0313332266

DAILY LIFE IN
THE MONGOL
EMPIRE
Blue wolf, creation myth creature. Courtesy of Xinjiang
Qinshan Culture Publishing
DAILYLIFEJN
THE MONGOL
EMPIRE
GEORGE LANE
The Greenwood Press "Daily Life Through History" Series
GREENWOOD PRESS
Westport, Connecticut • London
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Lane, George, 1952-
Daily life in the Mongol empire / by George Lane.
p. cm. — (Greenwood Press "Daily life through history" series, ISSN 1080-
4749)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-313-33226-6 (alk. paper)
1. Mongols —Social life and customs. I. Title. II. Series.
DS19.L345 2006
950'.2-dc22 2005026896
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data is available.
Copyright © 2006 by George Lane
All rights reserved. No portion of this book may be
reproduced, by any process or technique, without the
express written consent of the publisher.
Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 2005026896
ISBN: 0-313-33226-6
ISSN: 1080-4749
First published in 2006
Greenwood Press, 88 Post Road West, Westport, CT 06881
An imprint of Greenwood Publishing Group, Inc.
www.greenwood.com
Printed in the United States of America
The paper used in this book complies with the

Permanent Paper Standard issued by the National
Information Standards Organization (Z39.48-1984).
10987654321
Every reasonable effort has been made to trace the owners of copyright materials
in this book, but in some instances this has proven impossible. The author and
publisher will be glad to receive information leading to more complete acknowl-
edgments in subsequent printings of the book and in the meantime extend their
apologies for any omissions.
CONTENTS
Epigraph vii
Preface xi
Chronology xiii
1. Historical Overview: Genghis Khan and Mongol Rule 1
2. Steppe Life 13
3. Appearance 33
4. Dwellings 51
5. The Army 95
6. Health and Medicine 135
7. Drinking and the Mongols 149
8. Food 167
9. Religion and the Mongols 181
10. Law and Mongol Rule 205
11. Women and the Mongols 227
12. Folktales from Mongolia 257
vi Contents
Appendix: Personages 273
Glossary 279
Primary Sources and those Available in Translation 287
Secondary Sources: Annotated Bibliography 297
Index 309
EPIGRAPH
IBN AL-ATHIR " O N THE TATARS, 1220-1221 CE": 1

For some years I continued averse from mentioning this event, deeming
it so horrible that I shrank from recording it and ever withdrawing one
foot as I advanced the other. To whom, indeed, can it be easy to write the
announcement of the deathblow of Islam and the Muslims, or who is he
on whom the remembrance thereof can weigh lightly? O would that my
mother had not born me or that I had died and become a forgotten thing
ere this befell! Yet, withal a number of my friends urged me to set it down
in writing, and I hesitated long, but at last came to the conclusion that to
omit this matter could serve no useful purpose.
I say, therefore, that this thing involves the description of the great-
est catastrophe and the most dire calamity (of the like of which days and
nights are innocent) which befell all men generally, and the Muslims in
particular; so that, should one say that the world, since God Almighty
created Adam until now, has not been afflicted with the like thereof, he
would but speak the truth. For indeed history does not contain anything
which approaches or comes near unto it. For of the most grievous calami-
ties recorded was what Nebuchadnezzar inflicted on the children of Israel
by his slaughter of them and his destruction of Jerusalem; and what was
Jerusalem in comparison to the countries which these accursed miscreants
destroyed, each city of which was double the size of Jerusalem? Or what
were the children of Israel compared to those whom these slew? For ver-
ily those whom they massacred in a single city exceeded all the children
of Israel. Nay, it is unlikely that mankind will see the like of this calamity,
Vlll Epigraph
until the world comes to an end and perishes, except the final outbreak of
Gog and Magog.
For even Antichrist will spare such as follow him, though he destroy
those who oppose him, but these Tatars spared none, slaying women and
men and children, ripping open pregnant women and killing unborn
babes. Verily to God do we belong, and unto Him do we return, and
there is no strength and no power save in God, the High, the Almighty,
in face of this catastrophe, whereof the sparks flew far and wide, and the
hurt was universal; and which passed over the lands like clouds driven
by the wind. For these were a people who emerged from the confines of
China, and attacked the cities of Turkistan, like Kashghar and Balasaghun,
and thence advanced on the cities of Transoxiana, such as Samarqand,
Bukhara and the like, taking possession of them, and treating their inhab-
itants in such wise as we shall mention; and of them one division then
passed on into Khurasan, until they had made an end of taking posses-
sion, and destroying, and slaying, and plundering, and thence passing
on to Ray, Hamadan and the Highlands, and the cities contained therein,
even to the limits of Iraq, whence they marched on the towns of Azerbai-
jan and Arran, destroying them and slaying most of their inhabitants, of
whom none escaped save a small remnant; and all this in less than a year;
this is a thing whereof the like has not been heard. And when they had
finished with Adharbayjan and Arraniyya, they passed on to Darband-i-
Shirwan, and occupied its cities, none of which escaped save the fortress
wherein was their King; wherefore they passed by it to the countries of
the Lan and the Lakiz and the various nationalities which dwell in that
region, and plundered, slew, and destroyed them to the full. And thence
they made their way to the lands of Qipchaq, who are the most numerous
of the Turks, and slew all such as withstood them, while the survivors fled
to the fords and mountain-tops, and abandoned their country, which these
Tatars overran. All this they did in the briefest space of time, remaining
only for so long as their march required and no more.
