Name: Jerimie de Roxas Date: October 10, 2021

Section C Instructor: Ma’am Babelyn Telesforo

Emilio Jacinto ( Kartila ng Katipunan)

Emilio Jacinto was an eloquent and brave young man,

known as both the soul and the brain of the Katipunan, Andres
Bonifacio's revolutionary organization. In his short life, Jacinto
helped to lead the fight for Filipino independence from Spain.
Jacinto wrote for the official Katipunan newspaper, the Kalayaan.
He also penned the official handbook of the movement, called the
Kartilya ng Katipunan. Despite his young age of just 21, Jacinto
became a general in the group's guerrilla army, taking an active
role in the fight against the Spanish near Manila. Jacinto contracted
malaria and died on April 16, 1899, in Brgy. Alipit, Santa Cruz, Laguna. His remains were
initially buried in Brgy. San Juan, Santa Cruz, Laguna, and were transferred to the Manila
North Cemetery a few years later and then transferred his remains at Himlayang Pilipino
Memorial Park in Quezon City. He was born on December 15, 1875 and he died on April 16,
1898.

Content and Contextual

Analysis for Selected
Primary Resources
A. The KKK and the
“Kartilya ng Katipunan”
Content and Contextual
Analysis for Selected
Primary Resources
A. The KKK and the
“Kartilya ng Katipunan”
Content and Contextual
Analysis for Selected
Primary Resources
A. The KKK and the
“Kartilya ng Katipunan”
Content and Contextual
Analysis for Selected
Primary Resources
 A. The KKK and the
“Kartilya ng Katipunan”
Kataastaasan,
Kagalanggalangan Katipunan
ng mga Anak ng Bayan (KKK)
or Katipunan is
ostensibly the most imperative
association that shaped
Philippine history. While hostile
to frontier
developments, endeavors, and
associations had just been built
up hundreds of years preceding
the
establishment of the Katipunan,
it was just this association that
imagined the accompanying;
Kataastaasan,
Kagalanggalangan Katipunan
ng mga Anak ng Bayan (KKK)
or Katipunan is
ostensibly the most imperative
association that shaped
Philippine history. While hostile
to frontier
developments, endeavors, and
associations had just been built
up hundreds of years preceding
the
establishment of the Katipunan,
it was just this association that
imagined the accompanying;
Kataastaasan,
Kagalanggalangan Katipunan
ng mga Anak ng Bayan (KKK)
or Katipunan is
ostensibly the most imperative
association that shaped
Philippine history. While hostile
to frontier
developments, endeavors, and
associations had just been built
up hundreds of years preceding
the
establishment of the Katipunan,
it was just this association that
imagined the accompanying;
Kataastaasan,
Kagalanggalangan Katipunan
ng mga Anak ng Bayan (KKK)
or Katipunan is
ostensibly the most imperative
association that shaped
Philippine history. While hostile
to frontier
developments, endeavors, and
associations had just been built
up hundreds of years preceding
the
establishment of the Katipunan,
it was just this association that
imagined the accompanying;
Content and Contextual
Analysis for Selected
Primary Resources
A. The KKK and the
“Kartilya ng Katipunan”
Content and Contextual
Analysis for Selected
Primary Resources
A. The KKK and the
“Kartilya ng Katipunan”
Content and Contextual
Analysis for Selected
Primary Resources
A. The KKK and the
“Kartilya ng Katipunan”
Content and Contextual
Analysis for Selected
Primary Resources
A. The KKK and the
“Kartilya ng Katipunan”
Content and Contextual Analysis for Selected Primary Resources

A. The KKK and the “Kartilya ng Katipunan”

Kataastaasan, Kagalanggalangan Katipunan ng mga Anak ng Bayan (KKK) or

Katipunan is ostensibly the most imperative association that shaped Philippine history. While
hostile to frontier developments, endeavors, and associations had just been built up hundreds
of years preceding the establishment of the Katipunan, it was just this association that imagined
the accompanying;
1. A united Filipino nation that would revolt against the Spaniards for the total independence of
the country from Spain.

2. Previous armed revolts had already occurred before foundation of the Katipunan, but none
of them envisioned a unified Filipino nation revolting against colonizers.

