsa was probably
considered a different deity from Samas of Sippara.
Among the other deities of the Babylonians may be counted Nergal, god
of Cutha, who like Ninip, presided over hunting and war, and Anunit, the
goddess of one of the quarters of Sippara, and of the city of Agané.
The following table will exhibit the relationship of the principal deities as
it had been drawn up by the native writers on the cosmogony; but it must be
noted that it belongs to a late age of syncretic philosophy, when the scholars
of Assur-bani-pal’s court were endeavouring to resolve the old deities of
Accad into mere abstractions, and so explain the myths which described the
creation of the world.

Tamtu or Tiamtu Absu (Apason?)

(the sea). (the deep).
| |
|
Mummu
(chaos).
|
| |
Lakhmu Lakhamu
| |
| |
Kisar (Kissare) Sar (Assorus)
(lower expanse). (upper expanse).
| |
| | | |
Anu Elum, or Bel.
Anatu Beltis.
(heaven). (earth).
| | | |
| | | |
Rimmon Gibil Hea (Saturn)
Istar (Venus).
(atmosphere). (fire-god). (the deep).
Hea (Saturn). Davkina (Davke).
| |
|
Merodach. Zirat-panit.
| |
| |
Nebo. Tasmit.

Elum. Beltis.
| |
| | |
Sin. Ningal. Ninip.
| |
| |
Samas. Istar.
 CHAPTER V.
BABYLONIAN LEGEND OF THE CREATION.
Mutilated condition of tablets.—List of subjects.—Description of
chaos.—Tiamat.—Generation of Gods.—Damascius.—Comparison
with Genesis.—Three great gods.—Doubtful fragments.—Fifth tablet.
—Stars.—Moon.—Sun.—Abyss or chaos.—Creation of moon.—
Creation of animals.—Monotheism.—Hymn to Merodach.—The
black-headed race or Adamites.—Garden of Eden.—The flaming
sword.—The fall.—The Sabbath.—Sacred tree.—Hymn to the Creator.

IT is extremely unfortunate that the legend of the Creation in days has

reached us in so fragmentary a condition. It is evident, however, that in its
present form it is of Assyrian, not of Babylonian, origin, and was probably
composed in the time of Assur-bani-pal. It breathes throughout the spirit of
a later age, its language and style show no traces of an Accadian original,
and the colophon at the end implies by its silence that it was not a copy of
an older document. No doubt the story itself was an ancient one; the
number seven was a sacred number among the Accadians, who invented the
week of seven days, and kept a seventhday Sabbath, and excavations in
Babylonia may yet bring to light the early Chaldean form of the legend. But
this we do not at present possess.
So far as the fragments can be arranged, they seem to observe the
following order:—

1. Part of the first tablet, giving an account of the Chaos and the
generation of the gods.
2. Fragment of subsequent tablet, perhaps the second on the foundation
of the deep.
3. Fragment of tablet placed here with great doubt, possibly referring
to the creation of land.
4. Part of the fifth tablet, recording the creation of the heavenly bodies.
5. Fragment of the seventh? tablet, recording the creation of land
animals.
 These fragments indicate that the series included at least seven tablets,
the writing on each tablet being in one column on the front and back, and
probably including over one hundred lines of text.
The first fragment in the story is the upper part of the first tablet, giving
the description of the void or chaos, and part of the generation of the gods.
The translation is as follows:

1. At that time above, the heaven was unnamed:

2. below the earth by name was unrecorded;
3. the boundless deep also (was) their generator.
4. The chaos of the sea was she who bore the whole of them.
5. Their waters were collected together in one place, and
6. the flowering reed was not gathered, the marsh-plant was not grown.
7. At that time the gods had not been produced, any one of them;
8. By name they had not been called, destiny was not fixed.
9. Were made also the (great) gods,
10. the gods Lakhmu and Lakhamu were produced (the first), and
11. to growth they ........
12. the gods Sar and Kisar were made next.
13. The days were long; a long (time passed), (and)
14. the gods Anu (Bel and Hea were born of)
15. the gods Sar and (Kisar).......

On the reverse of this tablet there are only fragments of the eight lines of
colophon, but the restoration of the passage is easy; it reads:—

1. First tablet of “At that time above” (name of Creation series).

2. Palace of Assur-bani-pal king of nations, king of Assyria,
3. to whom Nebo and Tasmit gave broad ears
4. (his) seeing eyes regarded the engraved characters of the tablets;
5. this writing which among the kings who went before me
6. none of them regarded,
7. the secrets of Nebo, the literature of the library as much as is
suitable,
8. on tablets I wrote, I engraved, I explained, and
9. for the inspection of my people within my palace I placed.
 This colophon will serve to show the value attached to the documents,
and the date of the present copies.
The fragment of the obverse, broken as it is, is precious as giving the
description of the chaos or desolate void before the Creation of the world,
and the first movement of creation. This corresponds with the first two
verses of the first chapter of Genesis.
1. “In the beginning God created the heaven and the earth.
2. And the earth was without form and void; and darkness was upon the
face of the deep. And the spirit of God moved upon the face of the waters.”
On comparing the fragment of the first tablet of the Creation with the
extract from Damascius, we do not find any statement as to there being two
principles at first called Tauthe and Apason, and these producing Moymis,
but in the Creation tablet the first existence is called Mummu Tiamatu, a
name meaning “the chaos of the deep.” The compound Mummu Tiamatu, in
fact, combines the two names Moymis and Tauthe of Damascius. Tiamatu
must also be the same as the Thalatth of Berosus, which we are expressly
told was the sea. It should, therefore, be corrected to Thavatth, as M.
Lenormant proposed some years ago. It is evident that, according to the
notion of the Babylonians, the sea was the origin of all things, and this also
agrees with the statement of Genesis i. 2. where the chaotic waters are
called tĕhôm, “the deep,” the same word as the Tiamat of the Creation text
and the Tauthe of Damascius.
The Assyrian word Mummu is probably connected with the Hebrew
mĕhûmâh, confusion, its Accadian equivalent being Umun. Besides the
name of the chaotic deep called tĕhôm in Genesis, which is, as has been
said, evidently the Tiamat of the Creation text, we have in Genesis the word
tohû, waste, desolate, or formless, applied to this chaos. The
correspondence between the inscription and Genesis is complete, since both
state that a watery chaos preceded the creation, and formed, in fact, the
origin and groundwork of the universe. We have here not only an agreement
in sense, but, what is rarer, the same word used in both narratives as the
name of this chaos, and given also in the account of Damascius.
 Next we have in the inscription the creation of the gods Lakhmu and
Lakhamu; these are male and female personifications of motion and
production, and correspond to the Dache and Dachus of Damascius, and the
moving rûakh, the wind, or spirit of Genesis. The next stage in the creation
was the production of Sar and Kisar, representing the upper expanse and the
lower expanse, and corresponding with the Assorus and Kissare of
Damascius. The resemblance in these names is probably even closer than is
here represented, since Sar is generally read Assur as a deity in later times,
being an ordinary symbol for the supreme god of the Assyrians.
So far as can be made out from the mutilated text, the next step in the
creation of the universe was (as in Damascius) the generation of the three
great gods, Anu, Elum, and Hea, the Anus, Illinus, and Aus of that writer.
Anu here symbolizes the heaven, Elum the earth, and Hea the sea.
It is probable that the inscription went on to relate the generation of the
other gods, and then passed to the successive acts of creation by which the
world was fashioned.
The successive forms Lakhmu and Lakhamu, Sar and Kisar, are
represented in some of the lists of the gods as names or manifestations of
Anu and Anatu. These lists were compiled at a time when a school of
monotheists had risen in Chaldea, and an attempt was made on the part of
its adherents to resolve the various deities of the popular creed into forms of
“the one god” Anu. In each case there appears to be a male and female
principle, which principles combine in the formation of the universe.
As has been already remarked, the conception of a male and female
principle was due to the Semites. Hence it is clear that the system of
cosmology embodied in these Creation tablets was of Semitic and not
Accadian origin.
The resemblance between the extract from Damascius and the account in
the Creation tablet as to the successive stages or forms of the Creation, is
striking, and leaves no doubt about the source of the quotation from the
Greek writer.
The three next tablets in the Creation series are absent, there being only
two doubtful fragments of this part of the story. Judging from the analogy
of the Book of Genesis, we may conjecture that this part of the narrative
contained the description of the creation of light, of the atmosphere or
firmament, of the dry land, and of plants. One fragment which probably
belonged to this space is a small portion of the top of a tablet referring to
the fixing of the dry land; but it may belong to a later part of the story, since
it is part of a speech to one of the gods. This fragment is—

1. At that time the foundations of the caverns of rock [thou didst

make];
2. the foundations of the caverns thou didst call [them] (?)
3. the heaven was named ......
4. to the face of the heaven ......
5. thou didst give ......
6. a man ......

There is a second more doubtful fragment which also may come in here,
and, like the last, relate to the creation of the dry land. It is, however, given
under reserve—

1. The god Khir ... si ....

2. At that time to the god ....
3. So be it, I concealed thee ....
 FIGHT BETWEEN MERODACH (BEL) AND THE DRAGON.

4. from the day that thou ....

5. angry thou didst speak ....
6. The god Assur his mouth opened and spake, to the god ....
7. Above the deep, the seat of ....
8. in front of Bit-Sarra which I have made ...
9. below the place I strengthen ....
10. Let there be made also Bit-Lusu, the seat ..
11. Within it his stronghold may he build and ..
12. At that time from the deep he raised ....
13. the place .... lifted up I made ....
14. above .... heaven ....
15. the place .... lifted up thou didst make.
16. .... the city of Assur the temples of the great gods ....
17. .... his father Anu ....
18. the god .... thee and over all which thy hand has made
19. .... thee, having, over the earth which thy hand has made
20. .... having, Assur which thou hast called its name.
 This fragment is both mutilated and obscure, and it is more than doubtful
whether it has anything to do with the Creation tablets. It seems rather to be
a local legend relating to Assur, the old capital of Assyria, and possibly
recording the legend of its foundation. Bit-Sarra or E-Sarra, “the temple of
the legions,” was dedicated to Ninip, and forms part of the name of Tiglath-
Pileser (Tuculti-pal-esara “Servant of the son of Bit-Sarra,” i.e. Ninip). It
seems to have denoted the firmament, the “legions” or “hosts” referring to
the multitudinous spirits of heaven. The Biblical expression “the Lord of
hosts” may be compared.
The next recognizable portion of the Creation legends is the upper part of
the fifth tablet, which gives the creation of the heavenly bodies, and runs
parallel to the account of the fourth day of creation in Genesis.
This tablet opens as follows:—
Fifth Tablet of Creation Legend.
Obverse.

1. (Anu) made suitable the mansions of the (seven) great gods.

2. The stars he placed in them, the lumasi8 he fixed.
3. He arranged the year according to the bounds (or signs of the
Zodiac, Heb. mazzaroth) that he defined.
4. For each of the twelve months three stars he fixed.
5. From the day when the year issues forth unto the close,
6. he established the mansion of the god Nibiru, that they might know
their laws (or bonds).
7. That they might not err or deflect at all,
8. the mansion of Bel and Hea he established along with himself.
9. He opened also the great gates in the sides of the world;
10. the bolts he strengthened on the left hand and on the right.
11. In its centre also he made a staircase.
12. The moon-god he caused to beautify the thick night.
13. He appointed him also to hinder (or balance) the night, that the day
may be known,
14. (saying): Every month, without break, observe thy circle:
15. at the beginning of the month also, when the night is at its height.
16. (with) the horns thou announcest that the heaven may be known.
 17. On the seventh day (thy) circle (begins to) fill,
18. but open in darkness will remain the half on the right (?).9
19. At that time the sun (will be) on the horizon of heaven at thy
(rising).
20. (Thy form) determine and make a (circle?).
21. (From hence) return (and) approach the path of the sun.
22. (Then) will the darkness return; the sun will change.
23. ....... seek its road.
24. (Rise and) set, and judge judgment.

All that is left of the reverse is the latter half of the last line of the
narrative, and the colophon, which runs thus:—
..... the gods on his hearing.
Fifth tablet of (the series beginning) At that time above.
Property of Assur-bani-pal king of nations king of Assyria.
This fine fragment is a typical specimen of the style of the whole series,
and shows a marked stage in the Creation, the appointment of the heavenly
orbs. It parallels the fourth day of Creation in the first chapter of Genesis,
where we read: “And God said, Let there be lights in the firmament of the
heaven to divide the day from the night; and let them be for lights in the
firmament of the heaven to divide the day from the night; and let them be
for signs, and for seasons, and for days, and years:
“15. And let them be for lights in the firmament of the heaven to give
light upon the earth: and it was so.
“16. And God made two great lights; the greater light to rule the day, and
the lesser light to rule the night; he made the stars also.
“17. And God set them in the firmament of the heaven to give light upon
the earth,
“18. And to rule over the day and over the night, and to divide the light
from the darkness: and God saw that it was good.
“19. And the evening and morning were the fourth day.”
 The fragment of the first tablet of the Creation series was introductory,
and dealt with the generation of the gods rather than the creation of the
universe, and when we remember that the fifth tablet contains the Creation
given in Genesis under the fourth day, while a subsequent tablet, probably
the seventh, gives the creation of the animals which, according to Genesis,
took place on the sixth day, it would seem that the events of each of the
days of Genesis were recorded on a separate tablet, and that the numbers of
the tablets generally followed in the same order as the days of Creation in
Genesis, thus:
Genesis, Chap. I.

V. 1 & 2 agree with Tablet 1.

V. 3 to 5 1st day probably with tablet 2.
V. 6 to 8 2nd day probably with tablet 3.
V. 9 to 13 3rd day probably with tablet 4.
V. 14 to 19 4th day agree with tablet 5.
V. 20 to 23 5th day probably with tablet 6.
V. 24 & 25 6th day probably with tablet 7.
V. 26 and following, 6th and 7th day, probably with tablet 8.

The assertion with which the fifth tablet begins may be compared with
the oft-repeated statement of Genesis, after each act of creative power, that
“God saw that it was good.” In fact, the difference between the expressions
used by the Hebrew and Assyrian writers seems greater than it really is,
since the word rendered “to make suitable” comes from a root which
signifies “pleasant” or “agreeable.” It may be noted that the word yuaddi
“he arranged” or “appointed” in the third line has the same root as the
Hebrew môădhim, which is used in the same connection Gen. i. 14 in the
sense of “seasons.”
We next come to the creation of the heavenly orbs, and just as the book
of Genesis says they were set for signs and seasons, for days and years, so
the inscription describes that the stars were set in courses to define the year.
The twelve constellations or signs of the zodiac, and two other bands of
constellations are referred to, corresponding with the two sets of twelve
stars, one to the north and the other to the south of the zodiac, which
according to Diodorus Siculus played a prominent part in Babylonian
astronomy.
The god Nibiru appears in the astronomical tablets as one of the stars.
Here, however, in the account of the Creation, he seems to be the deity who
specially presided over the signs of the zodiac and the course of the year,
and in a hymn to the Creator, which will be translated further on, he takes
the place of the classical Fate, and determines the laws of the universe
generally, and of the stars in particular. It is evident, from the opening of the
inscription on the first tablet of the great Chaldean work on astrology and
astronomy, that the functions of the stars were according to the Babylonians
to act not only as regulators of the seasons and the year, but to be also used
as signs, as in Genesis i. 14, for in those ages it was generally believed that
the heavenly bodies gave, by their appearance and positions, signs of events
which were coming on the earth.
The passage given in the eighth line of the inscription, to the effect that
the God who created the stars fixed places or habitations for Bel and Hea
with himself in the heavens, points to the fact that Anu, god of the heavens,
was considered to be the creator of the heavenly hosts; for it is he who
shares with Bel and Hea the divisions of the face of the sky, which was
divided into three zones. Summer was the season of Bel, autumn of Anu,
and winter of Hea, the season of spring not being recognized by the
Babylonians. The new moon also was called Anu for the first five days, Hea
for the next five, and Bel for the third.
The ninth line of the tablet gives us an insight into the philosophical
beliefs of the early Babylonians. They evidently considered that the world
was drawn together out of the waters, and rested or reposed upon a vast
abyss of chaotic ocean which filled the space below the world. This dark
infernal lake was shut in by gigantic gates and strong fastenings, which
prevented the floods from overwhelming the world. In the centre was a
staircase which led from the abyss below to the region of light above.
The account then goes on to describe the creation of the moon for the
purpose of beautifying the night and regulating the calendar. The phases of
the moon are recorded: its commencing as a thin crescent at evening on the
first day of the month, and its gradually increasing and travelling further
into the night. It will be noticed that it is regarded as appointed, in the
language of the Bible, “to divide the day from the night,” and to be for a
sign and a season. The expression “judge judgment” may be compared with
the expression of Genesis (i. 18.) that the sun and moon were set “to rule
over the day and over the night.” An account of the creation of the sun
probably followed upon that of the creation of the moon.
The creation of the moon, however, is placed first in accordance with the
general views of the Babylonians, who, as was natural in a people of
astronomers, honoured the moon above the sun, even making the sun-god
the son of the moon-god.
The details of the creation of the planets and stars, which would have
been very important to us, are unfortunately lost, no further fragment of this
tablet having been recovered.
The colophon at the close of the tablet gives us, however, part of the first
line of the sixth tablet, but not enough to determine its subject. It is
probable that this dealt with the creation of creatures of the water and fowls
of the air, and that these were the creation of Bel, the companion deity to
Anu.
The next tablet, the seventh in the series, is probably represented by a
curious fragment, which was found by Mr. Smith in one of the trenches at
Kouyunjik.
This fragment is like some of the others, the upper portion of a tablet
much broken, and only valuable from its generally clear meaning. The
translation is as follows:

1. At that time the gods in their assembly created .....

2. They made suitable the strong monsters .....
3. They caused to come living creatures .....
4. cattle of the field, beasts of the field, and creeping things of the field
.....
5. They fixed for the living creatures .....
6. ..... cattle and creeping things of the city they fixed .....
7. ..... the assembly of the creeping things, the whole which were
created .....
 8. ..... which in the assembly of my family ...
9. ..... and the god Nin-si-ku (the lord of noble face) joined the two
together .....
10. ..... to the assembly of the creeping things I gave life .....
11. ..... the seed of Lakhamu I destroyed .....

This tablet corresponds with the sixth day of Creation in Genesis (i. 24-
25): “And God said, Let the earth bring forth the living creature after his
kind, cattle, and creeping thing, and beast of the earth after his kind: and it
was so.
“And God made the beast of the earth after his kind, and cattle after their
kind, and everything that creepeth upon the earth after his kind: and God
saw that it was good.”
The Assyrian tablet commences with a statement of the satisfaction a
former creation, apparently that of the monsters or whales, had given; here
referring to Genesis i. 23. It then goes on to relate the creation of living
animals on land, three kinds being distinguished, exactly agreeing with the
Genesis account, and then we have in the ninth line a curious reference to
the god Nin-si-ku (one of the names of Hea). One of Hea’s titles was “the
lord of mankind,” and Sir Henry Rawlinson has endeavoured to show that
Eridu, the city of Hea, was identical with the Biblical Garden of Eden. We
may here notice a tablet which refers to the creation of man. In this tablet, K
63, the creation of the human race is given to Hea, and all the references in
other inscriptions make this his work. As in Genesis, so in these cuneiform
tablets the Creator is made to speak and to address the objects which he
calls into existence.
The next fragment was supposed by Mr. Smith to relate to the fall of man
and to contain the speech of the deity to the newly-created pair. This,
however, is extremely doubtful, as will appear from the revised translation
below. The fragment is in so broken a condition that almost anything may
be made out of it. It is possible that nothing more is intended by it than
instructions as to the construction of an image of a household god or spirit
and the correct mode of worshipping it.
K 3364 obverse.
 (Many lines lost.)

1. The whole day thy god thou shalt approach (or invoke),
2. sacrifice, the prayer of the mouth, the image ......
3. to thy god a heart engraved ..... thou hast.
4. How long to the image of the divinity,
5. supplication, humility, and bowing of the face,
6. fire (?) dost thou give to him, and bringest tribute,
7. and in reverence also with me thou goest straight?
8. In thy knowledge (?) also behold; in the tablets (writing)
9. worship and blessing thou exaltest.
10. Sacrifice and the preservation ...
11. and prayer for sin ....
12. the fear of the gods deserts thee (?) not ....
13. the fear of the Anunnaci thou completest ....
14. With friend and comrade speech thou makest ....
15. In the under-world speech thou makest to the propitious genii.
16. When thou speakest also he will give ....
17. When thou trustest also thou ....
18. ... a comrade also ....
19. .... thou trustest a friend ....
20. (In) thy knowledge (?) also

Reverse.
(Many lines lost.)

1. in the presence of beauty .... thou didst speak

2. thy beauty ....
3. beauty also .... the female spirit (?)
4. An age thou revolvest .. his enemies?
5. his rising (?) he seeks .... the man ....
6. with the lord of thy beauty thou makest fat (?)
7. to do evil thou shalt not approach him,
8. at thy illness .... to him
9. at thy distress ....
 The next fragment is a small one; it is the lower corner of a tablet with
the ends of a few lines. Mr. Smith connected it with the legend of the fall of
man, but the mention of the god Sar-tuli-elli, “the king of the illustrious
mound,” would rather indicate that it has to do with the story of the Tower
of Babel. As, however, the fragment is too small and mutilated to decide the
question, it has been allowed to remain in the place assigned to it by Mr.
Smith, and not transferred to a later chapter.
According to Sir H. Rawlinson, “the holy mound” is now represented by
the ruins of Amrán. At any rate, it stood on the site of the Tower of Babel
and was dedicated to the god Anu. Along with the adjoining buildings,
among which are to be numbered the royal palace and the famous hanging
gardens, it formed a particular quarter of Babylon, enclosed within its own
wall and known under the name of Su-Anna, the “Valley of Anu,” which Sir
H. Rawlinson proposes to read Khalannê, and identify with the Calneh of
the Old Testament. In support of his reading he refers to the statement of the
Septuagint in Isaiah x. 9.: “Have not I taken the region above Babylon and
Khalannê, where the tower was built?”
Obverse.

1. .... seat her (?)

2. .... all the lords
3. .... his might
4. .... the gods, lord of the mighty hour (?)
5. .... lord of the kingdom magnified.
6. .... mightily supreme.

Reverse.

1. .... Hea called10 to his men

2. .... the path of his greatness
3. .... any god
4. .... Sar-tuli-elli (the king of the illustrious mound) his knowledge (?)
5. .... his illustrious ......
6. .... his fear (?) Sar-tuli-elli
7. .... his might
8. .... to them, in the midst of the sea
 9. .... thy father battle

We may conclude this chapter with a fragment of some length, which Mr.
Smith erroneously supposed to refer to the Fall. His mistake arose from the
imperfect state in which the text of it has been preserved, and the
consequent obscurity of its reference and meaning. Dr. Oppert has shown
that it really contains a hymn to the Creator Hea. Before the commencement
of lines 1, 5, 11, 19, 27, and 29 on the obverse, there are glosses stating that
the divine titles commencing these lines all apply to the same deity. These
explanatory glosses show that even in the Assyrian time the allusions in the
original text were not all intelligible without the help of a commentary.
Obverse.

1. The god of (propitious) Life ..... (secondly)

2. who established light .....
3. their precepts .....
4. Never may they forsake (their) boundaries ...
5. The god of illustrious Life, thirdly, he was called, the director of the
bright (firmament),
6. the god of good winds, the lord of hearing and obedience,
7. the creator of lean (?) and fat, the establisher of fertility,
8. who has brought to increase them that were small at the outset.
9. In the mighty thickets we have smelt his good wind.
10. May he command, may he glorify, may he hearken to his
worshippers.
11. The god of the illustrious Crown, fourthly, may he quicken the
dust!
12. Lord of the illustrious charm, who gives life to the dead,
13. who to the hostile gods has granted return,
14. the homage they rendered he has caused the gods his foes to
submit to.
15. That they might obey (?) he has created mankind,
16. the merciful one with whom is life.
17. May he establish, and never may his word be forgotten
18. in the mouth of the black-headed race whom his hands created.
19. The god of the illustrious incantation, fifthly, may his foes (?) be
overthrown (or answered) with hostile curse (?)
20. He who with his illustrious incantation has removed the curse of
the enemy.
21. The God the Heart-knower, who knows the hearts of the gods, who
fly from the fear of him:
22. the doing of evil they caused not to come forth against him.
23. He who establishes the assembly of the gods, (who knows) their
hearts,
24. who subdues the disobedient .....
25. who directs justice .....
26. who (defends?) sovereignty .....
27. The god of prosperous life, (sixthly) .....
28. he who cuts off darkness (?) .....
29. The god Sukhkhab (?), thirdly, the flock (?) ...
30. he who adds unto them .....

Reverse.

1. ..... the star .....

2. may he seize that which has the head in the tail (? a comet)
3. since that in the midst of the sea he passed over .....
4. His name accordingly (is) Nibiru (the passer over), the possessor .....
5. may he (confirm) the precepts (or laws) of the stars of heaven.
6. Like sheep may he feed the gods all of them;
7. may he exorcise the sea, its treasures may he hedge in and summon
8. among men hereafter through length of days.
9. May he also remove mischief; may he overcome it for the future.
10. Because (all) places he made, he pierced, he strengthened.
11. Lord of the world is his name called, (even) father Bel.
12. The names of the angels he gave to them.
13. Hea also heard, and his liver (i. e. anger) was lulled,
14. (saying) “Since that his men he has quickened by his name,
15. he like myself has the name of Hea.
16. The bond of my command may he bring to them all, and
17. all my tereti (lots?) may he answer [or throw down]
18. by the fifty names of the great gods.”
19. His fifty names they pronounced; they restored his precepts.
20. May they be observed and, as formerly, may he speak.
 21. Unsearchable, wise, triumphantly may he rule.
22. May father to son repeat and exalt (them).
23. May he open the ears of shepherd and flocks.
24. May (the shepherd) obey Merodach, Bel among the gods.
25. May his land be green, may he himself be at peace.
26. Established (is) his word, unyielding his command;
27. the utterance of his mouth no god has ever despised.
28. He was called by name and withdraws not his neck.
29. In the abundance of his strength there is no god, that receives for
him his crown.
30. Far-reaching (is) his heart, an abyss (is) his stomach:
31. Sin and cursing before him disappear.

In a second copy which presents several variations lines 14 to 19 are

omitted.
It is evident that this hymn to the Creator emanated from what Sir Henry
Rawlinson has termed the monotheistic party among the ancient
Babylonians, and that the speech of Hea in lines 14 to 19 has been inserted
by a poet who did not belong to it. The various deities of the popular faith
are all resolved into the one supreme God, the maker of the world and man,
who was worshipped at Babylon under the names of Bel, “the Lord,” and
Merodach the sun-god, at Eridu under that of Hea and at Nipur under that of
Anu. The gods of the multitude are said to be only the fifty names of the
Creator. To him is ascribed the regulation of the stars, the naming of the
angels, and the subjection of the subordinate demi-gods, and marginal notes
expressly state that the several titles under which the Creator is addressed
on the obverse of the tablets, all belong to one and the same divinity.
In the popular mythology the part of the Creator was usually assigned to
Merodach. Thus we find the latter deity addressed as follows in a mutilated
bilingual hymn (K 2962 Obv.):—

1. [King] of the land, lord of the world,

2. ... protector of heaven and earth,
 3. firstborn of the god Hea,
4. the restorer of heaven and earth,
5. ... mighty lord of mankind, king of the world.
6. ... the god of gods,
7. (lord) of heaven and earth, who hast no equal,
8. companion of Anu and Bel,
9. the merciful one among the gods,
10. the merciful who raisest the dead to life,
11. Merodach, the king of heaven and earth,
12. the king of Babylon, the lord of Bit-Saggil,
13. the king of Bit-Zida, the lord of the mighty temple of life,
14. heaven and earth are thine,
15. the circuit of heaven and earth is thine,
16. the charm (to produce) life is thine,
17. the philtre of life is thine,
18. the Illustrious King, the mouth of the Abyss, is thine;
19. mankind, (even) the men with the black heads,
20. living creatures, as many as are called by a name, as exist in the
land,
21. the four quarters of the world, as many as there are,
22. the angels of the hosts of heaven and earth, as many as there are,
(are thine).

In these references to the names of the living creatures made by the

Creator at the beginning of the world, we are irresistibly reminded of the
passage in Genesis ii. 19., where we read that “out of the ground God
formed every beast of the field and every fowl of the air; and brought them
to Adam to see what he would call them: and whatsoever Adam called
every living creature, that was the name thereof.”
One of the most curious statements made in these hymns is that the race
of men created by the deity was black-headed. The same race of men is
mentioned elsewhere in the ancient literature of the Accadians. Thus in a
hymn to the goddess Gula, the goddess is described as “the mother who
bore the men of the black heads,” and in another hymn the sun-god is
declared to “direct the men of the black heads.” Sargon of Agané is further
described as ruling over “all the men of the black heads,” and in imitation
of this mode of expression Sennacherib in later days speaks of having
overcome “all the black-headed race.” The black-headed race of
Sennacherib, however, was the Turanian population of Elam and the
adjoining districts on the east of Babylonia, whereas it is plain that the
Accadian hymns mean by the black-headed race the Accadian people itself.
It was over them that Sargon of Agané, the Semite, boasts of having
extended his sway, though according to an old geographical list it was
Sumer or Shinar rather than Accad, which was inhabited by the people of
“the black-face.” But after all there is no contradiction between the
statements of Sennacherib and of the hymns. The Accadians belonged to
the same race as the Turanian inhabitants of Elam, and spoke a similar
language to theirs.
Now we shall find in the account of the exploits of Dibbara, which will
be translated in a subsequent chapter, that the black race, which is identified
with the Accadians, is contrasted with the people of Syria, while in the
bilingual tablets, the black race is similarly contrasted with the white race.
Hence it is clear that the white race was the same as the Syrians, and since
the Syrians were Semites, the white race must have been synonymous in the
language of the Accadians with Semitic. As a matter of fact, the Semites
belong to the white-skinned division of mankind, and were accordingly
painted yellow by the Egyptians. The Accadian population, on the other
hand, belonged to the dark-skinned division, though it is not necessary to
suppose them to have been as black as the negro or the “blameless
Ethiopian.” In the bilingual tablets, the black race is rendered in Assyrian
by the word Adamatu or “red-skins.”
A popular etymology connected this word Adamatu with the word
Adamu or admu, “man,” partly on account of the similarity of sound, partly
because in the age of Accadian supremacy and literature, the men par
excellence, the special human beings made by the Creator, were the dark-
skinned race of Accad. The Accadian Adam or “man” was dark; it was only
when the culture of the Accadians had been handed on to their Semitic
successors that he became fair.
The discovery that the Biblical Adam is identical with the Assyrian
Adamu or “man,” and that the Assyrian Adamu goes back to the first-
created man of Accadian tradition who belonged to the black, that is, to the
Accadian race, is due to Sir Henry Rawlinson. He has also suggested that
the contrast between the black and the white races, between the Accadian
and the Semite, is indicated in the sixth chapter of Genesis, where a contrast
is drawn between the daughters of men, or Adamu, and the sons of God. It
was owing to the intermarriage of the sons of God with the Adamites that
the evils were spread which brought down upon the world the punishment
of the Deluge.
It was Sir Henry Rawlinson who further pointed out that the Biblical Gân
Eden, or “Garden of Eden,” is Gan-Duniyas (also called Gun-duni), a name
under which Babylonia is frequently known in the Assyrian inscriptions.
Gan-Duniyas signifies “the enclosure” or “fortress of the god Duniyas,” a
deity whose nature and attributes are still obscure, and who may have been
merely a deified monarch of the country. Two of the four rivers of Paradise
are the two great rivers that enclose the fruitful plain of Babylonia, the
Tigris, and the Euphrates. The Euphrates was called Purrat, or “the curving
water” in Accadian from its shape; the Tigris was known under the name of
Masgugar, “the current,” Tiggar, and Idikna or Idikla, from the latter of
which comes the Hiddekhel of Genesis, with prefixed Accadian hid, “river.”
Gihon is identified with the Arakhtu or Araxes, “the river of Babylon,”
which flowed westward into the desert of Arabia or Cush, though Sir H.
Rawlinson suggests its identity with the modern Jukhá, which runs past the
site of Eridu, while Sargon calls Elam the country of “the four rivers.”11
The tree of life was well known to the Accadians and the Assyrians after
them, and the bas-reliefs of Nineveh frequently present us with a
representation of it, guarded on either side by a winged cherub who has the
head sometimes of a man, sometimes of an eagle. The tree always assumes
a conventional form, and since it generally bears fir-cones we may infer that
the Accadians brought the tradition of it with them from their original seat
in the colder mountainous land of Media, where the fir was plentiful, and
identified it with the palm-tree only after their settlement in Chaldea. An
old name of Babylon, or of a part of Babylon, was Din-Tir, “the life of the
forest,” which may possibly have some connection with the tree of life. The
special spot, however, in which the site of the tree of life was localized was
close to the city of Eridu, now represented by Dhib according to Sir H.
Rawlinson, where the solar hero Tammuz was supposed to have received
the death-blow which obliged him to spend one half the year in the lower
world.
 SACRED TREE, OR GROVE, WITH ATTENDANT CHERUBIM, FROM ASSYRIAN CYLINDER.

A fragmentary bilingual hymn speaks thus of the sacred spot, and of the
tree of life that grew therein:—

1. In Eridu a dark pine grew, in an illustrious place it was planted.

2. Its (root) was of white crystal which spread towards the deep.
3. The (shrine?) of Hea (was) its pasturage in Eridu, a canal full of
(water).
4. Its seat (was) the (central) place of this earth.
5. Its shrine (was) the couch of mother Zicum, (the mother of gods and
men).
6. The (roof) of its illustrious temple like a forest spread its shade;
there (was) none who within entered.
7. (It was the seat) of the mighty mother (Zicum), the begetter of Anu.

Eridu was the special seat of the worship of Hea, and was often known as
“the good city.”
The flaming sword, which according to Genesis guarded the approach to
the tree of life is paralleled by the flaming sword of Merodach, which is
explained to be the lightning. It was with this sword which is represented on
the monuments as having the form of a sickle like the sword of the Greek
hero Perseus, that Merodach overthrew the dragon and the powers of
darkness. A hymn put into the mouth of Merodach, thus speaks of it:—

The sun of fifty faces, the lofty weapon of my divinity, I bear.

The hero that striketh the mountains, the propitious sun of the
morning, that is mine, I bear.
My mighty weapon, which like an orb smites in a circle the corpses of
the fighters, I bear.
The striker of mountains, my murderous weapon of Anu, I bear.
The striker of mountains, the fish with seven tails, that is mine, I bear.
The terror of battle, the destroyer of rebel lands, that is mine, I bear.
The defender of conquests, the great sword, the falchion of my
divinity, I bear.
That from whose hand the mountain escapes not, the hand of the hero
of battle, which is mine, I bear.
The delight (?) of heroes, my spear of battle, (I bear).
My crown which strikes against men, the bow of the lightning, (I
bear).
The crusher of the temples of rebel lands, my club and buckler of
battle, (I bear).
The lightning of battle, my weapon of fifty heads, (I bear).
The feathered monster of seven heads, like the huge serpent of seven
heads, (I bear).
Like the serpent that beats the sea, (which attacks) the foe in the face,
the devastator of forceful battle, lord over heaven and earth, the
weapon of (seven) heads, (I bear).
That which maketh the light come forth like day, god of the East, my
burning power, (I bear).
The establisher of heaven and earth, the fire-god, who has not his rival,
(I bear).
 SACRED TREE, SEATED FIGURE ON EACH SIDE, AND SERPENT IN BACKGROUND, FROM AN EARLY
BABYLONIAN CYLINDER.

