Peter A. F Acione 2000
Peter A. F Acione 2000
Peter A. F Acione 2000
Abstract: Theorists have hypothesized that Resume: Les theoriciens ont suppose qu'iI
skill in critical thinking is positively corre- y a une correlation positive entre les
lated with the consistent internal motiva- habiletes de la pcnsee critique et Ia motiva-
tion to think and that specific critical think- tion constante a penser; et que des habiletes
specifiques de Ia pensee critique se relient a
ing skills are matched with specific critical
des dispositions specifiques de la pensee cri-
thinking dispositions. If true, these assump- tique. 51 ces suppositions sont vraies, elles
tions suggest that a skill-focused curriculum suggerent qu'un programme scolaire centre
would lead persons to be both willing and sur des habiletes menerait les etudiant(e)s a
able to think. This essay presents a research- vouloir et apouvoir bien penser. On presente
based expert consensus definition of critical une definition de la pensee critique fondee
thinking, argues that human dispositions are sur un consensus parmi des experts qui font
neither hidden nor unknowable, describes a de la recherche; avance que les dispositions
humaines sont ni cachees, ni
scientific process of developing conventional
inconnaissables; decrit un procede
testing tools to measure cognitive skills and scientifique pour developper des moyens
human dispositions, and summarizes recent pour mesurer des habiletes cognitives et des
empirical research findings that explore the dispositions humaines ; resume des resultats
possible relationship of critical thinking skill des recherches empiriques recentes qui
and the consistent internal motivation, or explorent Ie rapport possible entre les
disposition, to use that skill. Empirical stud- habiletes de la pensee critique et la motiva-
ies indicate that for all practical purposes tion ou la disposition a employer ces
habiletes, Des etudes empriques indiquent
the hypothesized correlations are not evi-
qu'a toute fin printique les correlations
dent. It would appear that effective teach- admises comme hypotheses ne sont pas
ing must include strategies for building intel- evidentes. II semblerait qu'un enseignement
lectual character rather than relying exclu- efficace inelurait des strategies qui forment
sively on strengthening cognitive skills Ie caractCre intellectuel et qu i ne
concentrent pas exclusivement sur
I'amelioration des habiletes cognitives,
1. Two Questions
The general consensus is that critical thinking (CT) per se is judging in a reflective
way what to do or what to believe. The cognitive skills of analysis, interpretation,
both the positive human disposition and its antithesis; at times we speak as if a
human disposition might be stronger in one person than in another.
We think of courage, compassion, trustworthiness and the like as part of a
person's character. Describing someone in terms of their dispositions expresses
the person's habitual ways of acting. For example, an expert soccer player might
be offensive-minded (prone to attack with the intent of scoring goals) or defen-
sive-minded (prone to fall back with the intent of preventing the opponents from
scoring) in her style of play. One parent might be permissive and another authori-
tative in their approach to discipline. A taxi driver might be talkative or sullen. An
administrator, entrepreneurial or risk-averse. These are things people can know
about other people. They are things we can say about ourselves. Knowing a per-
son's dispositions allows us to predict, more or less, how the person is most likely
to act or react in a wide variety of circumstances.
Consider compassion. In saying someone is compassionate, we mean that the
person is sensitive to the needs of others, open to being touched by their suffer-
ing, and moved to act with the intent of ameliorating that suffering. There is a
certain sensitivity, vulnerability, and responsiveness wrapped up in our everyday
understanding of human compassion. This example does not imply that every
human disposition has three elements; rather it shows that key components, if
there are any, of a human disposition may, at times, be open to analysis and under-
standing. But not every compassionate person is a Mother Teresa. Truly saying
that one person is more or less compassionate (reliable, collaborative, aggressive,
studious, self-serving, communicative, easy-going, violent, decisive, playful, de-
ceitful, etc.) than another is revealing. It shows that in everyday life, including in
serious contexts like employment, family relations, and the courts, we have the
ability to discern, comprehend, and compare human dispositional strengths and
weaknesses.