Katipunan created a complex

structure and a defined value
system that would guide
the organization as a
collection aspiring for single
goal. One of the most
important Katipunan
documents was the Kartilya ng
Katipunan. The original title of
the document was “Manga Aral
Nang
Katipunan.” The document was
written by Emilio Jacinto in the
1896. Jacinto was only 18 years
old
when he joined the movement.
He was a law student at the
Universidad de Santo Tomas.
Despite his youth, Bonifacio
recognized the value and
intellect of Jacinto that upon
seeing that
Jacinto’s Kartilya was much
better than the Decalogue he
wrote, he willingly favored
that the
Kartilya be distributed to their
fellow Katipuneros. Jacinto
became the secretary of the
organization
and took charge of the short-
lived printing press of the
Katipunan.
Katipunan created a complex structure and a defined value system that would guide
the organization as a collection aspiring for single goal. One of the most important
Katipunan documents was the Kartilya ng Katipunan. The original title of the document was
“Manga Aral Nang Katipunan.” The document was written by Emilio Jacinto in the 1896.
Jacinto was only 18 years old when he joined the movement. He was a law student at the
Universidad de Santo Tomas.

Despite his youth, Bonifacio recognized the value and intellect of Jacinto that
upon seeing that Jacinto’s Kartilya was much better than the Decalogue he wrote, he
willingly favored that the Kartilya be distributed to their fellow Katipuneros. Jacinto became
the secretary of the organization and took charge of the short-lived printing press of the
Katipunan. The Katipunan patterned its initiation rites after the Freemasonry, which Bonifacio
was a Freemason. The organization had its own structure, law system and system of
government. Symbols, crypto logic languages, clandestine rituals marked the Katipunan’s
operations. From the society’s inception, Bonifacio was one of the Chief Officers and in 1895, he
became the Presidente Supremo.

The Katipunan rapidly developed in fame and by 1896 had in excess of 30,000
individuals. It was on this same year that the Spanish provincial experts found the presence of
the mystery society and were thinking about strides to destroy it. Bonifacio then again
together with his different individuals were arranging how best to rebel against the Spanish.
On August 23, 1896, Bonifacio and his kindred Katipuneros tore their cedulas (living
arrangement authentication) which was set apart as the noteworthy "Cry of Balintawak"
which really happened in Pugadlawin. Along these lines, it is additionally called "Sigaw ng
Pugadlawin". This denoted the start of the Philippine unrest. Be that as it may, the
Katipuneros endured a noteworthy annihilation when they met the capability of the
Spaniards. They understood they gravely required weapons and ammo. Clearly the
underlying clashes of the Katipunan were strategic botches.

Juan de Placencia (Custom of the Tagalog)

Juan de Plasencia was born in the early 16th century as

Juan Portocarrero in Plasencia, in the region
of Extremadura, Spain. He was one of the seven children of
Pedro Portocarrero, a captain of a Spanish schooner. Juan de
Plasencia grew up during the period known as the Siglo de
Oro, a Golden Age when arts and literature flourished in
many parts of Spain, among them his native Extremadura. It
is not well known when or where he first entered the Order of
the Franciscans. Some scholars point at the Convento de
Villanueva de la Serena, in Plasencia, while others speculate
that he might have traveled to Italy and joined a convent
there, at a time when a large part of Italy was under Spanish rule. According to researchers, he
took the habit as a young man at the Cloister of Saint Francis in Sorrento, Italy.
 He is believed to have arrived to the Philippines on July 2, 1578,  after a stopover in
Mexico. As soon as he arrived, he joined forces with another missionary, Fray Diego de
Oropesa, and they both started preaching around Laguna de Bay and Tayabas, Quezon,
in Quezon Province, where he founded several towns. As a friar, Juan de Plasencia lived up to
his pledge, leading a lifestyle devoid of any luxury and in constant contact with the people he
was trying to convert to Christianity. He was also known to be a defender of the native
population, looking after the poor, ill, or neglected, and standing up for their rights on
numerous occasions.

He was also very keen on creating primary schools, and requested official sanction for
the creation of educational centers where "Filipinos could not only learn Christian doctrine, but
also reading and writing, and some arts and crafts, so they would become after, not only good
Christians but also useful citizens", an initiative that was approved by Domingo de Salazar, the
first Bishop of the See of Manila (1512–1594).