Allusion is made in this hymn, it will be noticed, to a fabulous serpent

with seven heads, which beats the sea into waves. This serpent was
originally identical with the dragon of the deep, combated by Merodach, as
we shall learn from a fragment to be translated hereafter, that is to say with
the principle of chaos and darkness, called Mummu Tiamtu, “the chaos of
the deep,” in the account of the creation. It is also described as “the serpent
of night,” “the serpent of darkness,” “the wicked serpent,” and “the
mightily strong serpent,” epithets which show that it was on the one hand
the embodiment of moral evil, and on the other was primitively nothing
more than the darkness destroyed by the sun, the bright power of day. It is
difficult not to compare the serpent of Genesis with this serpent of
Babylonian mythology. No Chaldean legend of the Fall has as yet been
found, but when we remember how few Chaldean legends have been
discovered, and that even for these we are dependent on the selection and
copies of Assyrian scribes, we need not be surprised that such should be the
case. The Babylonian colouring of the history in Genesis, the fact that the
rivers of Paradise are Babylonian rivers, and that the tree of life was
familiar to Babylonian art and tradition, make it probable that we shall yet
discover the Chaldean version of the Fall of Man as soon as the libraries of
Babylonia have been explored. Indeed, this is made almost certain by the
existence of an early Babylonian seal, now in the British Museum, on
which a tree is represented with a human figure seated on either side of it,
with the hands stretched out towards the fruit, and a serpent standing erect
behind one of them. We know that the devices on these early seals were
taken from the popular legends and myths. It must be admitted, however,
that the two figures seem both to be males.
But if references to the Fall are few and obscure, there can be no doubt
that the Sabbath was an Accadian institution, intimately connected with the
worship of the seven planets. The astronomical tablets have shown that the
seven-day week was of Accadian origin, each day of it being dedicated to
the sun, moon, and five planets, and the word Sabbath itself, under the form
of Sabattu, was known to the Assyrians, and explained by them as “a day of
rest for the heart.” A calendar of Saint’s days for the month of the
intercalary Elul makes the 7th, 14th, 19th, 21st, and 28th days of the lunar
month Sabbaths on which no work was allowed to be done. The Accadian
words by which the idea of Sabbath is denoted, literally mean, “a day on
which work is unlawful,” and are interpreted in the bilingual tablets as
signifying “a day of peace” or “completion of labours.” The calendar lays
down the following injunctions to the king for each of these sabbaths:—
A Sabbath: the prince of many nations the flesh of animals and cooked
food may not eat.
The garments of his body he may not change. White robes he may not
put on.
Sacrifice he may not offer. The king may not ride in his chariot.
In royal fashion he may not legislate. A review of the army the general
may not hold.
Medicine for his sickness of body he may not apply.

MERODACH ATTACKING THE SERPENT, ON AN ASSYRIAN CYLINDER, IN THE POSSESSION OF DR. S.

WELLS WILLIAMS, NEWHAVEN.
 The antiquity of this text is evident not only from the fact that it has been
translated from an Accadian original, but also from the word rendered
“prince,” which literally means “a shepherd,” and takes us back to the early
times when the Accadian monarchs still remembered that their predecessors
had been only shepherd-chieftains.
Before concluding this chapter, it must be noted that the word translated
“the sea,” in lines three and seven of the reverse of the hymn to the Creator,
is Tiamtu, which, as we have seen, was the name applied to the deep, upon
which the Babylonians believed that the earth rested, and out of which it
had been brought into existence.
 CHAPTER VI.
OTHER BABYLONIAN ACCOUNTS OF THE CREATION.
Cuneiform accounts originally traditions.—Variations.—Account of
Berosus.—Tablet from Cutha.—Translation.—Composite animals.—
Eagle-headed men.—Seven brothers.—Destruction of men.—Seven
wicked spirits.—Mythical explanation of lunar eclipses.—Hymn to the
God of Fire.—War in heaven.—Tiamat-Merodach.—The great dragon.
—Parallel Biblical account.

THE traditions embodied by Accadians and Assyrians in the literature of

which specimens have been given in the preceding chapter, had been
handed down by word of mouth through many generations, and committed
to writing only at a comparatively late period. When such is the case,
traditions are naturally liable to vary, sometimes very widely, according to
the period and condition of the country. Thus many different versions of a
story arise, and there can be no doubt that this was actually the case with
the Creation legends. The account of the Creation in six days was not the
only account of the Creation current among the inhabitants of Assyria and
Babylonia. It was but one out of many which had slowly grown up among
the people, and been finally thrown into a literary form. The story of the
Creation transmitted through Berosus (see chapter iii. pp. 34-36), for
example, supplies us with an account which differs entirely from the
cuneiform account in the last chapter as well as from the Genesis account,
and some fragments of tablets from Kouyunjik belonging to the library of
Assur-bani-pal give a copy, mutilated as usual, of a third version which has,
however, points of agreement with the account of Berosus. This legend, of
which the following is a translation, is stated to be copied from a tablet at
Cutha.
Legend of Creation from Cutha tablet.
(Many lines lost at commencement.)

1. .... his lord, the crown of the gods ....

2. the spearmen of his host, the spearmen of (his) host ....
3. lord of those above and those below, lord of the angels ....
4. who drank turbid waters and pure waters did not drink ....
5. who with his flame, as a weapon, that host enclosed,
6. has taken, has devoured.
7. On a memorial-stone he wrote not, he disclosed not, and bodies and
produce
8. in the earth he caused not to come forth, and I approached him not.
9. Warriors with the bodies of birds of the desert, men
10. with the faces of ravens,
11. these the great gods created,
12. in the earth the gods created their city.
13. Tiamtu gave them suck,
14. their life (?) the mistress of the gods created.
15. In the midst of the earth they grew up and became strong, and
16. increased (?) in number,
17. Seven kings, brethren, were made to come as begetters;
18. six thousand in number were their armies.
19. The god Banini their father was king, their mother
20. the queen was Melili,
21. their eldest brother who went before them, Memangab was his
name,
22. their second brother Medudu was his name,
23. their third brother .... pakh was his name,
24. their fourth brother .... dada was his name,
25. their fifth brother .... takh was his name,
27. their sixth brother .... ruru was his name,
28. their seventh brother .... (rara) was his name.

COLUMN II.
(Many lines lost.)

1. ..... the evil curse ....

2. The man his will turned ....
3. on a .... I arranged.
4. On a (tablet) the evil curse (which) in blood he raised
5. (I wrote and the children of) the generals I urged on.
6. Seven (against seven in) breadth I arranged them.
7. (I established) the illustrious (ordinances?)
8. I prayed to the great gods
9. Istar, ...., Zamama, Anunit,
10. Nebo .... and Samas the warrior,
11. the son of (the moon-god), the gods that go (before me).
12. .... he did not give and
13. thus I said in my heart,
14. that, Here am I and
15. may I not go .... (beneath) the ground.
16. may I not go ...... may the prayer
17. go when .... my heart,
18. may I renew, the iron in my hand may I take.
19. The first year in the course of it
20. one hundred and twenty thousand soldiers I sent out, and among
them
21. not one returned.
22. The second year in the course of it, ninety thousand I sent out, and
not one returned.
23. The third year in the course of it, sixty thousand seven hundred I
sent out, and not one returned.
24. They were rooted out, they were smitten with sickness; I ate,
25. I rejoiced, I rested.
26. Thus I said to my heart that, Here am I and
27. for my reign what is left (to rule over)?
28. I the king, am not the replenisher of his country,

COLUMN III.

1. and (I), the shepherd, am not the replenisher of his people,

2. since I established corpses, and a desert is left.
3. The whole of the country (and) men with night, death (and) plague I
cursed it.
4. (I afflicted them) as many as exist.
5. ...... there descended
6. ...... a whirlwind.
7. ...... its whirlwind.
8. ........... all.
9. The foundations (of the earth were shaken?)
10. The gods .......
11. Thou didst bind and .....
12. and they were bound (?) ....
13. Thou protectedst .....
14. A memorial of ........
15. in supplication to Hea ....
16. Illustrious memorial sacrifices ....
17. Illustrious tereti ......
18. I collected; the children of the generals (I urged on).
19. Seven against seven in breadth I arranged.
20. I established the illustrious ordinances (?)
21. I prayed to (the great) gods,
22. Istar .... (Zamama, Anunit,)
23. Nebo ... (and the Sun-god, the warrior,)
24. the son (of the Moon-god, the gods who go before me).

COLUMN IV.
(Several lines lost at commencement.)

1. Thou O king, viceroy, shepherd, or any one else,

2. whom God shall call to rule the kingdom,
3. this tablet I made for thee, this record-stone I wrote for thee,
4. in the city of Cutha, in the temple of Gallam,
5. in the sanctuary of Nergal, I leave for thee;
6. this record-stone see, and,
7. to the words of this record-stone listen, and
8. do not rebel, do not fail,
9. do not fear, and do not curse.
10. Thy foundation may he establish!
11. As for thee, in thy works may he make splendour.
12. Thy forts shall be strong,
13. thy canals shall be full of water,
14. thy papyri, thy corn, thy silver,
15. thy furniture, thy goods,
16. and thy instruments, shall be multiplied.
(A few more mutilated lines.)
SACRED TREE, ATTENDANT FIGURES AND EAGLE-HEADED MEN, FROM THE SEAL OF A SYRIAN CHIEF,
NINTH CENTURY B.C.

This is a very obscure inscription, the first column, however, forms part
of a relation similar to that of Berosus in his history of the Creation; the
beings who were killed by the light, and those with men’s heads and bird’s
bodies, and bird’s heads and men’s bodies, agree with the composite
monsters of Berosus, while the goddess of chaos, Tiamtu, who is over them,
is the same as the Thalatth of the Greek writer. It may be remarked that the
doctrine of the Greek philosopher, Anaximander, that man has developed
out of creatures of various shape, and once like the fish was an inhabitant of
the water, is but a reminiscence of the old Babylonian legend.
The relation in the third column of the inscription is difficult, and does
not correspond with any known incident. The fourth column contains an
address to any future king who should read the inscription which was
deposited in the temple of Nergal at Cutha.
It is possible that this legend was supposed to be the work of one of the
mythical kings of Chaldea, who describes the condition and history of the
world before his time.
The war carried on against the monstrous creations of Tiamtu, described
in this myth, was but one version of the war waged against Tiamtu, or
Chaos, herself by the sun-god Merodach. The most famous form taken by
the story of this war was that which described the attack of the seven
wicked spirits, or storm-demons, against the moon, and their final
discomfiture by the bright power of day. This attack was a primitive attempt
to account for lunar eclipses, dressed up in poetry, and may be compared
with the Chinese belief that when the moon is eclipsed it has been devoured
by the dragon of night. Similarly the Egyptians told how Set or Typhon
pursued the moon, the eye of Horus, how it waned week by week as he
struck it, and finally passed into eclipse when he blinded it altogether.
According to Hindu legend, the immortal head of the serpent-demon Râhu,
cut off by Vishnu who had been informed by the sun and moon of his theft
of the drink of immortality, incessantly pursues the two informers in order
to devour them, and a Scandinavian myth makes the sun and moon to be
always pursued by two wolves, Sköll and Hati, the latter of whom, also
called Mânagarmr or dog of the moon, will at the end of the times swallow
up the chief luminary of night.
Tablet with the story of the Seven Wicked Spirits.
COLUMN I.

1. The recurring days12 are the wicked gods.

2. The rebellious spirits, who in the lower part of heaven
3. had been created,
4. wrought their evil work
5. devising with wicked heads (at) sunset;
6. (like) a sea-monster to the river (they marched).
7. Among the seven of them the first was a scorpion (or fiery sting) of
rain.
8. The second was a thunderbolt which no man could face.
9. The third was a leopard ....
10. The fourth was a serpent ....
11. The fifth was a watch-dog which (rages) against (his foes).
12. The sixth was a raging tempest which to god and king submits not.
13. The seventh was the messenger of the evil wind which (Anu)
made.
14. The seven of them (are) messengers of the god Anu their king.
15. In city after city they set their returning feet.
16. The raging wind which (is) in heaven, fiercely hath been bound to
them.
17. The fleecy rain-clouds (are they) which in heaven establish cloudy
darkness.
18. The lightning of the tempest, the raging tempests which in the
bright day
19. establish gloom, are they.
20. With evil tempest, baleful wind, they began:
21. the storm of Rimmon, that was their might,
22. at the right hand of Rimmon did they march;
23. from the foundations of heaven like lightning (they darted),
24. (like) a sea-monster to the river in front they marched.
25. In the wide heavens the seat of Anu the king
26. with evil purpose did they abide, and a rival they had not.
27. Then Bel of this matter heard and
28. the word sank into his heart.
29. With Hea the supreme adviser of the gods he took counsel, and
30. Sin (the moon), Samas (the sun), and Istar (Venus) in the lower
part of heaven to direct it he had appointed.
31. With Anu the lordship of the hosts of heaven he made them share.
32. The three of them, those gods his children,
33. night and day he had established; that they break not apart,
34. he urged them.
35. Then those seven, the evil gods,
36. in the lower part of heaven commencing,
37. before the light of Sin fiercely they came,
38. the hero Samas and Rimmon (the god of the atmosphere) the
warrior to their quarters returned and
39. Istar with Anu the king a noble seat
40. chooses and in the government of heaven is glorious.

COLUMN II.
 MERODACH DELIVERING THE MOON-GOD FROM THE EVIL SPIRITS; FROM A BABYLONIAN CYLINDER.

The second column, which is much mutilated at the beginning, goes on to

describe “the trouble” of the moon-god, how “night and day in eclipse, in
the seat of his dominion he sat not.” But

1. The wicked gods the messengers of Anu their king

2. devising with wicked heads assisted one another.
3. Evil they plotted together.
4. From the midst of heaven like the wind on mankind they swooped.
5. Bel the eclipse of the hero Sin
6. in heaven saw and
7. the god to his messenger the god Nusku (Nebo) said:
8. “My messenger, Nebo, my word to the deep carry:
9. the news of my son Sin who in heaven is grievously eclipsed
10. to the god Hea in the deep repeat.” Then
11. Nebo the word of his lord obeyed, and
12. to Hea in the deep descended and went.
13. To the prince, the supreme councillor, the lord, the lord of
mankind,
14. Nebo the message of his lord in that quarter at once repeated.
15. Hea in the deep that message heard, and
28. his lips he bit, and with outcry his mouth he filled.
29. Hea his son the god Merodach called, and the word he spake:
30. “Go, my son Merodach!
31. the light of the sky, my son Sin, whom heaven is grievously
eclipsed,
32. (in) his eclipse from heaven is departing.
33. Those seven wicked gods, serpents13 of death, having no fear,
34. those seven wicked gods, who like a whirlwind
35. (destroy) the life of mankind,
36. against the earth like a storm they come down.
37. In front of the bright one Sin fiercely they came,
38. the hero Samas and Rimmon the warrior, to their quarters
(returned),
39. (Istar, with Anu the king, an illustrious seat chooses, and in the
dominion of heaven is glorious).
 EAGLE-HEADED MAN. FROM NIMROUD SCULPTURE.

Most of the remainder of the legend, consisting of some forty lines, is

unfortunately lost, owing to a fracture of the tablet. What is left, however,
shows that Merodach, “the brilliance of the sun,” for such is the meaning of
his name, who always appears in the Accadian hymns as a kind of
Babylonian Prometheus and universal benefactor, comes to the help of the
“labouring” moon, and “awe” goes before him. Dressed in “glistening
armour of unsoiled cloths and broad garments,” he enters “the gate of the
palace,” “a king, the son of his god, who, like the bright one, the moon-god,
sustains the life of the land,” and there with a helmet of “light like the fire”
upon his head, successfully overthrows the seven powers of darkness. The
poem concludes with a prayer that they may never descend into the land,
and traverse its borders.
In this story, which differs again from all the others, Bel is supposed to
place in the heaven the Moon, Sun, and Venus, the representative of the
stars. The details have no analogy with the other stories, and this can only
be considered a poetical myth of the Creation.
This legend is part of the sixteenth tablet of the series on evil spirits; but
the tablet contains other matters as well, the legend apparently being only
quoted in it. There is another remarkable legend of the same sort in praise
of the fire-god, on another tablet of this series published in “Cuneiform
Inscriptions,” vol. iv. p. 15. The whole of this series concerns the
wanderings of the god Merodach, who goes about the world seeking to
remove curses and spells, and in every difficulty applying to his father Hea
to learn how to combat the influence of the evil spirits, to whom all
misfortunes were attributed.
The seven evil spirits illustrate well the way in which a moral
signification may come to be attached to what was originally a purely
physical myth. They are frequently mentioned in the literature of ancient
Accad. Thus the twenty-third book, on eclipses of the moon, of the great
work on astronomy compiled for Sargon of Agané, states that: “When the
moon shall describe a section (in) the upper circle (of its revolution), the
gods of heaven and earth bring about dearth of men (and) their overthrow;
and (there is) eclipse, inundation, sickness, (and) death; the seven great
spirits before the moon are broken.” Elsewhere, an Accadian hymn, which
has an interlinear Assyrian translation attached to it, speaks as follows of
these dreaded spirits:—

1. Seven (they) are, seven they (are).

2. In the abyss of the deep seven they (are).
 3. The splendours of heaven (are) those seven.
4. In the abyss of the deep, (in) a palace, (was) their growth.
5. Male they (are) not, female they (are) not. [The Accadian text, in
accordance with the respect paid to women in Accad, reverses this
order.]
6. As for them, the deep (is) their binder.
7. Wife they have not, son is not born to them.
8. Reverence (and) kindness know they not.
9. Prayer and supplication hear they not.
10. (Among) the thorns (?) on the mountain (was) their growth.
11. To Hea are they foes.
12. The throne-bearers of the gods (are) they.
13. Destroying the roads on the paths are they set.
14. Wicked (are) they, wicked (are) they;
15. seven (are) they, seven (are) they, seven twice again (are) they.

Another Accadian poet, who lived at Eridu, the supposed site of Paradise,
at the junction of the Tigris and Euphrates, has left another account of the
Seven wicked spirits in the hymn to the fire-god mentioned above. He says
of them:—

1. O god of fire, those seven how were they begotten, how grew they
up?
2. Those seven in the mountain of the sunset were born;
3. those seven in the mountain of the sunrise grew up.
4. In the deep places of the earth have they their dwelling.
5. In the high places of the earth have they their name.
6. As for them, in heaven and earth wide is their habitation.
7. Among the gods their couch they have not.
8. Their name in heaven (and) earth exists not.
9. Seven they (are); in the mountain of the sunset do they rise.
10. Seven they (are); in the mountain of the sunrise did they set.
11. In the deep places of the earth did they rest their feet.
12. On the high places of the earth do they lift up their head.
13. As for them, goods they know not, in heaven (and) earth are they
not learned.
 Merodach is then ordered to fetch “the laurel, the baleful tree that breaks
in pieces the incubi, the name whereof Hea remembers in his heart, in the
mighty enclosure, the girdle of Eridu,” in order that the seven evil spirits
may be driven away. Can this laurel-tree be the tree of the knowledge of
good and evil? It must be remembered that Hea was “the lord of wisdom,”
and under the form of a fish as Oannes or Hea Khan was supposed to have
ascended from the Persian Gulf, and taught the primitive Babylonians the
elements of culture and civilization.
At the head of the seven evil spirits stood Tiamtu, the representative of
chaos and darkness. One of the most remarkable Babylonian legends yet
discovered is one which tells of the primæval struggle between Tiamtu and
Merodach, between light and darkness or good and evil, and which does but
embody in a new shape the conception which found expression in the myth
of the war against the moon. The tablets which contain this legend are
unfortunately in a very fragmentary condition.
The first of these is K 4832, too mutilated to translate; it contains
speeches of the gods before the war.
The second fragment, K 3473, contains also speeches, and shows the
gods preparing for battle. It is so terribly broken that translation is
impossible, and all that can be made out is a line here and there.
The third fragment, K 3938, is on the same subject; some lines of this
give the following general meaning:—

1. winged thunderbolts ....

2. fear he made to carry ....
3. their sight very great (?) ....
4. their bodies may he destroy and ....
5. he raised; it was suitable, the strong serpent ....
6. Udgallum, Urbat14 and the god ....
7. days arranged, five (?) ....
8. carrying weapons unyielding ....
9. her breast, her back ....
10. flowing (?) and first ....
11. among the gods collected ....
12. the god Kingu subdued ....
 13. marching in front before ....
14. carrying weapons thou ...
15. upon war ....
16. his hand appointed ....

There are many more similar broken lines, and on the other side
fragments of a speech by some being who desires Tiamtu to make war.
All these fragments are not sufficiently complete to allow us to translate
them with certainty, or even to ascertain their order.
The fourth fragment, K 3449, relates to the making of weapons to arm
the god who should meet in war the dragon.
This reads with some doubt on account of its mutilation:

1. The scimitar he had made the gods saw

2. and they saw also the bow how it had been stored up.
3. The work he had wrought (on his shoulder)
4. he raised and Anu in the assembly of the gods
5. kissed the bow; it (he addressed),
6. and he spake of the bow thus (and said)
7. The illustrious wood I have drawn out once and twice,
8. thrice also, her punishment the star of the bow in heaven (shall
effect)
9. and I have made (it) the protection (of mankind).
10. From the choice of ....
11. and place his throne ....
 BEL ENCOUNTERING THE DRAGON; FROM BABYLONIAN CYLINDER.

The next fragment or collection of fragments gives the final struggle

between Tiamtu and Bel Merodach. The saparu, or sickle-shaped sword, is
always represented both in the sculptures and inscriptions as a weapon of
Bel Merodach in this war.
Sixth Fragment.

1. .... he fixed it ....

2. the weapon with his right hand he took
3. .... and the quiver from his hand he hung,
4. and he hurled the lightning before him,
5. heat filled his body.
6. He made also the scimitar (to produce) calm in the midst of the sea
(Tiamtu).
7. The four winds he imprisoned that they might come forth from its
calm,
8. the South, the North, the East, and the West winds.
9. His hand caused the scimitar to approach the bow of his father Anu.
10. He created the evil wind, the hostile wind, the tempest, the storm,
11. the four winds, the seven winds, the whirlwind, the unceasing
wind.
12. He sent forth also the winds he had created, seven of them;
13. into the midst of the sea (Tiamtu) they were launched to disturb,
they came after him.
14. He lifted up the weapon, the thunderbolt, his mighty weapon;
15. in a chariot that sweeps away all in front, which gives rest, he rode.
16. He fixed it and four yoke-thongs on its pole he hung,
17. .... the unyielding, the overwhelming, he that pursues her.
18. .... with their sting bringing poison
19. .... sweeping away knowledge (?)
20. .... destruction and fighting.

(Several other fragmentary lines.)

Reverse.

1. Unprevailing (is) thy troop; may thy arms strike their bodies!
2. I also stand firm, and with thee make battle.
3. Tiamtu (the sea) on hearing this
4. as before used spells, she changed her resolution.
5. Tiamtu also raised herself; warily she ascended.
6. At the roots fully she grounded (her) foundations.
7. She told over the spell; she determined return (to chaos),
8. and the gods for the war asked for themselves their weapons.
9. Then Tiamtu attacked the prince of the gods, Merodach,
10. who had made charms as for combat for the conflict in battle.
11. Then Bel made sharp his scimitar; he smote her.
12. The evil wind that seizes behind from before him fled.
13. And Tiamtu opened her mouth to swallow him.
14. The evil wind he made to descend so that she could not close her
lips;
15. the force of the wind her stomach filled, and
16. she was sickened in heart, and her mouth it distorted.
17. She bit the shaft (of the sword); her stomach failed;15
18. her inside it cut asunder, it conquered the heart;
19. it consumed her, and her life it ended.
20. Her death he completed, over her he fixes (it).
21. When Tiamat their leader he had conquered,
22. her ranks he broke, her assembly was scattered;
23. and the gods her helpers who went beside her
24. returned in fear, they fled back behind them.
25. They fled and feared for their life.
26. They are companions in flight, powerless.
27. He trampled on them and their weapons he broke.
28. Like a scimitar are they laid, and as in darkness they sat.
29. (They seek) their quarters, they are full of grief;
30. what was left they take away, they pull back like a rope,
 MERODACH, OR BEL, ARMED FOR THE CONFLICT WITH THE DRAGON; FROM ASSYRIAN CYLINDER.

31. and elevenfold offspring from fear they produce

32. (Through) the flood the demons go (all of them?).
33. He laid the hostility, his hand ....
34. part of their opposition under him ....
35. and the god Kingu again ....

Again the main difficulty arises from the fragmentary state of the
documents, it being impossible even to decide the order of the fragments. It
appears, however, that the gods have fashioned for them a scimitar and a
bow to fight the dragon Tiamtu, and Anu proclaims great honour (fourth
fragment, lines 7 to 11) to any of the gods who will engage in battle with
her. Bel or Merodach volunteers, and goes forth armed with these weapons
to fight the dragon. Tiamtu is encouraged by one of the gods who has
become her husband, and meets Merodach in battle. The description of the
fight and the subsequent triumph of the god are very fine, and remarkably
curious in their details, but the connection between the fragments is so
uncertain at present that it is better to reserve comment upon them until the
text is more complete. The scimitar with which Merodach is armed is
shown by the cylinders and bas-reliefs to have been of the shape of a sickle,
and is therefore the same as the harpê or khereb with which the Greek hero
Perseus was armed when he went forth to fight against the dragon of the sea
at Joppa. The dragon itself, according to the representations of the
monuments, was a composite monster, with the tail, horns, claws, and
wings of the mediæval devil. The whole war between the powers of good
and evil, chaos and order, finds its parallel in the war between Michael and
the dragon in Revelation xii. 7 to 9, where the dragon is called “the great
dragon, that old serpent, called the devil and Satan, which deceiveth the
whole world.” This description is strikingly like the impression gathered
from the fragments of the cuneiform story; the dragon Tiamtu who fought
against the gods, and whose fate it was to be conquered in a celestial war,
closely corresponds in all essential points with the dragon conquered by
Michael. That the dragon originally symbolized the sea is one proof out of
many that the Accadians were a seafaring people, well acquainted with the
terrors of the deep, when the waves conspire with the storm-clouds, those
seven evil spirits, to throw all nature once more into its primeval anarchy.

FIGHT BETWEEN BEL AND THE DRAGON, FROM BABYLONIAN CYLINDER.

 CHAPTER VII.
THE SIN OF THE GOD ZU.
God Zu.—Obscurity of legend.—Translation.—Sin of Zu.—Anger
of the gods.—Speeches of Anu to Rimmon.—Rimmon’s answer.—
Speech of Anu to Nebo.—Answer of Nebo.—Lugal-turda.—Changes
to a bird.—The Zu bird.—Bird of prey.—Lugal-turda lord of Amarda.
—Prometheus.

AMONG the legends of the gods, companion stories to the accounts of

the Creation and Deluge, one of the most curious is the legend of the sin
committed by the god Zu.
This legend stands quite alone, its incidents and its principal actor being
otherwise almost unknown from cuneiform sources. Only one copy of the
story has at present been detected, and this is in so mutilated a condition
that it cannot be connected with any other of the legends. It belongs to the
same cycle of myths as the myth of the exploits of Dibbara, which will be
given in the next chapter.
The principal actor in the legend is a god named Zu, the name being
found in all the three cases of an Assyrian noun Zu, Za, and Zi. Analogy
would lead us to infer that the name had been borrowed by the Assyrians
from the Accadians, as well as the story with which it is connected.
Mr. Smith compared the legend with that of the mutilation of Uranus by
his son Kronus, and with the history of the outrage of Ham on his father
Noah; but its real analogue is the myth of Prometheus, the benefactor of
men, who stole the fire of heaven for their sake, and brought upon himself
the anger and punishment of Zeus. It contains two difficult words, partsi
and tereti. The first is ambiguous, meaning either “oracles” or “shrines,” but
since it is coupled with dup-simi, “tablets of destiny,” it is probably to be
rendered “oracles.” Tereti is very obscure. The sun-god is called “the lord of
tereti” and the word occurs in the hymn to the Creator, Rev. 17 (p. 79),
where also it is united with partsi, “command” or “oracle.” It may signify
“lots.” The tablets of destiny, stolen by Zu, for the benefit, apparently, of
mankind, formed the vault of the palace of the under-world. We may
compare the books which are to be opened on the day of judgment in Dan.
vii. 10, and Rev. xx. 12.
The tablet containing the account of the sin of Zu, K 3454, in the
Museum collection, originally contained four columns of text, each column
having about sixty lines of writing. The first and fourth columns are almost
entirely lost, there not being enough anywhere to translate from. The
mutilation of the text seriously adds to the difficulties of translation.
The single fragment preserved, belonging to the first column, mentions
some being who was the seed or firstborn of Bel, with a number of titles,
such as “warrior, soldier of the temple of Bel,” and the name of the god Zu
occurs, but not so as to prove these titles to be his.
The following is a partial translation of the remains of this tablet:—
K. 3454.
COLUMN I. lost.
COLUMN II.

1. .... of the gods all of them he urged on.

2. ........ the image, Zu grew old (and)
3. Zu? like .... Bel seized his heel.
4. Three streams? of water in front also
5. the work of Bel in ........ he dreams of (or ponders) in himself.
6. The crown of his majesty, the clothing of his divinity,
7. the tablets of destiny, himself, Zu, he dreams of, and
8. he dreams that he is the father of the gods also, the protector of
heaven and earth.
9. The desire to be Bel is taken in his heart,
10. Zu dreams that he is also the father of the gods, the protector of
heaven and earth.
11. The desire to be Bel is taken in his heart:
12. Let me too seize the tablets of destiny of the gods,
13. and the tereti of the gods all of them let me kindle,
14. may my throne also be established, let me lift up the oracles,
15. let me urge on the whole of all of them, even the angels.
16. So he lifted up his heart in opposition,
17. in the lower part of the forest where he was dreaming he kept his
head away from the day.
18. When Bel pours out the bright waters,
19. spread out also on the throne his crown was placed,
20. the tablets of doom his hand took,
21. the attributes of Bel he seized, he laid hold of the oracles.
22. Zu fled away and a rugged mountain concealed (him).
23. He spread darkness, and made a commotion (?).
24. The father, their king, the ruler Bel
25. ..... outpoured the glory of the gods.
26. .........
27. Anu his mouth opened, he speaks
28. and says to the gods his sons:
29. Whoever will, let him slay Zu, and
30. among all men may his name be renowned.
—–———–———–———–
31. (To Rimmon) the powerful firstborn the son of Anu
32. his will also to him he declares:
33. To Rimmon the powerful firstborn the son of Anu
34. his will to him he declares.
35. (O mighty) Rimmon, companion, may thy power of fighting never
fail.
36. (Slay) Zu with thy weapon.
37. (May thy name) be renowned in the assembly of the great gods,
38. .... a rival have thy brothers
39. may they supply and build of brick (thy) altars,
40. in the four regions may they establish thy stronghold.
41. May thy stronghold be exalted to become a shrine.
42. They shall cry (?) in the presence of the gods and blessed be thy
name.
43. Rimmon answered the speech,
44. to his father Anu a word he speaks;
45. My father, to an impenetrable mountain do thou consign (him).
46. Let Zu never associate among the gods thy sons.
47. The tablets of destiny his hand took;
48. the attributes of Bel he seized, laying hold of the oracles,
49. Zu fled away and a rugged mountain concealed (him).
50. .... the opening of (his) mouth
51. ........ like mud
52. .... the gods sweep away
53. .... I will not go he said.

—–———–———–———–———–
(Sixteen lines lost here, part on this column, part on Column III.)
COLUMN III.

1. Zu fled away and a rugged mountain concealed (him).

2. .... the opening of his mouth ... the protector of heaven and earth
3. ........ like mud
4. .... the gods sweep away
5. .... I will not go he said.
—–———–———–———–
6. To Nebo the powerful .... the eldest son of Istar,
7. (Anu his will) to him also declares:
8. O mighty Nebo, companion, may thy power of fighting never fail!
9. (Slay) Zu with thy weapon.
10. May (thy name) be renowned in the assembly of the great gods,
11. ..... among the gods thy brothers a rival have (?)
12. May they supply and build (thy) altars;
13. in the four regions may they establish thy stronghold.
14. May thy stronghold be exalted to become a shrine.
15. They shall cry (?) in the presence of the gods and blessed be thy
name.
16. Nebo answered the speech,
17. to his father Anu a word he speaks:
18. My father, to a trackless mountain do thou consign him.
19. Let Zu never associate with the gods thy sons.
20. The tablets of destiny his hand took,
21. the attributes of Bel he seized, laying hold of the oracles.
22. Zu fled away and a rugged mountain concealed him.
23. .... the opening of his mouth ... the protector of heaven and earth
 The rest, including Column IV., is lost.
Such are the fragments of the story so far as they can be translated at
present. The divine Zu here mentioned, whose sin is spoken of, is never
counted among the gods, and there would be no clue to his nature were it
not for a curious tablet printed in “Cuneiform Inscriptions,” vol. iv. p. 14,
which throws light on his origin and character. This tablet gives the
following curious relation:

1. The god Lugal-turda (the valiant king) [fled] to the mountains, a

place remote;
2. in the mountains of Sabu [he dwelt].
3. No mother gave him life16 or (suckled him).
4. No father gave him life or with him (associated).
5. No noble who knew him (helped him).
6. Of the resolution of his heart the resolution he (changed) not.
7. In his own heart the resolution (he kept).
8. Into the likeness of a bird was he transformed;
9. into the likeness of the divine storm bird (or Zu bird) was he
transformed.
10. The face of his wife who has faced?
11. The wife of the Divine Zu bird, the son of the divine Zu bird,
12. in companionship he made sit.
13. The goddess Enna, the lady of Tigenna,
14. in the mountain he brought back.
15. A woman fashioned was her mother according to likeness made,
16. the goddess of perfumes a woman fashioned was her mother
according to likeness made.
17. Her hair was white crystal;
18. Her navel was pure with silver and gold,
19. brightness was fixed in the womb;
20. in the womb dwelt perfection (?).

Many lines are lost here, and the story recommences on reverse.

1. .... a turban he placed on his head

2. (when) from the nest of the god Zu he came.
—–———–———–———–
 This Zu bird is plainly the same as the god Zu of the former legend, and
his nature is shown by a passage in the annals of Assur-nazir-pal
(“Cuneiform Inscriptions,” vol. i. p. 22, col. ii. l. 107), who says that his
warriors “like the divine Zu bird upon them darted.” This bird is called the
cloud or storm-bird, the flesh-eating bird, the lion or giant bird, the bird of
prey, the bird with sharp beak; and it is not difficult to see what the deified
bird really was. It was clearly the storm-cloud, which appears in Aryan
folklore under the varying forms of the eagle, the woodpecker, and the
robin redbreast, the bird of Thor; while in Chinese mythology the storm-
bird is described as “a bird which, in flying, obscures the sun, and of whose
quills are made water-tuns.” The roc of the “Arabian Nights,” with its wings
of ten thousand fathoms in width, and its egg, which it was a sin in Aladdin
to wish to take from the place where it hung, is but an echo of the Chinese
storm-bird; and the identity of the Chaldean Zu with the latter is
demonstrated by its Accadian name, which signifies “the bird of the divine
storm-cloud.” Just as Prometheus brought the lightning from heaven to
earth, and suffered the penalty of enchainment to a desert rock, so, too, the
storm-bird of Accad stole the secrets of the gods, and was punished by exile
from them, and transformation into a bird. When once the storm-cloud had
been likened to a bird, it was easy enough to identify it with an actual bird
of similar name which swooped upon its prey with sharp beak. That the
lightning which darted from the bosom of the black tempest really formed
the tablets of destiny was a ready conclusion to a people who read the
future in the message sent through the lightning from heaven to earth. Even
the Hebrews saw in the thunder “the voice of God.” Lugal-turda, it may be
added, was the patron of the city of Amarda or Marad, and is said to have
been the deity worshipped by Izdubar.
In the story of the offence of Zu there is another instance of the variations
which constantly occur in the Assyrian inscriptions with respect to the
relationship of the gods. Nebo is usually called son of Merodach, but in this
inscription he is called son of Anu. The part that he plays in it is due to the
fact that he was identified with the “meridian sun.”
 CHAPTER VIII.
THE EXPLOITS OF DIBBARA.
Dibbara.—God of Pestilence.—Itak.—The Plague.—Seven warrior
gods.—Destruction of people.—Anu.—Goddess of Karrak.—Speech
of Bel.—Sin and destruction of Babylonians.—Samas.—Sin and
destruction of Erech.—Istar.—The great god and Duran.—Cutha.—
Internal wars.—Itak goes to Syria.—Power and glory of Dibbara.—
Song of Dibbara.—Blessings on his worship.—God Ner.—Prayer to
arrest the Plague.—Antiquity of the legend.—Itak.