Another division, distinct from that mentioned above, marched on
Ghazna and its dependencies, and those parts of India, Sistan and Kirman
which border thereon, and wrought therein deeds like unto the other, nay,
yet more grievous. Now this is a thing the like of which ear has not heard;
for Alexander, concerning whom historians agree that he conquered the
world, did not do so with such swiftness, but only in the space of about ten
years; neither did he slay, but was satisfied that men should be subject to
him. But these Tatars conquered most of the habitable globe, and the best,
the most flourishing and most populous part thereof, and that whereof
the inhabitants were the most advanced in character and conduct, in about
a year; nor did any country escape their devastations which did not fear-
fully expect them and dread their arrival.
Moreover they need no commissariat, nor the conveyance of supplies,
for they have with them sheep, cows, horses, and the like quadrupeds, the
Epigraph IX
flesh of which they eat, naught else. As for their beasts which they ride,
these dig into the earth with their hoofs and eat the roots of plants, know-
ing naught of barley. And so, when they alight anywhere, they have need
of nothing from without. As for their religion, they worship the sun when
it rises, and regard nothing as unlawful, for they eat all beasts, even dogs,
pigs, and the like; nor do they recognise the marriage-tie, for several men
are in marital relations with one woman, and if a child is born, it knows
not who is its father.
Therefore Islam and the Muslims have been afflicted during this period
with calamities wherewith no people hath been visited. These Tatars (may
God confound them!) came from the East, and wrought deeds which hor-
rify all who hear of them, and which you shall, please God, see set forth
in full detail in their proper connection. And of these was the invasion
of Syria by the Franks (may God curse them!) out of the West, and their
attack on Egypt, and occupation of the port of Damietta therein, so that
Egypt and Syria were like to be conquered by them, but for the grace of
God and the help which He vouchsafed us against them, as we have men-
tioned under the year 614 (A.D. 1217-18). Of these, moreover, was that the
sword was drawn between those who escaped from these two foes, and
strife was rampant, as we have also mentioned: and verily unto God do
we belong and unto Him do we return! We ask God to vouchsafe victory
to Islam and the Muslims, for there is none other to aid, help, or defend
the True Faith. But if God intends evil to any people, naught can avert it,
nor have they any ruler save Him. As for these Tatars, their achievements
were only rendered possible by the absence of any effective obstacle; and
the cause of this absence was that Muhammad Khwarazmshah had over-
run the lands, slaying and destroying their Kings, so that he remained
alone ruling over all these countries; wherefore, when he was defeated by
the Tatars, none was left in the lands to check those or protect these, that
so God might accomplish a thing which was to be done.
It is now time for us to describe how they first burst forth into the lands.
Stories have been related to me, which the hearer can scarcely credit, as
to the terror of the Tatars, which God Almighty cast into men's hearts; so
that it is said that a single one of them would enter a village or a quarter
wherein were many people, and would continue to slay them one after
another, none daring to stretch forth his hand against this horseman. And
I have heard that one of them took a man captive, but had not with him
any weapon wherewith to kill him; and he said to his prisoner, "Lay your
head on the ground and do not move/' and he did so, and the Tatar went
and fetched his sword and slew him therewith. Another man related to
me as follows: "I was going/' said he, "with seventeen others along a road,
and there met us a Tatar horseman, and bade us bind one another's arms.
My companions began to do as he bade them, but I said to them, 'He is but
one man; wherefore, then, should we not kill him and flee?' They replied,
'We are afraid.' I said, 'This man intends to kill you immediately; let us
X Epigraph
therefore rather kill him, that perhaps God may deliver us.' But I swear by
God that not one of them dared to do this, so I took a knife and slew him,
and we fled and escaped." And such occurrences were many.
NOTE
1. From Edward G. Browne, A Eiterary History of Persia, vol. 2 (London:
T. Fisher Unwin, 1915), 427-31. Scanned by Jerome S. Arkenberg, California State
Fullerton. The text has been modernized by Professor Arkenberg. This text is part
of the Internet Medieval Source Book, "Internet History Sourcebooks Project," ed.
Paul Halsall, http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/source/1220al-Athir-mongols.html.
The sourcebook is a collection of public domain and copy-permitted texts related
to medieval and Byzantine history.
PREFACE
Because no standardized system of transliteration exists to render foreign

scripts into English text, Arabic, Persian, and especially Chinese names,
titles, and expressions can appear in a bewildering array of forms, fash-
ions and spellings. Often these renderings are decorated with a profusion
of confusing and varied diacritical marks. For example, the Persian Sufi
poet of the thirteenth century, Mawlana Jalaladdin Rumi, is referred to
in scholarly works as Rumi, Jalal al-Din Rumi, Jalalu'ddin Rumi, or even
JalaluT-Din Rumi. In Turkey he is known as Mavlana, in popular works he
is known simply as Rumi or Jalaluddin Rumi, and in Iran as Maulana. The
Persian historian c Ata Malik cAla al-Dm Juwayni appears often as Juvaini,
or Juvaini, or Ata-Malik Juvaini, or combinations of these. Chinese names
are even more varied and confusing, and when consulting other books and
maps these variations should be borne in mind. Chinggis Khan (Genghis
Khan, Chingiz Khan) attacked the Xi-Xia early in his career. These early
targets are also called the Xixia, the Hsi-hsia, or the Hsi-Hsia. Before it
became the Mongol capital, Da-du, or Ta-tu, was referred to as Zhong-du,
Chung-du, Chang-tu, or Chong-du. Until an internationally accepted sys-
tem of transliteration is established this confusion will continue. However,
an awareness of the problem and a flexible attitude to spelling and trans-
literation will greatly alleviate the difficulties in the meantime.