Common human experience supports a theory of human dispositions that would
characterize them as knowable tendencies, readily accessible to description, evalu-
ation, and comparison by oneself and others. Namable and describable as a nexus
of attitudes, intentions, values, and beliefs, one's dispositions are among the distin-
guishing features of one's character or personality. As such, human dispositions
are not mysterious, unaccessible, hidden qualities.
John Dewey described the dispositional aspects of thinking as "personal at-
tributes" (Dewey, 1933). In social psychology a disposition, when the word is
used at all, is generally conceived of as an attitude or attitudinal tendency (Nunnally,
1978; Cronbach, 1990). In the physical sciences, where the word is almost never
used, a disposition is a molecular property that objects manifest under certain
conditions. For example, at a certain air pressure and temperature, hydrogen is
disposed to boil. Ennis takes the physical science approach as paradigmatic (Ennis,
1996). Our research team takes the social science approach, with a nod toward
Dewey, as our starting point. We propose to use the word 'dispositions' as ap-
64 Peter A. Facione
potential sources of measurement error. A statistic that expresses the overall reli-
ability of the test is called the Cronbach-alpha. A test that attempts to measure
many different things where it is reasonable to expect that some students might
have mastered some parts of the material but not other parts, will have a lower
reliability. A test aimed at a clear, singular construct such that mastering that ma-
terial would necessitate mastering all of its parts, should be expected, ifit is a good
test, to have an Cronbach-alpha in the neighborhood .80. Tests with alphas below
.50 are suspect. Consider the construct "CT." To the extent that CT is a list of
desperate skills, where it is possible to be good at some (say interpretation and
analysis) but not others (say evaluation or explanation), what sort of alpha should
we expect of a test of CT skills? Ennis and Norris at one time suggested .67
(Norris, 1989). To the extent that the disposition toward CT is not a singular thing,
but actually a long list of 7, 12, 72 or more different dispositions and correlative
dispositions, such that a person might have some and not others, one might won-
der what an acceptable alpha should be for a measure of large sets of CT disposi-
tions.
But there is a different approach. One that begins with the overall idea, and
goes to constituent elements a posteriori. Given a valid and reliable test of a given
construct, one can statistically explore that construct to see if there are different
variables or factors working within it. In other words, instead of offering a priori,
speculative analyses and lists of putative candidates, one can use factor analytic
techniques on test data to achieve an a posteriori analysis. Factor analysis is "a
broad category of approaches to conceptualizing groupings (or clusterings) of
variables and an even broader collection of mathematical procedures for determin-
ing which variables belong to which groups" (Nunnally, 1978, p. 327). Factor-
analytic techniques can yield lists of test items that cluster together because they
are the responses to those items are so highly correlated with one another. By
examining the test items in a given cluster, one can discern the conceptual meaning
of that factor. Factors can thus be described and, if desired, named.
Each sub-set of items that form the factors on a given test can be thought of as
a sub-scale which measures one of the elements of the overall construct that the
test as a whole is measuring. The Cronbach-alphas of each sub-scale can be
calculated. Often items are eliminated from the overall test so that the alpha of a
given sub-scale can be increased. Because the sub-scales contain relatively few
items as compared to the overall test, this usually does no serious damage to the
alpha ofthe overall test. In this way scores can be reported as an overall result and
in terms of sub-scales (Nunnally, 1978; Cronbach, 1990). This is how the seven
scales for the CCTDI emerged, (Facione, 1992; Facione, N., Facione, P. &
Giancarlo, 1994).
The question of validity can be expressed this way, "To what extent does a
given test measure the right thing, namely the construct it purports to measure?"
Starting with a well-articulated, research-based definition of the construct is very
70 Peter A. Faciane
Even if the tool one is using is both reliable and valid, the practical context
within which social science research occurs presents several potential pitfalls to
arriving at a valid and reliable repeatable result in any given study. Educational
assessment of learning outcomes is a prime example. The context is replete with
circumstances that can confound our measurement efforts. For example, one
worry with low-stakes tests of cognitive skills are that test-takers may not be
motivated to give their best efforts. For a variety of reasons students might guess
at the items, perhaps arriving at the correct answers but not by thinking them
through properly. One worry with "agree-disagree" response tests is that test-
wise persons will discern the desired response and mark that choice even if it is
not their honest response.