THE tablets recording this story are five in number, but a few fragments
only of them have as yet been found. From the indications presented by
these fragments the first four tablets seem each to have had four columns of
writing, while the fifth tablet was a smaller one of two columns containing
the remainder of the story.
The god whose exploits are principally recorded was the leader of the
plague-demons, and bears the name of Dibbara. He has the title of “the
darkening one,” which recalls the passage in Psalm xci. 6, “the pestilence
that walketh in darkness.”
He has a companion deity named Itak who marches before him, and
seven gods who follow him in his destructive course. The latter are the
seven evil spirits in a new form.
The point of the story in these tablets appears to be, that the people of the
world had offended Anu the god of heaven, and accordingly that deity
ordered Dibbara to go forth and strike the people with the pest. It is evident
here that exactly the same views prevailed in Babylonia as among the Jews,
visitations from pestilence or famine being always supposed to be sent by
the deity in punishment for some sin. In fact, the account of the pestilence
inflicted upon the Israelites on account of David’s sin in numbering the
people is a striking parallel to the Accadian legend which follows. The
angel of the pestilence seen by David, with his sword drawn, may be
compared with Dibbara, the Accadian personification of the pest.
 The whole of this series of tablets may be described as a poetical picture
of the destruction caused by a plague, sweeping over district after district,
and destroying everything before it.
The fragment which appears to come first in the series is a very mutilated
portion of a tablet, containing parts of three columns of writing. Only a
fragment of the first column is perfect enough to translate, and the
characters on this are so worn that the translation cannot be other than
doubtful. It seems to read

1. Against the paling he struck and ....

2. the fifth time he smote (?) above and below seeking .....
3. seven ......
4. The words of the account of the seven gods all of them Anu had
heard.
5. He .... them also to Dibbara the warrior of the gods: May thy hands
go
5(sic.). whenever the people of the nations their shame [or alliance]
have destroyed.
7. I have set thy heart also to make darkness.
8. The people of the black heads to ruin thou shalt strike with the
desolation of the god Ner;
9. may thy weapons (overthrow) them, and may thy hands go.
10. As for them ..... their weapons.
11. He said to Dibbara: ......

The speech of Anu which follows is written in characters so broken and

indistinct as to make any attempt at translation impossible.
The next fragment is of a different character, but appears from its style to
belong to the same series.

1. .... he ....
2. .. spake to him and he explained (?) ....
3. .. spake to him and he learned (?) ....
4. Anu at the doing of Hea shouted for joy and ....
5. the gods of heaven and earth as many as exist whosoever thus
answered;
 6. his command which was like the command of Anu whosoever
appointed
7. .... extending from the horizon of heaven to the top of heaven
8. .... he looked and his fear he saw
9. .... Anu who .... over him .... made
10. .... of Hea his calamity (?) made
11. .... a fierce lord to later days to ....
12. .... seed of mankind
13. .... triumphantly the net (?) .. he broke
14. .... to heaven he had ascended, she thus
15. .... 4,021 people he had placed
16. .... the illness which was on the body of the people he had placed
17. .... the illness the goddess of Karrak made to cease.

The next portion of the legend is a considerable part of one of the tablets,
probably the fourth, all four columns of writing being represented. There
are many curious points in this tablet, beside the special purpose of the
legend, such as the peoples enumerated in the fourth column, the action of
the gods of the various cities, &c.
COLUMN I.

1. Bel .... his yokes and

2. (in his) heart he says:
3. Dibbara is crouching at his gate, among the corpses of chiefs and
slaves;
4. Dibbara is crouching at his gate; thou knowest his seat.
5. Babylon their foes besieged, and
6. their curse art thou.
7. To the floor thou didst trample them and thou didst make a passage,
8. O warrior Dibbara.
9. Thou didst leave the land, thou didst go forth against others;
10. the destruction of the nobles wast thou made, and thou didst
descend into the palace.
11. The people also saw thee; their weapons were shattered.
12. The high priest the avenger of Babylon sets his heart,
13. when the ranks of the enemies to spoil he urges on his soldiers.
14. Before the face of the people they did evil.
15. To that city whither I shall send thee, thou a man
16. shalt not fear, shalt not respect a man.
17. Small and great as one man cast down and
18. of that evil race thou shalt not save any one.
19. The collection of the goods of Babylon thou spoilest;
20. the people of the king (which) is gathered together, and entered
into the city,
21. shaking the bow, planting the sword (?)
22. of the soldiers the help, the transgression (transgressors) against
Anu and Dagon,
23. their weapons thou plantest,
24. their corpses like the pouring down of rain thou dost cast down in
the streets of the city,
25. and their treasures (?) thou openest, and dost sweep into the river.
26. The spell Merodach saw and angrily (?) spoke,
27. his heart was taken,
28. an unsparing curse in his mouth was formed,
29. .... the river he did not ....

COLUMN II.
Many lines lost.

1. .... that city which the lord of the earth ...

2. a whirlwind he did not (make) ....
3. without Samas his tower thou crossest, the land thou givest (?)
4. of Erech the seat of Anu and Istar,
5. the city of (the handmaids) Samkhati and Kharimati, the choirs of
6. Istar. Death they fear (and) they are delivered into thy hands (?).
7. The Suti (Arab nomads) with the Suti are placed in ....
8. they are slain; the temple of Anu the priests, the festival makers,
9. who, to make the people of Istar worship, their manhood devoted,
10. carrying swords, carrying razors, dupe, and knives,
11. who to rejoice the glory of Istar trusted,
12. O fierce high priest, the bowing-down of the face over them thou
hast made.
13. Their foundations also, their shrines ....
14. Istar cried out and was troubled over the city of Erech,
15. the enemy she strikes and like corn on the face of the waters she
scatters.
16. Dwelling in his .... Bit-Parra ....
17. ... she rests not from the war.
18. The enemy whom thou hast stricken obeys not ....
19. The great god answered the speech:
20. The city of Duran to streams of blood ....
21. the people who dwell in the midst of it like reeds (are trembling);
22. .... before the waters their alliance ....
23. and ... thou dost not ....
24. to the Suti ........
25. I in my city Duran judge uprightly
26. I do not ........
27. evil (?) I do not give and ....
28. the upright people I leave ....
Five other broken lines.

COLUMN III.
Many lines lost.

1. .... the house he had built ....

2. this he did, and I ....
3. the day he brought me my fate I ....
4. him, his camp (?) also he caused to destroy ..
5. Afterwards may they destroy, and to another
6. O warrior Dibbara, the established also in Gutium,
7. the unestablished also in Gutium,
8. who sin against thee also in Gutium,
9. who do not sin against thee also in Gutium,
10. .... the destroyer (?) of the clothes of the god of Gutium,
11. .... the mover of the head of the king.
Two other mutilated lines.

COLUMN IV.

1. May the planet Mercury cause his splendour to wane;

2. to his resolutions (?) is he bound:
 3. he rejoices not the mouth of his (worshippers)
4. who the structure .......
5. to the seat of the king of the gods may he urge and ....
6. The warrior Dibbara heard it also,
7. the word (which) the god Itak spake to him ..
8. and thus spake the warrior Dibbara:
9. Sea against sea, Subartu (Syria) against Subartu, Assyria against
Assyria,
10. Elam against Elam,
11. Kossæan against Kossæan,
12. Sutu against Sutu,
13. Gutium against Gutium,
14. Lullubu against Lullubu,
15. country against country, house against house, man against man,
16. brother against brother also, may they destroy each other,
17. and afterwards may Accad come and
18. the whole of them destroy, and fight against them.
19. The warrior Dibbara to Itak who goes before him a word speaks:
20. Go also Itak, in the word thou hast spoken do according to all thy
heart.
21. Itak against the land of Khikhi (Phœnicia) set his face,
22. and the seven warrior gods unequalled
23. marched after him.
24. To the country of Khikhi to the mountains the warrior went,
25. his hand he also lifted and destroyed the land,
26. the land of Khikhi he counted as his own country.

The next fragments of the story are on a mutilated copy of the last tablet,
K. 1282. This tablet, as has been before stated, is only a smaller
supplemental one to include the end of the story, which could not be written
on the fourth tablet.
K. 1282.
Obverse.

1. From Dibbara ....

2. the gods all of them ....
3. the angels and spirits all ....
4. Dibbara his mouth opened and ....
5. a voice also the whole of you ....
6. I also in the first sin ....
7. in heart I cried out and ....
8. like a flock of sheep may ....
9. without the planting of boundaries against ...
10. like the spoiling of the country steadfast and ..
11. in the mouth of the high noble ....
12. and the place ....
Fifteen lines much broken here.
28. .... the land of Accad its strength ....
29. May one slay seven like ....
30. his cities to ruins and mounds thou dost reduce ....
31. his great spoil thou dost spoil, to the midst of ....
32. the gods of the country .... thou removest afar off ....
33. the god Ner and the God Serakh thou directedst ....
34. the countries their productions, the sea thou ..
35. its interior they destroyed ....
Four mutilated lines here.

Reverse.

1. For years untold the glory of the great lord the god ....
2. When Dibbara had cried out and to sweep the countries ....
3. had set his face
4. Itak his adviser had quieted him and stayed ...
5. gathering together his forces to the glorious one of the gods,
Merodach the son of (Hea).
6. In the hour of night he sent him, and when in the year ....
7. Not any one ....
8. .... and sent not down against ....
9. his .... also Dibbara received before ....
10. .... Itak who goes before him, the illustrious god ....
11. are all of them laid with him.
12. Any one who speaks of the warrior Dibbara
13. and that song shall glorify, in his place thou wilt keep (his) canals,
 14. .... never may he fall (?) ....
15. the heavens have caused the borders of (his) regions to increase.
16. Whoever the glory of my heroism shall recount,
17. an adversary never may he have.
18. The musician who shall sing, shall not die by the chastisement;
19. higher than king and prince may that man ascend.
20. The tablet writer who studies it (and) flees from the hostile, shall
be great in the land.
21. If in the places of the people, the established place, my name they
proclaim,
22. their ears I open.
23. In the house, the place where their goods are placed, if I Dibbara
am angry
24. may the seven gods turn him aside,
25. may the chastising sword not touch him whose face thou
establishest.
26. That song for ever may they establish and may they fix the part ....
27. may all the world hear, and glorify my heroism;
28. may the men of all nations see, and exalt my name.
Fifth tablet of the exploits of the god (Dibbara).

Here we see a picture of Oriental feeling with reference to natural

phenomenon or disaster to mankind. It is supposed that some deity or angel
stands with a sword over the devoted people and sweeps them into eternity.
The first fragment shows the anger of Anu at the sin of some doomed
race, and his command to Dibbara to take his weapon, slay the people, and
desolate the land like the god Ner. This god Ner was one of the mythical
kings of Babylon who reigned after the flood, and is mentioned as having a
terrible name and being with Etana a dweller in Hades. The allusion to him
in this passage seems to imply that he was believed to have once rescued
Babylon from a hostile attack.
The next fragment exhibits the goddess of Karrak as healing the illness of
some of the people, 4,102 being mentioned as struck with disease.
 In the next and largest fragment the story becomes a little more
connected; it commences with a description of preparation for battle, and
goes on through speeches and actions to describe the course of Dibbara and
his plague that he inflicts upon Babylon, and its besiegers where he spares
neither chief nor slave, and enters even the palace. It would seem that the
sin of the Babylonians arose from the chief priest or governor of the city
arming the troops and sending them out to plunder the enemy. For this the
plague is sent, and its progress is graphically described. Merodach the
special protector of Babylon at last interferes, and the god of pestilence is
checked in his course. The next city visited belongs to Samas, being either
Larsa, or Sippara, and then the plague reaches Erech. The character of this
city is described, the worship of Venus, with her handmaids Samkhati and
Kharimati, or “Joy” and “Seduction,” the priests and ceremonies, and the
progress of the plague over the place. Then the great god the deity of Duran
comes forward and pleads for his city, calling to mind its uprightness and
justice, and praying for its exemption from the plague.
In the third column mention is made of Gutium, under which name the
Accadians designated the whole tract of country which extended from the
Tigris to the eastern borders of Media, including the district afterwards
known as Assyria. The land of Nizir, in which rose the mountain of Elwend,
on the top of which the Accadians supposed the ark to have rested, also
formed part of this vast tract. Sir Henry Rawlinson long ago pointed out
that Gutium must be the Goyim of the 14th chapter of Genesis, ruled by
Tidal, or rather, according to the reading of the Septuagint, Tur-gal “the
great Son.”
The fourth column next describes a prophecy of Dibbara that there
should be internal war among the peoples of the Persian Gulf, of Syria,
Assyria, Elam, Gutium, Lullubu and the Kossæans, from all which troubles
benefit should come to the Accadians or northern Babylonians. The
Kossæans or Cassi inhabited the northern part of Elam, and under
Khammuragas conquered Babylonia and founded there a dynasty which
lasted a long time. Lullubu lay northward of Mesopotamia and Nizir.
Then according to his wish Dibbara sends the god Itak his servant, with
the seven warrior gods, to devastate, and Itak sweeps over the country and
destroys it.17
 The last tablet deals in generalities pointing out the action of Dibbara
when his praise was neglected, and telling all the glories and good that
should come to those who should celebrate this deity in song. On the spread
of a plague it is evident that the Babylonians had no better means of
arresting it than to pray and praise the supposed terrible deity of the
scourge, that he might sheathe his sword of anger.
The antiquity of the legend is evident from the geographical names which
occur in it. A geographical list which seems based on an Accadian original
is the only other document which speaks of Phœnicia, or rather a part of
Phœnicia, under the name of Khikhi; and the fact that no reference is made
to the Hittites shows that the poem is earlier than the sixteenth century B.C.,
when the Hittites first rose into power in western Asia. Subartu is derived
from the Accadian subar “high,” applied by the Accadians to the highlands
of Aram or Syria.
 CHAPTER IX.
BABYLONIAN FABLES.
Fables.—Common in the East.—Description.—Power of speech in
animals.—Story of the eagle.—Serpent.—Samas.—The eagle caught.
—Eats the serpent.—Anger of Birds.—Etana.—Seven gods.—Third
tablet.—Speech of eagle.—Story of the fox.—His cunning.—
Judgment of Samas.—His show of sorrow.—His punishment.—
Speech of fox.—Fable of the horse and ox.—They consort together.—
Speech of the ox.—His good fortune.—Contrast with the horse.—
Hunting the ox.—Speech of the horse.—Offers to recount story.—
Story of Istar.—Further tablets.

COMBINED with these stories of the gods, traditions of the early history
of man, and accounts of the Creation, are fragments of a series in which
various animals speak and act. As these resemble the beast-fables of other
races, more especially the African, they may be conveniently classed under
the general heading of “Fables.” The idea that animals can speak, or have
spoken in some former age of the world, even occurs in Genesis, where we
have a speaking serpent; in Numbers, where Balaam’s ass reproves his
master; and in the stories of Jotham and Joash, where the trees are made to
talk; as also in the Izdubar legends, where the trees answer Hea-bani.
Four fables have been preserved among the fragmentary records of
Assur-bani-pal’s library.
The first contained at least four tablets each having four columns of
writing. Two of the acting animals in it are the eagle and the serpent.
The second is similar in character, the leading animal being the fox or
jackal, but there are only four fragments of it; it may belong to the same
series as the fable of the eagle.
The third is a single tablet with two columns of writing, and contains a
discussion between the horse and ox.
 The fourth is a single fragment in which a calf speaks, but there is
nothing to show the nature of the story.

I. THE STORY OF THE EAGLE.

This story appears to be the longest and most curious of the fables, but
the very mutilated condition of the various fragments gives as usual
considerable difficulty in attempting a translation of it. One of the actors in
the story is an ancient monarch named Etana, who, like Ner, ruled over
Babylon in the mythical period that followed the Deluge, and whose
phantom was believed to sit, crowned, on a throne in Hades along with the
shades of the other heroes of old time. The story of Etana was supposed to
have been written by an early poet named Nis-Sin.
It is impossible to determine the proper order of the fragments of the
story owing to their mutilated condition; they must therefore be translated
as they come.
K 2527.
Many lines lost at the commencement.

1. The serpent in ...

2. I gave a command (?) .....
3. to the eagle .....
4. Again the nest .....
5. my nest I have left in .....
6. the assembly? of my people .....
7. I went down and entered:
8. the sentence which Samas has pronounced on me .....
9. the ear of corn (?) which Samas thy field the earth ....
10. this thy fruit ....
11. in thy field let me not ....
12. the doing of evil the goddess Bahu (Gula) ....
13. The sorrow of the serpent [Samas saw and]
14. Samas opened his mouth and a word he spoke:
15. Go, along the way pass ....
16. he covered thee ....
17. open also his heart ....
 18. .... he placed (?) ....
19. .... birds of heaven ....

Reverse.

1. The eagle with them ....

2. the god? had known ....
3. he descended, the flesh he ....
4. to cover the ....
5. to the midst at his entering ....
6. the cutting off of the feathers of his wings ....
7. his claws? and his pinions to ....
8. death by hunger and thirst ....
9. for the work of Samas the warrior, the serpent ....
10. he took also the serpent ....
11. he opened also his heart ....
12. seat he placed ....
13. peace the birds of heaven ....
14. May the eagle ....
15. with the young of the birds ....
16. The eagle opened his mouth ....
Five other mutilated lines.

On another fragment are the following few words:—

Obverse.

1. .... fierce to him also ....

2. .... the god (?) my father ....
3. like Etana thy death ....
4. like thee ....
5. the god Etana the king ....
6. they stripped him in ....

Reverse.

1. Within the gate of Anu, Bel (and Hea)

2. they are established ....
 3. within the gate of Sin, Samas, Rimmon, and ....
4. .... I opened ....
5. its ... I devastated ....
6. .... in the midst ....
7. the king ....
8. the god also ....
9. I overshadowed the throne ....
10. I took (?) also ....
11. to the great one also I have explained (?) ....
12. The eagle to him also even to Etana ....
13. his .... the mouth ....
14. may thy city submit ....

The next fragment, K 2606, is curious, as containing an account of some

early legendary story in Babylonian history. This tablet formed the third in
the series, and from it we gain part of the title of the tablets.
K 2606.

1. ....... the god had placed ....

2. of the city he had fixed its brickwork ....
3. he had shepherded them ....
4. Etana gave them ....
5. .... corn ....
6. the seven spirits of earth ....
7. .... they took their counsel ....
8. .... the world ....
9. .... all of them the angels ....
10. .... they ....
11. In those days also ....
12. and a sceptre of crystal ....
13. the bowing down of the world ....
14. the seven gods over the people raised ....
15. over the men they raised ....
16. the city of the angels Surippak
17. Istar the streets ....
18. and the king flew ....
19. the god Inninna the streets ....
 20. and the king flew ....
21. Bel encircled (?) the sanctuary of the god ....
22. he worshipped also ....
23. in the wide country ....
24. the kingdom ....
25. he brought and ....
26. the gods of the country ....

Reverse.
Many lines lost.

1. from of old he caused him to wait ....

—–———–———–———–
2. Third tablet of “The city he left (?) ....”
—–———–———–———–
3. The eagle his mouth opened and to Samas his lord he spake.

The next fragment is a small portion probably of the fourth tablet.

1. The eagle his mouth (opened) ....

2. ..........
3. the people of the birds ....
4. ..........
5. peace he speaks ....
6. peace I speak ....
7. in the mouth of Samas the warrior ....
8. the people of the birds ....
9. The eagle his mouth opened and ....
10. Why do I go ....
11. the god Etana his mouth opened and ....

Such are the principal fragments of this curious legend. According to the
fragment K 2527, the serpent had committed some sin for which it was
condemned by the god Samas to be eaten by the eagle; but the eagle
declined the repast.
 After this, some one, whose name is lost, baits a trap for the eagle, and
the bird going to get the meat, falls into the trap and is caught. Now the
eagle is left, until dying for want of food it is glad to eat the serpent, which
it takes and tears open. The other birds then interfere, but the tablet is too
mutilated to allow us to discover for what purpose.
The other fragments concern the building of some city, Etana being king,
and in these relations the eagle again appears; there are seven spirits or
angels principal actors in the matter, but the whole story is obscure at
present, and a connected plot cannot be made out.
This fable has evidently some direct connection with the mythical history
of Babylonia, for Etana is mentioned as an ancient Babylonian monarch in
the Izdubar legends. He seems to be the Titan of the Greek writers, who
lived after the Deluge and made war against Kronos or Hea shortly after the
confusion of tongues. The city built by Etana may be the city mentioned in
Gen. xi. 4 as built at the same time as the Tower of Babel. If the Sibyl can
be trusted Titan was a contemporary of Prometheus, in whom we may
perhaps see the Inninna of the cuneiform inscription. That Etana was
closely associated with the story of the Deluge appears plain from the fact
that he ruled at Surippak, the home and kingdom of the Chaldean Noah.
The legend of Etana seems in the fable to be put into the mouth of the eagle.
II. STORY OF THE FOX.
The next fable, that of the fox, was ascribed to an author called Lal-
Merodach, the son of Eri-Turnunna, but the fragments are so disconnected
that they must be given without any attempt at arrangement.
K 3641.
COLUMN I.

1. he had raised life ....

2. thou in that day also didst establish ....
3. thou knowest plots (and) the making of snares ....
4. of .... chains, his command he ....
5. from the time the fox approaches he urged me; let not ....
6. in treading down .... he had established on my feet,
 7. again by command is the fecundity of life.
8. Samas by thy judgment is ruler; never may he go forth;
9. if need be, with the making of snares let them put to death the fox.
—–———–———–———–
10. The fox on hearing this, raised his head in the presence of Samas
and weeps.
11. To the presence of the splendour of Samas his tears went:
12. by this judgment O Samas thou dost not make me fecund.

(Columns II. and III. lost.)

COLUMN IV.

1. I went to my forest, I turned not back after him

2. and in peace I came not forth, and the sun sees not.
3. As for thee, never may man imprison (thee),
4. since in the pride of my heart and the strength of my face thou goest
straight before (me).
5. May I confine thee and not send (thee) away.
6. May I take hold of thee and thou lacerate not ....
7. May I seize thee and not tear (thee) to pieces.
8. May I tear thy limbs to pieces and (not) ....
9. The fox weeps ....
10. he bowed his face ....
11. I went and ....
Five other mutilated lines.

The next fragment has lost the commencements and ends of all the lines.

1. .... he carries (?) in the mouth ....

2. .... the face of his ....
3. .... thou knowest wisdom all ....
4. .... in the pathway the fox they are ....
5. .... in the field the fox a combatant ....
6. .... was decided under the ruler ....
7. .... all (?), the lying down of his feet at dawn ....
8. .... a sign he set up and he fled ....
9. .... no one ....
 10. .... may it become old to thee .... and take ....
11. .... in those days also the fox carried ....
12. .... to the people he spoke. Why ....
13. .... the dog is removed and ....

The following fragment is in a similar condition.

1. .... The limbs I did not ....

2. .... I did not weave and against the unclothed (?) I did not ....
3. .... a stranger I cover ....
4. .... I caught and I surrounded (?) ....
5. .... from of old also the dog was my brother ....
6. .... he begot me, a firm place ....
7. .... of the city of Nisin; I of Bel ....
8. .... limbs and the bodies did not stand ...
9. .... life I did not end (?) ....

The fourth fragment contains only five legible lines.

1. .... was placed also right (and left) ....

2. .... their shepherd was prostrate ....
3. .... let it not be ....
4. .... they guarded and did not throw down his spoil ...
—–———–———–———–
5. ...... the fox in the trap (?) ....

The last fragment is a small scrap, at the end of which the fox petitions
Samas to spare him.
The incidental allusions in these fragments show that the fox was even
then considered cunning, and the animal in the story was evidently a watery
specimen, as he brings tears to his assistance whenever anything is to be
gained by it. He had offended Samas by some means and the god sentenced
him to death, a sentence which he escaped through powerful pleading on his
own behalf.

III. FABLE OF THE HORSE AND OX.

 The next fable, that of the horse and the ox, is a single tablet with only
two columns of text. The date of the tablet is in the reign of Assur-bani-pal,
and there is no statement that it is copied from an earlier text. There are
altogether four portions of the text, but only one is perfect enough to be
worth translating. This largest fragment, K 3456, contains about one-third
of the story.
K 3456.
(Several lines are lost at the commencement.)

1. ..... the river ....

2. of food (?) .... rest ....
3. full flood .... the Tigris ....
4. they restrained .... they had the face ...
5. the water-lily .... not in the neighbourhood
6. the high place .... appearance
7. the valley .... the mountain (was perishing),
8. at the appearance .... the timid fled (not),
9. a boundless place .... he turned
10. in the side ....
11. of the waste .... earth was free within it;
12. the tribes of cattle rejoiced in companionship and friendship,
13. the ox and the horse made friendship,
14. their maw rejoiced when to friendship
15. it inclined, and their heart was glad; they made agreement together.
—–———–———–———–
16. The ox opened his mouth, and speaks; he says to the horse glorious
in war:
17. I am pondering now upon the good fortune at my hand.
18. At the beginning of the year and the end of the year I dream (or
ponder) of fodder.
19. The abundant floods had been dried up, the waters of the canals
were reduced,
20. the water-lily had drooped, it was suffering the summer-heat,
21. the valleys were stony, my mountain was perishing,
22. the high places had perished, the zambatu languished,
23. at the sight of my horn the timid fled not.
 24. A boundless place is portioned for his ....
25. the man .... who knew ceased ....
26. he smote the ropes (?) and waited ....
27. and the horse ....
28. cut off thyself thy ....
29. he ascends also ....
—–———–———–———–

Here the ox describes the state of the country during the drought of
summer, and makes a league with the horse, apparently for the purpose of
sharing with him the same pastures. Most of the speeches, however, made
by the two animals are lost or only present in small fragments, and the story
recommences on the reverse with the end of a speech from the horse.

1. fate ....
2. strong brass? ....
3. as with a cloak I am clothed ....
4. over me a child not suited ....
5. king, high priest, lord and prince do not seek the plain ....
—–———–———–———–
6. The ox opened his mouth and spake and says to the horse glorious
(in war):
7. Thee they strike and thou alliest ....
8. in thy fighting why ....
9. the lord of the chariot ....
10. in my body firmness ....
11. in my inside firmness ....
12. the warrior draws out the quiver ....
13. strength carries a curse ....
14. the weapon (?) of thy masters over ....
15. he causes to see servitude like ....
16. shudder and in thee is not ....
17. he causes to go on the path over (the marsh) ..
—–———–———–———–
18. The horse opened his mouth and spake (and said to the ox) ....
19. In my hearing ....
20. the weapon (?) ....
 21. the swords ....
22. ......
23. strength? of the heart which ....
24. in crossing that river ....
25. in the path of thy mountains ....
26. I reveal? and the ox the story ....
27. in thy appearance, it is not ....
28. thy offspring is subdued? ....
29. when thou runnest, O horse ....
—–———–———–———–
30. The ox opened his mouth and spake and says to (the horse glorious
in war) ....
31. In addition to the stories which thou hast told
32. open first (that of) “Behold Istar the noble ....” (Colophon)
Palace of Assur-bani-pal, king of nations, king (of Assyria).

It appears from these fragments that the story described a time when the
animals associated together, and the ox and horse fell into a friendly
conversation. The ox, commencing the discussion, praised himself; the
answer of the horse is lost, but where the story recommences it appears that
the ox objects to the horse drawing the chariot from which he himself is
hunted, and the horse ultimately offers to tell the ox a story, the ox choosing
the story called “Behold Istar,” probably some story of the same character
as that of Istar’s descent into Hades.
It is uncertain if any other tablet followed this; it is, however, probable
that there was one containing the story told by the horse. Although there is
no indication to show the date of this fable, the fact that it is not stated to
have been copied from an older document seems to show that it is not
earlier than the time of Assur-bani-pal. The loss of the tablet containing the
story of Istar, told by the horse to the ox, is unfortunate. The last fable is a
mere fragment similar to the others, containing a story in which the calf
speaks. There is not enough of it to make it worth translation.
 CHAPTER X.
FRAGMENTS OF MISCELLANEOUS TEXTS.
Atarpi.—Punishment of world.—Riddle of wise man.—Nature and
universal presence of air.—Sinuri.—Divining by fracture of reed.—
The foundling.—Tower of Babel.—Obscurity of legend.—Not noticed
by Berosus.—Fragmentary tablet.—Destruction of Tower.—
Dispersion.—Site of the Tower.—Meaning of Babel.—Chedor-laomer.
—The destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah.

A NUMBER of stories of a similar character to those of Genesis, though

not directly connected with the latter, have been included in this chapter,
together with two fragments which probably relate, the one to the Tower of
Babel, the other to the destruction of the cities of the Plain. The first and
principal text is the story of Atarpi, or Atarpi nisu, “Atarpi the man.” This
story is on a tablet in six columns, and there is only one copy of it. It is
terribly mutilated, very little being preserved except Column III., but there
are numerous repetitions throughout the text. The inscription has originally
been a long one, probably extending to about 400 lines of writing, and the
text differs from the generality of these inscriptions, being very obscure and
difficult. In consequence of this and other reasons, only an outline of most
of the story is given here.
We are first told of a quarrel between a mother named Zibanit and her
daughter, and that the mother shuts the door of the house, and turns her
daughter adrift, the words of the original being “the mother to the daughter
opens not her door.” The doings of a man named Zamu have some
connection with the affair, his “descending into the street on getting”
something being mentioned immediately before the expulsion of the
daughter; and at the close we are told of Atarpi, sometimes called Atarpi-
nisu, or Atarpi the “man” who had his couch beside the river of the north,
and was pious to the gods, but took no notice of these things. When the
story next opens, we find the god Bel calling together an assembly of the
gods his sons, and relating to them that he is angry at the sin of the world,
stating also that he will bring down upon it disease, tempest, distress,
madness, burning and sickness. This is followed by the statement that these
things came to pass, and Atarpi then invoked his god Hea to remove these
evils. For a whole year, it would seem, he interceded for the people, and at
last Hea answered, and announced his resolve to destroy the people. After
this the story reads:

1. (Hea called) his assembly (by the river) of the north; he said to the
gods his sons:
2. ...... I made them
3. .... shall not stretch until before he turns.
4. Their famine I observe,
5. their shame the woman takes not;
6. I will look to judge the people?
7. in their stomach let famine dwell,
8. above let Rimmon drink up his rain,
9. let him drink up below, let not the flood be carried in the canals,
10. let it remove from the field its inundations,
11. let the corn-god give over increase, let blackness overspread the
corn,
12. let the plowed fields bring forth thorns,
13. let the growth of their fruit perish, let food not come forth from it,
let bread not be produced,
14. let distress also be spread over the people,
15. may favour be shut up, and good not be given.
—–———–———–———–
16. He looked also to judge the people,
17. in their stomach dwelt famine,
18. above Rimmon drank up his rain,
19. he drank it up below, the flood was not carried in the canals,
20. it removed from the field its inundations,
21. the corn-god gave over increase, blackness spread over the corn,
22. the plowed fields brought forth thorns, the growth of their fruit
perished,
23. food came not forth from it, bread was not produced,
24. distress was spread over the people,
25. favour was shut up, good was not given.
—–———–———–———–
 This will serve to show the style of the tablet. The instrument of
punishment was apparently famine from want of rain.
Here the story is again lost, and where it recommences Hea is making a
speech, directing another person to cut something into portions, and place
seven on each side, and then to build brickwork round them. After this
comes a single fragment, the connection of which with the former part is
obscure.

1. Seated was the goddess ....

2. to her face also he gave ....
—–———–———–———–
3. Anu opened his mouth and speaks; he said to (Nusku);
4. Nusku open thy gate; thy weapons (take)
5. in the assembly of the great gods when ....
6. their speech? ....
7. Anu sent m ....
8. your king sent ....

At present no satisfactory story can be made out of the detached

fragments of this tablet, but it evidently belongs to the mythical portion of
Babylonian history, and it is impossible not to compare the unsuccessful
intercession of the righteous man Atarpi with the pleadings of Abraham on
behalf of the cities of the plain.
The next text is a single fragment, K 2407, belonging to a curious story
of a wise man who puts a riddle to the gods.
K 2407.
(Many lines lost.)

1. The clothing of the god ....

2. What in the house is (fixed) ....
3. What in the secret place is ....
4. what is in the foundation of the house ....
5. what on the floor of the house is fixed, what ...
6. what the lower part ....
7. what by the sides of the house goes down ....
 8. what in the ditch of the house broad nigitstsi ....
9. what roars like a bull, what brays like an ass,
10. what flutters like a sail, what bleats like a sheep,
11. what barks like a dog,
12. what growls like a bear,
13. what into the fundament of a man enters, what into the fundament
of a woman enters.
14. Then Lugal-girra (Nergal) heard the wise word the son of the
people
15. asked, and all the gods he urged (to solve it):
16. Let your solution be produced, that I may bring back your answer.

After this there is a mutilated passage containing the names, titles, and
actions of the gods who consider the riddle. It is evident that it is air or wind
which the wise man means in his riddle, for this is everywhere, and in its
sounds imitates the cries of animals.
Next we have another single fragment about a person named Sinuri, who
uses a divining rod to ascertain the meaning of a dream.

1. Sinuri with the cut reed pondered ....

2. with his right hand he broke it, and Sinuri speaks and thus says:
3. Now the plant of Nusku, the shrub? of Samas art thou.
4. Judge, thou judgest (or divinest), divine concerning this dream,
5. which in the evening, at midnight, or in the morning,
6. has come, which thou knowest, but I do not know.
7. If it be good may its good not be lost to me,
8. if it be evil may its evil not happen to me.

There are some more obscure and broken lines, but no indication as to
the story to which it belongs.
A specimen of early Babylonian folklore may fitly be added here. It is a
bilingual fragment which treats of a foundling who was picked up in the
streets and finally became a great scholar. Unfortunately both the beginning
and the end of the story are wanting.

1. He who father and mother had not,

 2. who his father (and) his mother knew not,
3. in the gutter (was) his going, in the street (his) entering.
4. From the mouth of the dogs one took him,
5. from the mouth of the ravens one put him away.
6. In the presence of the soothsayer the .... of his mouth one took.
7. The sole of his feet with the seal the soothsayer has marked.
8. To a nurse he gave him.
9. To his nurse for three years, corn, a cradle (?)
10. (and) clothing he guaranteed.
11. Then and ever he hid from him how he was taken (from the
streets).
12. His rearer he rooted out (?).
13. The ..... of the milk of mankind he gave him, and
14. as his own son he made him.
15. As his own son he inscribed him.
16. A knowledge of writing he made him possess.
17. For his education (he cared).

One of the most obscure incidents in the Book of Genesis is undoubtedly

the building of the Tower of Babel. So far as we can judge from the
fragments of his copyists, there was no reference to it in the work of
Berosus, and early writers had to quote from writers of more than doubtful
authority in order to confirm it.
MEN ENGAGED IN BUILDING COLUMNS; FROM BABYLONIAN CYLINDER.
 There is also no representation on any of the Babylonian gems which can
with any certainty be described as belonging to this story. Mr. Smith,
however, picked out three from a series of these carvings which he thought
might be distorted representations of the event. In these and some others of
the same character, figures have their hands on tall piles, as if erecting
them; and there is a god always represented near in much the same attitude.
There is no proper proportion between the supposed structure and the men,
and no stress can consequently be laid on the representations. The
Babylonian origin of the story is, however, self-evident. According to
Genesis, mankind after the flood travelled from the east, that is from
Kharsak-kurra, “the mountain of the East,” now Elwend, where the
Accadians believed the ark to have rested, to the plain of Shinar or Sumir.
Both Alexander Polyhistor and Abydenus state that the building of the
Tower of Babel was known to Babylonian history, Babel, in fact, being the
native form of the name which the Greeks changed into Babylon. The
legend of Etana given in the last chapter seems to imply that the Tower was
supposed to have been built under the superintendence of this mythical
hero. However that may be, a fragment of the native story of its
construction was discovered by Mr. Smith, and though shockingly
mutilated, is sufficient to show what the Babylonians themselves believed
on the matter.
It is evident from the wording of the fragment that it was preceded by at
least one tablet, describing the sin of the people in building the tower. The
fragment preserved belongs to a tablet containing from four to six columns
of writing, of which portions of four remain. The principal part is the
beginning of Column I.
COLUMN I.

1. .... them the father ....

2. the thought of his heart was evil,
3. .... he the father of all the gods had repudiated;
4. the thought of his heart was evil,
5. .... of Babylon he hastens to the submission (?),
6. [small] and great he confounded (on) the mound.
7. .... of Babylon he hastens to the submission,
8. [small] and great he confounded (on) the mound.
 9. Their walls all the day he founded;
10. for their destruction (punishment) in the night
11. .... he did not leave a remainder.
12. In his anger also (his) secret counsel he pours out:
13. [to] confound (their) speeches he set his face.
14. He gave the command, he made strange their counsel
15. .... the going he inspected it.
16. .... he took (selected) a shrine.