I would like to express my gratitude for the generosity of the Committee
for Central and Inner Asia (CCIA), Faculty of Oriental Studies, Cambridge
University whose funding contributed towards the costs of travel incurred
Xll Preface
during the research for this book. My thanks also to Florence Hodous for
her time and hard work in the final stages of getting the book into print.
And a final word of thanks in recognition of the patience and endurance
shown by Assumpta, Oscar and Ella over the long months that I have been
engrossed by this project.
CHRONOLOGY
1125 Liao dynasty (Khitans) driven out of north China by

Jurchens, who become the Chin dynasty. The seminomadic
Khitans flee westward and eventually found the Qara Khitai
empire in Central Asia.
1141 The Saljuq sultan Sanjar defeated by Qara Khitai at Qatwan
steppe near Samarqand. It is the advance of the Qara Khitai
(Black Cathays) that gives rise to the legend of Prester John.
1167 Temlijin (Chinggis Khan) is born. The years between 1155
and 1167 are also claimed as his date of birth.
1174 Temujin engaged to Borte, daughter of Dei-sechen of the
Onggirat. Yesiigei (father) poisoned by Tatars.
1180 Temujin murders half-brother Bekhter. Later held in
Tayichi'ut captivity.
1183-84 Borte abducted by Merkits. Toghril and Jamuka assist in
rescue. First-born child, Jochi, is born shortly after Borte's
release.
1187 Temujin is defeated at the battle of Dalan Balzhut. Gap in
Temujin's life history; possibly in exile in China.
1200 A l a ' al-Dm Mohammed II, Khwarazmshah, accedes.
1206 Chinggis Khan proclaimed supreme ruler of the tribes, at a
quriltai in Mongolia. Reign of the Delhi sultans in northern
India/Pakistan until 1555.
XIV Chronology
1209 Mongols invade Hsi-Hsia (Xixia, Xi-Xia).

1211 Mongols invade Chin (Jurchen) empire of north China.
1215 Chin capital, Chong-du (Zhongdu, Chung-tu), falls to
Mongols. Zhongdu later rebuilt and renamed Da-du, Ta-tu,
Khan Baliq.
1218 Mongol troops under Jebe occupy Qara Khitai empire.
1219 Chinggis Khan invades empire of the Khwarazmshah.
1221-23 Ch'ang Ch'un journeys from China to Hindu Kush.
1223 Chinggis Khan returns to Mongolia.
1227 Chinggis Khan dies. Final conquest of Hsi-Hsia.
1229 Ogodei elected as Great Khan.
1234 Chin resistance to Mongols ends.
1235 Ogodei builds walls of Qaraqorum, Mongol imperial capital.
1237-42 Mongol campaigns, conducted under Batu in Russia and
Eastern Europe.
1241 Ogodei dies; battles of Liegnitz and River Sajo. Regency of
Toregene until 1246.
1245-47 John of Piano Carpini (Giovanni Diplano Carpini) journeys
to Mongolia.
1246 Guyiik elected as Great Khan.
1248 Giiyuk dies. Regency of Oghul Ghaymish lasts until 1251.
1250 Mamluks seize effective power in Egypt, Tzz al-Dm Aybak
Ayyubid Sultan al-Malik al-Ashraf al-Musa nominally on
throne.
1251 Mongke elected as Great Khan.
1252-79 Mongols conquer Sung empire of south China.
1253-55 William of Rubruck journeys to Mongolia.
1253 Hiilegu's forces set off for Persia.
1254 Tzz al-DIn Aybak assumes full powers in Egypt. The Bahri
line of Mamluks of Egypt and Syria, 1250-1390 (Ethnic
Qipchaq Turks originating from Russian steppes).
1255 Batu, first khan of Golden Horde dies. Sartak briefly khan of
Golden Horde, succeeded by his brother, Ulaghchi.
1256 Hulegu takes Assassin castles in north Persia.
1257 Berke accedes as khan of Golden Horde. His accession fol-
lows mysterious death of both Sartak and Ulaghchi.
Chronology xv
1258 Baghdad falls to Hulegu. Last 'Abbasid caliph dies.
1259 Mongke dies. Hulegu travels east.
1259 The Mamluk Qutuz assumes power in Egypt.
1260 Ket-Buqa invades Syria with a small force, then withdraws.
Battle of Ain Jalut takes place. Rival quriltais elect Qubilai
and Ariq-Buqa as Great Khan; civil war ensues. Ket-Buqa,
a Christian Mongol, is captured and killed.
1260 al-Malik al-Zahir Baybars I al-Bunduqdari assumes Mamluk
throne (Baybars 1260-77).
1261-62 Warfare breaks out between Hulegu and Berke.
1264 Qubilai is victorious over Ariq Buqa.
1265 Hulegu, first Il-Khan, dies. Abaqa succeeds.
1266 Building begins at new Mongol capital of China, Ta-tu
(Da-du, Beijing).
1267 Berke, khan of Golden Horde, dies.
1271 Marco Polo, with his father and uncle, sets off for China
(arrives 1275).