While worries, like social-desirability bias, cannot be overlooked, in behavioral
science research these concerns are not necessarily insurmountable. Text books
on research methods in the social sciences and educational testing discuss offer
strategies for discovering whether a given potential threat is of genuine concern in
a given case. They suggest ways to minimize, if not neutralize, those threats that
are of concern. For example, one way to determine whether a given test is in fact
being compromised because test-takers are simply responding with the social-
desirable answer is to use the Crowne-Marlowe Social Desirability Scale (Crowne,
1960; Rosenthal, 1991). For example, ten items used on the CCTDI were tested
with 902 women aged 18 through 90, and the responses to those items were
found to have no relationship to social desirability (F acione, N. et ai., 1998).
In social science testing, the context can make a major difference. The above
evidence was gathered in the context of women responding to a health survey
concerning their attitudes toward help-seeking for breast cancer symptoms. There
is no evidence that the women did not answer truthfully. On the other hand, a
Japanese translation of the CCTDI used with Japanese engineering and nursing
students appears vulnerable to problems of social desirability. In Japanese culture
tateme is responding to questions by saying what a person should do or should be.
Honne is responding by saying what a person really wants to do or to be (July
1999, conversations with Professors Kiyoko Makimoko and Ariko Noji at UCSF.)
Their translation of some CCTDI items into Japanese appears to elicits the tateme
response. To improve the performance of the Japanese version of the CCTDI items
must be phrased to evoke the honne response.
The most telling evidence that the CCTDI is not significantly subject to social-
disability bias when used with North Americans is the surprisingly consistent and
unflatteringly low score that emerge in response to the Truth-Seeking sub-scale.
We describe truth-seeking as the courageous desire for best knowledge in any
given situations, asking the tough questions, and being willing to follow reasons
and evidence wherever they lead even if the result is contrary to one's own pre-
conceptions and interests. The socially desirable responses to some of the items
on that scale are so blatant that faculty frequently are amused by the item's candor.
How could anyone fail to know that the desired response, particularly in the con-
72 Peter A. Facione
text of higher education, would be to disagree with statements like: "To get people
to agree with me I would give any reason that worked." "Everyone always argues
from their own self-interest, including me." "If there are four reasons in favor and
one against, I'll go with the four." However, with a national mean on this scale
falling solidly in the ambivalent range, it is clear from tens of thousands of cases
that college students, whether or not they know the desired response, assert that
they agree with these sorts of statements.
Frankly, it is not the validity of the test thatworries those of us who have seen
these data over the past seven years, rather it is the repeated evidence of ambiva-
lence toward truth-seeking that most worries us.
Inquisitive
Systematic Judicious
Analytical Truthseeking
Open-minded Confident in Reasoning
intellectual virtue. The antithesis of the ideal would be a person who habitually
approached problems, ideas, decisions, or issues being intellectually dishonest
(e.g. in the use of data), intolerant (e.g. of opposing ideas), inattentive (e.g. to
implications of proposals), haphazard (e.g. procedurally), mistrustfol of reason
(e.g. hostile toward sound scientific inquiry), indifferent (e.g. toward new find-
ings), and simplistic (e.g. naively dualistic). In the final analysis, CT is about
reflectively making sound judgments. So, while the intellectual virtues are obvi-
ously assets, the intellectual vices are even more obviously liabilities.The picture of
the group talking with the names of the disposition sub-scales suggests that we
can characterize the deliberations of groups of people, not just individuals, using
these positive or negative attributions. Using 75 Likert style items to measure the
seven characteristics and the overall disposition toward CT, the CCTDI gives us a
means of gathering evidence that profiles the CT dispositions of individuals and
groups.
Figure 1
Correlation of Students' CT Skills and Overall Disposition Toward CT at Program Entry
1557 College Level Nursing Students Represented (r = .201. P < .001 )
400~-------------------------------------------,
300
c
200 c
c cC c c c
c c
UJ
I
a....