Juan de Plasencia wrote a number of books designed primarily to promote the

understanding of both the Spanish language among the natives, and the local languages among
the missionaries, to facilitate the task of spreading Christianity. He acknowledged at an early
stage the need of mastering the language of the natives in order to facilitate evangelization, and
in a letter to the King of Spain, dated June 18, 1585, he mentioned some of his works to that
effect: He is the author of what is believed to be the first book printed in the Philippines,
the Doctrina Cristiana, that was not only printed in Spanish, but also in Tagalog, in both Latin
script and the commonly used Baybayin script of the natives of the time, and it even had a
version in Chinese. ther works attributed to him are the "Relacion de las Costumbres de Los
Tagalos" (1589), that not only helped understand and preserve many of the traditional ways of
the local population, but also provided the first form of Civil Code, used by local governors to
administer justice.

September 2015--There are at least three major discursive issues that can be extracted from
the document, Customs of the Tagalogs written by Juan de Plasencia in 1589, if we are to put
socio-political context into the text – first, the issue of authorship; second, the discourse of
power in colonial writing; and third, the logic of binarism or the Occident-Other dichotomy.
These are interrelated threads that probably constitute major segments of colonial historical
writing in the Philippines.

The authorial voice or authorship plays a pivotal role in putting meaning(s) to this colonial
text. The author, Juan de Plasencia was, in the first place, not a native Tagalog but a Franciscan
missionary who first arrived in the Philippines in 1577. He was tasked by the King of Spain to
document the customs and traditions of the colonized (“natives”) based on, arguably, his own
observations and judgments. Notably, de Plasencia wrote the Doctrina Cristiana, an early book
on catechism and is believed to be the first book ever printed in the Philippines. Such initiatives
were an accustomed practice of the colonizer during the Age of Discovery to enhance their
superiority over the colonized and validity of their so-called duties and legacies to the World. It
is a common fact that during this era, the Spanish colonizers, spearheaded by missionaries,
drew a wide variety of texts ranging from travel narratives and accounts of the colony to even
sermons.

In this particular text, de Plasencia tried to avoid discussing the “conflicting reports of the
Indians” through an “informed observation” to obtain the “simple truth.” This “truth,”
however, is debatable, and the manner of how he actually arrived to his reports is even more
problematic. The text foregrounds two important figures: the observer (de Plasencia) himself,
with his own background, subjectivites and biases; and the observer’s subject (Tagalogs), seen
as the “Other,” a metonymic amalgam of communal characteristics, local customs and
traditions, etc. In colonial situations, the relationship of these figures – the colonizer and the
colonized – flows in both but unequal directions; the former being the dominant, while the
latter is the inferior one, or as Edward Said put it, “a relationship of power, of domination, of
varying degrees of a complex hegemony… a sign of European-Atlantic power over the Orient
than it is a veridic discourse about the Orient” (72). Seen from the center looking toward the
culturally and politically inferior periphery, the colonizers find identity in its compelling
position as the sophisticated dominating “self” versus the inferior dominated “Other.” The use
of politically incorrect terms such as “Indians,” “tribal” and “natives,” and adjectives such as
“amusing,” “foolish” and “absurd” in the text is just a manifestation of the conflicting Occident-
Other paradigm.

Clearly serving immediate colonial interests, many portions of the narrative are
problematic insofar as they posit the Tagalogs in such a way as to enhance the validity of the
colonizer’s allegiances. Skewed preconception and descriptive biases thrive throughout the
entire document. In de Placensia’s account on land ownership, for example, he said that “the
lands were divided among the barangay no one belonging to another barangay would cultivate
them unless after the purchase or inheritance.” However, “since the advent of the Spaniards, it
is not so divided.” Such statement implies that the intervention of the colonizer has put order
into the divisiveness. He also made a conclusion that Catholicism was able to expel primitive
and evil belief systems of the Tagalogs regarding gods, burials and superstitions, saying that
“all the Tagalogs not a trace of this is left; and that those who are now marrying do not even
know what it is, thanks to the preaching of the holy gospel, which has banished it.” This claim
undermines that the Tagalog population did not fully embrace Catholicism but appropriated it
according to their indigenous religious practices. Generalized and essentialist claims were also
made by de Placencia in his discussion of the local customs in “Laguna and tingues, and
among the entire Tagalo race.” What constituted the Tagalo race in the first place? How did he
come up with such a category? The people of Laguna were just a small member of the Tagalogs
and referring them as the mirror of the entire Tagalo race is erroneous.