1272 Qubilai adopts Chinese dynastic title, Yuan.
1273 Jalal al-DIn Rumi dies.
1274 First Mongol expedition against Japan takes place.
1276 Hangzhou, capital of Sung empire, falls to Mongols.
1279 Sung resistance to Mongols ends.
1281 Second Mongol expedition launched against Japan.
1282 Abaqa Khan dies through alcohol abuse and succeeded by
Ahmad Tegudar. Ottomans begin to form a statelet and reign
until 1924.
1284 Ahmad Tegudar dies and Arghun succeeds.
1287 Rabban Sauma sent to Europe by Il-Khan Arghun.
1292 Persian poet from Shiraz, Sa'di, dies.
1294 Qubilai dies. John of Monte Corvino arrives in China. Ch'ao
is introduced disastrously into Iran.
1295 Ghazan accedes as Il-Khan. Mongols in Persia become
Muslim.
1299-1300 Major Mongol invasion of Syria takes place. Syria is briefly
occupied by Il-Khanid forces.
1304 Il-Khan Ghazan dies. Oljeitii succeeds.
XVI Chronology
1313 Ozbek, under whose rule the Golden Horde becomes Muslim,
accedes. Oljeitu Khan builds his capital, Sultaniya.
1316 Oljeitu dies.
1318 Rashid al-DIn, a vizier of tremendous talents, is executed,
and his son remains in power.
1335 Abu Sa'id, last Il-Khan of line of Hulegu, dies. Jalayrids
(Baghdad), Karts (Herat), Sarbadars (Sabzevar), and
Muzaffarids (Shiraz) form successor states.
1346 Black Death breaks out among Mongol force besieging Kaffa
in the Crimea and from there spreads to Europe.
1353-54 Major outbreak of disease takes place in China. The Moroccan
traveler-writer Ibn Battuta dictates his journals.
1368 Mongols driven from China by Ming forces.
1370 Toghon Temur, last Yuan emperor, dies in Qaraqorum. The
renowned North African historian Ibn Khaldun writes Muqa-
ddima in 1375.
xvii
xviii
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1
HISTORICAL OVERVIEW:
GENGHIS KHAN AND
MONGOL RULE
The present century and much of the last century are commonly viewed
as a time of unprecedented change and of events with global rather than
local ramifications. It is widely believed that the world had never under-
gone such a shared traumatic transformation on such a scale anytime
before. The sweeping changes that overtook much of Asia and Eastern
Europe in the thirteenth century had as profound an effect on that cen-
tury's political, cultural, economic, mercantile, and spiritual environment
as the forces of globalization are having on the world today. Whereas the
causes and reasons for the pervasiveness of globalization today are com-
plex, the spread of the globalization that swept the medieval world can be
traced to one man. That man was Genghis Khan (Chinggis Khan), 1 born
Temujin, son of Yisugei, and it was he who united the Turco-Mongol tribes
of Eurasia behind him and swept out of the steppe with devastating and
radical effect. Initially Chinggis Khan had sought wealth through plun-
der in order for him to consolidate his power base and keep the tribes
happy. Eventually, this zeal for booty transformed into a taste for power
and grew into a conviction of spiritual righteousness, and suddenly the
Mongol armies were carrying with them the banner of Tengri, the god of
the sky, and their continued success was proof of their god's omnipotence
and support.
Temujin's harsh rise to power was the catalyst that resulted in the forma-
tion of the largest contiguous land empire. He emerged first as the young
son who desperately fought for his fatherless family, then as tribal leader
surrounded by a core of staunchly loyal supporters, and thereafter as
2 Daily Eife in the Mongol Empire
supratribal leader unifying the peoples of the Asian steppes with promises
of untold wealth and prestige, and finally as Chinggis Khan, world con-
queror whose issue initiated actions, concluded agreements, and accom-
plished feats the impact of which resounds to this day. The treaty between
Tibet and China was first drafted by a Mongol ruler and remains the basis
for their union today; the Sufi songs of Rumi that resound around the world
from California to Tokyo were nurtured and first heard under Mongol rule;
Beijing was built by the Mongols as their capital of a united China, a status
it enjoys to this day; the cultural and spiritual links between western Asia
and the East were cemented under Mongol auspices. From Temujin, whose
name once evoked derision, to Genghis Khan, who cowed and roused the
princes of Russia and Eastern Europe and who would awe emissaries from a
fearful outside world, this Mongol emperor is more deserving of fame than
of infamy. He was not only a world conqueror but also a world unifier.
Chinggis Khan, Hohhut Museum. Courtesy of Xinjiang Qinshan

Culture Publishing
Historical Overview: Genghis Khan and Mongol Rule 3
THE LEGACY
The legacy of Genghis Khan and the Mongol hordes has been shrouded
and obscured by the myth makers of history and indeed by the propaganda
of the Mongols themselves. Those who suffered humiliation and defeat
needed to justify and explain their shame through hyperbole, whereas the
Mongols, eager to deter any who would challenge their rise, were con-
tent that the terror inspired by these tales provoked inaction rather than
reaction. The result is that today for many the name of Genghis Khan is
synonymous with evil and the Mongols with barbarian rule and destruc-
tion. Their defenders are few and, until recently, their apologists rare. In
Europe the echo of their horses' hooves resonated with dread on the pages
of the chronicles of Matthew Paris, whereas in Japan it was believed that
only the divine intervention of the kamikaze winds prevented the collapse
of that island empire into a sea of barbarism. In Russia the Chronicle of
Novgorod still inspires horror at the memory of the events of the thirteenth
and fourteenth centuries, and the Islamic world continues to quote less
than objective sources such as the doom-laden words of Ibn al-Athir rather
than those historians who wrote from firsthand knowledge.