There is a small fragment of Column II., but the connection with Column
I. is not apparent.
COLUMN II.

1. Sar-tuli-elli (the king of the illustrious mound, i.e. Anu) destroys (or
punishes).
2. In front had Anu lifted up ....
3. to Bel-esir his father ....
4. Since his heart also ....
5. who carried the command ....
6. In those days also ....
7. he lifted him up ....
8. The goddess Dav-kina ....
9. My son I rise and ....
10. his number(?) ....
11. he did not ....

There is a third portion on the same tablet belonging to a column on the

other side, either the third or the fifth.
REVERSE COLUMN III. OR V.

1. In ....
2. they blew and ....
3. for future times ....
4. The god of no government went ....
5. He said, like heaven and earth ....
6. his path they went ....
 7. fiercely they fronted his presence ....
8. He saw them and the earth ....
9. Since a stop they did not (make) ....
10. of the gods ....
11. the gods they revolted against ....
12. offspring ....
13. They weep hot tears for Babylon;
14. bitterly they wept (for Babylon);
15. their heart also ....

These fragments are so remarkable that it is most unfortunate we have

not the remainder of the tablet.
In the first part we have the anger of Bel, the father of the gods, at the sin
of those who were building the walls of Babylon and the mound of tower or
palace. This mound is termed “the illustrious,” and the god Anu who
destroyed the builders is accordingly called Sar-tuli-elli, “the king of the
illustrious mound.” Since the Accadian name of the month Tisri, our
October, was “the month of the illustrious mound,” it would appear that the
construction of it was believed to have taken place at the time of the
autumnal equinox. The builders were punished by the deity, and the walls
that had been set up in the day were destroyed at night. Prof. Delitzsch has
drawn attention to a possible reference to this legend in an Accadian hymn
in which the poet says to Merodach, “found during the day, destroy during
the night.” It is plain from the first lines that the whole attempt was directed
against the gods; in fact, that like the giants and Titans in Greek mythology,
whose assault on Zeus is probably but an echo of the old Babylonian tale,
conveyed to Greece through the hands of the Phœnicians, the builders of the
Tower of Babylon intended to scale the sky. They were, however,
confounded on the mound, as well as their speech (tammasle). It is
interesting to find the very same word signifying “to confound” used in the
Babylonian as in the Hebrew account, namely bâlal, or rather bâlâh. We
may also notice that the Hebrew writer once (Gen. xi. 7.) adopts the
polytheistic language of the Accadian scribe; the Lord being made to say
“Let us go down, and there confound their language.”
 VIEW OF THE BIRS NIMRUD, THE SUPPOSED SITE OF THE TOWER OF BABEL.

The last column shows that the winds finally destroyed the impious work
of the Babylonians. This fully accords with the legend reported by
Alexander Polyhistor. For a time Babylon was given over to the god of
lawlessness; but at last the gods repented of the evil they had done, and
order was once more restored. The shrine mentioned in the sixteenth line of
the first column may receive some light from the fact that the Accadian
name of Nisan or March was “the month of the upright altar,” or “of the
altar of Bel,” and that Nisan corresponded with the vernal equinox just as
Tisri did with the autumnal equinox.

VIEW OF THE BABIL MOUND AT BABYLON, THE SITE OF THE TEMPLE OF BEL.
 The etymology of the name of Babel from balbel, “to confound,”
suggested in Genesis is one of those “popular etymologies” or plays on
words of which the Old Testament writers are so fond. Thus, for instance,
the name of Joseph is connected first with ’âsaph “to take away,” and then
with yâsaph “to add” (Gen. xxx. 23, 24.), and the name of the Moabite city
Dibon is changed into Dimon by Isaiah (xv. 9) to indicate that its “waters
shall be full of blood,” Hebrew dâm. Babel is the Assyrian Bab-ili “the gate
of God” (or, as it is occasionally written in the plural, Bab-ili “Gate of the
gods”), which was the Semitic translation of the old Accadian name of the
town Ca-dimirra with the same meaning. This is not the only instance in
which the original Accadian names of Babylonian cities were literally
translated into Semitic Babylonian after the Semitic conquest of the
country. It is possible that the name had some reference to the building of
the Tower. Babylon was first made a capital by Khammuragas, the leader of
the Cossæan dynasty, a position which it never afterwards lost; but the first
antediluvian king of Chaldea, Alorus, according to Barosus, was a native of
the place.

TOWER IN STAGES, FROM AN ASSYRIAN BAS-RELIEF.

 The actual site of the Tower of Babel, beyond the mere fact that it was
somewhere in Babylon, has not yet been settled. It is generally considered
to be represented by the great pile of Birs Nimrud, which stood in Borsippa,
the suburb of Babylon, and was dedicated to Nebo and called “the Temple
of the Seven Lights” or planets. This ruin has been examined by Sir Henry
Rawlinson; details of his operations here are given in the “Journal of the
Royal Asiatic Society,” vol. xviii., and Rawlinson’s “Ancient Monarchies,”
p. 544. Sir Henry discovered by excavation that the tower consisted of
seven stages of brickwork on an earthen platform, each stage being of a
different colour. This is explained by the fact that it was devoted to the
seven planets. The height of the earthen platform was not ascertained, but
the first stage, which was an exact square, was 272 feet each way, and 26
feet high, the bricks being blackened with bitumen; this stage is supposed to
have been dedicated to the planet Saturn. The second stage was a square of
230 feet, 26 feet high, faced with orange-coloured bricks; supposed to have
been dedicated to Jupiter. The third stage, 188 feet square, and 26 feet high,
faced with red bricks, was probably dedicated to Mars. The fourth stage,
146 feet square, and 15 feet high, was probably dedicated to the Sun, and is
thought by Sir H. Rawlinson to have been originally plated with gold. The
fifth stage is supposed to have been 104, the sixth 62, and the seventh 20
feet square, but the top was too ruinous to decide these measurements.
These stages were probably dedicated to Venus, Mercury, and the Moon.
Each stage of the building was not set in the centre of the stage on which it
rested, but was placed 30 feet from the front, and 12 feet from the back. The
ruin at present rises 154 feet above the level of the plain, and is the most
imposing pile in the whole country. According to Nebuchadnezzar it had
been built to the height of 42 cubits by “a former king,” who however had
not completed its summit, and it had long been in a ruinous condition when
Nebuchadnezzar undertook to restore and finish it. Prof. Schrader imagines
that the long period during which it had remained an unfinished ruin caused
the growth of the legend which saw in it a monument of the overthrow of
human presumption, the diversity of languages in Babylonia being
sufficient to account for the localization of the confusion of tongues in the
country.
Sir Henry Rawlinson now proposes to place the Tower or tul ellu at the
ruins now called Amrán, within the city of Babylon itself. Here he thinks
were the temple of Anu, on the site of the ruined Tower, a chapel dedicated
to Nebo, an altar of Merodach, the royal palace (now represented by the
mound of the Kasr), and the hanging gardens, all enclosed by a common
wall. The quarter of Babylon thus enclosed he would identify with the
Calneh of the Bible, principally on the ground that the Septuagint rendering
of Isaiah x. 9 is, “Have I not taken the region above Babylon and Chalanne
where the tower was built?”
A third site has been claimed for the Tower on the Babil or Mujellibeh
mound on the north side of Babylon. This represents the famous temple of
Belus or Bel, whose great festival marked the beginning of the year and the
vernal equinox. But there is no evidence to support this third opinion.
In the Babylonian and Assyrian sculptures there are occasionally
representations of towers similar in style to the supposed Tower of Babel;
one of these is given on the stone of Merodach Baladan I., opposite p. 236
of Mr. Smith’s “Assyrian Discoveries;” another occurs on the sculptures at
Nineveh, representing the city of Babylon; this tower, however, cannot
represent the Borsippa pile, since it consists of only five stages.
Besides the Tower of Babel, the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah by
fire from heaven may also have been known to the Accadians. We learn
from Genesis xiv. that the cities of the plain were among the conquests of
Chedor-laomer and his allies, and there is some reason for thinking that the
history of Chedor-laomer’s campaign may have been derived from the
Babylonian state archives. At all events Amraphel or Amarpel, the king of
Sumir, is mentioned first, although Chedor-laomer was the paramount
sovereign and the leader of the expedition. The expedition must have taken
place during the period when, as we learn from the inscriptions, Babylonia
was subject to the monarchs of Elam, though subordinate princes were
ruling over the states into which it was divided at the time. Though the
name of Chedor-laomer has not been found, Laomer or Lagamar appears as
an Elamite god, and several of the Elamite kings bore names compounded
with Kudur “a servant,” as Kudur-Nankhunte, “the servant of the god
Nankhunte,” Kudur-Mabug, “the servant of Mabug,” and the like. Arioch,
king of Ellasar, which probably stands for al Larsa, “the city of Larsa,” has
the same name as Eri-Acu (“the servant of the moon-god”), the son of the
Elamite monarch Kudur-Mabug, who reigned over Larsa during his father’s
lifetime, and was eventually overthrown by the Cossæan conqueror
Khammuragas.
The text which perhaps relates to the destruction of the guilty cities is a
bilingual one, much mutilated, and runs as follows:—

1. An overthrow came from the midst of the deep (the waters above
the firmament).
2. The fated punishment from the midst of heaven descended.
3. A storm like a plummet the earth (overwhelmed).
4. Towards the four winds the destroying flood like fire burnt.
5. The inhabitants of the city it had caused to be tormented; their
bodies it consumed.
6. In city and country it spread death, and the flames as they rose
overthrew.
7. Freeman and slave were equal, and the high places it filled.
8. In heaven and earth like a thunderstorm it had rained; a prey it
made.
9. To a place of refuge the gods hastened, and in a throng collected.
10. Its mighty (onset) they fled from, and like a garment it concealed
(the guilty).
11. They (feared), and death (overtook them).
12. (Their) feet and hands (it embraced).
13. ..........
14. Their body it consumed.
15. ..... as for the city, its foundations it defiled.
16. .... with (glory?) and breadth his mouth he filled.
17. This man the voice (of the thunder) called; the thunderbolt
descended;
18. during the day it flashed; grievously (it fell).

Here the fragment breaks off. It is possible that the person referred to in
line 17 was the pious man who like Lot escaped the destruction that befell
his neighbours.
IZDUBAR STRANGLING A LION. FROM KHORSABAD SCULPTURE.
 CHAPTER XI.
THE IZDUBAR LEGENDS.
Izdubar.—Meaning of the name.—A solar hero.—Prototype of
Herakles.—Age of Legends.—Babylonian cylinders.—Notices of
Izdubar.—Surippak.—Ark City.—Twelve tablets.—Extent of Legends.
—Description.—Introduction.—Meeting of Hea-bani and Izdubar.—
Destruction of tyrant Khumbaba.—Adventures of Istar.—Illness and
wanderings of Izdubar.—Description of Deluge and conclusion.—First
Tablet.—Kingdom of Nimrod.—Traditions.—Identifications.—
Translation.—Elamite conquest—Dates.

WE now come to the great Epic of early Chaldea, first discovered by Mr.
Smith in 1872. The hero of this Epic is provisionally called Izdubar, though
this is certainly not the right reading of his name. The first and last
characters which compose it together form a compound ideograph
signifying “fire,” and pronounced gibil in Accadian, isatu in Assyrian,
while the middle character, dhu or dhun, meant “a mass” or “a going.” “A
mass of fire” would have been by no means an inappropriate name for a
hero, who, as we shall see, was originally the Accadian fire-god, and then a
personified form of the sun-god. The two last characters of the name,
however, when used as a compound ideograph, denoted “the under-lip,” and
the first character symbolizes “wood.”
Mr. Smith believed that Izdubar was the Biblical Nimrod, and was almost
inclined to think that this was the way in which the name ought to be
phonetically rendered. One passage, however, in which the last syllable is
followed by the syllable ra seems to imply that the final letter was r.
The originally solar character of the hero was still remembered at the
time when the great Epic of the Accadians was put together. As was pointed
out by Sir Henry Rawlinson shortly after Mr. Smith’s first discovery of it, it
is arranged upon an astronomical principle, its twelve books or tablets
corresponding with the twelve signs of the Zodiac, through which the sun
passes in his yearly course. Thus the eleventh tablet, which contains the
episode of the Deluge, answers to Aquarius the eleventh sign of the Zodiac,
and the eleventh month of the Accadian year called “the rainy;” and the
sixth tablet, describing his courtship by Istar, answers to Virgo the sixth
sign of the Zodiac, and the sixth Accadian month called that “of the errand
of Istar.” It is in the second month, that of “the directing bull,” and under
the sign of Taurus, that Hea-bani, half-man, half-bull, is brought to Izdubar
in the second tablet; the lion is slain by Izdubar under the Zodiacal Leo, and
the lamentation he makes over the corpse of his friend and seer Hea-bani is
made in “the dark month” of Adar, as it was termed, at the end of the year.
Like the autumnal sun, too, Izdubar sickens in the eighth book
corresponding with the month of October, and only recovers his health and
brilliance after bathing in the waters of the eastern ocean at the beginning of
the new year.
If anything were needed to confirm the solar character of Izdubar and his
history, it would be afforded by a comparison with the legends of the Greek
solar hero, Herakles. Like much else of Greek mythology, the twelve
adventures of Herakles were brought to Greece from Babylonia through the
hands of the Phœnicians, and it has long been recognized that Herakles is
but a form of Baal Melkarth, the sun-god of Tyre. Hea-bani reappears in
Cheiron, the centaur, the friend and instructor of Herakles, and just as Hea-
bani was created by Hea, Cheiron was said to be the son of Kronos, who is
identified by Berosus with Hea in the account of the Deluge. The lion slain
by Izdubar is the lion of Nemea slain by Herakles; the winged bull made by
Anu is the famous bull of Krete; the tyrant Khumbaba is the tyrant Geryon;
the gems borne by the trees of the forest beyond the gateway of the sun are
the apples of the Hesperides; and the deadly sickness of Izdubar himself is
but the fever of Herakles, caused by the poisoned tunic of Nessus.
A very slight inspection of the Epic is sufficient to show that it has been
pieced together out of a number of previously existing and independent
materials. Thus the history of the Deluge, which is itself but an episode
somewhat violently foisted into the legend of Izdubar in order to preserve
the astronomical arrangement of the Epic, may be shown to have consisted
of at least two older poems on the subject; and a careful examination of
other portions of the Epic brings the same fact to light elsewhere.
As, however, there is clear proof that the Epic was originally composed
in Accadian, our present text being merely the Semitic translation of the
Accadian original, it must have existed in the form in which we now have it
before the age of Sargon and the extinction of the Accadian language in
Chaldea. We shall not be far wrong, therefore, in ascribing its composition
to about B.C. 2000, or a little earlier. The older lays or poems out of which it
was formed must therefore date before this period. There seems to have
been a considerable number of them, each incident in the cycle of ancient
Accadian mythology having been the subject of various poems. Many of
these originated in different parts of the country, so that a long period of
time must be allowed for their growth and subsequent reduction to a literary
form. But as the legends they celebrated were traditions in the country
before they were embodied in poems and committed to writing, we must go
back to quite a remote epoch for their first starting-point.
The earliest evidence we have of them is in the carvings on early
Babylonian cylindrical seals. Among the earliest known devices on these
seals we have scenes from the legends of Izdubar, and from the story of the
Creation. The seals mostly belong to the age of the kings of Ur, and some of
them are a good deal older than B.C. 2000. The principal incidents
represented on them are the struggles of Izdubar and his companion Hea-
bani with the lion and the bull, the journey of Izdubar in search of
Xisuthrus, Noah or Xisuthrus in his ark, and the war between Tiamtu the
sea-dragon and the god Merodach. There is a fragment of a document in the
British Museum which claims to be copied from an omen tablet belonging
to the time of Izdubar himself, but it is probably not earlier than B.C. 1600,
when many similar tablets were written.
There is an incidental notice of the ship or ark of “the god Izdubar” in a
tablet printed in “Cuneiform Inscriptions,” vol. ii. p. 46. He is here called
“the king who bears the sceptre.” This tablet, which contains lists of
wooden objects, was written in the time of Assur-bani-pal, but is copied
from an original, which must have been written at least eighteen hundred
years before the Christian era. The geographical notices on this tablet suit
the period before the rise of Babylon. Surippak is called in it the ship or ark
city, this name forming another reference to the Flood legends. Izdubar is
also mentioned in a series of tablets relating to witchcraft, and on a tablet
containing prayers to him as a god; this last showing that he was deified,
which, however, was an honour also given to several Babylonian kings.
 As already stated, the legends of Izdubar are inscribed on twelve tablets,
of which there are remains of at least four editions. All the tablets are in
fragments, and none of them are complete; but it is a fortunate circumstance
that the most perfect tablet is the eleventh, which describes the Deluge, this
being the most important of the series. In the first chapter the successive
steps in the discovery of these legends have been already described, and we
may now therefore pass on to the description and translation of the various
fragments. All the fragments of our present copies belong to the reign of
Assur-bani-pal, king of Assyria, in the seventh century B.C. From the
mutilated condition of many of them it is impossible at present to gain an
accurate idea of the whole scope of the legends, and many parts which are
lost have to be supplied by conjecture; the order even of some of the tablets
cannot be determined, and it is uncertain if we have fragments of the whole
twelve in what follows. Mr. Smith has, however, conjecturally divided the
fragments into groups corresponding roughly with the subjects of the
tablets. Each tablet when complete contained six columns of writing, and
each column had generally from forty to fifty lines of writing, there being in
all about 3,000 lines of cuneiform text. The divisions adopted by Mr. Smith
will be seen by the following summary, which exhibits our present
knowledge of the fragments.

Part I.—Introduction.

Tablet I.—Number of lines uncertain, probably about 240. First column

initial line preserved, second column lost, third column twenty-six lines
preserved, fourth column doubtful fragment inserted, fifth and sixth
columns lost.
Probable subjects: conquest of Babylonia by the Elamites, birth and
parentage of Izdubar.

Part II.—Meeting of Hea-bani and Izdubar.

Tablet II.—Number of lines uncertain, probably about 240. First and

second columns lost, third and fourth columns about half-preserved, fifth
and sixth columns lost.
 Tablet III.—Number of lines about 270. First column fourteen lines
preserved, second, third, fourth, and fifth columns nearly perfect, sixth
column a fragment.
Probable subjects: dream of Izdubar, Hea-bani invited comes to Erech,
and explains the dream.

Part III.—Destruction of the tyrant Khumbaba.

Tablet IV.—Number of lines probably about 260. About one-third of

first, second, and third columns, doubtful fragments of fourth, fifth, and
sixth columns.
Tablet V.—Number of lines about 260. Most of first column, and part of
second column preserved, third, fourth, and fifth columns lost, fragment of
sixth column.
Probable subjects: contests with wild animals, Izdubar and Hea-bani slay
the tyrant Khumbaba.

Part IV.—Adventures of Istar.

Tablet VI.—Number of lines about 210. Most of first column preserved,

second column nearly perfect, third and fourth columns partly preserved,
fifth and sixth columns nearly perfect.
Tablet VII.—Number of lines probably about 240. First line of first
column preserved, second column lost, third and fourth column partly
preserved, fifth and sixth columns conjecturally restored from tablet of
descent of Istar into Hades.
Probable subjects: Istar loves Izdubar, her amours, her ascent to heaven,
destruction of her bull, her descent to Hades.

Part V.—Illness and wanderings of Izdubar.

Tablet VIII.—Number of lines probably about 270. Conjectured

fragments of first, second, and third columns, fourth and fifth columns lost,
conjectured fragments of sixth column.
 Tablet IX.—Number of lines about 190. Portions of all six columns
preserved.
Tablet X.—Number of lines about 270. Portions of all six columns
preserved.
Probable subjects: discourse to trees, dreams, illness of Izdubar, death of
Hea-bani, wanderings of Izdubar in search of the hero of the Deluge.

Part VI.—Description of Deluge, and conclusion.

Tablet XI.—Number of lines 294. All six columns nearly perfect.

Tablet XII.—Number of lines about 200. Portions of first four columns
preserved, two lines of fifth column, sixth column perfect.
Probable subjects: description of Deluge, cure of Izdubar, his lamentation
over Hea-bani.

TABLET I.

The opening words of the first tablet are preserved, and form as usual the
title of the series, but the expressions used are obscure from want of any
context to explain them. There are two principal or key-words, naqbi and
kugar; the first of which means “a channel,” and is more particularly
applied to the canals with which Babylonia was intersected and watered,
while the second is the compound ideograph which literally signifies
“minister” or “servant of work.” It was the special title of Izdubar, who, like
his Greek double Herakles, was celebrated for ‘the twelve labours’ he
successfully undertook. The title had no doubt been originally given to the
fire-god, in whom primitive man sees his most useful servant and workman.
The first line of the Epic would consequently have run: “The canals, the
toiling hero, the god Izdubar, had seen.” Elsewhere, however, the title of
Izdubar is written Zicar, that is, “the male” or “hero.”
After the heading and opening line there is a considerable blank in the
story, two columns of writing being entirely lost. It is probable that this part
contained the account of the parentage and previous history of Izdubar,
forming the introduction to the story. In the subsequent portions of the
history there is very little information to supply the loss of this part of the
inscription; but it appears that the mother of Izdubar was named Dannat,
which signifies “the powerful lady.” His father is not named in any of our
present fragments, but he is referred to in the third tablet. He was no doubt a
deity, possibly the Sun-god, who is supposed to interfere very much in his
behalf. When Izdubar, the old god of fire, after first becoming a form of the
solar deity, was finally personified and regarded as a mighty leader, strong
in war and hunting, he was turned into a giant, one of the mythical
monarchs who had ruled in Babylonia in long-past days, and had subdued
the many petty kingdoms into which the valley of the Euphrates was then
divided.
The centre of the empire of Izdubar is laid in the region of Shinar, or
Sumir, Erech “the lofty” being the chief seat of his power, and thus agrees
with the site of the kingdom of Nimrod, according to Genesis x. 8, 9, 10,
where we read: “And Cush begat Nimrod: he began to be a mighty one in
the earth. He was a mighty hunter before the Lord: wherefore it is said,
even as Nimrod the mighty hunter before the Lord. And the beginning of
his kingdom was Babel, and Erech, and Accad, and Calneh, in the land of
Shinar.” We cannot overlook the fact that the character of Izdubar as hunter,
leader, and king, corresponds with that of Nimrod. Cush, the father of
Nimrod, may be identified with Cusu, Cusi or Cus, the Accadian deity of
sunset and night. The word in Accadian signified “rest” and “darkness,” and
is translated by the Assyrian nakhu “to rest,” and nukhu or nukh “rest.” This
latter word is identical with the Biblical Noah. It is very possible, therefore,
that Cush, the father of Nimrod, has nothing to do with Cush or Ethiopia,
the son of Ham, the two being set side by side in Genesis merely on account
of the similarity of their names. In this case all the ethnological difficulties
occasioned by the belief that the Accadians of Babylonia were Cushites,
and connected with Egypt or Ethiopia, will be avoided. It is curious to find
the Christian writers identifying Nimrod with Evechous, the first king of
Babylon, according to Berosus, after the flood.
The next passage in Genesis after the one describing Nimrod’s dominion
may also refer to Nimrod, if we read with the margin, “Out of that land he
went forth to Assyria,” instead of “Out of that land went forth Assur.”
These verses will then read (Genesis x. 11, 12): “Out of that land he went
forth to Assyria, and builded Nineveh, and the suburbs of the city, and
Calah, and Resen, between Nineveh and Calah: the same is a great city.” It
must be remembered, however, that Assur was regarded by the Assyrians as
their supreme god and eponymous founder, and that in Micah v. 6, “the land
of Assur” and “the land of Nimrod” seem to be contrasted with one another.
But it is possible to consider the two expressions in the latter passage to be
both applied to the same country.
After the date of the later books of the Old Testament we know nothing
of Nimrod for some time; it is probable that he was fully mentioned by
Berosus in his history, but his account of the giant hunter has been lost. The
reason of this appears to be, that a belief had grown up among early
Christian writers that the Biblical Nimrod was the first king of Babylonia
after the Flood, and looking at the list of Berosus they found that after the
Flood according to him Evechous first reigned in Babylonia, and at once
assumed that the Evechous of Berosus was the Nimrod of the Bible; but as
Evechous has given to him the extravagant reign of four ners or 2,400
years, and his son and successor, Chomasbelus, four ners and five sosses, or
2,700 years, this identification gives little hope of our finding an historical
Nimrod.
It is possible that this identification of Nimrod with Evechous, made by
the early chronologists, has caused them to overlook his name and true
epoch in the list of Berosus, and has thus lost to us his position in the series
of Babylonian sovereigns.
Belonging to the first centuries of the Christian era are the works of
various Jewish and Christian writers, who have made us familiar with a
number of later traditions concerning Nimrod. Josephus declares that he
was a prime mover in building the Tower of Babel, an enemy of God, and
that he reigned at Babylon during the dispersion. Later writers make him a
contemporary with Abraham, the inventor of idol worship, and a furious
worshipper of fire. At the city of Orfa, in Syria, he is said to have cast
Abraham into a burning fiery furnace because he would not bow down to
his idols. These legends have been taken up by the Arabs, and although his
history has been lost and replaced by absurd and worthless stories, Nimrod
still remains the most prominent name in the traditions of the country;
everything good or evil is attributed to him, and the most important ruins
are even now called after his name. From the time of the early Christian
writers down to to-day, men have been busy framing systems of general
chronology, and since Nimrod was always known as a famous sovereign it
was necessary to find a definite place for him in each chronological scheme.
Africanus and Eusebius held that he was the Evechous of Berosus, and
reigned first after the Flood. Moses of Khorene identified him with Bel, the
great god of Babylon; and he is said to have extended his dominions to the
foot of the Armenian mountains, falling in battle there when attempting to
enforce his authority over Haic, king of Armenia. Other writers identified
Nimrod with Ninus, the mythical founder of the city of Nineveh. These
remained the principal identifications before modern research took up the
matter; but so wide a door was open to conjecture, that one writer actually
identified Nimrod with the Alorus of Berosus, the first king of Babylonia
before the Flood.
One of the most curious theories about Nimrod, suggested in modern
times, was grounded on the “Book of Nabatean Agriculture.” This work is a
comparatively modern forgery, pretending to be a literary production of the
early Chaldean period. In this work Nimrod heads a list of Babylonian
kings called Canaanite, and a writer in the “Journal of Sacred Literature”
has argued with considerable force in favour of these Canaanites being the
Arabs of Berosus, who reigned about B.C. 1550 to 1300. The southern half
of Arabia is known as Cush in the Old Testament like the opposite coast of
Africa, and, as Nimrod is called a Cushite in Genesis, there was a great
temptation to identify him with the leader of the Arab dynasty. This idea,
however, gained little favour, and has not been held by any section of
inquirers as fixing the position of Nimrod. The discovery of the cuneiform
inscriptions threw a new light on the subject of Babylonian history, and
soon after the decipherment of the inscriptions attention was directed to the
question of the identity and age of Nimrod. Sir Henry Rawlinson, the father
of Assyrian discovery, first seriously attempted to fix the name of Nimrod
in the cuneiform inscriptions, and he endeavoured to find the name in that
of the second god of the great Chaldean triad. (See Rawlinson’s “Ancient
Monarchies,” vol. i. p. 117.) The names of this deity are really Enu, Elum,
and Bel, and he was evidently worshipped at the dawn of Babylonian
history, and is in fact represented as one of the creators of the world; time,
moreover, has shown that the cuneiform characters on which the
identification was grounded do not bear the phonetic values then supposed.
 Sir Henry Rawlinson also suggested (“Ancient Monarchies,” p. 136) that
the god Nergal was a deification of Nimrod. Nergal, however, which means
literally “the illuminator of Hades,” was a god of the lower world, and even
if Nimrod was deified under the name of Nergal this does not explain his
position or epoch.
Canon Rawlinson, brother of Sir Henry, in the first volume of his
“Ancient Monarchies,” p. 153, and following, makes some judicious
remarks on the chronological position of Nimrod, and suggests that he may
have reigned a century or two before B.C. 2286; he asserts the historical
character of his reign, and supposes him to have founded the Babylonian
monarchy, but does not himself identify him with any king known from the
inscriptions. At the time when this was written (1871), the conclusions of
Canon Rawlinson were the most satisfactory that had been advanced since
the discovery of the cuneiform inscriptions. Since this time, however, some
new theories have been started, with the idea of identifying Nimrod; one of
these, brought forward by Professor Oppert, makes the word a geographical
term, but such an explanation is evidently quite insufficient to account for
the traditions attached to the name.
Another theory brought forward by the Rev. A. H. Sayce and Josef
Grivel, “Transactions of Society of Biblical Archæology,” vol. ii. part 2, p.
243, and vol. iii. part 1, p. 136, identifies Nimrod with Merodach, the god
of Babylon; partly on the ground of the similarity of name, Merodach being
Amar-utuci or Amar-ud in Accadian, partly because Merodach the patron-
deity of Babylon stood in the same relation to that city that Asshur did to
Assyria (see Micah v. 6), and partly since we find Merodach called “a hero”
like Nimrod in Genesis, and assigned “four divine dogs” as though he were
a hunter. These dogs are Uccumu “the despoiler,” Acculu “the devourer,”
Icsuda “the capturer,” and Iltebu “the carrier away.” Merodach, it must be
remembered, is always represented as a man, and is armed with weapons of
war.
Mr. Smith first fancied that Nimrod might be Khammuragas, whom he
identified with the first Arab king of Berosus, as this line of kings appeared
to be connected with the Cossæans. This identification failing, after the
discovery of the Deluge tablet in 1872, he conjectured that the hero whose
name is provisionally read Izdubar is the Nimrod of the Bible, a conjecture
which has since been adopted by several other scholars.
The supposition that Nimrod was an ethnic or geographical name, which
was at one time favoured by Sir Henry Rawlinson, and has since been urged
by Professor Oppert, is quite untenable, for it would be impossible on this
theory to account for certain features in what we are told of the hero.
Mr. Smith’s opinion that he was the hero of the Izdubar Epic was first
founded on the discovery that the latter formed the centre of the national
historical poetry, and was the hero of Babylonian legend—in fact, occupies
much the same place as Nimrod in later Arab tradition.
Izdubar, moreover, agrees exactly in character with Nimrod; he was a
hunter, according to the cuneiform legends, who contended with and
destroyed the lion, tiger, leopard, and wild bull or buffalo, animals the most
formidable in the chase in any country. He ruled first in Babylonia over the
region which from other sources we know to have been the centre of
Nimrod’s kingdom. The principal scene, too, of his exploits and triumphs
was the city of Erech, which, according to Genesis, was the second capital
of Nimrod.
There remains the fact that the cuneiform name of this hero is
undeciphered, the name Izdubar being a mere makeshift. It is possible that
when the phonetic reading of the characters is found it will turn out to
correspond with the name Nimrod. At all events it is noteworthy that
Izdubar seems to have been specially connected with the town of Marad,
the original Accadian name of which was Amarda, and that the Accadian an
Amarda or “god of Amarda,” closely corresponds with the Biblical name of
Nimrod. The translations and notes given in this book will lead, perhaps, to
the general admission of the identity of the hero Izdubar with the traditional
Nimrod; but this result can be firmly established only when more evidence
is before us than that which we have at present.
At the time of the opening of the Epic, the great city of the south of
Babylonia, and the capital of this part of the country, was Uruk, called in
Genesis, Erech. Erech was devoted to the worship of Anu, the god of
heaven, and his wife, the goddess Anatu, as well as of Istar, the Phœnician
Ashtoreth, or Astarte, the myth of whose love for the Sun-god Dumuzi or
Tammuz, the Adonis of Greek story, is alluded to in the course of the poem.
The worship of Anatu, however, was subsequent to the Semitic occupation
of the country, since the necessity of providing a female deity by the side of
every male one was not felt until the Accadians, whose language was
unacquainted with genders, were succeeded by the Semites with their nouns
either masculine or feminine.
Here may provisionally be placed the first fragment of the Izdubar
legends, K 3200. This fragment consists of part of the third column of a
tablet, which is probably the first; and it gives an account of a conquest of
Erech by its enemies. The fragment reads:—

1. his ..... he left

2. ....... and he goes down to the river,
3. .... in the river his ship is made good.
4. .... he is .... and he weeps bitterly
5. .... placed, the city of Ganganna which had (suffered) destruction.
6. .... their samuri (were) she asses
7. .... their raburi (were) great wild bulls.
8. Like cattle the people fears,
9. like doves the slaves mourn.
10. The gods of Erech the lofty
11. turned to flies and brood in swarms.
12. The spirits (sedu) of Erech the lofty
13. turned to cocks and went forth in outposts.
14. For three years the city of Erech does the enemy besiege,
15. the great gates were thrown down and trampled upon,
16. the goddess Istar before its enemies could not lift her head.
17. Bel his mouth opened and speaks,
18. to Istar the queen a speech he makes:
19. ..... in the midst of Nipur my hands have placed,
20. .... my country? Babylon (Din-tir) the house of my delight,
21. my .... I gave my hands.
22. ..... he was favourable to the sanctuaries
23. ..... in the day ....
24. ..... the great gods. ....
 Here we have a graphic account of the condition of Erech, when the
enemy overran the country, and the first question which occurs is, who were
these conquerors? Conjecture is idle in the want of evidence. They may
have been the Semitic successors of the Accadians, they may have been the
Medes of Berosus, or they may have been tribes who belong only to the
realm of mythology. Mr. Smith believed that they were the subjects of
Khumbaba, the tyrant whose death is related in the fourth book of the Epic,
and who ruled over the land of Elam.
The name of Khumbaba, or Khubaba, as it is occasionally written, is
probably a compound of “Khumba,” or “Khumbume,” the name of one of
the chief Elamite gods. Many other Elamite names compounded with
Khumba are mentioned in the inscriptions: Khumba-sidir, an early chief;
Khumba-undasa, an Elamite general opposed to Sennacherib; Khumba-
nigas, an Elamite monarch opposed to Sargon; Tul-khumba, an Elamite city,
&c.
The notice of foreign dominion, and particularly of Elamite supremacy at
this time, may, perhaps, form a clue from which to ascertain the
approximate age of the poems as we have them. We know that myths are
localized in the country of those who hand them down to posterity, and
assigned to an age which has made an impression on their narrators. There
must have been some reason for the legendary siege and capture of Erech,
some actual event around which the story of Izdubar has entwined itself.
Looking at the fragments of Berosus and the notices of Greek and Roman
authors, we may ask whether there is any epoch of conquest and foreign
dominion which can be fixed upon as representing such an actual event?
Let us glance for a moment at the earlier history of Babylonia so far as it is
known to us.
The earlier part of the list of dynasties quoted from Berosus gives the
following periods from the Flood downwards:—
86 Chaldean kings from the Flood down to the Median conquest, reigning
for 34,080 or 33,091 years.
8 Median kings who conquered and held Babylon, 234, or 224, or 190
years.
11 other kings, race and duration unknown.
49 Chaldean kings, for 458 years.
The last of these dynasties preceded a dynasty of kings called Arabian by
the copyists of Berosus, and though neither the number of the reigns nor the
length of time assigned to the dynasty agrees with what the monuments tell
us of the Cassite or Cossæan line of kings, there is no other line which can
in any way be identified with the Arabians of the Babylonian historian. The
49 Chaldean kings must, therefore, have reigned before Khammuragas, that
is before B.C. 2000-1750. Now an inscription of Nabonidus informs us that
Lig-bagas, the first monarch of all Chaldea of whom we know, flourished
700 years anterior to the reign of Khammuragas; he would, therefore, come
among the 11 nameless kings of Berosus, supposing any reliance can be
placed on the statements of the latter, and about 250 years before the
accession of the Chaldean dynasty. But the engraved cylinders and seals of
the age of Lig-bagas show that the legend of Izdubar was already popular,
and we must accordingly seek a still older period in which to place its
origin and attachment to a particular historical event. Hence it may well be
that the siege of Erech, the memory of which is preserved in the first book
of the Izdubar Epic, was the work of those foreign invaders whom the
Babylonian historian has termed Median.
Now it is not improbable that the Median dynasty was really Elamite; or
at all events belonged to the same race as the primitive inhabitants of Elam.
This race was closely allied to the Accadians; and it was spread over the
whole range of country which stretched from the southern shores of the
Caspian to the Persian Gulf. The Protomedes, as they are sometimes called,
were not conquered and supplanted by Aryan invaders from the east till the
ninth century B.C. It was in their country that Kharsak-kurra, “the Mountain
of the East,” was localized whereon the Accadians and their kinsfolk in
Elam and Media believed the ark to have rested after the Flood, and which
they regarded as the cradle of their race. It was therefore pre-eminently “the
land,” mada in Accadian, and from this mada there is every reason to think
the name of Media has been derived. Consequently, the Medians of
Berosus, the inhabitants of mada “the land” of the east, need not have been
more than one of the many Elamite swarms that from time to time
descended into the fertile plains of Babylonia, and not unfrequently
obtained a settlement there. Such were the Accadians, or “Highlanders”
themselves; such, too, the two Cassite or Cossæan dynasties which we learn
from the monuments long held sway over Chaldea.