8 100~________- r_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _~_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _~_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _~
o 10 20 30 40
(r=.169, p <.001) was evident (Facione & Facione, 1997). Figure 2 below plots
this correlation. In Figure 2, the data points form a rather defuse cloud with only
a hint of the diagonal. As with the entry level findings, however, the discovery of
this statistical significant relationship should not lead us to believe that we have
something of practical significance, for it fails to account for 97% of the variance.
In other words, 97% of the difference between college students' CT disposition at
program exit cannot be explained by reference to their CT skills at program exit,
and vice versa.
Figure 2
Correlation of Students' CT Skills and Overall Disposition Toward CT at Program Exit
=
793 College Level Nursing Students Represented (r .169, P < .001)
50·~------------------------------------~
40G o o
o o
o
o
o
o
30G o
o DO B
20(__------~--------~------~------~
o 10 20 30 40
The evidence from the entry and the exit data indicates even more clearly that
the preponderance of the variance in CT skills is not potentially associated or
attributable to variance in the overall disposition toward CT. The caveats for that
generalization include: as CT is defined by the consensus construct developed in
1990, to the extent that the construct is measured validly and reliably by the two
CT instruments used, insofar as the various studies aggregated into this analysis
78 Peter A. Faciane
were conducted appropriately, and to the extent that the college nursing student
sample is representative of anything other than itself.
Interestingly, and perhaps as experienced instructors would expect, a some-
what stronger relationship was shown between the students' disposition score on
the CCTDI at program entry and their skills test score on the CCTST at exit
(r=.233, p<.OO 1) (Facione & Facione, 1997). Those students with a stronger
initial disposition toward CT showed greater development in CT skills by the end
of their studies than did those with a weaker initial disposition toward CT.
The second question, whether any specific CT skill (e.g. analysis, or inductive
reasoning) is correlated one-to-one with any specific CT dispositional factor (e.g.
open-mindedness, truth-seeking, or systematicity), can be addressed by the data
from the national aggregate sample. Depending on the possible pairings of skills
and dispositional factors, there were between 1325 and 1428 students' cases to
analyze statistically. With five CT skills and seven dispositional factors being tested,
there are 35 possible pairings to consider. In thirty-three ofthe thirty-five possible
relationships explored higher CT skills were generally correlated with stronger CT
dispositions; but in all cases these correlations were very weak, never stronger
than. 194. Only the relationships between CT-self confidence and analysis that and
between CT-self confidence and evaluation did not reach the threshold for statis-
tical significance (Facione & Facione, 1997).
These findings tend to disconfirm the supposition that there is a one-to-one
relationship between each specific CT skill and its supposed correlative disposition
(as measured by the CCTST and the CCTDI). For if that were true, we would
expect to find the skill of analysis, for example, to be strongly correlated to the
disposition of analyticity, and not to the other six dispositional factors; and we
would have expected to find analyticity to be strongly correlated only with skill in
analysis, and not with the other skills.
In the light of these November 1997 empirical findings, it may be unwise to
advance a theory that explicitly or implicitly pairs one and only one CT skill in a
positive correlation with one and only one CT dispositional factor. While Perkins
and Tishman did suggest such an approach, Ennis argued common sense grounds
that it is both implausible and impractical (Perkins and Tishman, 1993; Ennis,
1996).The data presented here support Ennis' contention.
More importantly, what are we to make of the fact that skill at CT does not
appear to be correlated with the disposition toward CT? What do findings like
these imply for teaching CT and for the hope, widely shared among faculty, that
disposition toward CT would assure that CT skills be used beyond the classroom?
educational reforms toward a pedagogy based on teaching for and about thinking,
have advanced theories that hypothesize a link between CT skills with CT disposi-
tions. As was seen in the 1990 Delphi Research, some feel so strongly about the
importance of CT dispositions that they want to include the disposition toward CT
as part of the very meaning of 'critical thinking' (APA, 1990; Paul, 1990). The
majority of 46 Delphi Research theoreticians, however, rejected this way of defin-
ing 'critical thinking.' The view that the majority espoused was more or less that
the positive human characteristics of the ideal critical thinker are distinguishable
from the critical thinking process itself. (APA, 1990). Many worried that a person
might be skilled at CT but not fair-minded, and perhaps even unethical, in the use
of those skills. Sensing in the impressive list of characteristics of the ideal critical
thinker the potential for people to confuse "good CT" with "being a good (ethical)
person," the majority of the participating theoreticians preferred a sharper bound-
ary between ethics and CT. Some draw it very crisply precisely in order to distin-
guish between teaching skill at CT as contrasted with motivating students to use
that skill in a consistent way (Fisher and Scriven, 1997).