Such sentiments are not universal, however, and among not only
Mongolian people but also among the Turkish people both in Turkey and
Early copy of the Secret History in Hohhut Museum. Courtesy of Xinjiang

Turkish Central Asia, the appellations Genghis, Hulegu, Mongke, Arghun,

and other such names from the Mongol golden age can still be found and
are worn with honor. In the Turkish-speaking world and within the coun-
tries straddling the Eurasian steppes, Genghis Khan and his Mongol hordes
are becoming a source of pride, and the tales told of his deeds and progeny
are a source of inspiration.
Recent academic thinking has also begun to look again at the legacy of the
Mongols and at the period of Mongol rule itself. Beneath the rhetoric and
propaganda, behind the battles and massacres, hidden by the often self-
generated myths and legends, the reality of the two centuries of Mongol
ascendancy was often one of regeneration, creativity, and growth. Two
recent exhibitions, one in the United States and the other in London have
celebrated the glorious legacy of the peoples from the Eurasian steppe.
In New York and Los Angeles in 2002 an exhibition entitled The Eegacy of
Genghis Khan paid tribute to the cultural achievements of the Mongols who
ruled in Iran and quieted the myth that the period of Il-Khanid rule in Iran
(1256-1335) was barbaric. Likewise in London in 2005, a major exhibition
celebrated the Turks' more than 1,000 years of glorious history, covering
their rule and influence in a swath of countries from China to Europe. The
aim of this book is to explore this more objective portrait of Genghis Khan
and the period of Mongol rule following his death in 1227 C.E. and seek a
more dispassionate view of life under Mongol rule.
C H I N G G I S K H A N A N D M O N G O L RULE
The next chapter will examine the lands into which Temujin was born. It
will give an overview of the Eurasian steppes and the society that thrived
there in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Genghis Khan, or Chinggis
Khan as his name is more correctly written, drastically reshaped the rela-
tionship between the pastoral, nomadic societies of the northern Eurasian
steppes and their southern urban, agriculturist, and sedentary neighbors.
This first chapter will consider why this occurred and the political and
social pressures that built up to cause this major upheaval.
The Mongol Empire comprising the Eurasian steppes officially came
into being in spring 1206, the year of the Tiger, with the symbolic rising of
the white standard of the protective spirit of the nation and the enthrone-
ment of Temujin as emperor of the nation of archers, supreme leader of
the "people of the felt-walled tents." The white standard had nine points,
each representing one of the Turco-Mongol tribes. Temujin was awarded
the title Chinggis, which is thought, not conclusively, to mean "Oceanic
Ruler," a term with Uyghur roots, though it has been pointed out that
ching in Mongolian means "firm, strong." Temujin's greatest achievement
had been to unite the tribes and subdue forcibly and very ruthlessly all dis-
sent. The tribes united behind Chinggis for one reason only, however, and
if this reason were not to remain a reality, neither would the tribal unity.
The tribes believed that unity under Chinggis would bring them power
and wealth. As long as Chinggis delivered, the tribes would remain loyal.
As long as loyalty was in their interest, the tribes would remain loyal,
and it was Chinggis Khan's dilemma to ensure that he could continue
to deliver booty, power, and prestige, without which his empire would
unravel and his position would be challenged. Chinggis Khan succeeded
where so many before had failed, and he was able to lead a steppe empire
out of the steppe and transform it into a world empire ruling both steppe
and sown.
Once unleashed, the Mongol led forces spread quickly in all direc-
tions. Numbering two million, the Mongols represented a confusion of
tribes rather than a single ethnic race. War was a way of life. In 1207
they struck out from the steppe and defeated the Tangut kingdom of
Xixia (northwest China), and then turning eastward and braving the
burning sands of the Gobi they hit hard at the seminomadic Chin of
northern China. The prize they sought was the fabulous wealth of the
Chin capital of Chong-du. Though unbeatable in open battle on the plain
or in the mountains, the Mongols had no experience of siege warfare,
but they were quick learners. From their experiences with the fortresses
in Xixia and their smashing of the Great Wall, using captured Chinese
engineers in 1215 they finally broke down the walls of the imperial Chin
capital and laid the city to total ruin and a "glorious slaughter." The
carnage cemented their awesome and horrifying reputation. It was to be
another 17 years before the rest of Chin northern China was subdued,
but Chinggis Khan was not to enter the country ever again. He now
turned his attention westward.
After the Qara khitai had fallen to the forces of the Mongol general Jebe
in 1217, the Mongols found themselves neighbors to the lands of Islam.
Chinggis Khan held the Khwarazmshah, Sultan Mohammad, the emperor
of central Asia, Afghanistan, and Iran in awe. He is quoted as having
declared, "I am the sovereign of the Sun-rise, and thou the sovereign of
the Sun-set." 2 Rather than risk confrontation, Chinggis Khan sought alli-
ance. But when the arrogant Sultan Mohammad allowed a trade delega-
tion and envoys from the Mongols to be ignominiously slaughtered, the
fate of the Khwarazmian empire was sealed. In 1219 an army of 200,000
men, including 10,000 siege engineers, moved westward under the com-
mand of Chinggis Khan. The cities of the Khwarazmshah crumbled before
the mighty advance, and the Khwarazmshah fled for his life. In Bokhara,
Chinggis Khan admonished the terrified citizens, "I am the punishment of
God. If you had not sinned he would not have sent me."