MIGRATION OF EASTERN TRIBE; FROM EARLY BABYLONIAN CYLINDER.

An early Babylonian cylinder, which came from Erech and originally

belonged to a member of the royal family of that city, presents us with a
curious picture of a rude nomad tribe apparently arriving in Babylonia. The
chief marches in front armed with bow and arrows, and wearing the same
kind of boots with turned-up ends as distinguished the Hittites in ancient
times and are still worn in Asia Minor and Greece. They indicate that the
wearer came from a cold and mountainous country. The animals’ skins
which compose the dresses of his three retainers also point to a similar
conclusion. Besides the retainers, the wife of the chief is depicted, as well
as two slaves who carry some objects on their shoulders. Unfortunately no
light is cast upon the group by the inscription, which simply states that the
cylinder belonged to “Gibil-dur (or Ne-Zicum), the brother of the king of
Erech, the librarian, thy servant.” All we can gather from it is that the
famous library of Erech, which furnished Assur-bani-pal and his scribes
with the original texts of the Izdubar Epic, was already in existence, and
that the office of librarian was considered honourable enough to be borne
by a brother of the reigning monarch.
If the legendary siege of Erech is not to be referred to the epoch of the
Median conquest, it may have fallen at the time when the image of the
goddess Nana was carried away from Erech by the Elamite king Kudur-
nankhundi, 1635 years before the capture of Shushan, the capital of Elam,
by the Assyrians (about B.C. 645), and consequently about B.C. 2280. A
fragment which refers to this period in “Cuneiform Inscriptions,” vol. iii. p.
38, relates the destruction wrought in the country by the Elamites, and
makes Kudur-nankhundi follow one of the other monarchs of an Elamite
dynasty and exceed his predecessors in the injury he did to the country.
Putting together the detached notices of this period, the following may
approximately represent the chronology, the dates being understood as
round numbers.
? B.C. 2750, Elamites (Medes) overrun Babylonia.
B.C. 2280, Kudur-nankhundi, king of Elam, ravages Erech.
B.C. 1800, Khammuragas conquers Babylonia.
Although the dates transmitted through ancient authors are as a rule
vague and doubtful, there are many independent notices which seem to
point to somewhere about the twenty-third century before the Christian era
for the foundation of the Babylonian and Assyrian power. Several of these
dates are connected either directly or by implication with Nimrod, who first
formed a united empire over these regions.
The following are some of these notices:—
Simplicius relates that Callisthenes, the friend of Alexander, sent to
Aristotle from Babylon a series of stellar observations reaching back 1,903
years before the taking of Babylon by Alexander. This would make 1903 +
331 = B.C. 2234.
Berosus and Critodemus are said by Pliny to have made the inscribed
stellar observations reach to 480 years before the era of Phoroneus; as the
latter date was supposed to be about the middle of the eighteenth century
B.C., 480 years before it comes also to about the period of Kudur-nankhundi.

Diodorus makes the Assyrian empire commence a thousand years or

more before the Trojan war.
Ctesias and Cephalion make its foundation early in the twenty-second
century B.C.
 The two last statements, however, are probably derived from Ctesias,
whose so-called history has been shown by cuneiform decipherment to have
been a mere fiction put together out of misunderstood myths and fragments
of theology. In any case, too, they apply only to the foundation of the
Assyrian power, which was modern as compared with that of Babylonia, in
spite of the assertion of Sargon, who boasts of having been preceded on the
throne by 350 kings.
Of the latter part of the first tablet of the Izdubar Epic we have as yet no
knowledge.
 CHAPTER XII.
MEETING OF HEA-BANI AND IZDUBAR.
Dream of Izdubar.—Hea-bani.—His wisdom.—His solitary life.—
Izdubar’s petition.—Zaidu.—Kharimtu and Samkhat.—Tempt Hea-
bani.—Might and fame of Izdubar.—Speech of Hea-bani.—His
journey to Erech.—The midannu or tiger.—Festival at Erech.—Dream
of Izdubar.—Friendship with Hea-bani.

IN this chapter are included the fragments of what appear to be the

second and third tablets or books. In this section of the story Izdubar comes
prominently forward, and meets with Hea-bani. The notice of his mother
Dannat appears in one of the tablets given in this chapter.
Izdubar, in the Babylonian and Assyrian sculptures, is always represented
with a marked physiognomy, and his peculiarities can be seen by noticing
the photograph from a Babylonian gem at the beginning of the book, the
engraving from an Assyrian sculpture in the last chapter, and the engraving
in page 249 showing Izdubar and Hea-bani struggling with wild animals. In
all these cases, and in every other instance where Izdubar is represented, he
is indicated as a man with masses of curls over his head and a large curly
beard. The type is so marked and so distinct from either the Assyrian or the
Babylonian one that it is hard to say to what race it should be attached.
The deity of Izdubar was Lugal-turda, the god who was changed into the
bird of storm according to the old myth, from which it may be supposed
that he was a native of the district of Amarda or Marad, where that god was
worshipped. This district Mr. Smith thought was probably the Amordacia or
Mardocæa of Ptolemy, but its situation is uncertain.
The fragments of the second and third tablets assume by their notices that
Izdubar was already known as a mighty hunter, and it appears a little later
that he claimed descent from the old Babylonian heroes, as he calls
Xisuthrus, the Chaldean Noah, his “father.”

TABLET II.
 A single fragment which Mr. Smith believed to belong to this tablet has
been found; it is K 3389, and contains part of the third and fourth columns
of writing. It appears from this that Izdubar was then at Erech, and had a
curious dream. He thought he saw the stars of heaven fall to the ground, and
in their descent they struck upon his back. He then saw standing over him a
terrible being, the aspect of whose face was fierce, and who was armed with
claws, like the claws of lions. The greater part of the description of the
dream is lost; it probably occupied Columns I. and II. of the second tablet.
Thinking that the dream portended some fate to himself, Izdubar calls on all
the wise men to explain it, and offers a reward to any one who can interpret
the dream. Here the fragment K 3389 comes in:
COLUMN III.

1. .... ru kili I ....

2. .... he and the princes may he ...
3. .... in the vicinity send him,
4. .... may they ennoble his family,
5. .... at the head of his feast may he set thee
6. .... may he array thee in jewels and gold
7. .... may he enclose thee
8. .... in his .... seat thee
9. into the houses of the gods may he cause thee to enter
10. .... seven wives
11. .... cause illness in his stomach
12. .... went up alone
13. .... his heaviness to his friend
14. .... a dream I dreamed in my sleep
15. .... the stars of heaven fell to the earth
16. .... I stood still
17. .... his face
18. .... his face was terrible
19. .... like the claws of a lion, were his claws.
20. .... the strength in me
21. .... he slew
22. .... me
23. .... over me
24. .... corpse ....
 The first part of this fragment appears to recount the honours offered by
Izdubar to any one who should interpret the dream. These included the
ennobling of his family, his recognition in assemblies, his being invested
with jewels of honour, and his wives being increased. A description of the
dream of the hero, much mutilated, follows. The conduct of
Nebuchadnezzar in the Book of Daniel, with reference to his dreams, bears
some resemblance to that of Izdubar.
After this fragment we have again a blank in the story, and it would
appear that in this interval application was made to a nondescript creature
named Hea-bani that he would go to the city of Erech and interpret the
dream of Izdubar.
Hea-bani appears, from the representations on seals and other objects on
which he is figured, to have been a satyr or faun. He is always drawn with
the feet and tail of an ox, and with horns on his head. He is said to have
lived in a cave among the wild animals of the forest, and was supposed to
possess wonderful knowledge both of nature and human affairs. In
appearance he resembles the se’irim or hairy demons, half men, half goats,
who inhabited the deserts and were a terror to passers-by. Reference is
made to them in Lev. xvii. 7, 2 Chron. xi. 15, Is. xiii. 21, xxxiv. 14, from
which we learn that worship was paid to them, and that they were supposed
to be specially connected with the neighbourhood of Babylon. Hea-bani
was angry at the request that he should abandon his solitary life for the
friendship of Izdubar, and where our narrative reopens the god Samas is
persuading him to accept the offer. It may be added that the name Hea-bani
signifies “Hea created me,” from which we may infer that the monster was
believed to have originally ascended like Oannes out of the abysses of the
sea.
COLUMN IV.

1. ... me
2. ... on my back
—–———–———–———–
3. And Samas opened his mouth
4. and spake and from heaven said to him:
5. .... and the female Samkhat thou shalt choose
 6. they shall array thee in trappings of divinity
7. they shall give thee the insignia of royalty
8. they shall make thee become great
9. and Izdubar thou shalt call and incline him towards thee
10. and Izdubar shall make friendship unto thee
11. he shall cause thee to recline on a grand couch
12. on a beautiful couch he shall seat thee
13. he will cause thee to sit on a comfortable seat a seat on the left
14. the kings of the earth shall kiss thy feet
15. he shall enrich thee and the men of Erech he shall make silent
before thee
16. and he after thee shall take all ....
17. he shall clothe thy body in raiment and ....
—–———–———–———–
18. Hea-bani heard the words of Samas the warrior
19. and the anger of his heart was appeased
20. .... was appeased

Here we are still dealing with the honours which Izdubar promises to the
interpreter of his dream, and these seem to show that Izdubar had some
power at Erech at this time; he does not, however, appear to have been an
independent king, and it is probable that the next two columns of this tablet,
now lost, contain negotiations for bringing Hea-bani to Erech, the subject
being continued on the third tablet.

TABLET III.

This tablet is far better preserved than the two previous ones; it gives the
account of the successful mission to bring Hea-bani to Erech, opening with
a broken account of the wisdom of Hea-bani.
COLUMN I.

1. .... knows all things

2. .... and difficult
3. .... wisdom of all things
4. .... the knowledge that is seen and that which is hidden
5. .... bring word of peace to ....
6. from a far off road he will come and I rest and ....
7. .... on tablets and all that rests ....
8. .... and tower of Erech the lofty
9. .... beautiful
10. .... which like ....
11. .... I strove with him not to leave ....
12. .... god? who from ....
13. .... carry ....
14. .... leave ....
(Many lines lost.)

COLUMN II.

1. Izdubar did not leave .....

2. Daughter of a warrior .......
3. their might ......
4. the gods of heaven, lord ......
5. thou makest to be sons and family? .....
6. there is not any other like thee ......
7. in the depth made ......
8. Izdubar did not leave, the son to his father day and night ......
9. he the ruler also of Erech ......
10. he their ruler and ......
11. made firm? and wise ......
12. Izdubar did not leave Dannat, the son to his mother ......
13. Daughter of a warrior, wife of .....
14. their might the god .... heard and ...
15. Aruru strong and great, thou Aruru hast made ......
16. again making his strength, one day his heart ......
17. he changed and the city of Erech ......
18. Aruru on hearing this, the strength of Anu made in the midst ......
19. Aruru put in her hands, she bowed her breast and lay on the ground
20. ... Hea-bani she made a warrior, begotten of the seed of the soldier
Ninip
21. ...... covered his body, retiring in companionship like a woman,
22. the features of his aspect were concealed like the corn god
23. possessing knowledge of men and countries, in clothing clothed
like the god Ner
24. with the gazelles he ate food in the night
25. with the beasts of the field he consorted in the day
26. with the creeping things of the waters his heart delighted
27. Zaidu catcher of men
28. in front of that field confronted him
29. the first day the second day and the third in the front of that field
the same,
30. the courage of Zaidu dried up before him
31. and he and his beast entered into his house and
32. .... fear dried up and overcome
33. .... his courage grew before him
34. .... his face was terrible
—–———–———–———–

COLUMN III.

1. Zaidu opened his mouth and spake and said to ......

2. My father the first leader who shall go ....
3. in the land of ......
4. like the soldier of Anu ......
5. shall march over the country ......
6. and firmly with the beast ......
7. and firmly his feet in the front of the field ...
8. I feared and I did not approach it
9. he filled the cave which he had dug
10. .....
11. I ascended on my hands to the ....
12. I did not reach to the .....
—–———–———–———–
13. .... and said to Zaidu
14. .... Erech, Izdubar
15. .... ascend his field
16. .... his might
17. .... thy face
18. .... the might of a man
19. ......
20. .... like a chief
21. ...... field
22 to 24. three lines of directions.
25. According to the advice of his father ....
26. Zaidu went .....
27. he took the road and in the midst of Erech he halted
28. .... Izdubar ....
29. the first leader who shall go ....
30. in the land of ....
31. like the soldier of Anu ....
32. shall march over the country ....
33. and firmly with the beast ....
34. and firmly his feet ....
35. I feared and I did not approach it
36. he filled the cave which he had dug
37. ......
38. I ascended on my hands .....
39. I was not able to reach to the covert.
—–———–———–———–
40. Izdubar to him also said to Zaidu:
41. go Zaidu and with thee Kharimtu, and Samkhat take,
42. and when the beast ... in front of the field
43 to 45. directions to the women how to entice Hea-bani.
—–———–———–———–
46. Zaidu went and with him Kharimtu, and Samkhat he took, and
47. they took the road, and went along the path.
48. On the third day they reached the land where the flood happened.
49. Zaidu and Kharimtu in their places sat,
50. the first day and the second day in front of the field they sat,
51. the land where the beast drank of drink,

COLUMN IV.

1. the land where the creeping things of the water rejoiced his heart.
2. And he Hea-bani had made for himself a mountain
3. with the gazelles he ate food,
4. with the beasts he drank of drink,
5. with the creeping things of the waters his heart rejoiced.
6. Samkhat the enticer of men saw him
7 to 26. details of the actions of the female Samkhat and Hea-bani.
—–———–———–———–
27. And Hea-bani approached Kharimtu then, who before had not
enticed him.
28. And he listened .... and was attentive,
29. and he turned and sat at the feet of Kharimtu.
30. Kharimtu bent down her face,
31. and Kharimtu spake; and his ears heard
32. and to him also she said to Hea-bani:
33. Famous Hea-bani like a god art thou,
34. Why dost thou associate with the creeping things in the desert?
35. I desire thy company to the midst of Erech the lofty,
36. to the temple of Elli-tardusi the seat of Anu and Istar,
37. the dwelling of Izdubar the mighty giant,
38. who also like a bull towers over the chiefs.
39. She spake to him and before her speech,
40. the wisdom of his heart flew away and disappeared.
41. Hea-bani to her also said to Kharimtu:
42. I join to Samkhat my companionship,
43. to the temple of Elli-tardusi the seat of Anu and Istar,
44. the dwelling of Izdubar the mighty giant,
45. who also like a bull towers over the chiefs.
46. I will meet him and see his power,

COLUMN V.

1. I will bring to the midst of Erech a tiger,

2. and if he is able he will destroy it.
3. In the desert it is begotten, it has great strength,
4. ...... before thee
5. .... everything there is I know
6. Hea-bani went to the midst of Erech the lofty
7. .... the chiefs ... made submission
8. in that day they made a festival
9. ..... city
10. ..... daughter
11. ..... made rejoicing
12. ..... becoming great
13. ..... mingled and
14. ..... Izdubar rejoicing the people
15. went before him
16. A prince thou becomest glory thou hast
17. .... fills his body
18. .... who day and night
19. .... destroy thy terror
20. .... the god Samas loves him and
21. .... and Hea have given intelligence to his ears
22. he has come from the mountain
23. to the midst of Erech he will ponder thy dream
24. Izdubar his dream revealed and said to his mother
25. A dream I dreamed in my sleep
26. .... the stars of heaven
27. .... struck upon my back
28. .... of heaven over me
29. .... did not rise over it
30. .... stood over .....
31. ...... him and
32. ..... over him
33. .... his ....
34. ....... princess
35. ....... me
36. ..... I know
37. ..... to Izdubar
38. ..... of heaven
39. ..... over thy back
40. ..... over thee
41. ..... did not rise over it
42. ..... my .....
43. ..... thee
 There is one other mutilated fragment of this and the next column with
part of a relation respecting beasts and a fragment of a conversation
between Izdubar and his mother.
The whole of this tablet is curious, and it certainly gives the successful
issue of the attempt to bring Hea-bani to Erech, and in very fragmentary
condition the dream of the monarch.
It appears that the females Samkhat and Kharimtu prevailed upon Hea-
bani to come to Erech and see the exploits of the giant Izdubar, and he
declared that he would bring a Midannu, most probably a tiger, to Erech, in
order to make trial of the strength of Izdubar, and to see if he could destroy
it.
The Midannu is mentioned in the Assyrian texts as a fierce carnivorous
animal allied to the lion and leopard; it is called Midannu, Mindinu, and
Mandinu. In a list of animals it is associated with the dumamu or cat.
In the fifth column, after the description of the festivities which followed
the arrival of Hea-bani, there appears a break between lines 15 and 16,
some part of the original story being probably omitted here. The Assyrian
copy probably is here defective, at least one line being lost. The portion
here omitted seems to have stated that the following speech was made by
the mother of Izdubar, who figures prominently in the earlier part of these
legends.
 CHAPTER XIII.
DESTRUCTION OF THE TYRANT KHUMBABA.
Mythical geography.—Forest region.—Khumbaba.—Conversation.
—Petition to Samas.—Journey to forest.—Dwelling of Khumbaba.—
Entrance to forest.—Meeting with Khumbaba.—Death of Khumbaba.
—Izdubar king.

THE wretchedly mutilated condition of the fragments that belong to the

two next tablets or books of the Epic makes it impossible to ascertain their
correct order and arrangement. The arrangement given here, accordingly,
must be regarded as merely provisional. It may, however, be taken as
certain that they all form part of the fourth and fifth tablets, and relate the
contest between Izdubar and Khumbaba.
Khumbaba, the Kombabos of the Greeks, was the prototype of Geryon.
He dwelt far away in the forest of pines and sherbin cedars, where the gods
and spirits had their abode. It was, consequently, in the cold region of the
Accadian Olympus, now Mount Elwend, that he was placed by the old
mythology, and the similarity of his name to that of the Elamite god
Khumba or Khumbume makes it possible that he was originally identical
with the latter. In this case the antagonism between Khumbaba and Izdubar
would have been merely a reflection of the antagonism that existed between
the inhabitants of Babylonia and the subjects of the Elamite empire. Mr.
Smith even thought that the overthrow of Khumbaba might have been an
echo of the overthrow of some Elamite dynasty by a Chaldean one.
In the case of the fourth tablet Mr. Smith believed that he had found
fragments of all six columns, but some of these fragments are useless until
we have further fragments to complete them.

TABLET IV.

COLUMN I.

1. .... mu ....
2. .... thy ....
3. .... me, return
4. .... the birds shall rend him
5. .... in thy presence
6. .... of the forest of pine trees
7. .... all the battle
8. .... may the birds of prey surround him
9. .... that, his carcass may they destroy
10. .... to me and we will appoint thee king,
11. .... thou shalt direct after the manner of a king
—–———–———–———–
12. [Izdubar] opened his mouth and spake,
13. and said to Hea-bani:
14. ... he goes to the great palace
15. .... the breast of the great queen
16. ..... knowledge, everything he knows
17. ...... establish to our feet
18. ....... his hand
19. ....... I to the great palace
20. ......... the great queen
(Probably over twenty lines lost here.)

COLUMN II.

1. .... enter
2. .... he raised
3. .... the ornaments of her ....
4. .... the ornaments of her breast
5. .... and her crown I divided
6. .... of the earth he opened
7. he .... he ascended to the city
8. he went up to the presence of Samas he made a sacrifice?
9. he built an altar. In the presence of Samas he lifted his hands:
10. Why hast thou established Izdubar, in thy heart thou hast given him
protection,
11. when the son .... and he goes
12. on the remote path to Khumbaba.
 13. A battle he knows not he will confront,
14. an expedition he knows not he will ride to,
15. for long he will go and will return,
16. to take the course to the forest of pine trees,
17. to Khumbaba of [whom his city may] he destroy,
18. and every one who is evil whom thou hatest ...
19. In the day of the year he will ....
20. May she not return at all, may she not ...
21. him to fix ....

(About ten lines lost here.)

Here we see that Izdubar, impressed with the magnitude of the task he
had undertaken, makes a prayer and sacrifice to Samas to aid him in his
task. The next fragment appears also to belong to this column, and may
refer to preliminaries for sacrificing to Istar, with a view also to gain her aid
in the enterprise.
This fragment of Column II. reads

1. .... neighbourhood of Erech ....

2. .... strong and ...
3. he burst open the road ....
4. and that city ....
5. and the collection ....
6. placed the people together ....
7. the people were ended ....
8. like of a king ....
9. which for a long time had been made ....
10. to the goddess Istar the bed ....
11. to Izdubar like the god Sakim ....
12. Hea-bani opened the great gate of the house of assembly ....
13. for Izdubar to enter ....
14. .... in the gate of the house ............

COLUMN III.

1. the corpse of ....

 2. to ....
3. to the rising of ....
4. the angels ....
5. may she not return ....
6. him to fix ....
7. the expedition which he knows not ....
8. may he destroy also ....
9. of which he knows ....
10. the road ....

Five more mutilated lines, the rest of the column being lost.
This fragment shows Izdubar still invoking the gods for his coming
expedition. Under the next column Mr. Smith placed a fragment, the
position and meaning of which are quite unknown.
COLUMN IV.—UNCERTAIN FRAGMENT.

1. he was heavy ....

2. Hea-bani was ....
3. Hea-bani strong not rising ....
4. When ....
5. with thy song? ....
6. the sister of the gods faithful ....
7. wandering he fixed to ....
8. the sister of the gods lifted ....
9. and the daughters of the gods grew ....
10. I Hea-bani .... he lifted to ....

Somewhere here should be the story, now lost, of the starting of Izdubar
on his expedition accompanied by his friend Hea-bani. The sequel shows
they arrive at the palace or residence of Hea-bani, which is surrounded by a
forest of pine and cedar, the whole being enclosed by some barrier or wall,
with a gate for entrance. Hea-bani and Izdubar open this gate where the
story reopens on the fifth column.
COLUMN V.

1. the sharp weapon

 2. to make men fear him ....
3. Khumbaba poured a tempest out of his mouth ....
4. he heard the gate of the forest [open]
5. the sharp weapon to make men fear him [he took]
6. and in the path of his forest he stood and [waited]
—–———–———–———–
7. Izdubar to him also [said to Hea-bani]

Here we see Khumbaba waiting for the intruders, but the rest of the
column is lost; it appears to have principally consisted of speeches by
Izdubar and Hea-bani on the magnificent trees they saw, and the work
before them. A single fragment of Column VI., containing fragments of six
lines, shows them still at the gate, and when the next tablet, No. V., opens,
they had not yet entered.

TABLET V.

The fifth tablet is more certain than the last; it appears to refer to the
conquest of Khumbaba. Only fragments of this tablet, which opens with a
description of the retreat of Khumbaba, have as yet been discovered.
COLUMN I.

1. He stood and surveyed the forest

2. of pine trees, he perceived its height,
3. of the forest he perceived its approach,
4. in the place where Khumbaba went his step was placed,
5. on a straight road and a good path.
6. He saw the land of the pine trees, the seat of the gods, the sanctuary
of the angels,
7. in front? of the seed the pine tree carried its fruit,
8. good was its shadow, full of pleasure,
9. an excellent tree, the choice of the forest,
10. .... the pine heaped ....
11. .... for one kaspu (7 miles) ...
12. .... cedar two-thirds of it ...
13. .... grown ....
14. .... like it ...
(About 10 lines lost here.)
25. .... he looked ....
26. .... he made and he ....
27. .... drove to ....
28. .... he opened and ....
—–———–———–———–
29. Izdubar opened his mouth and spake, [and said to Hea-bani]:
30. My friend ....
31. .... with their slaughter ....
32. .... he did not speak before her, he made with him ....
33. .... knowledge of war who made fighting,
34. in entering to the house thou shalt not fear ...
35. .... and like I take her also they ....
36. to an end may they seat ....
37. .... thy hand ....
38. .... took my friend first ....
39. .... his heart prepared for war, that year and day also
40. .... on his falling appoint the people
41. .... slay him, his corpse may the birds of prey surround
42. ...... of them he shall make
43. .... going he took the weight
44. they performed it, their will they established
—–———–———–———–
45. .... they entered into the forest

COLUMN II.
(Five lines mutilated.)

6. they passed through the forest ....

—–———–———–———–
7. Khumbaba ....
8. he did not come ....
9. he did not ....
(Seven lines lost.)
17. heavy ....
18. Hea-bani opened his mouth ....
19. .... Khumbaba in ....
 20. .... one by one and ....

(Many other broken lines.)

There are a few fragments of Columns III., IV., and V., and a small
portion of Column VI., which reads:

1. .... cedar to ....

2. .... he placed and ....
3. .... 120 .... Hea-bani ....
4. .... the head of Khumbaba ....
—–———–———–———–
5. .... his weapon he sharpened ....
6. .... tablet of the story of fate of ....

It appears from the various mutilated fragments of this tablet that Izdubar
and Hea-bani conquer and slay Khumbaba and take his goods, but much is
wanted to connect the fragments.
The conclusion of this stage of the story and triumph of Izdubar are given
at the commencement of the sixth tablet. The conquest of Khumbaba gave
Izdubar the crown and attributes of his fallen rival, who seems to have been
a sun-god, and this caused Istar, who already appears as the bride of the sun
in the myth of Tammuz, to woo the triumphant hero.
 CHAPTER XIV.
THE ADVENTURES OF ISTAR.
Triumph of Izdubar.—Istar’s love.—Her offer of marriage.—Her
promises.—Izdubar’s answer.—Tammuz.—Amours of Istar.—His
refusal.—Istar’s anger.—Ascends to Heaven.—The bull.—Slain by
Izdubar.—Istar’s curse.—Izdubar’s triumph.—The feast.—Istar’s
despair.—Her descent to Hades.—Description.—The seven gates.—
The curses.—Atsu-sunamir the Sphinx.—Release of Istar.—The dog
of the dawn.—Lament for Tammuz.

IN this chapter are included the sixth and seventh tablets, which both
primarily refer to the doings of Istar.

TABLET VI.

The sixth tablet is in better condition than any of the former ones, and
allows of something like a connected translation.
COLUMN I.

1. .... his weapon, he made bright his weapon.

2. Like a bull his mountain he ascended after him.
3. He destroyed him and clothed himself with his spoils.
4. The ... he put on and the fastening of the crown he tore.
5. Izdubar his crown put on (and the fastening of the crown he tore).
6. For the favour of Izdubar the princess Istar lifted the eyes:
7. I will make thee also Izdubar my husband,18
8. thy oath to me shall be thy bond,
9. thou shalt be husband and I will be thy wife.
10. I will make (thy) chariot glisten with crystal and gold,
11. of which the body is gold and its horns are strong.
12. I will cause thy days to find gifts, O judge (?) of the great.
13. Into our house enter, mid the scent of the pines.
14. When thou enterest our house
15. may the river Euphrates kiss thy feet.
16. There shall be under thee kings, lords, and princes.
17. The tribute of the mountains and plains may they bring to thee as
an offering.
18. May thy herds and flocks bring forth twins,
19. may the increase of the cows come unto (thee),
20. may thy (horse) be strong, without ceasing, in the chariot,
21. may (thy steed) in the yoke never have a rival.
—–———–———–———–
22. (Izdubar) opened his mouth and speaks;
23. (he says) to the princess Istar:
24. .... to thee thy possession
25. .... body and rottenness (?)
26. .... baldness and famine
27. .... I keep back the instruments of divinity
28. .... instruments of royalty
29. .... storm (?)
30. ...... he poured (?)
31. ...... I lingered
32. ...... I took thee
33. ...... caused to enter
34. the door afterwards .... ended wind and showers
35. palace .... the hero
36. mouth .... check her
37. that sign .... carry her
38. body glorious (?) .... carry her
39. grand .... tower of stone
40. they have dwelt (in) the land of the enemy
41. may she .... her lord
42. never may he woo thee for ever
43. never may a god praise thee
44. I took also the torch? .... I loved thee

COLUMN II.

1. Rest thee and .....

2. as for Tammuz the lover of (thy) youth
3. year after year thou hast wearied him with thy love.
4. Allala the eagle also thou lovest and
5. thou didst strike him, and his wings thou didst break;
6. he stood in the forest, he begged for wings.
7. Thou lovest also a lion lusty in might,
8. thou didst tear out by sevens his claws.
9. Thou lovest also a horse glorious in war,
10. he yielded himself and thou didst weary his love overmuch.
11. For seven kaspu (fourteen hours) thou didst weary his love without
ceasing,
12. troubled and thirsting thou didst weary him.
13. To his mother Silele thou didst send him wearied with thy love.
14. Thou lovest also the shepherd Tabulu,
15. of whom continually thou didst ask for thy stibium.
16. Every day he propitiated thee with offerings,
17. thou didst strike him and to a hyena thou didst change him;
18. his own village drove him away;
19. his dogs tore his wounds.
20. Thou lovest also Isullanu the husbandman of thy father,
21. who continually was subject to thy order;
22. each day had he made bright thy dish.
23. The eyes thou didst take from him and didst put him in chains,
24. (saying): O Isullanu, cut thy hand, eat (thy) eyes!
25. And thy hand thou didst bring out and thou didst strike? ....
26. Isullanu says to thee:
27. As for me what dost thou ask of me?
28. My mother, thou art not beautiful, and I eat not.
29. The food I have eaten is plentiful, even pain and waking;
30. trembling and faintness overcome me (?)
31. Thou didst hear also this ....
32. thou didst strike him; to a pillar19 thou didst change him,
33. thou didst place him also in the midst of the land ....
34. that he rise not up, that he go not ....
35. And as for me dost thou love me, and like to him wilt thou [serve
me]?
—–———–———–———–
36. When Istar (heard) this,
37. Istar was angry and to heaven she ascended;
38. Istar went also to the presence of Anu her father,
39. to the presence of Anatu her mother she went and says:
40. My father, Izdubar hates me, and

COLUMN III.

1. Izdubar despises my beauty,

2. my beauty and my charms.
—–———–———–———–
3. Anu opened his mouth and spake, and
4. says to the princess Istar:
5. My daughter thou shalt remove ....
6. and Izdubar will count thy beauty,
7. thy beauty and thy charms.
—–———–———–———–
8. Istar opened her mouth and spake, and
9. says to Anu her father:
10. My father, create the bull of Anu20 and
11. Izdubar ....
12. when he is filled ....
13. I will strike ....
14. I will join ....
15. ........
16. over ....
—–———–———–———–
17. Anu opened his mouth and spake, and
18. says to the princess Istar:
19. .... thou shalt join ....
20. .... of noble names
21. .... maskhi ....
22. .... which is magnified ....
—–———–———–———–
23. Istar opened her mouth and spake, and
24. says to Anu her father:
25. .... I will strike
26. .... I will break
27. .... of noble names
28. .... reducer
29. .... of foods
30. .... of him

(Some lines lost here.)

COLUMN IV.
(Some lines lost.)

1. .... warriors
2. .... to the midst
3. .... three hundred warriors
4. .... to the midst
5. .... slay Hea-bani
6. in two divisions he parted in the midst of it
7. two hundred warriors .... made, the bull of Anu ....
8. in the third division .... his horns
9. Hea-bani struck? .... his might
10. and Hea-bani pierced ........
11. the bull of Anu by his head he took hold of ....
12. by the thickness of his tail ....
—–———–———–———–
13. Hea-bani opened his mouth and spake, and
14. says to Izdubar:
15. My friend, we have strengthened ....
16. when we overthrow ...
17. My friend, I see ....
18. and the might ....
19. may I destroy ....
(Three lines lost.).
23. .... hands .... to Rimmon and Nebo
24. .... tarka .... um ....
25. .... Hea-bani took hold .... the bull of Anu
26. .... he .... also .... by his tail
27. ........ Hea-bani

COLUMN V.
1. And Izdubar like a ....
2. the hero and (his friend)
3. in the vicinity of the middle of his horns ....
4. from the city they destroyed, the heart ....
5. to the presence of Samas ....
6. they had gone to the presence of Samas ....
7. he placed at the side the bulk (?) ....
—–———–———–———–
8. And Istar ascended over the fortress of Erech the lofty,
9. she destroyed the bull, she uttered a curse:
10. Woe to Izdubar who has overthrown me, has slain the bull of Anu.
11. Hea-bani also heard this speech of Istar,
12. and he cut off the member of the bull of Anu and before her he laid
it;
13. And what of it? since I conquered thee when him also (i.e. Izdubar)
14. I caused thee to listen to;
15. its skin also I have hung up at thy side.
16. Istar gathered her maidens
17. Samkhati and Kharimati,21
18. over the member of the bull of Anu a mourning she made.
19. Izdubar called on the people, the multitude
20. all of them:
21. with the thickness of his horns the young men were glorious,
22. 30 manehs of crystal (was) their substance,
23. the sharpness of the points was destroyed,
24. 6 gurs its mass altogether.
25. For the food of his god Lugal-turda he cut it up;
26. he seethed it and hangs it up in the rising of his fire;
27. in the river Euphrates they washed their hands.
28. They had been taken and gone
29. through the street of Erech riding,
30. the assembly of the warriors of Erech put trust in them.
31. Izdubar to the inhabitants of Erech
32. .... a proclamation made.

COLUMN VI.
 1. “If anyone is of ability among the chiefs,
2. if any is noble among the men,
3. Izdubar is able among the chiefs,
4. Izdubar is noble among the men,
5. .... our strength
6. .... he has not
7. .... his ....”
—–———–———–———–
8. Izdubar in his palace made a rejoicing,
9. the chiefs reclining lie on couches at night.
10. Hea-bani lies down, a dream he dreams.
11. Hea-bani came and the dream he explains,
12. and says to Izdubar.

TABLET VII.
The seventh tablet opens with the words, “My friend, what is this counsel
the great gods are taking?” It is uncertain if any other portion of this tablet
has been found, but part of a remarkable fragment, with a continuation of
the story of Istar, has been placed here. It appears that the goddess, failing
in her attempt in heaven to avenge herself on Izdubar for his slight, resolved
to descend to hell, to search out, if possible, new modes of attacking him.
Columns I. and II. are lost, the fragments recommencing on Column III.
COLUMN III.

1. .... people? to destroy his hand approached

2. .... raise in thy presence
3. .... like before
4. .... Zaidu (shall accomplish) the wish of his heart
5. with the female Samkhat .... he brought
6. .... thee, the female Samkhat will expel thee
7. (homage) they did not perform ......
8. assemble thou a great assembly;
9. .... the strong one has caused thee to be struck, even thee.
10. ... goods of the house of thy fulness

After many lines destroyed, the story recommences in the fourth column.
 COLUMN IV.