In presenting a conceptualization of the ideal critical thinker, theoreticians are
promoting a set of values relating to one's intellectual character, what might be
called "intellectual virtues." In 1988 and 1989, the years when the Delphi research
was being conducted, the participating theoreticians did not take the theory of CT
dispositions much further, except that they did speculate that we would discover a
strong positive correlation between CT skill and the disposition toward CT. Using
the instruments currently available, that has not yet happened.
Skill and disposition are two separate things in people. Employers and educa-
tors prize both (Facione, Facione, & Giancarlo, 1996). A developmental perspec-
tive suggests that skills and dispositions are mutually reinforcing; and, hence,
should be explicitly taught and modeled together (Kitchener & King, 1995). Com-
mon sense tells us that a strong overall disposition toward CT is integral to insur-
ing the use of CT skills outside the narrow instructional setting. Motivational theory
(Lewin, 1935) provides the theoretical grounds for the assumption that the dispo-
sition to value and utilize CT would impel an individual to achieve mastery over CT
skills, being motivated to close the gap between what is valued and what is at-
tained.
At the most practical level, learning follows motivation. We are best at learning
what we most need and want to know. Thus, engendering the desire to use CT as
a favored means of problem solving and decision making prepares the ground for
teaching and learning the CT skills. Perhaps it is this linkage between motivation
and learning that responds best to the insight that CT skill and the disposition to
use CT should come together in practical and important ways. Speculation about
a strong positive correlation does not capture the insight. But to assert that there
is a pragmatic connection of tremendous value to learning and to living is not a
philosophical mistake. In fact, the success of the entire enterprise of using reason,
80 Peter A. Facione
rather than myths, magic, and mystery, is predicated on the pragmatic insight that
we must nurture the dispositions even as we teach the skills.
Even though each person's CT ability has limits, we can still develop our skills
to the extent that our ability permits. We can also expand the arena's within which
we are adept at using our skills. CT is not limited in its content. Rather it is the
process of judging, in a reflective way, what to do or what to believe. Thus its
connections to professional judgement, and to thinking about problems and ques-
tions in science, ethics, and civic life are straightforward. Teaching for and about
CT includes broadening the range of kinds of problems and decision making con-
texts within and about which we are willing and able to exercise our CT. In
everyday situations and in every domain of knowledge or professional practice,
good CT involves attending to the contexts, theories, methods, evidence, and stand-
ards within which problems are framed and decisions formed.
We would suggest that to be maximally effective teaching for and about CT
should be aimed at expanding the opportunities as well as the content areas with
The Disposition Toward Critical Thinking 81
10. Conclusion
We can trace western science and philosophy to the ancient Greeks who created a
culture based on the commercial and civic utility ofusing reason to solve problems
and make decisions. For them the intellectual virtues were as important as the
civic and physical virtues. Although much of the educational and corporate rheto-
ric today is fueled by a pervasive and uncritical faith in high technology as an
educational and economic panacea, wiser voices still whisper that information and
skills alone cannot guarantee success in the workplace or in school. People must
also be disposed to use what they have learned. Educational and professional
success require developing one's thinking skills and nurturing one's consistent in-
ternal motivation to use those skills. To imagine a powerful positive automatic
correlation between CT skills and CT dispositions actually undermines the task at
hand. Ifwe want our students to be both willing and able to engage in CT, and we
do, then we have to include both in school and professional development cur-
ricula, in our instructional assignments, and in our educational outcomes assess-
ments. Why? Because being skilled does not assure one is disposed to use CT.
And, being disposed toward CT does not assure that one is skilled.
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