Within a few years, Iran, the Caucasus, Ukraine, the Crimea, Russia,
Siberia, Central Asia, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Kashmir had all fallen to
the Mongol forces. Meanwhile, news reached the Great Khan that back
east the Tangut had arisen in revolt in Xixia. Not only had they refused his
call to arms and had failed to send soldiers for his campaign against the
Silk merchant in Kashgar bazaar. Courtesy of Xinjiang

Khwarazmshah, but now they were in open defiance. The Mongol emperor
personally led his armies eastward to punish the wayward king, but in
1227, after a series of victories as he sat waiting to receive the homage of the
humbled Tangut monarch, Chinggis Khan developed a fever and died. In
only 20 years Chinggis Khan had not only led the nomadic tribes out from
the Eurasian steppes to conquer the mighty Chin empire of northern China
but had also overrun the Islamic kingdom of the Khwarazmshah who had
ruled the west.
Already changes had begun to transform the nature of the Mongol expan-
sion. The Mongols were becoming a minority in the multiethnic makeup
of the army. Foreign bureaucrats, Uyghurs in particular, were filling the
burgeoning administration. The leaders were assuming the trappings of
power and prestige, and their ordus had been transformed by the luxury
Mongol dagoba or stupa, the White Tower in Hohhut.

Courtesy of Lan Tien Lang Publications
and sumptuousness they now were able to affect. Perhaps most significant
was the growing belief in Tenggerism, the belief that their success and con-
tinuing triumph was divinely ordained and that they were following the
will of their God, Tengri. Their subjects accepted that the Mongols were
divine visitations, though their view was that they had come from hell,
and there was a growing conviction among the Mongols themselves that
destiny had cast them in the role of world conquerors and that all must
therefore submit unquestioning to their divinely inspired rule. Their ulti-
matums to those they would conquer were given in the name of God.
POST-CHINGGIS
Two years after the Great Khan's death, his son Ogodei had been con-
firmed in office and the conquests were resumed. The hold on the Chin
lands was consolidated and Korea was taken; military rule was tightened
in Persia, Armenia, Mesopotamia, and Azerbaijan; and the Sung empire of
southern China was given notice that they would be next in line for con-
quest. In Iran various military governors meant that the country remained
unstable and chaotic and the Isma c ilis, Jalal al-Dm Khwarazmshah, and
other local warlords disrupted life and security for the mass of the people.
The poet Sa'di left his beloved Shiraz to escape the chaos, returning only
when he heard of the advent of Hulegu Khan and a central government
in the 1250s. In the 1230s, Batu Khan and his Golden Horde were extend-
ing their territory deep into Eastern Europe, and terrifying tales of the
Mongols began to enter the nightmares of Europeans. In 1240 Kiev was
captured and destroyed. In 1241 the Polish army was defeated at Liegnitz,
and the victorious Mongols then continued to devastate Moravia and
Silesia before capturing Hungary itself.
In December 1241 all campaigning was abruptly stopped, however. The
Qa'an, the Great Khan Ogodei, had died, and all Mongol leaders, princes,
and nobles of the Golden family, as the Chinggisids were known, were
summoned to the capital at Qaraqorum for a quriltai to elect a new leader.
It was from this point that the cracks that had been faintly discernable
from the beginning of Ogodei's reign began to become more pronounced.
After a long regency when Ogodei's widow presided over the vast empire,
his son Guyuk ruled for a short and tense time until his death in 1248. Batu
and his Golden Horde had been opposed to Guyiik's election, and after his
death, Batu was determined not to allow the crown to fall to the house of
Ogodei.
Batu himself and, by extension, his progeny were barred from the top
position because of rarely expressed but pervasive doubts about his pater-
nity. His mother Borte had been kidnapped by the Merkit tribe early in
her marriage to Temujin. Approximately nine months after her rescue she
gave birth to Jochi, Batu's father. Chinggis had insisted that Jochi should be
awarded all the respect due to an eldest son and would allow no allusions
to the circumstances of his birth. Rarely spoken doubts persisted, how-
ever, and it seemed an unwritten law that Batu remain kingmaker rather
than king and that he be treated with the same deference and respect as
that given the actual Qa'an.
RISE OF THE T O L U I D S
With Batu's backing, Mongke, son of Tolui Khan, the youngest son of
Chinggis Khan, successfully seized the throne in 1251 after a bitter and
very bloody civil war in which his cousin's support was crucial. His rise
to power cost the houses of Ogodei and Chaghedai dearly, and his sup-
porters decimated their ranks ruthlessly. Mongke Khan was to be the last
Great Khan to rule over a united Mongol Empire, though the unity was
tenuous by this stage.