1. [To Hades the country whence none return] I turn myself,

2. I spread like a bird my hands.
3. I descend, I descend to the house of darkness, the dwelling of the
god Irkalla:
4. to the house out of which there is no exit,
5. to the road from which there is no return:
6. to the house from whose entrance the light is taken,
7. the place where dust is their nourishment and their food mud.
8. Its chiefs also are like birds covered with feathers;
9. the light is never seen, in darkness they dwell.
10. In the house, O my friend, which I will enter,
11. for me is treasured up a crown;
12. with those wearing crowns who from days of old ruled the earth,
13. to whom the gods Anu and Bel have given names of rule.
14. Water (?) they have given to quench the thirst they drink limpid
waters.
15. In the house, O my friend, which I will enter,
16. dwell the lord and the unconquered one,
17. dwell the priest and the great man,
18. dwell the worms of the deep of the great gods;
19. there dwells Etana, there dwells the god Ner,
20. (there dwells) the queen of the lower regions, Allat,
21. the mistress of the fields the mother of the queen of the lower
regions before her submits,
22. and there is not any one that stands against her in her presence.
23. I will approach her and she will see me
24. ... and she will bring me to her

Here the story is again lost, Columns V. and VI. being absent. It would
seem that Hea-bani is here telling his friend how he must die and descend
into the house of Hades. Mr. Smith, however, thought that in the third
column some one is speaking to Istar, trying to persuade her not to descend
to Hades, while in the fourth column the goddess, who is suffering all the
pangs of jealousy and hate, revels in the dark details of the description of
the lower regions, and declares her determination to go there.
 If this view is correct, this part of the legend would be connected with the
beautiful story of the Descent of Istar into Hades which describes how the
goddess descended into the lower world in search of her husband Tammuz,
the Sun-god, who had been slain by the boar’s tusk of winter. Tammuz
became Adonis, the Phœnician adonai “lord,” among the Greeks, to whom
the story of Aphroditê and Adonis had been carried by the Phœnicians. The
story is one which meets us in the mythologies of many races and nations
throughout the world, and has grown in each case out of the winter-sleep of
the sun and his resurrection in the spring. Its last echo in our own European
folklore may be heard in the tale of the Sleeping Beauty. A calendar found
among the banking records of the Egibi firm in Babylonia notes on the 15th
day of the month Tammuz or June “an eclipse of the Moon,” apparently in
reference to the descent of the Moon-goddess Istar into Hades. The legend
survives in a changed form in the Talmud (Yoma 69b, Sanhedrim 60a). Here
it is said that after the Captivity the elders of the nation, headed by Ezra and
Nehemiah, besought God that the demon of lust might be delivered into
their hands. In spite of a prophetic voice which warned them of the
consequences of their request, it was persisted in, and the demon was given
up to them and imprisoned. But before three days were over, the whole
course of the world was thrown into disorder. No eggs even were to be had,
and the Jewish elders were obliged to confess their mistake and release the
demon from his fetters.
The descent of Istar into Hades from K 162.

1. To Hades the land whence none return, the land (of darkness),
2. Istar daughter of Sin (the moon) her ear (inclined);
3. inclined also the daughter of Sin her ear,
4. to the house of darkness the dwelling of the god Irkalla,
5. to the house out of which there is no exit,
6. to the road from which there is no return,
7. to the house from whose entrance the light is taken,
8. the place where dust is their nourishment and their food mud.
9. Light is never seen, in darkness they dwell.
10. Its chiefs also are like birds covered with feathers,
11. over the door and bolts is scattered dust.
12. Istar on her arrival at the gate of Hades,
13. to the keeper of the gate a command she addresses:
14. Keeper of the waters, open thy gate,
15. open thy gate that I may enter.
16. If thou openest not the gate that I may enter,
17. I will strike the door, the bolts I will shatter,
18. I will strike the threshold and will pass through the doors;
19. I will raise up the dead to devour the living,
20. above the living the dead shall exceed in numbers.
21. The keeper opened his mouth and speaks,
22. he says to the princess Istar:
23. Stay, lady, thou dost not glorify her,
24. let me go and thy name repeat to the queen Allat.
25. The keeper descended and says to Allat:
26. This water (of life) thy sister Istar (comes to seek).
27. The queen of the great vaults (of heaven) ....
28. Allat on hearing this says:
29. Like the cutting off of the herb has (Istar) descended (into Hades),
30. like the lip of a deadly insect (?) she has ...
31. What will her heart bring me (i.e. matter to me), what will her
anger (bring me)?
32: (Istar replies:) This water with (my husband)
33. like food would I eat, like beer would I drink.
34. Let me weep over the strong who have left their wives.
35. Let me weep over the handmaids who (have lost) the embraces of
their husbands.
36. Over the only son let me mourn, who ere his days are come is
taken away.
37. (Allat says:) Go keeper open thy gate to her,
38. bewitch her also according to the ancient rules.
39. The keeper went and opened his gate:
40. Enter, O lady, let the city of Cutha22 receive thee;
41. let the palace of Hades rejoice at thy presence.
42. The first gate he caused her to enter and touched her, he threw
down the great crown of her head.
43. Why, O keeper, hast thou thrown down the great crown of my
head?
44. Enter, O lady, of Allat thus is the order.
45. The second gate he caused her to enter and touched her, he threw
away the earrings of her ears.
46. Why, keeper, hast thou thrown away the earrings of my ears?
47. Enter, O lady, of Allat thus is the order.
48. The third gate he caused her to enter and touched her, he threw
away the necklace23 of her neck.
49. Why, keeper, hast thou thrown away the necklace of my neck?
50. Enter, O lady, of Allat thus is the order.
51. The fourth gate he caused her to enter and touched her, he threw
away the ornaments of her breast.
52. Why, keeper, hast thou thrown away the ornaments of my breast?
53. Enter, O lady, of Allat thus is the order.
54. The fifth gate he caused her to enter and touched her, he threw
away the gemmed girdle of her waist.
55. Why, keeper, hast thou thrown away the gemmed girdle of my
waist?
56. Enter, O lady, of Allat thus is the order.
57. The sixth gate he caused her to enter and touched her, he threw
away the bracelets of her hands and her feet.
58. Why, keeper, hast thou thrown away the bracelets of my hands and
my feet?
59. Enter, O lady, of Allat thus is the order.
60. The seventh gate he caused her to enter and touched her, he threw
away the covering robe of her body.
61. Why, keeper, hast thou thrown away the covering robe of my
body?
62. Enter, O lady, of Allat thus is the order.
63. When for a long time Istar into Hades had descended,
64. Allat saw her and at her presence was arrogant;
65. Istar did not take counsel, at her she swore.
66. Allat her mouth opened and speaks,
67. to Namtar (the plague-demon) her messenger a command she
addresses:
68. Go Namtar [take Istar from] me and
69. take her out to .... even Istar
70. diseased eyes (strike) her with,
71. diseased side (strike) her with,
72. diseased feet (strike) her with,
73. diseased heart (strike) her with,
74. diseased head (strike) her with,
75. strike her, the whole of her [strike with disease].
76. After Istar the lady [into Hades had descended],
77. with the cow the bull would not unite, and the ass the female ass
would not approach;
78. the female slave in the streets would not let herself be touched.
79. The freeman ceased to give his command,
80. the female slave ceased to give her gift.

COLUMN II.

1. Papsukul, the messenger of the great gods bowed his face before
(Samas);
2. ..............
3. Samas (the sun-god) went and in the presence of his father the
moon-god he stood,
4. into the presence of Hea the king he went in tears:
5. Istar into the lower regions has descended, she has not ascended
back;
6. for a long time Istar into Hades has descended,
7. with the cow the bull will not unite, the ass the female ass will not
approach;
8. the female slave in the street will not let herself be touched;
9. the freeman has ceased to give his command,
10. the female slave has ceased to give her gift.
11. Hea in the wisdom of his heart formed a resolution,
12. and made Atsu-sunamir24 the sphinx:25
13. Go Atsu-sunamir towards the gates of Hades set thy face;
14. may the seven gates of Hades be opened at thy presence;
15. may Allat see thee and rejoice at thy presence;
16. when she shall be at rest in her heart, and her liver be appeased.
17. Conjure her by the name of the great gods.
18. Raise thy heads, to the roaring stream set thy ear;
19. may the lady (Istar) overmaster the roaring stream, the waters in
the midst of it may she drink.
20. Allat on hearing this,
21. beat her breast, she bit her thumb,
22. she turned again, a request she asked not:
23. Go, Atsu-sunamir, may I imprison thee in the great prison,
24. may the garbage of the foundations of the city be thy food,
25. may the drains of the city be thy drink,
26. may the darkness of the dungeon be thy dwelling,
27. may a stake be thy seat,
28. may hunger and thirst strike thy offspring.
29. Allat her mouth opened and speaks,
30. to Namtar her messenger a command she addresses:
31. Go, Namtar, strike the firmly-fixed palace,
32. the ashêrim26 adorn with stones of the dawn,
33. bid the spirits of earth come forth, on a throne of gold seat (them),
34. unto Istar give the waters of life and bring her before me.
35. Namtar went, he struck the firmly-fixed palace,
36. the ashêrim he adorned with stones of the dawn,
37. he brought forth the spirits of earth, on a throne of gold he seated
(them).
38. To Istar he gave the waters of life and took her.
39. The first gate he passed her out of, and he restored to her the
covering robe of her body.
40. The second gate he passed her out of, and he restored to her the
bracelets of her hands and her feet.
41. The third gate he passed her out of, and he restored to her the
gemmed girdle of her waist.
42. The fourth gate he passed her out of, and he restored to her the
ornaments of her breast.
43. The fifth gate he passed her out of, and he restored to her the
necklace of her neck.
44. The sixth gate he passed her out of, and he restored to her the
earrings of her ears.
45. The seventh gate he passed her out of, and he restored to her the
great crown of her head.
46. Since thou hast not paid, (he says) a ransom for thy deliverance to
her (i.e. Allat), so to her again turn back
47. for Tammuz the husband of (thy) youth;
 48. the glistening waters pour over (him), the drops (sprinkle upon
him);
49. in splendid clothing dress him, with a ring of crystal adorn (him).
50. May Samkhat appease the grief (of Istar),
51. and, Kharimat,27 give to her comfort.
52. The precious eye-stones also she destroyed not,
53. the wound of her brother (Tammuz) she heard, she smote (her
breast), she, even Kharimat, gave her comfort;
54. the precious eye-stones, her amulets, she commanded not,
55. (saying): O my only brother, thou dost not lament for me.
56. In the day that Tammuz adorned me, with a ring of crystal, with a
bracelet of emeralds, together with himself he adorned me,
57. with himself he adorned me; may men mourners and women
mourners
58. on a bier place (him), and assemble the wake.

This remarkable text shows Istar fulfilling her threat and descending to
Hades, but it does not appear that she had as yet accomplished her
vengeance against Izdubar.
At the opening of the sixth tablet we have the final scene of the contest
with Khumbaba. Izdubar, after slaying Khumbaba, takes the crown from the
head of the monarch and places it on his own head, thus signifying that he
assumed the empire. There were, as we are informed in several places,
kings, lords, and princes, merely local rulers, but these generally submitted
to the greatest power; and just as they had bowed to Khumbaba, so they
were ready now to submit to Izdubar. The kingdom promised to Izdubar
when he started to encounter Khumbaba now became his by right of
superior force, and he entered the halls of the palace of Erech and feasted
with his heroes.
We are thus brought to a curious part of the story, the romance of Izdubar
and Istar. One of the strange and dark features of the Babylonian religion
was the Istar or Venus worship, which was an adoration of the reproductive
power of nature, accompanied by ceremonies which were a reproach to the
country. The city of Erech, originally a seat of the worship of Anu, was now
one of the foremost cities in this Istar worship. Tammuz, the young and
beautiful Sun-god, the dead bridegroom of Istar, seems to be also spoken of
as the brother of her handmaid Kharimat. This explains, as M. Lenormant
has pointed out, the passage in Jeremiah xxii. 18, which preserves a portion
of the wailing cry uttered by the worshippers of Tammuz or Adonis when
celebrating his untimely death. This should be rendered: “Ah me, my
brother, and ah me, my sister! Ah me, Adonis, and ah me, his lady!”
Reference is made to the worship of Tammuz, which was carried on within
the Temple itself at Jerusalem, in Ezek. viii. 14, Amos viii. 10, (where we
should translate “as at the mourning for the only son” Tammuz), and Zech.
xii. 10, 11. Tammuz is the Semitic form of the Accadian Dumuzi which
signified in that language “the only son.”

BOWAREYEH MOUND AT WARKA (ERECH), SITE OF THE TEMPLE OF ISTAR.

The struggle with a bull on the part of Izdubar and Hea-bani, represented
on the Babylonian cylinder figured on the next page, and numerous similar
representations, refer to the struggle with the bull created by Anu to avenge
the slight offered to Istar.
It would appear from the broken fragments of Column IV. that Hea-bani
laid hold of the bull by the head and tail while Izdubar killed it, and Hea-
bani in the engraving is represented holding the bull by its head and tail.
At the close of the sixth tablet the story is again lost, only portions of the
third and fourth columns of the next tablet being preserved, but light is
thrown on this portion of the narrative by the remarkable tablet describing
the descent of Istar into Hades. It is possible that this tablet formed an
episode in the sixth tablet of the Izdubar legends.

IZDUBAR AND HEA-BANI IN CONFLICT WITH THE LION AND BULL.

This tablet containing the descent of Istar into Hades was first noticed by
Mr. Fox Talbot in the “Transactions of the Royal Society of Literature,” but
his attempt at a translation was a failure. Mr. Smith subsequently published
a short notice of it in the “North British Review,” and afterwards a
translation of it in the “Daily Telegraph.” Prof. Schrader brought out a
monograph upon it in 1874, and both M. Lenormant and Dr. Oppert have
worked at it. The most recent translation is one made into Italian by M.
Lenormant in a publication entitled “Il mito di Adone-Tammuz,” 1879,
upon the basis of the one made by Dr. Oppert.
The story of the descent of Istar into Hades is one of the most beautiful
myths in the Assyrian inscriptions; it has, however, received so much
attention, and been so fully commented upon by various scholars, that little
need be said on the subject here.
It is evident that we are dealing with the same goddess as the Istar,
daughter of Anu, in the Izdubar legends, although she is here called
daughter of Sin (the moon-god).
The description of the region of Hades is most graphic, and vividly
portrays the sufferings of the prisoners there. Atsu-sunamir, created by Hea
to deliver Istar, is described as a composite animal, half bitch and half man,
with more than one head, and corresponds with the two dogs of the Hindu
Rig-Veda, which have four eyes and broad snouts, and guard the road to the
abode of Yama the king of the departed. They are also said to move among
men, feasting on their lives, as the messengers of Yama; and as the
offspring of Saramâ, the dawn, they are called Sârameyas, which Prof. Max
Müller compares with the Greek Hermês. At any rate, the same conception
of a dog of the dawn which guards the approach to the realm of Hades is
found in the Greek Kerberos with his fifty heads (or three heads, according
to later writers), as well as in the dog of Geryon named Orthros or “the
dawn,” who seems to be identical with the Vedic Vritra the demon of night.
It would appear, therefore, that in the primitive mythology both of the
Hindus and of the Accadians the “fleet” dawn was likened to a dog,
sometimes regarded as carrying men away to the dark under-world,
sometimes as bringing light to the under-world itself.
The latter part of the tablet is somewhat obscure, but refers to the custom
of lamenting for Dumuzi or Tammuz.
 CHAPTER XV.
ILLNESS AND WANDERINGS OF IZDUBAR.
Hea-bani and the trees.—Illness of Izdubar.—Death of Hea-bani.—
Journey of Izdubar.—His dream.—Scorpion men.—The Desert of
Mas.—Siduri and Sabitu.—Nes-Hea the pilot.—Water of death.—
Mua.—The conversation.—Xisuthrus.

OF the three tablets in this section, the first one is very uncertain, and is
put together from two separate sources: the other two are more complete
and satisfactory.

TABLET VIII.

It is again uncertain if any of this tablet has been discovered;

provisionally some fragments of the first, second, third, and sixth columns
of a tablet which may belong to it are placed here, but the only fragment
worth translating at present is one given in Mr. Smith’s “Assyrian
Discoveries,” p. 176. In some portions of these fragments there are
references to the story of Khumbaba, but as the fragment appears to refer to
the illness of Izdubar it probably belongs here.
K. 3588.
COLUMN I.

1. ....
—–———–———–———–
2. Hea-bani (his mouth opened and spake and)
3. said to ....
4. I went (?) ....
5. in the ....
6. the door ....
7. of ....
8 and 9. ....
10. in ....
 11. Hea-bani ..........
12. with the door .... thy ...
13. the door on its sides does not ...
14. the creation of her ears they are not ...
15. for twenty kaspu (140 miles) I climbed up ...
16. as far as the pine tree a shrub (?) I had seen ...
17. thy tree (?) has not another ...
18. Six gars (120 feet) is thy height, two gars (40 feet) is thy breadth
....
19. thy street, thy blackness (?) thy rain ...
20. I made thee, I raised thee in the city of Nipur ....
21. yea I knew thy door like this ...
22. and this ...
23. I raised its face, I ...
24. I will fill thy bank (?) .....
25. .....
26. for he took ...
27. the pine tree, the cedar, ...
28. in its cover ...
29. thou also ....
30. may take ...
31. in the collection of everything ...
32. a great destruction ...
33. the whole of the trees ..
34. in thy land of the tree manubani ...
35. thy bush? is not strong ...
36. thy shadow is not great ...
37. and thy smell is not agreeable ...
—–———–———–———–
38. The manubani tree was angry ...
39. made a likeness?
40. like the tree ...
......

The second, third, fourth and fifth columns appear to be entirely absent,
the inscription reappearing on a fragment of the sixth column.
COLUMN II.
 (Many lines lost.)

1. The dream which I saw ....

2. the tops of the mountain ....
3. ... he struck ....
4. he struck when thy royal raiment ....
5. he begat also in ....
6. He recounted to his friend Hea-bani the dream ...
7. My friend, the good omen of the dream ....
8. the dream was deceptive ....
9. My friend, the mountain which thou didst see ....
10. when I captured Khumbaba we ....
11. ... of his helpers Nitakh-garri ....
12. at the time of dawn ....
—–———–———–———–
13. For twenty kaspu they journeyed a stage
14. at thirty kaspu they fixed
15. in the presence of Samas they dug out a pit (?) ....
16. Izdubar ascended also over ....
17. by the side of his house he crossed over ....
18. ... he brought the dream ....
19. he made it and the god ....

COLUMN III.

1. ... he brought the dream ....

2. he made it and the god ....
3. ... turban? ....
4. he cast him down and ....
5. the mountain like corn of the field ....
6. Izdubar at the destruction (?) set up ....
7. Anatu the troubler of men upon him struck,
8. and in the struggle his going he stayed.
9. He spake and said to his friend:
10. My friend thou dost not ask me why I am naked,
11. thou dost not inquire of me why I am spoiled,
12. because the god passed over, wherefore my limbs are hot.
 13. My friend I saw a third dream;
14. that dream which I saw entirely disappeared.
15. They prayed; the god thunders on the ground.
16. He burnt up the exit of the darkness;
17. the lightning struck; a fire was kindled;
18. .... they took away; it rained death.
19. The glow also (disappeared), the fire sank,
20. .... they struck; it turned to a palm tree,
21. in the desert also thy lord took (his) path (?).
22. And Hea-bani his dream considered; he said to Izdubar:
23. .... Samas thy lord, the creator ....

The fourth and fifth columns of this tablet are lost. This part of the legend
appears to refer to the illness of Izdubar.
COLUMN VI.

1. My friend ... the dream which is not ...

2. the day he dreamed the dream, the end ...
—–———–———–———–
3. Hea-bani lay down also one day ...
4. which Hea-bani on (his) bed ...
5. the third day and the fourth day which ...
6. the fifth, and sixth, and seventh (days) ...
7. the eighth (and ninth, and tenth days) ....
8. when Hea-bani was sick ...
9. the eleventh and twelfth (days) ...
10. Hea-bani on (his) bed ...
11. Izdubar read also ...
12. Did my friend defend me ...
13. whenever in the midst of fight ...
14. I turn (?) to battle and ...
15. my friend who in battle ...
16. I in ......

It must here be noted that Mr. Smith’s grounds for making this the eighth
tablet were extremely doubtful, and it is possible that the fragments are of
different tablets; but they fill up an evident blank in the story here, and they
are consequently inserted pending further discoveries as to their true
position.
In the first column Hea-bani appears to be addressing certain trees, and
they are supposed to have the power of hearing and answering him. Hea-
bani praises one tree and sneers at another, but from the mutilation of the
text it does not appear why he acts so. We may conjecture he was seeking a
charm to open a door he mentions, and that according to the story this
charm was known to the trees. The fragment of the sixth column shows
Hea-bani unable to interpret a dream, while Izdubar asks his friend to fight.
After this happened the violent death of Hea-bani, which added to the
misfortunes of Izdubar; but no fragment of this part of the story is
preserved.

TABLET IX.

This tablet is in a somewhat better state than the others, and all the
narrative is clearer from this point, not a single column of the inscription
being entirely lost. The ninth tablet commences with the sorrow of Izdubar
at the death of Hea-bani.
COLUMN I.

1. Izdubar over Hea-bani his friend

2. bitterly weeps, and traverses the desert.
3. I have no judgment like Hea-bani here;
4. sickness entered into my stomach;
5. death I feared, and traverse the desert.
6. To the majesty of Xisuthrus, son of Ubara-tutu,
7. the road I am taking, and quickly I go;
8. to the lowlands of the mountains I take (my way) at night.
9. .... a (dream) I saw, and I feared.
10. I (bow) on my face, to Sin (the moon god) I pray;
11. and into the presence of the gods came my supplication;
12. Grant thou (health) to me, even unto me!
13. ....... dream.
14. (Through) the dream (sent by) Sin (my) life had been gladdened.
15. Precious stones (?) ... to his hand.
 16. He pulled out ..... his girdle
17. like a ... their ... he struck
18. he struck .... he smote, he broke
19. and .... they rejoiced, and
20. he threw (?) ....
21. he removed ....
22. the former name ....
23. the new name ....

(About eight lines lost here.)

The second column shows Izdubar in some fabulous region, whither he
has wandered in search of Xisuthrus. Here he sees composite monsters with
their feet resting in Hades and their heads reaching heaven. These beings
are supposed to guide and direct the sun at its rising and setting. This
passage is as follows:—
COLUMN II.

1. Of the mountains hearing him as many as ....

2. To the mountain of Masu in his course ....
3. who all day long guard the rising (sun).
4. Their crown was at the lattice of heaven,
5. below Hades was their footing.
6. Scorpion-men guard its gate,
7. burning with terribleness, and their appearance was death,
8. the greatness of their bulk overthrows the forests.
9. At the rising of the sun and the setting of the sun, they guard the
sun, and
10. Izdubar saw them and fear and terror seized his face.
11. He took his counsel and approached before them.
12. The scorpion-man of his female asked:
13. Who has gone to us with his body the flesh of the gods?
14. To the scorpion-man his female answered:
15. His going (is) that of a god, but his feeble gait (is) that of a man.
16. The scorpion-man of the hero asked,
17. .... of the gods the word he recounts:
18. .... distant road
 19. .... up to the presence
20. .... of which the passage is difficult.
21. .... thy .... thou puttest on.
22. .... mountains situated.
23. .... thou puttest on.

The rest of this column is lost. In it Izdubar converses with the monsters,
and where the third column begins he is telling them his purpose of seeking
Xisuthrus.
COLUMN III.

(1 and 2 lost.)
3. He Xisuthrus my father .....
4. who has been established also in the assembly (of the gods)
5. death and life [are known to him].
6. The scorpion-man opened his mouth (and spake);
7. they say to Izdubar:
8. Izdubar was not ....
9. of the mountain ....
10. for twelve kaspu (84 miles) [is the journey];
11. on the boundary of the field did he carry himself, and (there is) no
light.
12. To the rising sun ....
13. to the setting sun ....
14. to the setting sun ....
15. they descended ....

In this mutilated passage, the monster describes the journey to be taken

by Izdubar; there are now many lines wanting, until we come to the fourth
column.
COLUMN IV.

1. In (his) sickness ....

2. in difficulty and ....
3. in lamentation and ....
4. again thou ....
 5. the scorpion-man ....
6. (said) to Izdubar ....
7. Go Izdubar ....
8. the mountains of Mas ....
9. the mountains, the path (of the Sun) ....
10. may the women ....
11. the great gate of the land ....
12. Izdubar ....
13. for a memorial ....
14. the road of the sun ....
15. 1 kaspu (he went) ....
16. on the boundary of the field ....
17. he was not able (to look behind him).
18. 2 kaspu (he went) ....

This is the bottom of the fourth column; there are five lines lost at the top
of the fifth column, and then the narrative reopens; the text is, however,
mutilated and doubtful.
COLUMN V.

6. 4 (kaspu he went) ....

7. on the boundary (of the field)....
8. he was not able (to look behind him).
9. 5 kaspu (he went) ....
10. on the boundary of the field ....
11. he was not able (to look behind him).
12. 6 kaspu he went ....
13. on the boundary of the field did he carry himself (and there is no
light).
14. He was not able (to look behind him).
15. 7 kaspu (he went) ....
16. on the boundary of the field was it situated and not ....
17. he was not able to look behind him.
18. 8 kaspu like a .... he mounts up;
19. on the boundary of the field (did he carry himself and) there is no
light.
20. He was not able to look behind him.
 21. 9 kaspu he went .... to the north
22. .... his face
23. (on the boundary of the field did he carry himself and) there is no
light;
24. (he was not able) to look behind him.
25. (10 kaspu he went) .... him
26. .... a meeting
27. .... 4 kaspu
28. .... from the shadow of the sun
29. .... sight was established
30. to the forest of the trees of the gods in appearance it was equal.

IZDUBAR AMONG THE TREES OF THE GODS (?) FROM A BABYLONIAN CYLINDER FOUND IN CYPRUS BY
GEN. DI CESNOLA.

31. Emeralds it carried as its fruit,

32. the branch refuses not to support a canopy.
33. Crystals they carry as shoots (?)
34. fruit they carry, and to the sight it is glistening.

Some of the words in this fragment are obscure, but the general meaning
is clear. In the next column the wanderings of Izdubar are continued, and he
comes to a country near the sea. Fragments of several lines of this column
are preserved, but too mutilated to translate with certainty. The fragments
are:—
COLUMN VI.
(About six lines lost.)

1. the pine tree ....

2. its nest of stone ....
3. not sweeping away the sea .... jet stones
 4. like the tree of Elam and the tree of the prince .... emeralds
5. a locust ....
6. jet stone, ka stone .... the goddess Istar
7. like bronze and .... he carried
8. like .... obstacles
9. which .... the sea
10. it has, and .... may he raise
11. Izdubar [saw this] in his travelling,
12. on this sea he carried ....
13. Colophon. The women Siduri and Sabitu (who on the shore) of the
sea dwelt.
14. .... tablet of the series: “When the hero Izdubar saw the fountain.”
—–———–———–———–

This tablet brings Izdubar to the region of the sea-coast, but his way is
then barred by two women, one named Siduri and the other Sabitu. His
further adventures are given on the tenth tablet, which opens:

TABLET X.

1. Siduri and Sabitu (who in the land beside the sea)

2. dwelt and ....
3. it was the moon, it was the moon ....
4. a covering of fire (?) ye accomplish.
5. Izdubar approached and ....
6. the ulcer covering (his) skin
7. he had the brand of the gods on (his) ....
8. there is shame of face on ....
9. to go on the distant path his face (was set).
10. Sabitu afar off pondered,
11. she counselled to her heart (this) plan.
12. Within herself also she (considered):
13. What is this message ....
14. May no one come straight in (his path).
15. When Sabitu saw him she entered (her gate);
16. her gate she entered and entered her ....
17. And he Izdubar had ears to (hear her);
 18. he had struck his hands and made ....
—–———–———–———–
19. Izdubar to her also even said (to Sabitu:)
20. Sabitu what didst thou see (that)
21. thy gate thou barrest ....
22. I force the door ....

The rest of this column is lost, but it must have described the meeting of
Izdubar with a boatman named Ur-Hea or Lig-Hea, called Nes-Hea “the
lion” or “dog of Hea” in Assyrian. In the second column they commence a
journey by water together in a boat. But little of this column is preserved;
two fragments only are given here.
COLUMN II.

1. .... he the word of his friend ....

2. .... the word of Hea-bani ....
3. .... I traverse (the desert).
4. .... (in) the dust he had ....
5. (the friend whom I have loved declared) lovingly; Hea-bani the
friend whom I have loved made ....
6. (I am not as he) and would we had never gone up ....
7. (I did not make) the fortress of ....
—–———–———–———–
8. (Izdubar to) her also speaks, even to Sabit:
9. (Again) O Sabit what is the way to Xisuthrus?
10. Explain the tokens of it to me; yea, explain the tokens of it to me.
11. If it be suitable the sea let me cross,
12. if it be not suitable the desert let me traverse.
—–———–———–———–
13. Sabit to him also speaks, even to Izdubar:
14. There was no crossing (of the sea), O Izdubar, at any time,
15. and no one from remote times onwards has crossed the sea.
16. From crossing the sea Samas the hero I the mother prevented; (yet)
Samas crossed, whoever
17. his mouth the passage .... its road,
18. and the well of the waters of death which extend before it
19. I approach, and, Izdubar, thou crossest the sea.
 20. When thou hast come round to the waters of death, thou contrivest
how
21. for Izdubar there is Ur-Hea the boatman of Xisuthrus.
22. Precious stones with him in the midst of the forest ....
23. .... may they see thy face.
24. .... and to cross with him if it is not suitable hasten behind him
25. .... upon hearing this,
26. .... an axe in the hand.
27. .... to their well he returns.
28, 29, 30. ....
31. .... Izdubar
32. .... and his lower part
33. .... the ship
34. .... (the waters) of death
35. .... wide
36. .... the field
37. .... to the river
38. .... ship
39. .... the well
40. .... the boatman
41. .... he descended
42. .... to thee

Here there are many lines lost, then recommencing the story proceeds on
the third column.
COLUMN III.

1. my friend whom I have loved made ....

2. I am not as he and would we had never gone up ....
—–———–———–———–
3. Izdubar to him also speaks, even to Ur-Hea;
4. Again, Ur-Hea, what (is the way to Xisuthrus?)
5. what are its signs explain to me; yea, explain (to me its signs).
6. If it be suitable the sea let me cross; if it be not suitable the desert let
me traverse.
—–———–———–———–
7. Ur-Hea to him also speaks, even to (Izdubar):
8. Thy hand, Izdubar, it prevents ....
9. thou hidest among the precious stones thou ...
10. the precious stones (are) a hiding-place [or canopy] and they are
not ...
11. Take, Izdubar, an axe in (thy hands) ....
12. go down to the forest and a clearing of five gar (make).
13. Bury and make a tumulus; carry ....
14. Izdubar on his hearing this,
15. took the axe in his hand ....
16. he went down to the forest and a clearing of five gar (made):
17. he buried and made a tumulus; he carried ....
18. Izdubar and Ur-Hea rode (in the ship);
19. the ship the waves took and they ....
20. a journey of one month and fifteen days. On the third day in their
course
21. Ur-Hea also reached the waters of death ....

COLUMN IV.

1. Ur-Hea to him also speaks, even to Izdubar:

2. The tablets O Izdubar ....
3. The waters of death smite; never mayest thou >enter the dome of the
house (of the abyss).
4. The second time, the third time, and the fourth time go, O Izdubar
....
5. the fifth, sixth, and seventh time go, O Izdubar ....
6. the eighth, ninth, and tenth time go, O Izdubar ....
7. the eleventh and twelfth time go, O Izdubar ....
8. on the one hundred and twentieth time Izdubar finished ....
9. and he struck the middle of it ....
10. Izdubar seized the .......
11. on his wings an embankment he completed ...
12. Xisuthrus over him afar off pondered,
13. he counselled (this) plan within his heart.
14. With himself also he considered:
15. Why is the hiding-place of the ship ....
16. and the pilot ....
 17. the man who went also is not; and ....
18. I ponder, and I do not ....
19. I ponder, and I do not....
20. I ponder, and I do not....

IZDUBAR, COMPOSITE FIGURES, AND UR-HEA IN THE BOAT; FROM AN EARLY BABYLONIAN CYLINDER.

Here there is a blank, the extent of which is uncertain, and where the
narrative recommences it is on a small fragment of the third and fourth
columns of another copy. It appears that the lost lines record the meeting
between Izdubar and a female being named Mu-seri-ina-namari, or the
“Waters of dawn at daylight.” In the account of the Deluge, Mu-seri-ina-
namari is mentioned as bringing the black clouds from the horizon of
heaven. It was here, beyond the circular boundary of the earth, and on the
shores of the ocean which surrounded it, that Izdubar is now supposed to
be.
It is curious that, whenever Izdubar speaks to this being, the name Mua is
used, while, whenever Izdubar is spoken to, the full name Mu-seri-ina-
namari occurs. Where the story reopens Izdubar is informing Mua of his
first connection with Hea-bani and his offers to him when he desired him to
come to Erech.
COLUMN III. (fragment).

1. for my friend....
2. free thee....
3. weapon....
4. bright star....
 COLUMN IV. (fragment).

1. On a beautiful couch I will seat thee,

2. I will cause thee to sit on a comfortable seat on the left,
3. the kings of the earth shall kiss thy feet.
4. I will enrich thee and the men of Erech I will make silent before
thee,
5. and I after thee will take all....
6. I will clothe thy body in raiment and....
—–———–———–———–
7. Mu-seri-ina-namari on hearing this
8. his fetters loosed ....

The speech of Mua to Izdubar and the rest of the column are lost, the
narrative recommencing on Column V. with another speech of Izdubar.
COLUMN V. (fragment).

1. .... to me
2. .... my ... I wept
3. .... bitterly I spoke
4. .... my hand
5. .... ascended to me
6. .... to me
—–———–———–———–
7. .... hyæna of the desert

COLUMN V.

1. Izdubar opened his mouth and said to Mu

2. .... my presence?
3. .... not strong
4. .... my face
5. .... lay down in the field,
6. .... of the mountain, the hyæna of the field,
7. Hea-bani my friend .... the same.
8. No one else was with us, we ascended the mountain.
9. We took it and the city we destroyed.
 10. We conquered also Khumbaba who in the forest of pine trees
dwelt.
11. Again why did his fingers lay hold to slay the lions?
12. Thou wouldst have feared and thou wouldst not have .. all the
difficulty.
13. And he did not succeed in slaying the same;
14. his heart failed, and he did not strike .... over him I wept,
15. he covered also my friend like a corpse in a grave,
16. like a lion? he tore? him
17. like a lioness? placed .... field
18. he was cast down to the face of the earth
19. he broke? and destroyed his defence? ....
20. he was cut off and given to pour out? ....
—–———–———–———–
21. Mu-seri-ina-namari on hearing this

Here the record is again mutilated, but Izdubar further informs Mua what
he did in conjunction with Hea-bani. Where the story reopens on Column
VI. Izdubar relates part of their adventure with Khumbaba.
COLUMN VI.

1. .... taking
2. .... to thee
3. .... thou art great
4. .... all the account
—–———–———–———–
5. .... forest of pine trees
6. .... went night and day
7. .... the extent of Erech the lofty
8. .... he approached after us
9. .... he opened the land of forests
10. .... we ascended
11. .... in the midst like thy mother
12. .... cedar and pine trees
13. .... with our strength
14. .... silent
15. .... he of the field
 16. .... by her side
17. .... the Euphrates

Here again our narrative is lost, and where we again meet the story
Izdubar is conversing with Xisuthrus. The conversation is contained in the
broken fifth column of K 3382, first noticed and copied by Mr. Pinches.
COLUMN V.

1. .... Mua
2. .... my ...
3. .... they are not like.
4. .... before me.
5. .... traversed the desert.
6. .... the glare of the desert.
7. .... the same.
8. .... the mountain.
9. .... we destroy.
10. .... (among) the royal tree (and) the pine they dwell.
11. .... lions.
12. .... times to come.
13. .... were slain, the same.
14. .... over him I wept.
15. .... burial.
16. .... him.
17. .... the desert.
18. .... over me; thou hast gone round ....
19. .... I turned back; the ship (?) I ....
20. (my friend) whom I have loved declared lovingly; Hea-bani my
friend (made) ....
21. (I) am not as he, and would we had never gone up; I did not make a
fortress ....

22. Izdubar to him also speaks, even to Xisuthrus:

 23. Thus may I go and Xisuthrus afar off, who has conversed with him,
may I see.
24. I went round, I went through all countries;
25. I passed through difficult lands;
26. I crossed all seas.
27. A good .... they did not dwell before me.
28. I exhausted myself through weakness; with my .... the crown I
filled.
29. .... the house I did not reach, and my clothing was decayed.
30. .... of a leopard, a tiger, a raging winged bull ....
31. their (lairs) I approached; their skins I stripped off ....
32. .... may they bar its gate; with much bitumen ....
33. .... the contents ....
34. .... the sides ....
—–———–———–———–
35. (Xisuthrus) to him speaks, even to Izdubar:
36. .... O Izdubar, sickness ....
37. .... gods and men ....
38. .... thy (father) and thy mother made ....

We now come to a fragment which forms the reverse of the tablet already
translated, and recounts the visit of Izdubar to the two women Siduri and
Sabitu. This reads as follows:—

1. I was angry (?) ....

2. If at any time we built a house, if ever we establish ....
3. If ever brothers fixed ....
4. If ever hatred is in ....
5. If ever the river makes a (great) flood.
6. (If ever) reviling within the mouth ....
7. the face that will bow before Samas ....
8. from of old is not ....
9. Spoiling and death together ....
10. of death the image they guarded not ....
11. The man or servant on approaching (death),
12. the spirits of the earth the great gods are they.
13. The goddess Mammetu maker of fate, to them their fate brings,
 14. she has fixed death and life;
15. of death its days are not known.