Historical Overview: Genghis Khan and Mongol Ride 9
Mongke Khan moved to consolidate his and his family's, the Toluids',
grip on power. He dispatched one brother, Qubilai, eastward to subdue
the Sung of southern China, and another brother, Hulegu, to consoli-
date Toluid control of Persia, Anatolia, and the lands of Islam. Hulegu
destroyed the mountain strongholds of the so-called fanatical, suicidal
terrorists of the day, the Assassins (or more correctly, the Isma c ilis), and
then marched on Baghdad to oust the caliph from his position of power. He
accomplished this in 1258 with the help of local Kurdish warlords and
the disgruntled Shiites of the region. Mongke left his youngest brother,
Ariq Buqa, to guard the Mongol homelands as he went southward
to help Qubilai in the conquest of the Sung. Mongke died of dysentery
while on campaign in China, and once again the worldwide campaigns
of the Mongols came to a sudden halt and a quriltai was called to which
the increasingly disunited Golden family were summoned.
DIVISION
The death of Mongke in 1259 marked the end of the Mongol Empire as
a united whole. Civil war flared between the brothers Qubilai and Ariq
Buqa over the succession; the disputed accession of Berke Khan, a Muslim,
in place of Batu Khan marked the beginning of open hostilities between
the Persian Il-Khanate and the Golden Horde, and in 1260 the Mamluks of
Egypt defeated a Mongol army at Ain Jalut, proving Mongol fallibility.
Qubilai Khan elected himself Qa'an (Great Khan) not at a quriltai in
Qaraqorum, the Mongol capital, but in his summer capital, Shang-du
(Xanadu), while Ariq Buqa proclaimed himself true ruler of the Mongols.
This dispute between the brothers has been downplayed in the Persian
sources, which remain the main source of information on Mongol his-
tory. They portray Ariq Buqa as a usurper and front man for the estranged
and alienated tribes who had suffered in the purges following Mongke's
assumption of power. Because these chroniclers were supporters of the
house of Tolui, however, they were not unbiased observers, and their
words must be treated carefully. In fact, Ariq Buqa represented a sizable
part of the Mongol Empire, especially those who disapproved of the direc-
tion toward which their leadership was moving. The supporters of Ariq
Buqa represented the more traditional-minded Mongols who remained
attached to the steppe and the nomadic way of life. They saw the Toluids
as having become too close to the people over whom they ruled, namely
the Chinese and Persians. The civil war of the early 1260s was a battle for
the soul of the Mongols, but the outcome was not decisive. When Ariq
Buqa was proclaimed Qa'an, Qubilai was able to move against him with
the power and wealth of China behind him. His younger brother could
not match such a challenge. The year 1264 saw Qubilai Khan victorious,
but he was recognized only by his brother, Hulegu, in Iran. The Golden
Horde and the Chaghedaids did not recognize his sovereignty.
THE G O L D E N AGE
The years following 1260 saw the empire irrevocably split but also signaled
the emergence of the two greatest achievements of the house of Chinggis,
namely the Yuan dynasty of greater China and the Il-Khanid dynasty of
greater Iran. In Iran the Mongol rulers eventually converted to Islam when
Ghazan Khan acceded to the throne in 1295. Many have seen the reign
of Ghazan Khan and his prime minister, the vizier Rashid al-Dm, as the
Il-Khans' golden age. This, however, has had more to do with the fact that
the later historians were Muslim who preferred to award merit and praise
to a fellow Muslim, especially a convert, than to "infidels." In fact, both
Hulegu and his son Abaqa presided over a culturally and economically
prosperous period of Iranian history that was also relatively peaceful. Abu
Sacid, the last Il-Khan, died in 1235 without heir, and thereafter the line of
Hulegu effectively disappeared. Short-lived Mongol dynasties such as the
Jalayrids in western Iran with their capital in Baghdad, the peasants' regime
of the Sarbadars in the north of the country, the Persian Karts in Khorasan,
and the Muzaffarids of Shiraz all appeared and prospered briefly, but by
1400 they had all fallen to a new storm from the East. This storm was led by
Timurlane (1335-1405), another leader of a Turco-Mongol tribe.
In China, Qubilai Khan's successors never matched his achievements,
though the dynasty continued for another 74 years. No more territorial
expansion occurred, but the seeds that Qubilai Khan had planted pros-
pered. After two disastrous attempted invasions of Japan, expansion in
the east stopped. Just as the Mongol defeat by the Egyptian Mamluks at
Ain Jalut in 1260 ended the myth of Mongol invincibility in the West, so
the defeats by the Kamikaze winds and the Japanese in 1274 and 1281
marked the demise of their reputation in the East. But if the military supe-
riority had come to an end, the legacy of Mongol rule lived on. The highly
efficient communications network and the new roads emanating from
the new capital Ta-tu (Beijing) ensured that China continued to thrive on
international trade. When eventually the regime collapsed and the Ming,
an ethnically Chinese dynasty, assumed control of the country, there was
no attempt to deny the legitimacy of the Yuan for decades. Though it had
been Mongol, the Yuan was accepted as an authentic Chinese dynasty.
Zhu Yuanzhang proclaimed himself the new emperor in 1368, and the
Ming dynasty he founded ruled until 1644.
It was the two empires founded by the Toluid brothers, Hulegu and
Qubilai, that ensured the Mongols the lasting prestige and glory to match
their martial reputation for indestructibility and ruthlessness. Both the
Il-Khanate and the Yuan dynasty left an indelible mark on the culture and
history of both Iran and China. In both states, which remained close for
many decades, there was considerable assimilation between the rulers
and the ruled. Although Mongol traditions continued to be respected in
both the Yuan and the Il-Khanate, the cultural influences of the cities were
Legal tender in use during the Yuan period. Courtesy of

Lan Tien Lang Publications
unmistakable and contrasted with life in the north. Ghazan Khan, ruler
of Iran from 1295 to 1304, converted to Islam in 1295, but he maintained
his extremely close links with the Great Khans of China and recognized
the supremacy of Mongol law, the yasa of Chinggis Khan. In China, too,
Chinese laws and administrative practices were adopted, but Mongol law
and custom remained an important element in all institutions.