COMPOSITE FIGURES (SCORPION MEN); FROM AN ASSYRIAN CYLINDER.

This statement closes the tenth tablet and leads to the next question of
Izdubar and its answer, which includes the story of the Flood.
The present division of the legends has its own peculiar difficulties; in
the first place it does not appear how Hea-bani was killed. Possibly he fell
in an attempt to slay a lion.
The land of Mas or desert of Mas over which Izdubar travels in this tablet
is the desert on the west of the Euphrates, and the name reminds us of the
Biblical Mash who is called a son of Aram in Genesis x. 23; on the sixth
column the fragments appear to refer to some bird with magnificent feathers
like precious stones, seen by Izdubar on his journey.
 CHAPTER XVI.
THE STORY OF THE FLOOD AND CONCLUSION.
Eleventh tablet.—The gods.—Sin of the world.—Command to build
the ark.—Its contents.—The building.—The Flood.—Destruction of
people.—Fear of the gods.—End of Deluge.—Nizir.—Resting of ark.
—The birds.—The descent from the ark.—The sacrifice, covenant,
and rainbow.—Speeches of gods.—Translation of Adra-Khasis.—Cure
of Izdubar.—His return.—Lament over Hea-bani.—Resurrection of
Hea-bani.—Burial of warrior.—Age and composition of the Deluge
tablet.—Comparison with Genesis.—Syrian nation.—Connection of
legends.—Points of contact.—Duration of Deluge.—Mount of
descent.—Ten generations.—Early cities.

THE eleventh tablet of the Izdubar series is the one which first attracted
attention, and is certainly the most important on account of its containing
the story of the Flood. This tablet is the most perfect in the series, scarcely
any line being entirely lost. A new fragment of it, belonging to another
edition of the story, has been recently brought to the museum by Mr.
Hormuzd Rassam.

TABLET XI.

COLUMN I.

1. (Izdubar) to him also speaks even to Xisuthrus afar off:

2. O Xisuthrus,
3. (why) dost thou not again (to me) as I (to thee)?
4. (why) dost thou not again (to me) as I (to thee)?
5. .... my heart to make war
6. .... I come up after thee,
7. when thou didst take, and in the assembly of the gods didst obtain
life.
—–———–———–———–
8. Xisuthrus to him also speaks, even to Izdubar:
9. Let me reveal to thee (Izdubar) the story of my preservation,
10. and the judgment of the gods let me relate to thee.
11. The city Surippak the city which thou knowest on the Euphrates is
placed,
12. that city is ancient and the gods are within it.
13. To make a deluge [or whirlwind] the great gods have brought their
heart;
14. even he their father, Anu,
15. their king, the warrior Bel,
16. their throne-bearer, Ninip,
17. their minister, the lord of Hades, Nin-si-kha (wife of) Hea with
them sat, and
18. their will he (i.e. Hea) repeated: to his minister the minister of the
city of Kis, he declared what he had (in mind);28
19. his minister heard and proclaimed attentively:
20. Man of Surippak, son of Ubara-tutu,
21. build a house, make a ship to preserve the sleep of plants (and)
living beings;
22. store the seed and vivify life,
23. cause also the seed of life of every kind to go up into the midst of
the ship.
24. The ship which thou shalt make,
25. 600 cubits (shall be) its measure in length,
26. 60 cubits the amount of its breadth and its height.
27. ... and on the deep cover it, even it, with a roof.
28. I understood and say to Hea my lord:
29. The building of the ship which thou commandest thus,
30. .... I shall have made,
31. .... the sons of the host and the old men.
32. (Hea opened his mouth and) speaks and says to me his servant:
33. ...... thou shalt say unto them,
34. ...... he has rejected me and
35. ...... it is upon me
36. .... like caves ....
37. ... may I judge above and below ....
38. ... close the ship ...
39. ... at the season which I will make known to you,
40. into it enter and the door of the ship turn.
41. Into the midst of it thy grain, thy furniture, thy goods,
42. thy wealth, thy woman slaves, thy handmaids, and the sons of the
host,
43. (the beasts) of the field, the wild animals of the field, as many as I
would protect,
44. I will send to thee, and thy door shall guard (them).
—–———–———–———–
45. Adrakhasis29 his mouth opened and speaks, and
46. says to Hea his lord:
47. No one a ship has made ...
48. in the lower part of the ship has shut up ....
49. .... and may I see the ship ....
50. .... in the lower part of the ship ....
51. the building of the ship which thou commandest me (thus),
52. which in ....

COLUMN II.

1. strong ....
2. on the fifth day .... it rose.
3. In its circuit 14 in all (were) its girders.
4. 14 in all it contained ... above it
5. I placed its roof; it .... I enclosed it.
6. I rode in it the sixth time; I divided its passages the seventh time;
7. its interior I divided the eighth time.
8. Leaks for the waters within it I cut off.
9. I saw the rents and the wanting parts I added.
10. 330 sari of bitumen I poured over the outside.
11. 330 sari of bitumen I poured over the inside.
12. 3 sari of men carrying baskets, who carried on their heads food.
13. I added a saros of food which the people should eat;
14. two sari of food the boatmen shared.
15. To .... I sacrificed oxen
16. I (established) ........ each day
17. I (established) ........ beer, food, and wine;
18. (I collected them) like the waters of a river, and
19. (I collected) like the dust of the earth, and
20. (in the ship) the food with my hand I placed.
21. (Through the help of) Samas the seaworthiness of the ship was
accomplished.
22. ... they were strong and
23. the tackling of the ship I caused to bring above and below.
24. ........ they went in two-thirds of it.
—–———–———–———–
25. All I possessed I collected it, all I possessed I collected it in silver,
26. all I possessed I collected it in gold,
27. all I possessed I collected it in the seed of life of all kinds.
28. I caused everything to go up into the ship, my slaves and my
handmaids,
29. the beast of the field, the wild animal of the field, the sons of the
people all of them, I caused to go up.
30. The season Samas fixed and
31. he spake saying: In the night I will cause it to rain from heaven
heavily,
32. enter into the midst of the ship and shut thy door.
33. That season came round (of which)
34. he spake saying: In the night I will cause it to rain from heaven
heavily.
35. Of the day I reached its evening,
36. the day of watching fear I had.
37. I entered into the midst of the ship and shut my door.
38. On closing the ship to Buzur-sadi-rabi the boatman
39. the habitation I gave with its goods.
—–———–———–———–
40. Mu-seri-ina-namari
41. arose, from the horizon of heaven a black cloud.
42. Rimmon in the midst of it thundered, and
43. Nebo and the Wind-god went in front,
44. the throne-bearers went over the mountain and plain,
45. Nergal the mighty removes the wicked,
46. Ninip goes in front, he casts down,
47. the spirits of earth carried destruction,
48. in their terror they shake the earth;
49. of Rimmon his flood reached to heaven.
50. The darkened (earth to a waste) was turned,

COLUMN III.

1. the surface of the earth like .... they covered,

2. (it destroyed all) living beings from the face of the earth;
3. the raging (deluge) over the people, reached to heaven.
4. Brother saw not his brother, men did not know one another. In
heaven
5. the gods feared the whirlwind and
6. sought a refuge; they ascended to the heaven of Anu.
7. The gods like dogs were fixed, in a heap did they lie down.
8. Spake Istar like a child,
9. the great goddess uttered her speech:
10. All to clay are turned and
11. that which I in the presence of the gods prophesied (even evil has
happened).
12. As I prophesied in the presence of the gods evil,
13. to evil (were devoted) all my people, the trouble I prophesied thus:
14. I the mother have begotten my people, and
15. like the young of the fishes they fill the sea. And
16. the gods because of the spirits of earth are weeping with me.
17. The gods on seats are seated in lamentation,
18. covered were their lips for the coming evil.
19. Six days and nights
20. passed, the wind, the whirlwind, (and) the storm, overwhelmed.
21. On the seventh day at its approach the rain was stayed, the raging
whirlwind
22. which had smitten like an earthquake,
23. was quieted. The sea began to dry, and the wind and deluge ended.
24. I watched the sea making a noise,
25. and the whole of mankind was turned to clay,
26. like reeds the corpses floated.
27. I opened the window, and the light smote upon the fortress of my
nostrils.
28. I was grieved and sat down; I weep,
29. over the fortress of my nostrils went my tears.
30. I watched the regions at the boundary of the sea,
31. towards all the twelve points of the compass (there was) no land.
32. In the country of Nizir rested the ship;
33. the mountain of Nizir stopped the ship, and to pass over it it was
not able.
34. The first day, the second day, the mountain of Nizir stopped the
ship.
35. The third day, the fourth day, the mountain of Nizir stopped the
ship.
36. The fifth day, the sixth day, the mountain of Nizir stopped the ship.
37. On the seventh day at its approach

38. I sent forth a dove and it left. The dove went, it returned, and
39. a resting-place it did not find, and it came back.
40. I sent forth a swallow and it left. The swallow went, it returned,
and
41. a resting-place it did not find, and it came back.
42. I sent forth a raven and it left.
43. The raven went, and the carrion on the water it saw, and
44. it did eat, it swam, and turned away, it did not come back.
45. I sent (the animals) forth to the four winds, I sacrificed a sacrifice,
46. I built an altar on the peak31 of the mountain,
47. by sevens vessels I placed,
48. at the bottom of them I spread reeds, pines, and juniper.
49. The gods smelt the savour, the gods smelt the good savour;
50. the gods like flies over the sacrificer gathered.
51. From afar also the great goddess at her approach
52. lifted up the mighty arches (i.e. the rainbow) which Anu had
created as his glory.
53. The crystal of those gods before me (i.e. the rainbow) never may I
forget;

COLUMN IV.

1. those days I devised with longing that I might never forget.

2. ‘May the gods come to my altar,
3. may Bel never come to my altar,
4. for he did not consider and had made a whirlwind,
5. and my people he consigned to the abyss.’
6. From afar also Bel at his approach
7. saw, the ship he stopped; Bel was filled with anger against the gods
and the spirits of heaven:
8. ‘Let no one come out alive, never may a man live in the abyss.’
9. Ninip his mouth opened, and spake; he says to the warrior Bel:
10. ‘Who is it except Hea that forms a resolution?
11. and Hea knows and all things he ...’
12. Hea his mouth opened and spake, he says to the warrior Bel:
13. ‘Thou messenger of the gods, warrior,
14. as thou didst not consider a deluge thou madest.
15. The doer of sin bore his sin, the blasphemer bore his blasphemy.
16. Never may the just prince be cut off, never may the faithful (be
destroyed).
17. Instead of thy making a deluge, may lions come and men be
diminished;
18. instead of thy making a deluge, may hyænas come and men be
diminished;
19. instead of thy making a deluge, may a famine happen and the
country be (destroyed);
20. instead of thy making a deluge, may pestilence come and men be
destroyed.
21. I did not reveal the judgment of the gods.
22. To Adrakhasis (Xisuthrus) a dream I sent, and the judgment of the
gods he heard.’
23. Again also Bel considers, (literally, again consideration was
considered); he approaches the midst of the ship.
24. He took my hand and caused me to ascend up,
25. he caused (me) to ascend; he united my wife to my side;
26. he turned unto us and fixes himself in covenant with us; he
approaches us:
27. ‘Formerly Adrakhasis (was) mortal, but
28. again also Adrakhasis and his wife to live as gods are taken away,
and
29. Adrakhasis also dwells in a remote place at the mouth of the
rivers.’
30. They took me, and in a remote place at the mouth of the rivers they
caused me to dwell.
31. Again also as for thee whomsoever the gods have chosen also,
32. for the health which thou seekest and askest,
33. the bulwarks shall be mounted six days and seven nights,
34. like one who sits in the vicinity of his nest,
35. a way like a storm shall be laid upon him.
36. Adrakhasis to her also says, even to his wife:
37. I announce that the chief who has sought health
38. the way like a storm shall be laid upon him.
39. His wife to him also says even to Adrakhasis afar off:
40. Turn him, and let the man be sent away;
41. by the road that he came may he return in peace,
42. thro’ the great gate going forth let him return to his country.
43. Adrakhasis to her also says, even to his wife:
44. The pain of the man pains thee,
45. mount the bulwarks; his baldness place on his head.
46. And the day when he had mounted the side of the ship,
47. she mounted, his baldness she placed on his head.
48. And the day when he had mounted the side of the ship,
49. first the sabusat of his baldness,
50. second the mussukat, third the radbat, fourth she opened his
zikaman,
51. fifth the sibu she placed, sixth the bassat,

COLUMN V.

1. seventh in the outlet she turned him and let the man go free.
—–———–———–———–
2. Izdubar to him also says even to Xisuthrus afar off:
3. In this way thou wast compassionate (?) over me,
4. quickly thou hast begotten me, and thou hast set eyes (on me).
5. Xisuthrus to him also says even to Izdubar.
6. ....... thy baldness,
7. ....... I separated thee,
8. ....... thy baldness,
9. second the mussukat, third the radbat,
10. fourth I opened thy zikaman,
11. fifth the sibu I placed, sixth the bassat,
12. seventh in the opening I turned thee.
13. Izdubar to him also says even to Xisuthrus afar off:
14. ...... Xisuthrus whither may I go?
15. ...... they shipped
16. ...... dwelling in death,
17. ...... his tail dies also.
—–———–———–———–
18. Xisuthrus to him also says even to Nis-Hea the boatman:
19. Nis-Hea, may thy (oar) accomplish a passage for thee.
20. He who ..... on the shore of (the gods) ....
21. the man whom thou goest before, disease has covered his body;
22. illness has overmastered the strength of his limbs.
23. Take him, Nis-Hea, to cleanse carry him,
24. may he cleanse his disease in the water like purity,
25. may he cast off his illness, and may the sea carry it away, may
health cover his skin,
26. may it restore the hair of his head,
27. the hair clothing, the covering of his loins.
28. That he may go to his country, that he may take his road,
29. never may the hair become old and alone may he be alone (i.e.
unrivalled).
30. Nis-Hea took him, to cleanse he carried him,
31. his disease in the water like purity (beauty) he cleansed,
32. he cast off his illness, and the sea carried it away, health covered
his skin,
33. the hair of his head was restored, the hair clothing the covering of
his loins.
34. That he might go to his country, that he might take his road,
35. the hair he did not cast off, but alone he was alone.
36. Izdubar and Nis-Hea rode in the ship,
37. where he had placed them they rode.
—–———–———–———–
38. His wife to him also says even to Xisuthrus afar off:
39. Izdubar goes away, he is at rest, he performs
40. what thou hast given (him to do), and returns to his country.
41. And he even Izdubar lifted up the oar (?);
42. the ship touched the shore.
43. Xisuthrus to him also says even to Izdubar:
44. Izdubar, thou goest away, thou art at rest, thou performest
45. what I gave thee (to do), and thou returnest to thy country.
46. Let the story of my preservation be revealed, O Izdubar,
47. and let the judgment of the gods be related to thee.
48. This account (?) like ........
49. its renown (?) like the Amurdin tree ....
50. if he takes the whole of it in the hand ....
51. To Izdubar he revealed this in his hearing, and ....
52. he bound together heavy stones ....

COLUMN VI.

1. they dragged it and to the deep ....

2. he even Izdubar took the animal ....
3. he cut the heavy stones ....
4. one homer he poured out in libation to it for his ship.
—–———–———–———–
5. Izdubar to him also says even to Nis-Hea, the boatman:
6. O Nis-Hea, the whole of this, even the whole of the story,
7. of which a man in his heart shall take its story,
8. may he bring it to the midst of Erech the lofty, may he complete (it)
like ....
9. .... splendour (which) is diminished ....
10. May I record and return to perform my vengeance (?).
11. For 10 kaspu (70 miles) they journeyed the stage, for 20 kaspu
(140 miles) they made hostility;
12. Izdubar saw a well which the waters were excavating.
13. He turned to the bright waters and smells (?) the waters; .... grant
me thy image (?)
14. .... the men he approached and (their) goods he took away (?)
15. at his return they tore the hair.
16. Izdubar approached (?) ....
 17. over the fortress of his nostrils coursed his tears, and he says to
Nis-Hea the boatman:
18. What is it to me, Nis-Hea, that my hands rest?
19. What is it to me that my heart lives?
20. I have not done good to my own self;
21. and yet the lion of the earth does good (to himself).
22. Again for 20 kaspu (140 miles) alone I take the way, and
23. when I had opened the .... I heaped up the tackling,
24. the sea against its long wall I urged.
25. And he left the ship by the shore, 20 kaspu (140 miles) they
journeyed the stage.
26. For 30 kaspu (210 miles) they performed the labour, they came
into the midst of Erech the lofty.
—–———–———–———–
27. Izdubar to him also says, even to Nis-Hea the boatman:
28. Ascend, Nis-Hea, over the fortress of Erech go;
29. the foundation-stone is scattered, the bricks of its interior are not
made,
30. and its foundation is not laid to thy height (?);
31. 1 saros (is) thy city, 1 saros the plantations, 1 saros the boundary
of the temple of Nantur the house of Istar,
32. 3 sari together the city of Erech ...
—–———–———–———–

The opening line of the next tablet is preserved, it reads: “The gad-fly in
the house of the serving-man was left.” After this the story is again lost for
several lines, and where it reappears Izdubar is mourning for Hea-bani.
The fragments of this tablet are:—
COLUMN I.

1. The gad-fly in the house of the serving-man was left.

(Several lines lost.)

1. Izdubar (lamented thus over Hea-bani his friend:)

2. If to ....
 3. to happiness thou (art not admitted);
4. a shining cloak (thou dost not wear),
5. like a misfortune (?) thou ....
6. Fat (and) goodly food thou dost not share;
7. to (come to) its savour they do not choose thee.
8. The bow against the ground thou dost not aim,
9. what the bow has struck escapes thee:
10. the staff to thy hands thou dost not lift,
11. the captive will not curse thee:
12. sandals to thy feet thou dost not bind,
13. a thrust against the ground thou dost not make.
14. Thy wife whom thou lovest thou dost not kiss,
15. thy wife whom thou hatest thou dost not strike;
16. thy child whom thou lovest thou dost not kiss,
17. thy child whom thou hatest thou dost not strike.
18. The destruction of the earth has seized thee.
19. Ninazu, of darkness the mother, of darkness, of darkness,
20. her illustrious stature as his mantle covers him, and
21. her feet like a deep well beget [or darken] him.

This is the bottom of the first column. The next column has lost all the
upper part: it appears to have contained the remainder of this lament, an
appeal to one of the gods on behalf of Hea-bani, and a repetition of the
lamentation, the third person being used instead of the second. The
fragments commence in the middle of this:

1. his wife whom he hates he strikes,

2. his child whom he loves he kisses;
3. his child whom he has hated he strikes,
4. the destruction of the earth takes him.
5. Ninazu, of darkness the mother of darkness, of darkness!
6. Her illustrious stature as a mantle covers him,
7. her feet like a deep well beget him.
8. Lo! Hea-bani from the earth to .....
9. The plague-demon did not take him, fever did not take him, the
earth took him.
10. The resting-place of Nergal the unconquered did not take him, the
earth took him.
11. The place of the battle of heroes did not strike him, the earth took
him.
12. Lo! .... ni son of the goddess Ninsun32 for his servant Hea-bani
wept;
13. to the house of Bel alone he went.
14. “Father Bel, a gad-fly to the earth struck me,
15. a deadly wound to the earth struck me,”

COLUMN III.

1. Hea-bani who to rest (was not admitted),

2. the plague-demon did not take him, (the earth took him);
3. the resting-place of Nergal the unconquered did not take him, (the
earth took him).
4. In the place of the battle of heroes they did not (strike him, the earth
took him).
5. Father Bel, a judgment did not take him.
6. Father Sin, the gad-fly (struck him);
7. a deadly wound (to the earth struck him).
8. Hea-bani who to rest (was not admitted),
9. the plague-demon did not take him, (the earth took him);
10. the resting-place of Nergal (the unconquered did not take him).
(About 12 lines lost, containing a repetition of this passage.)
23. The plague-demon ....
24. the resting-place of Nergal the unconquered (did not take him);
25. the place of the battle of heroes did not (take him).
26. Father Hea ....
27. To the warrior Merodach ....
28. Heroic warrior (Merodach) ....
29. he created him the word ....
30. the spirit ....
31. To his father ....
32. the heroic warrior Merodach (son of Hea)
33. created him the word, the earth opened, and
34. the spirit (or ghost) of Hea-bani like dust from the earth (arose):
 35. ..... and thou explainest,
36. he pondered and repeated this:

COLUMN IV.

1. Tell, my friend, tell, my friend,

2. the secrets of the earth which thou hast seen, tell (me).
3. I cannot tell thee, my friend, I cannot tell thee,
4. (how) can I tell thee the secrets of the earth which I have seen?
5. ..... I sit weeping
6. ..... may I sit and may I weep
7. ..... of growth and thy heart rejoiced
8. ..... thou growest old, the worm entered
9. ..... of youth and thy heart rejoiced
10. ..... dust filling
11. ..... he passed over
12. ..... he passed over
13. ..... I saw

Here there is a serious blank in the inscription, about twenty lines being
lost, and Mr. Smith has conjecturally inserted a fragment which appears to
belong to this part of the narrative. It is very curious from the geographical
names it contains.

1. .... I poured out ....

2. .... which thou trusted ....
3. .... city of Babylon ri ....
4. .... which he was blessed ....
5. .... may he mourn for my fault ....
6. .... may he mourn for him and for ....
7. .... Kisu and Kharsak-kalama, may he mourn .....
8. .... his .... Cutha ....
9. .... Eridu? and Nipur ....

The rest of Column IV. is lost, and of the next column there are only
remains of the first two lines.
COLUMN V.
 1. like a good prince who ....
2. like ....

Here there are about thirty lines missing, the story recommencing with
Column VI., which is perfect.
COLUMN VI.

1. On a couch he reclines and

2. pure water drinks.
3. He who in battle is slain, thou seest and I see.
4. His father (and) his mother (support) his head,
5. (and) his wife addresses the corpse.
6. His friends in the field (are standing),
7. thou seest and I see.
8. His spoil on the ground is uncovered,
9. of his spoil he has no oversight.
10. Thou seest and I see.
11. His tender orphans long for bread; the food
12. which in the tents is placed is eaten.
—–———–———–———–
13. The twelfth tablet of the legends of Izdubar.
14. Like the ancient copy written and made clear.

XISUTHRUS OR NOAH AND IZDUBAR; FROM AN EARLY BABYLONIAN CYLINDER.

This passage closes the great Epic of the ancient Chaldeans, which even
in its present mutilated form is of the greatest importance in relation to the
civilization, manners, and customs of that early people. The main feature in
this part of the Izdubar legends is the description of the Flood in the
eleventh tablet, which evidently refers to the same event as the Flood of
Noah in Genesis.
The episode of the Flood has been introduced into the Izdubar Epic in
accordance with the principle upon which it has been formed. The eleventh
tablet or book answers to the sign of Aquarius and the month called “the
rainy” by the Accadians, and it was therefore rightly occupied by the story
of the Flood. The compiler of the Epic seems to have used for this purpose
two independent poems relating to the event; at least it is otherwise difficult
to account for the repetitions observable in certain lines which sometimes
differ slightly from one another, as well as for certain inconsistencies which
the skill of the compiler has not been able entirely to remove. Thus
according to I. 13, the Deluge was caused by all “the great gods;” according
to II. 30, by Samas only; according to IV. 4, 5, by Bel. There is little doubt
that many independent versions of the history of the Deluge were current in
a poetical form; indeed, a fragment of one of these, containing the original
Accadian text along with the Assyrian translation has been preserved, and
the version found in Berosus differs in several notable points from the
version embodied in the great Chaldean Epic.
The fragment of the variant version of which the Accadian text has been
preserved is as follows:—

1. .... then like a bowl of sacrificial wine the mountain ....

2. .... country to country ran together.
3. The female-slave to her mother (?) it had caused to ascend.
4. The freeman from the house of his fecundity it had caused to go
forth.
5. The son from the house of his father it had caused to go forth
6. The doves from their cotes had fled away.
7. The raven on its wing it had caused to ascend.
8. The swallow from his nest it had caused to depart.
9. The oxen it had scattered, the lambs it had scattered.
10. (It was) the great days when the evil spirits hunt.
11. The universe they subjected unto themselves.
12. Among the bricks of the foundations (they dealt destruction).
13. The earth like a potsherd (they shattered).
 14. Bel and Beltis the supreme ones the mighty tablets (of destiny
consulted).
15. The foot to the earth they did not (put).
16. The highways of the earth they did not (tread).

If we compare the Babylonian account of the Deluge contained in the

Epic with the account in Genesis we shall find some differences between
them; but if we consider the differences that existed between the two
countries of Palestine and Babylonia these variations do not appear greater
than we should expect. Chaldea was essentially a mercantile and maritime
country, well watered and flat, while Palestine was a hilly region with no
great rivers, and the Jews were shut out from the coast, the maritime regions
being mostly in the hands of the Philistines and Phœnicians. There was a
total difference between the religious ideas of the two peoples, the Jews
believing in one God, the creator and lord of the Universe, while the
Babylonians worshipped gods and lords many, every city having its local
deity, and these being joined by complicated relations in a poetical
mythology, which was in marked contrast to the severe simplicity of the
Jewish system. With such differences it was only natural that, in relating the
same stories, each nation should colour them in accordance with its own
ideas, and stress would naturally in each case be laid upon points with
which they were familiar. Thus we should expect beforehand that there
would be differences in the narrative such as we actually find, and we may
also notice that the cuneiform account does not always coincide even with
the account of the same events given by Berosus from Chaldean sources,
from which, as already observed, we may infer that there was more than
one version of the story of the Deluge current in Babylonia itself.
The great value of the inscriptions describing the Flood consists in the
fact that they form an independent testimony to the Biblical narrative at a
much earlier date than any other evidence. The principal points in the two
narratives compared in their order will serve to show the correspondences
and differences between the two. It must, however, be remembered that the
Biblical narrative is composed of two different accounts of the Flood,
generally known as the Elohistic and Jehovistic, and, as M. Lenormant has
observed, it is with the union of the two in our present Hebrew text rather
than with either one of them alone that the Babylonian version corresponds.
The repetitions observable in the Hebrew text are not to be found in the
cuneiform text.

Genesis: Babylonian
Elohist. Jehovist. Account.
1. Announcement of the Deluge vi. 11-13. vi. 5-8. i. 12-23.
2. Command to build the ark vi. 14-16. i. 20-27.
3. What was to enter the ark vi. 19-21. vii. 2, 3. i. 41-43.
4. Size of the ark vi. 15, 16. i. 25, 26.
5. Speech of Xisuthrus i. 45-52.
6. The building of the ark vi. 22. vii. 5. ii. 2-24.
7. The coating within and without
vi. 14. ii. 10, 11.
with bitumen.
8. Food taken in the ark. vi. 21. ii. 12-20.
9. The coming of the Flood vii. 10-12. vii. 10. ii. 14, &c.
10. Destruction of the people vii. 21, 22. vii. 23. iii. 2-15.
11. Duration of the Deluge vii. 12, 24. vii. 17. iii. 19-21.
12. Assuaging of the waters viii. 1. viii. 2. iii. 21-23.
13. Opening of window viii. 6. iii. 27.
14. Ark rests on a mountain viii. 4. iii. 33-36.
15. Sending forth of the birds viii. 6-12. iii. 38-44.
16. viii. 15-
Order to leave the ark
17.
17. viii. 18,
Leaving the ark iii. 45.
19.
18. Building the altar and sacrifice viii. 20. iii. 46-48.
19. The savour of the offering viii. 21. iii. 49.
20. viii. 21,
A deluge not to happen again ix. 11. iv. 15-20.
22.
21. The Covenant ix. 9-11. iv. 26.
22. The rainbow a pledge of the
ix. 13-17. iii. 51, 52.
covenant
23. The Deluge caused by the sin of vi. 11-13. vi. 5-7. iv. 14, 15.
 men
24. Noah saved by his righteousness vi. 8., vii. 1. iv. 16.
25. The translation of the patriarch (in
v. 24. iv. 28-30.
Genesis of Enoch)

One of the first points that strike us on comparing the Biblical and
cuneiform accounts together is that they both agree in representing the
Flood as a punishment for the sins of mankind. This agreement is rendered
remarkable by the absence of such a moral cause in the legends of a deluge
current among other nations; it is wanting even in the version of the
Babylonian account given by Berosus. Equally remarkable is the agreement
of the two accounts in the narrative of the sending forth of the birds, two of
which, the raven and the dove, are the same in both. Some of the actual
phrases and words found in Genesis are also found in the cuneiform tablet;
though sometimes they are modified, as when Genesis says of the entrance
of Noah into the ark: “The Lord shut him in;” whereas in the Babylonian
narrative the closing of the door is ascribed to Xisuthrus himself.
Positive discrepancies, however, occur between the two records. Thus
they differ as regards the size of the ark. According to the cuneiform
account, its length and breadth were in the proportion of ten to one and the
height and breadth were the same; but the Bible makes the proportion as six
to one, and describes the height as being thirty cubits and the breadth fifty.
The version of the story given by Berosus, on the other hand, agrees in this
matter neither with Genesis nor with the tablet from Erech. It measures the
ark by stadia and not by cubits, makes the proportion of its length and
breadth as five to two, and says nothing of the height.
Another difference may be found in the description of the patriarch who
escapes the Flood. Xisuthrus is a king who enters the ark with his servants,
people, and pilot, while in the Bible only Noah and his family are saved.
So, too, no reference is made in the Babylonian account to the distinction
between the clean and unclean animals mentioned by the Jehovist, though
seven was a sacred number among the Babylonians. The most remarkable
difference, however, between the two accounts is with respect to the
duration of the Deluge. On this point the inscription gives seven days for
the Flood, and seven days for the resting of the ark on the mountain, while
the Elohist puts the commencement of the Flood on the 17th day of the
second month (Marchesvan) and its termination on the 27th day of the
second month in the following year, making a total duration of one lunar
year and eleven days. This exactly accords with the climatic conditions of
Babylonia, where the rains begin at the end of November. The Euphrates
and Tigris then begin to rise, the country is inundated in March, the seventh
month of the Hebrew narrative, and from the end of May onwards the
waters go down. According to the Jehovist, however, the Deluge is
announced to Noah only seven days before it takes place; the waters are at
their height for forty days and then decrease during another forty days, after
which the patriarch sends out the birds at intervals of seven days, so that it
was not till twenty-one days after he has first opened the window that he
finally leaves the ark. This is in practical agreement with the cuneiform
account, since seven was a sacred number among the Babylonians just as
forty is in the Old Testament. As M. Lenormant points out, the date of the
15th of Dæsius (or May) given by Berosus must be due to a scribe’s error,
since this would place the Flood at a time when the waters were going
down. There is again a difference as to the mountain on which the ark
rested; Nizir, the place mentioned in the cuneiform text, being east of
Assyria, and its mountain, also called “the mountain of the world” where
the gods were supposed to dwell, being the present peak of Elwend, while
the mountains of Ararat mentioned in the Bible were north of Assyria, near
Lake Van. It is evident that different traditions have placed the mountain of
the ark in totally different positions, and there is not positive proof as to
which is the earlier traditionary spot. The word Ararat is connected with a
word Urdhu, meaning “highland,” and might be a general term for any part
of the hilly country to the north-east of Assyria.
It is interesting to find references in the Jehovistic account to the sacred
Babylonian number seven and the seven-day week. Just as Xisuthrus set
vessels by sevens on the altar of sacrifice, so Noah offered clean beasts and
fowls which had been taken by sevens into the ark. And the narrative of the
sending-out of the birds contains a clear reference to the seven-day week,
which was known from very early times to the Accadians, who had named
each day after one of the seven planets. The Sabbath also, which occurred
on the 7th, 14th, 19th, 21st and 28th days of the lunar month, was
rigorously observed by them. They called it “a day of completion of
labours,” or “a day unlawful to work upon,” and a sort of saints’ calendar
for the month of the intercalatory Elul says that upon it “the shepherd of
many peoples may not eat the flesh of birds (?) or cooked fruit. The
garments of his body he must not change. White robes he may not put on.
Sacrifice he may not offer. The king in his chariot may not ride. He may not
legislate in royal fashion. A place of garrison the general by word of mouth
may not appoint. Medicine for the sickness of the body one may not apply.”
The very word Sabattu or Sabbath was used by the Assyrians, and a
bilingual tablet explains it as “a day of rest for the heart.”
One striking difference between the descriptions of the Deluge given in
the Old Testament and in the Epic of Izdubar is due to the fact that the
Hebrews were an inland people, whereas the Accadians were a maritime, or
rather fluviatile one. Hence it is that while the ark is called in the
Babylonian version “a ship,” it is called têbâh, that is, “a coffer” in Genesis.
In Genesis, too, nothing is said about launching the ark, testing its
seaworthiness, or entrusting it to a pilot. However, the narrative in Genesis
preserves a recollection of the bitumen for which the Babylonian plain was
famous, and like the cuneiform narrative states that the ark was pitched.
Some of the other differences observable in the two accounts are
evidently due to the opposite religious systems of the two countries, but
there is again a curious point in connection with the close of the Chaldean
legend: this is the translation of the hero of the Flood.
In the Book of Genesis it is not Noah but the seventh patriarch Enoch
who is translated, three generations before the Flood.
There appears to have been some connection or confusion between
Enoch and Noah in ancient tradition; both are holy men, and Enoch is said,
like Noah, to have predicted the Flood.
It is a curious fact that the dynasty of gods, with which Egyptian
mythical history commences, resembles in some respects the list of
antediluvian kings of Babylonia given by Berosus as well as the list of
antediluvian patriarchs in Genesis.
This dynasty has sometimes seven, sometimes ten reigns, and in the
Turin Papyrus of kings, which gives ten reigns, there is the same name for
the seventh and tenth kings, both being called Horus, and the seventh king
is stated to have reigned 300 years, which is the length of life of the seventh
patriarch Enoch after the birth of his son.
Here are the three lists of Egyptian gods, Hebrew patriarchs, and
Chaldean kings.
 Egypt. Patriarchs. Chaldean Kings.
Ptah. Adam. Alorus.
Ra. Seth. Alaparus.
Su. Enos. Almelon.
Seb. Cainan. Ammenon.
Hosiri. Mahalaleel. Amegalarus.
Set. Jared. Daonus. (Dun in the inscriptions.)
Hor. Enoch. Ædorachus.
Tut. Methuselah. Amempsin.
Ma. Lamech. Otiartes (Opartes).
Hor. Noah. Xisuthrus.

It is well known that Enos, like Adam, signifies “man;” hence some
writers have supposed that the list of Noah’s ancestors was originally
counted from Enos, so that Lamech, Noah’s father, would have been the
seventh in descent. There is, moreover, a curious resemblance between the
names of the descendants of Seth and those of the descendants of Cain,
Methuselah, indeed, being apparently more correctly written Methusael
(Gen. iv. 18), which is the Assyrian Mutu-sa-ili, “Man of God.” Now
Lamech, the descendant of Cain, is the seventh from Adam. It may be
noticed that Irad or Jared is the same word as the Assyrian Arad, “servant,”
and Arad or Ardutu is the Assyrian rendering of the Accadian Ubara, the
first part of the name of the father of Xisuthrus, who is actually called
Ardates by Abydenus.
Mr. George Smith believed that the real connection between the
traditions of Babylonia and Palestine would never be cleared up until the
literature of the Syrian population which intervened is recovered. It is very
possible that light may be thrown upon the question by the excavations now
being made at Jerablus, the site of Carchemish, the capital of the ancient
Hittites. Terah may be the same word as Tarkhu, who seems to have been
worshipped as a god by the Hittites; and Lucian has preserved a legend of
the Flood and the patriarch Sisythes, who is evidently the Xisuthrus of the
Babylonians, which was current at Hierapolis or Mabug, a little to the south
of Jerablus. In this legend the ark has become a coffer, Sisythes and his
family are alone preserved, and the Flood was sent to punish the
wickedness of mankind.
There is one point which still deserves notice: these traditions are not
fixed to any localities in or near Palestine, but even on the showing of the
Jews themselves, belong to the neighbourhood of the Euphrates valley, and
Babylonia in particular; this of course is clearly stated in the Babylonian
inscriptions and traditions.
Eden, according even to the Jews, was by the Euphrates and Tigris; the
cities of Babylon, Larancha, and Sippara were supposed by the Babylonians
to have been founded before the Flood. Surippak was the city of the ark, the
mountains east of the Tigris were the resting-place of the ark, Babylon was
the site of the tower, and Ur of the Chaldees the birthplace of Abraham.
These facts and the further statement that Abraham, the father and first
leader of the Hebrew race, migrated from Ur to Harran in Syria, and from
thence to Palestine, are all so much evidence in favour of the hypothesis
that Chaldea was the original home of these stories, and that the Jews
received them originally from the Babylonians; but on the other hand there
are such striking differences in some parts of the legends, particularly in the
names of the patriarchs before the Flood, that it is evident further
information is required before we can determine how or when they were
received by the Jews.
To pass, now, to the twelfth tablet of the Izdubar Epic, a curious fragment
has been provisionally placed by Mr. Smith in the fourth column, in which
Izdubar appears to call on his cities to mourn with him for his friend. This
tablet is remarkable for the number of cities mentioned as already existing
in the time of Izdubar. Combining this notice with other early inscriptions,
the statements of Berosus and the notice of the cities of Nimrod in Genesis,
we get the following list of the oldest known cities in the Euphrates valley:
—

1. Babylon and its suburb

2. Borsippa.
3. Cutha.
4. Larsa.
5. Surippak, called Larancha by Berosus.
 6. Eridu.
7. Nipur.
8. Erech.
9. Calneh.
10. Sippara. (Sepharvaim.)
11. Kisu (or Kis).
12. Ganganna.
13. Amarda or Marad.
14. Ur
15. Nisin or Karrak.
16. Agané.
17. Duban or Duran.
18. Abnunna or Mullias.
19. Zirghul.

To these we may also add the great cities of Assyria:—

20. Assur, the primitive capital.

21. Ninua or Nineveh.
22. Calah.
23. Resen (Assyrian Res-eni, “the head of the spring.”)

So far as the various statements go, all these cities and probably many
others were in existence in the time of Nimrod, and some of them even
before the Flood; the fact that the Babylonians four thousand years ago
believed their cities to be of such antiquity, shows that they were not recent
foundations, and the attainments of the people at that time in the arts and
sciences prove that their civilization had already known ages of progress.
The legendary epoch of Izdubar must be considered at present as the
commencement of the united monarchy in Babylonia, and as marking the
first of the series of great conquests in Western Asia; but how far back we
have to go from our earliest known monuments to reach this era we cannot
now tell.
Every nation has its hero, and it was only natural that when the Accadian
kings of Ur at last succeeded in establishing an united empire throughout
Babylonia, the legends of the national hero should be coloured by the new
conception of imperial unity.
 CHAPTER XVII.
CONCLUSION.
Notices of Genesis.—Correspondence of names.—Abram.—Ur of
Chaldees.—Ishmael.—Sargon of Agané.—His birth.—Concealed in
ark.—Creation.—Garden of Eden.—Oannes.—Berosus.—Izdubar
legends.—Babylonian seals.—Egyptian names.—Assyrian sculptures.

SCATTERED through various cuneiform inscriptions are other notices,

names, or passages, connected with the Book of Genesis. Although the
names of the Genesis patriarchs are not in the inscriptions which give the
history of the mythical period, nevertheless some of the patriarchal names
of Genesis are found here and there in the inscriptions.
The name Adam is in the Creation legends, but only in a general sense as
man, as in Gen. i. 26, 27, 28.; v. 1, not as a proper name. Several of the
other names of antediluvian patriarchs correspond with Babylonian words
and roots, such as Methusael (Gen. iv. 18), which is the Assyrian mutu-sa-
ili, “man of God,” and has been changed into Methuselah (Gen. v. 21) in
order to assimilate it to the genius of the Hebrew language, or Noah, the
Assyrian nukhu, “rest;” but, besides these, certain names appear as proper
names also in Babylonia, among them Cainan, Lamech, and Laban.
Cainan is found as the name of a Babylonian town Kan-nan; the
inhabitants of which were sometimes called Kanunai, which must not be
confounded with the name of the Canaanites or “lowlanders,” originally the
inhabitants of the coastland of Phœnicia and then, by extension, of all
Palestine.
Lamech has already been pointed out by Palmer (“Egyptian Chronicles,”
vol. i. p. 56), in the name of the deified Phœnician patriarch Diamich; this
name is found in the cuneiform texts as Dumugu and Lamga, two forms of
the Accadian name of the moon.
The two wives of Lamech, Adah and Zillah, seem to be the Assyrian
edhutu or edhatu “darkness,” and tsillatu “the shades of night;” and the
names of his two sons Jabal and Jubal are but varying forms of the Assyrian
abil “son.” Dr. Oppert long ago pointed out that this Assyrian word was the
origin of the name Abel which has been assimilated in spelling to a Hebrew
word signifying “mere breath.”
Some of the names of the patriarchs after the Flood are found as names
of towns in Syria, but not in Babylonia; among these are Reu or Ragu,
Serug, and Harran.
Laban, on the other hand, as was first noticed by Dr. Delitzsch, is
mentioned in a list of gods given in a cuneiform tablet (published in the
“Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia,” iii. 66, 6.)

MUGHEIR, THE SITE OF UR OF THE CHALDEES.

The name of Abramu or Abram is found in the Assyrian inscriptions in

the time of Esarhaddon. After the captivity of the ten tribes, some of the
Israelites prospered in Assyria, and rose to positions of trust in the empire.
Abram was one of these, he was sukulu rabu or “great attendant” of
Esarhaddon, and was eponym in Assyria, B.C. 677. Various other Hebrew
names are found in Assyria about this time, including Pekah, Hoshea, and
several compounded with the two Divine names Elohim and Jehovah,
showing that both these names were in use among the Israelites. The
presence of proper names founded on the Genesis stories, like Abram, and
the use at this time of these forms of the Divine name, should be taken into
consideration in discussing the evidence of the antiquity of Genesis.
Ur, now represented by the mounds of Mugheir, on the western bank of
the Euphrates to the south of Babylon, was the capital of the earliest
Accadian dynasty with which we are acquainted. It was specially devoted to
the worship of the moon-god, the ruins of whose temple have been
discovered there. Ur was the birthplace of Abraham, in whom we must see
one of those Semitic intruders who settled among the Accadians, and after
adopting their culture and civilization finally succeeded in overcoming and
supplanting them. It is probable that it is called Ur Casdim, “Ur of the
Casdim,” in Genesis only proleptically, since Casdim appears to be the
representative of an Assyrian word meaning “conquerors”—a suitable
epithet for the Semitic tribes after their conquest of Babylonia. The Greek
names Chaldean and Chaldea are of much later date, being derived from the
Kaldai, a small tribe settled on the Persian Gulf and first mentioned in the
ninth century B.C., who under Merodach-Baladan (B.C. 721-709) possessed
themselves of Babylonia and became so integral a portion of its inhabitants
as to give their name to the whole of them in classical times.
Some of the Genesis names are found at a comparatively early date, the
first which appears on a contemporary monument being Ishmael. In the
reign of Khammuragas among the witnesses to some documents at Larsa in
Babylonia, appears a man named “Abuha son of Ishmael.”
After the time of Abraham the book of Genesis is concerned with the
affairs of Palestine, and of the countries in its immediate vicinity, and it has
no connection with Babylonian history and traditions; however, the
cuneiform records contain one story which has a striking likeness to that of
Moses in the ark, and which, although not within the period covered by
Genesis, is of great interest in connection with the early history of the Jews.
Sargina or Sargon I. was a Babylonian monarch who reigned in the city
of Agané about B.C. 1800. The name of Sargon signifies the right, true, or
legitimate king, and may have been assumed on his ascending the throne.
Sargon was probably of obscure origin, and hence the myth that attached
itself to him in later popular belief. This curious story is found on fragments
of tablets from Kouyunjik, and reads as follows:
 1. Sargina the powerful king the king of Agané am I.
2. My mother was a princess, my father I did not know, a brother of
my father chose the mountains.
3. In the city of Azupiranu which by the side of the river Euphrates is
situated
4. (my) mother the princess conceived me; in an inaccessible place she
brought me forth.
5. She placed me in a basket of rushes, with bitumen my exit she
sealed up.
6. She launched me on the river which did not drown me.
7. The river carried me, to Akki the irrigator it brought me.
8. Akki the irrigator in tenderness of bowels lifted me up;
9. Akki the irrigator as his child brought me up,
10. Akki the irrigator as his woodman set me,
11. and in my woodmanship Istar loved me.
12. 45? years the kingdom I ruled,
13. the people of the black heads I governed, I ..
14. over rugged countries in many chariots of bronze I rode,
15. I governed the upper countries,
16. I ruled? over the chiefs of the lower countries.
17. To the sea coast three times I advanced, Dilvun (in the Persian
Gulf) submitted,
18. Durankigal bowed, &c. &c.

After this follows an address to any king who should at a later time
notice the inscription.
This myth is but a repetition of the oft-told story, how the hero of noble
birth is born in secret, is exposed to death, but is rescued and brought up in
a humble sphere of life until the time comes when his true origin and
character are revealed, and he becomes a mighty prince and conqueror. The
legend was told of Perseus in Greece, of Romulus in Italy, of Cyrus in
Persia. But just as Cyrus was a real personage upon whom the legend was
fastened, so too Sargon was a real personage, who founded the great library
of Agané, and extended his conquests as far as the island of Cyprus, which
he conquered in the third year of his reign.
 The most hazardous of the theories put forward in the preceding chapters
is the one which identifies Izdubar with Nimrod, and makes him reign in
the legendary period of Babylonian history. This theory is founded on
several plausible, but probably merely superficial grounds; and if any one
accepts Mr. Smith’s view on the point, it will be only for similar reasons to
those which caused him to propose it; namely, because, failing this, we have
no clue whatever to the age and position of the most famous hero in
Oriental tradition.
We must never lose sight of the fact that, apart from the more perfect and
main parts of these texts, both in the decipherment of the broken fragments
and in the various theories projected respecting them, the Assyrian scholar
must change his opinions many times, and no doubt any accession of new
material would change again our views respecting the parts affected by it.
These theories and conclusions, however, although not always correct,
have, on their way, assisted the inquiry, and have led to the more accurate
knowledge of the texts; for certainly in cuneiform matters we have often
had to advance through error to truth.
In adopting Mr. Smith’s theory for the position of Nimrod, one thing is
certainly clear: he is placed as low in the chronology as it is possible to
make him.
The stories and myths given in the foregoing pages have, probably, very
different values; some are genuine traditions—some compiled to account
for natural phenomena, and some pure romances. At the head of their
history and traditions the Babylonians placed an account of the creation of
the world; and, although different forms of this story were current, in
certain features they all agreed. Beside the account of the present animals,
they related the creation of legions of monster forms which disappeared
before the human epoch, and they accounted for the great problem of
humanity—the presence of evil in the world—by making out that it
proceeded from the original chaos, the spirit of confusion and darkness,
which was the origin of all things, and which was even older than the gods.
The principal story of the Creation, given in Chapter V., substantially
agrees, as far as it is preserved, with the Biblical account. According to it,
there was a chaos of watery matter before the Creation, and from this all
things were generated.
We have then a considerable blank, the contents of which we can only
conjecture, and after this we come to the creation of the heavenly orbs.
The fifth tablet in the series relates how God created the constellations of
the stars, the signs of the zodiac, the planets and other stars, the moon and
the sun. After another blank we have a fragment which relates to the
creation of wild and domestic animals; it is curious here that the original
taming of domestic animals was even then so far back in the history of the
race that all knowledge of it was lost, and the “animals of the city,” or
domestic animals, were considered different creations from the “animals of
the desert,” or “field,” or wild animals.
We next come to the war between the dragon and powers of evil, or
chaos, on one side and the gods on the other. The gods have weapons forged
for them, and Merodach undertakes to lead the heavenly host against the
dragon. The war, which is described with spirit, ends of course in the
triumph of the principle of good, and the overthrow of primeval anarchy.
In Chapter V. another account of the Creation is given which differs
materially from the first. The principal feature in the second account is the
description of the eagle-headed men with their family of leaders—this
legend clearly showing the origin of the eagle-headed figures represented
on the Assyrian sculptures.
It is probable that some of these Babylonian legends contained detailed
descriptions of the Garden of Eden, which seems to have been the district of
Eridu in the south of Babylonia, as Sir Henry Rawlinson believes.
There are coincidences in respect to the geography of the region and its
name which render the identification very probable; of the four rivers in
each case, two, the Euphrates and Tigris, are identical; then, again, the
known fertility of the region, its name sometimes Gan-duni, so similar to
Gan-eden (the Garden of Eden), and other considerations, all tend towards
the view that it is the Paradise of Genesis.
There are evidences of the belief in the tree of life, which is one of the
most common emblems on the seals and larger sculptures, and is even used
as an ornament on dresses; a sacred tree is also several times mentioned in
the legends and hymns, but at present there is no direct connection known
between the tree and the Fall, although the gem engravings render it very
probable that there was a legend of this kind like the one in Genesis.
In the history of Berosus mention is made of a composite being, half
man, half fish, named Oannes, who was supposed to have appeared out of
the sea and to have taught the Babylonians all their learning. The
Babylonian and Assyrian sculptures have made us familiar with the figure
of Oannes, and have so far given evidence that Berosus has truly described
this mythological figure; but it is a curious fact that the legend of Oannes,
which must have been one of the Babylonian stories of the Creation, has not
yet been recovered. In fact, as previously noticed (p. 12), there is only one
fragment which can be at all referred to it, and this has been accidentally
preserved among a series of extracts from various Accadian works in a
bilingual reading-book compiled for the use of Assyrian students of
Accadian. The fragment is as follows:—
OANNES. FROM NIMROUD SCULPTURE.
 1. To the waters their god
2. has returned:
3. to the house of bright things
4. he descended (as) an icicle:
5. on a seat of snow
6. he grew not old in wisdom.

The legend of Oannes, whose name may possibly be the Accadian Hea-
khan, “Hea the fish,” concerned the Babylonians only, and so did not
interest the Assyrians, who did not care to have it in their libraries.
Besides the legend of Oannes, however, there are evidently many stories
of early times still unknown, or only known by mere fragments or allusions.
The fables given in Chapter IX. form a series quite different in character
from the legends, and the only excuse for inserting them here is the need of
exhibiting as clearly and fully as possible the literature of the great epoch
which produced the Genesis tablets.
Most of the other stories apparently relate to the great period before the
Flood, when celestial visitors came to and from the earth, and the
inhabitants of the world were very distinctly divided into the good and bad,
but the stories are only fables with a moral attached, and have little
connection with Babylonian history.
Two of these stories are very curious, and may hereafter turn out to be of
great importance; one is the story of the sin committed by the god Zu, and
the other the story of Atarpi.
Berosus in his history has given an account of ten Chaldean kings who
reigned before the Flood, and the close of this period is well known from
the descriptions of the Deluge in the Bible, the Deluge tablet, and the work
of the Greek writer. According to Berosus several of the Babylonian cities
were built before the Flood, and various arts were known, including
writing. The enormous reigns given by Berosus to his ten kings, making a
total of 432,000 years, force us to discard the idea that the details are
historical, although there may be some foundation for his statement of a
civilization before the Deluge. The details given in the inscriptions
describing the Flood leave no doubt that both the Bible and the Babylonian
story describe the same event, and the Flood becomes the starting-point for
the modern world in both histories. According to Berosus 86 kings reigned
for 34,080 years after the Flood down to the Median conquest. If these
kings are historical, it is doubtful if they formed a continuous line, and they
could scarcely cover a longer period than 2,000 years. The Median or
Elamite conquest took place about B.C. 2700, and, if we allow the round
number 2,000 years for the previous period, it will make the Flood fall
about B.C. 4700. In a fragmentary inscription with a list of Babylonian
kings, some names are given which appear to belong to the 86 kings of
Berosus, but our information about this period is so scanty that nothing can
be said about this dynasty, and a suggestion as to the date of the Deluge
must be received with more than the usual grain of salt.
We can see, however, that there was a civilized race in Babylonia before
the Median Conquest, the progress of which must have received a rude
shock when the country was overrun by the uncivilized Eastern borderers.
Among the fragmentary notices of this semi-mythical period is the
portion of the inscription describing the building of the Tower of Babel and
the dispersion.
It is probable from the fragments of Berosus that the incursions and
dominion of the Median Elamites lasted about two hundred years, during
which the country suffered greatly from them.
The legends of Izdubar or Nimrod commence with a description of the
evils brought upon Babylonia by foreign invasion, the conquest and sacking
of the city of Erech being one of the incidents in the story. Izdubar, a
famous hunter, who claimed descent from a long line of kings, reaching up
to the time of the Flood, now comes forward; he has a dream, and after
much trouble a half-human creature named Hea-bani is persuaded by Zaidu,
the hunter, and two females, to come to Erech and interpret the dream of
Izdubar. Hea-bani, having heard the fame of Izdubar, brings to Erech a
midannu or tiger to test his strength, and Izdubar slays it. After these things,
Izdubar and Hea-bani become friends, and, having invoked the gods, they
start to attack the tyrant Khumbaba. Khumbaba dwelt in a thick forest,
surrounded by a wall, and here he was visited by the two friends, who slew
him and carried off his spoils.
 Izdubar was now proclaimed king, and extended his authority over the
Babylonian world, his court and palace being at Erech. The goddess Istar,
daughter of Anu according to one myth, of Bel according to another, of Sin,
the moon god, according to a third, who had loved the shepherd Tammuz,
the Sun-god, fell in love with Izdubar. He refused her offers, and the
goddess, angry at his answer, ascended to heaven and petitioned her father
Anu to create a bull for her, to be an instrument of her vengeance. Anu
complied, and created the bull, on which Izdubar and Hea-bani collected a
band of warriors and went against it. Hea-bani took hold of the animal by
its head and tail, while Izdubar slew it.
Istar on this cursed Izdubar, and descended to Hades to attempt once
more to summon unearthly powers against the hero. She descends to the
infernal regions, which are vividly described, and, passing through their
seven gates, is ushered into the presence of the queen of the dead. The
world of love goes wrong in the absence of Istar, and on the petition of the
gods she is once more brought to the earth, ultimately Anatu, her mother,
satisfying her vengeance by striking Izdubar with a loathsome disease.
Hea-bani, the friend of Izdubar, is now killed, and Izdubar, mourning his
double affliction, abandons his kingdom and wanders into the desert to seek
the advice of Xisuthrus his ancestor, who had been translated for his piety
and now dwelt with the gods.
Izdubar now had a dream, and after this wandered to the region where
gigantic composite monsters held and controlled the rising and setting sun:
from these he learned the road to the region of the blessed, and, passing
across a great waste of sand, arrived at a region where splendid trees were
laden with jewels instead of fruit.
Izdubar then met two females, named Siduri and Sabitu, after an
adventure with whom he found a boatman named Nes-Hea, who undertook
to navigate him to the region where Xisuthrus dwelt.
Coming near the dwelling of the blessed, he found it surrounded by the
waters of death, which he had to cross in order to reach the land of which he
was in search.
 On arriving at the other side, Izdubar was met by Mu-seri-ina-namari,
“the waters of dawn at daybreak,” who engaged him in conversation about
Hea-bani, and then Xisuthrus, taking up the conversation, described to him
the Deluge. Izdubar was afterwards cured of his illness and returned with
Nes-Hea to Erech, where he mourned anew for his friend Hea-bani, and on
intercession with the gods the ghost of Hea-bani arose from the ground
where the body had lain.
The details of this story, and especially the accounts of the regions
inhabited by the dead, are very striking, and illustrate, in a wonderful
manner, the religious views of the people.
It is worth while here to pause, and consider the evidence of the existence
of the legends recounted in the preceding pages from the close of the
mythical period down to the seventh century B.C.
We have first the seals: of these there are some hundreds in European
museums, and among the earliest are many specimens carved with scenes
from the Genesis legends; some of these are a good deal older than B.C.
2000, others may be ranged at various dates down to B.C. 1500.
With three exceptions, which are of Assyrian origin, all the seals
engraved in the present volume are Babylonian. One very fine and early
example is photographed as the frontispiece of the book. The character and
style of the cuneiform legend which accompanies this shows it to be one of
the most ancient specimens; it is engraved on a hard jasper cylinder in bold
style, and is a remarkable example of early Babylonian art. Many other
similar cylinders of the same period are known; the relief on them is bolder
than on the later seals, on which from about B.C. 1600 or 1700, a change in
the inscriptions becomes general.
The numerous illustrations to the present work, which have been
collected from these early Babylonian seals, will serve to show that the
legends were well known, and formed part of the literature of the country
before the second millennium B.C.
After B.C. 1500, the literature of Babylonia is unknown, and we lose sight
of all evidence of its legends for some centuries. In the meantime Egypt
supplies a few notices bearing on the subject, which serve to show that
knowledge of them was still kept up. Nearly thirteen hundred years before
the Christian era one of the Egyptian poems likens a hero to the Assyrian
chief, Kazartu, a great hunter. Kazartu probably means a “strong” or
“powerful” one, and it has already been suggested that the reference is to
the hero Nimrod. A little later, in the period extending from B.C. 1000 to
800, we have in Egypt several persons named Namurot, which seems to be
an echo of the name of the mighty hunter.
On the revival of the Assyrian empire, about B.C. 990, we come again to
numerous references to the Genesis legends, and these continue through
almost every reign down to the close of the empire. The Assyrians carved
the sacred tree and cherubim on their walls, they depicted in the temples the
struggle between Merodach and the dragon, they decorated their portals
with the figure of Izdubar strangling a lion, and carved the struggles of
Izdubar and Hea-bani with the lion and the bull even on their stone vases.
Just as the sculptures of the Greek temples, the paintings on the vases and
the carving on their gems were taken from their myths and legends, so the
series of myths and legends belonging to the valley of the Euphrates
furnished materials for the sculptor, the engraver, and the painter, among the
ancient Babylonians and Assyrians.
In this way we have continued evidence of the existence of these legends
down to the time of Assur-bani-pal, B.C. 673 to 626, who caused the present
known copies to be made for his library at Nineveh.
Search in Babylonia would, no doubt, yield much earlier copies of all
these works, but that search has not yet been instituted, and for the present
we have to be contented with our Assyrian copies. Looking, however, at the
world-wide interest of the subjects, and at the important evidence which
perfect copies of these works would undoubtedly give, there can be no
doubt that further progress will be made in research and discovery, and that
all that is here written will one day be superseded by newer texts and fuller
and more perfect light.
 INDEX.
ABEL, 316.

Abram, 317.
Abydenus, 40.
Accad or Akkad, 20.
Adam, 83, 315.
Adrakhasis, 288.
Agané, 313.
Age of documents, 21.
Alaparus, 39.
Alexander Polyhistor, 32, 43.
Alexander the Great, 1.
Alorus, 39, 40, 187.
Amarda, 313.
Amempsin, 40.
Amillarus, 40.
Ammenon, 41.
Anatu, 49.
Anementus, 41.
Animals, creation of, 71.
Antiquity of legends, 22.
Anu, 48, 49, 108, 120.
Anus, 44.
Apason, 43.
Apollodorus, 39.
Ararat, 307.
Ardates, 36, 311.
Arioch, 172.
Ark, 42, 280, 281, 309, 319.
Armenia, 42.
Arnold, Mr. E., 6.
Arrangement of tablets, 14, 15.
Asherim, 244.
Assorus, 44.
Assur, 26, 313.
Assur-bani-pal, 6, 27.
Assur-nazir-pal, 36.
Assyrian excavations, 6.
Atarpi, story of, 155, 156.
Aus, 44.

Babel, 161, 163, 168.

Babil mound, 171.
Babylon, 39, 42, 313.
Babylonia, 38.
Babylonian cities, 293.
legends, 3.
seals, 178, 330.
sources of literature, 16.
Bel, 47, 53, 113.
Belat, 53.
Belus, 36, 44.
Berosus, 1, 32.
Birs Nimrud, 167.
Borsippa, 313.
Bull, destruction of, 231.

Cainan, 316.
Calah, 313.
Calneh, 75, 313.
Cara-indas, 18.
Casdim, 318.
Cedars, 216.
Chaldean account of deluge, 6.
astrology, 20.
dynasties, 195.
Change in Assyrian language, 17.
Chaos, 60.
Chedor-laomer, 172.
Chronology, 18, 198, 199.
Clay records, 16.
Coming of deluge, 279.
Comparison of accounts of creation, 66-69.
of deluge, 284-289.
Composite creatures, 34, 35, 93, 97.
Conclusion, 295.
Conquest of Babylon, 19, 195.
 of Erech, 198.
of Khumbaba, 224.
Constellations, creation of, 64.
Contents of library, 28-30.
Copies of texts, 305.
Cory, translations of, 31-43.
Creation, 1, 7, 11, 56, 92, 323.
Creation of animals, 71.
of man, 36, 72, 81, 93.
Creation of moon, 65.
of stars, 64.
of sun, 70.
Cure of Izdubar, 291.
Cush, 185.
Cutha, 23, 92, 299, 313.

Dache, 44, 60.

Dachus, 44, 60.
Dæsius, month, 41.
“Daily Telegraph,” 6.
Damascius, 43.
Dannat, 207.
Daonus, 39.
Daos, 41.
Date of Nimrod, 302.
Davce, 44.
Davkina, 52.
Death of Hea-bani, 276.
Delitzsch, Dr., 316.
Deluge, 1, 4, 5, 37, 41, 177, 301.
tablet, 9.
predicted, 279.
commencement of, 283.
destruction wrought by, 284.
end of, 285.
variant accounts of, 301.
comparison with Genesis, 302, &c.
length of, 306.
Descent to Hades, 239.
Description of Hades, 239.
of Izdubar legends, 180-183.
Dibbara, 11.
exploits of, 125.
Domestic animals, 323.
Dragon, 112, 113.
Dreams of Izdubar, 204, 258.

Eagle, 11.
Eagle-headed men, 97.
Eagle, fable of, 141.
Eden, 3, 72, 84, 311.
Elamites, 18, 138, 196.
Eneuboulus, 41.
Eneugamus, 41.
Enoch, 309.
Enos, 310.
Erech, 130, 192, 313.
Eridu, 46, 72, 80, 85, 105, 313.
Esarhaddon, 27.
Etana, 11, 141, 146.
Euedocus, 41.
Euedorachus, 39.
Euedoreschus, 41.
Evil spirits, legend of, 99, 104.
Expedition to Assyria, 7.
Exploits of Dibbara, 125.

Fables, 140.
Fall, 8, 72, 75.
Filling the ark, 282.
First tablet of the creation, 57.
Flaming sword, 86.
Folk-lore, Babylonian, 160.
Forest of Khumbaba, 222, 272.
Fox, fable of, 147.
Fox Talbot, Mr., 249.

Ganganna, 193, 313.

Generation of the gods, 61.
Genesis, 1, 3, 304.
stories, 155.

Hea, 51, 106, 177.

Hea-bani, 6, 204, 205.
Hea-bani comes to Erech, 206.
Herakles, 177.
Hesperides, 177.
Hittites, 311.
Horse and ox, fable of, 150.

Illinus, 44.
Ishmael, 318.
Istar, 11, 49, 51, 137, 226.
loves Izdubar, 227.
amours of, 229.
anger of, 230.
descent to Hades, 239.
in Hades, 243.
return of, 245.
Itak, 125, 138.
Izdubar, 5, 175, &c.
legends, 6, 11, 21, 175, &c.
same as Nimrod, 176.
parentage, 183.
exploits of, 184, &c.
conquers Khumbaba, 217.
loved by Istar, 227.
struck with disease, 253.
meets scorpion men, 259.
meets Sabitu and Siduri, 265.
meets Nis-Hea, 265.
sees Xisuthrus, 269.
hears the story of the flood, 279.
cured of his illness, 290.
returns to Erech, 294.
mourns for Hea-bani, 295.
author of Epic, 12.
Jared, 311.
Jewish traditions, 303.
Karrak, 25, 128, 313.
Kazartu, 331.
Khammuragas, 19, 190, 198.
Kharsak-kalama, 299.
Khumbaba, 216, &c.
Kissare, 44.
Kisu, 299, 313.
Kouyunjik, 2, 13.
Kudur-mabuk, 25.

Laban, 316.
Lamech, 310, 316.
Lament of Izdubar, 295.
Language of inscriptions, 17, 21.
Larancha, 40, 313.
Larsa, 25, 313.
Layard, Sir A. H., 2.
Lecture on the deluge, 5.
Lenormant, M. F., 59, 249, 307.
Libraries, 15.
Library of Assur-bani-pal, 27.
Lig-Bagas, 24, 195.
Literature, Babylonian and Assyrian, 13.
Local mythology, 46.
Lot, 174.
Lugal-turda, 121, 124, 202, 234.
Mammetu, 276.
Man, creation of, 72.
Mas, mountain of, 259, 261, 276.
Media, 196.
Megalarus, 39.
Merodach, 52, 86, 103, 190.
Methuselah, 310, 315.
Moon, creation of, 65.
Moymis, 43.
Mummu-tiamatu, 59.
Müller, Prof. Max, 250.
Mu-seri-ina-namari or Mua, 270, &c., 283.
Mythology, 45.

Nabu-bal-idina, 26.
Names in Genesis, 295.
Naram-Sin, 19.
Natural history, 29.
Nebo, 52, 120.
Nebuchadnezzar, 30, 171.
Ner, 141.
Nergal, 47, 54.
Nes-Hea or Ur-Hea, 265, 267, 268, 291, &c.
Nimrod, 176, 184-186, 321.
Nineveh, 313.
Ninip, 47, 54.
Ninsun, 297.
Nipur, 313.
Nis-Sin, 141.
Nizir, 4, 137, 285, 307.
Noah, 316.
Nusku, 48.

Oannes, 12, 33, 39, 40, 106, 324.

Odacon, 40.
Omoroca, 35.
Oppert, Prof., 65, 76, 249, 316.
Orion, 64.
Otiartes, 40.
Pantibiblon, 39.
Paradise, 72, 84.
Patriarchs, 290.
Pinches, Mr., 273.
Pine trees, 216.
Prometheus, 43, 123.

Rassam, Mr. Hormuzd, 7, 278.

Rawlinson, Sir H. C., 2, 3, 84, 85, 137, 169, 171, 176, 188, 246, 323.
Resen, 185, 313.
Resurrection of Hea-bani, 298.
Riddle of the wise man, 159.
Rim-Agu, 17.

Sabbath, 89, 308.

Sabitu, 264.
Sacrifice, 286.
Samas, 47, 54, 100, 205, 301.
Sargon, 19, 27, 82, 319.
saved in ark, 319.
Sar-tuli-elli, 74, 75, 164, 166.
Satyrs, 204.
Scorpion men, 259.
Semitic race, 19, 83.
Senaar, 42.
Sending out birds, 286.
Sennacherib, 27.
Serpent, 88, 141, 142.
Seven evil spirits, 99, 104.
Shalmaneser II., 26.
Sibyl, 43.
Siduri, 264.
Sin, 47, 53.
Sin of Zu, 123.
Sin-lici-unnini, 12.
Sinuri, 160.
Sippara, 37, 39, 313.
Sisithrus, 41.
Sisythes, 311.
Society of Biblical Archæology, 5.
Sodom and Gomorrah, destruction of, 172, 173.
Sons of God, 83.
Speaking trees, 257.
Stars, creation of, 64.
Sumir, 20.
Sun, creation of, 70.
Surippak, 313.

Table of gods, 55.

Tablets, mutilation of, 9.
Tammuz, 64, 85, 192, 229, 238, 245, 246, 247.
Tauthe, 43.
Thalassa, 35.
Thalatth, 35.
Tiamat, 11, 43, 59, 60, 109, 113.
Tiglath Pileser, 26.
Titan, 43, 146.
Tower in stages, 169, 170.
Tower of Babel, 7, 42, 161-172.

Ur, 20, 24, 313, 318.

War in heaven, 113.

Xisuthrus, 36, 37, 40, 279, &c.

Zaidu, 208, 209.

Zibanit, 156.
Zillah, 316.
Zirat-banit, 52.
Zirghul, 313.
Zodiac, 68, 176, 301.
Zu, 115, 123.

A NEW EDITION NOW READY OF

Assyrian Discoveries.
An Account of Explorations and Discoveries on the Site of Nineveh
during 1873 and 1874.
By GEORGE SMITH,
Late of the Department of Oriental Antiquities, British Museum.

With Maps, Wood-Cuts, and Photographs. One Vol. 8vo.

Cloth, $4.00.

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The Origin and Growth of Religion, as Illustrated by

THE RELIGION OF
ANCIENT EGYPT.
By P. LE PAGE RENOUF.
(The Hibbert Lectures for 1879.)
One volume, 12mo, $1.50
 M. Le Page Renouf’s great reputation as an Egyptologist led to his selection to deliver the
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CRITICAL NOTICES.
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 FOOTNOTES
1 The native account of the Deluge shows that this name must be corrected to
Opartes, the native name being Ubara-Tutu.
2 A common title of the early Accadian kings is “shepherd,” pointing to the
fact that the Accadians had led a pastoral life before their settlement and
organization in the Babylonian plain.
3 Assyrian, Tiamtu, “the deep.”
4 Assyrian, Apsu, “the ocean.”
5 Assyrian, Mummu, “chaos.”
6 Assyrian, Lakhmu or Lakhvu; and Lakhama or Lakhva.
7 Though Lakhmu properly represented Anu or Anatu, he sometimes takes the
place of the Solar hero Ninip as husband of Gula, “the great” goddess.
8 The seven “sheep (or oxen) of the hero” Tammuz (Orion), of which the first
was “the plough-handle,” perhaps Benelnash. One of the others was “the
shepherd of the heavenly flock” or Arcturus.
9 This is Dr. Oppert’s rendering of a line which is so mutilated as to make any
attempt at translation extremely doubtful.
10 The word used here is Accadian (ba-an-an-me).
11 Since, however, a bilingual tablet states that the pronunciation of the
Accadian word for “the desert” which lay on the west side of the Euphrates
(where Ur was built) was edinna, it is possible that “the Garden of Eden” of
Genesis may be the cultivated portion of edinna, “the desert,” in the
neighbourhood of Eridu.
12 The seven mustakridhât of Syria, the seven days between February the
25th and March 3rd, when evil spirits are supposed to have special power.
13 This is the Assyrian translation. The Accadian original has simply “men of
death.” The lightnings are still regarded as serpents by the Canadian Indians who
call the thunder their hissing (Baring-Gould, “Curious Myths,” ii. p. 146).
14 A constellation which rose heliacally in Marchesvan or October. The word
means “Dog of death.”
15 Compare Jer. li. 34.
16 This is the reading of the original Accadian text. The Assyrian translation
has, “was his establisher.”
17 Itak had his worshippers as well as Dibbara. Thus an Accadian seal in the
possession of Dr. Huggins bears a legend stating that it belonged to “Ruru-lukh,
the servant of Itak, the street-traverser.” The god is represented on this seal as a
 man in a flounced dress, to whom a kid is being offered, and is symbolized by
two animals one of which looks like a locust, the other like a monkey.
18 Another copy of the legend reads “lover.”
19 Literally, “a thing hung up.”
20 Or “bull of heaven.” It was a constellation, perhaps Taurus.
21 “Joy” and “Seduction.”
22 A great necropolis seems to have existed in Cutha.
23 Literally “precious stones.”
24 That is, “Go forth, cause it to be light!”
25 Literally “the man who is a female dog,” or “lion.”
26 Literally “stone stakes” or “cones,” the symbols of the goddess Ashêrah.
Cf. 1 Kings vii. 15-22.
27 Tillili, the Accadian name of Kharimat, is here used. Tillili was the wife of
the Sun-god Alala symbolized by the eagle, which we are told was “the symbol
of the southern” or “meridian sun.” What Sir H. Rawlinson calls the
monotheistic party among the Babylonians resolved Tillili into Anatu and Alala
into Anu.
28 This last sentence is found only in the fragment discovered by Mr. Rassam.
29 Or: He then intelligently.
30 The fragment brought to England by Mr. Rassam reads 6.
31 The word used here is ziggurrat, which is employed to denote the towers
attached to Babylonian temples. These towers were commonly used as
observatories.
32 Bricks have been found at Warka or Erech bearing the name of a certain
king Sin-kudur, who calls himself the son of this same goddess, and describes
himself as the builder of the temple of Anu at Erech.

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