The quality and style of daily life in the Mongol Empire depended very
much on where that life was spent. In the north, life in many ways went on
as it had for centuries. The nomadic tribes continued to roam from winter
to summer pastures, though now their world had opened its borders to
wealth, trade, and influences that would have been unimaginable a genera-
tion earlier. In the northwest the Golden Horde had assimilated the Qipchaq
Turks, and there had been little attempt to infiltrate the world of the princes
of Rus. The steppe kept its distance from the sown. The sedentary world
of the Rus and the people of Eastern Europe paid their Mongol masters
tribute, and the tribes kept themselves to the rolling steppes away from the
cities and farmlands of their neighbors. Daily life in the grasslands of the
Golden Horde had not changed much since the papal envoys of Carpini in
the 1240s and then William of Rub ruck in the 1250s passed through. Even
in these regions where Mongol tradition remained strong, however, the
court life had been transformed since the early days, and the luxuries that
were the norm farther south in the courts of Persia and China would also
have been enjoyed here.
For everyone, life after the quriltai of 1206 was transformed. The empire
passed through three main periods, and these periods were reflected in
lifestyle changes for many who lived under Mongol rule. The initial period
of expansion was dominated by military confrontations and triumphs.
After the death of Guyuk in 1248, a period of internal strife and consolida-
tion followed as the power bases became more entrenched. The last period,
beginning around 1260, saw the formation of the Yiian and the Il-Khanate
and the complete transformation of the Mongol court. In Beijing and Tabriz
the monarch enthroned in those glorious courts was no longer a rude war-
lord from the steppe but an emperor, receiving obsequious envoys from
around the world. The empire had created a new political reality over
nearly half the land area of the planet. With the new political reality there
were new military alliances, confrontations, and networks. In addition, the
empire had also given birth to a new cultural awakening. Just as the empire
had combined and mixed political institutions, practices, people, and net-
works from all over the Mongol-dominated world, so too had the emerg-
ing culture, be it gastronomical, artistic, astrological, literary, or scientific.
In the realm of politics, it was the Mongols who held the reins of power
for more than a century, just as they dominated the military institutions. In
the world of culture, they were present as well, as brokers, financiers, and
movers. The world they created was a long way from the steppe, but it was
from the steppe that the inspirational wind blew.
NOTES
1. Though commonly known as Genghis Khan, the spelling Chinggis Khan
more correctly reflects the pronunciation of his name.
2. Maulana Juzjani, Minhaj-ud-Din Abu 'Umar-i-Usman, Tabakat-i-Nasiri.
A General History of the Muhammadan Dynasties of Asia; from 810-1260 A.D. And The
Irruption of the Infidel Mughals into Islam, trans. H. G. Raverty (1881; reprint, Calcutta:
The Asiatic Society, 1995), 966.
2
STEPPE LIFE
The Mongols were the last of the great nomadic invaders of the sedentary
world. 1 Over the centuries there had been successive intrusive migration
of nomadic hordes from their Eurasian heartlands westward into Europe,
southward into Persia and Sind, and in the east, southward into China. The
peoples of the Eurasian steppe had a long tradition of mounting raids and
irruptions into the sown, that is, periodic invasions of the agriculturally
domesticated lands, from the vast expanses of uncultivated grasslands and
savanna that compose most of the Eurasian steppe lands. Europe, China,
and the lands south of the Oxus River all had a long history of repelling
and accommodating their horse-mounted neighbors with varying degrees
of success. In Iran the legends and myths surrounding and based on these
successive raids and wars between the peoples of the steppe and the
peoples of the sown were enshrined in the stories of the Persian national
epic, the Shahnameh (Book of Kings), and in particular the Shahnameh of
the eleventh-century poet Firdowsi (920-1025). North of the mighty Oxus
River (Amu Darya, Amuyieh) lay the nomadic peoples of Turan, who cast
envious aspirations on the lands south of the Oxus, which were ruled by
the people of Iran. The Iranians had kept the Turanians at bay until the thir-
teenth century, when the Khwarazmshah openly defied, insulted, and chal-
lenged Chinggis Khan. The Mongol invasion was so devastating because
it was a prolonged and sustained attack, and in many ways a retreat of the
nomads back from the sown to the open steppe never occurred.
This chapter will examine the nature and structure of steppe society
and the transformation that Eurasian tribal society underwent during the
- v
Mongol jewelry, Hohhut Museum. Courtesy of Xinjiang Qinshan Culture

Publishing
rule of the Mongols and Chinggis Khan. It will provide an overview of the
nature of the nomadic tribal society that Chinggis Khan was born into and
its relationship with its sedentary neighbors to the south.
TRIBES
The nomadic tribes of the Eurasian steppe are often known collectively
as Mongols. This is solely because of the dominance of Chinggis Khan's
tribe over all other Turco-Mongol tribes. They have also commonly been
called Tatars, and before the rise of Chinggis Khan, Tatars was the standard
appellation for all Eurasian nomads. This was because the Tatars were the
most powerful and dominant group within the Turco-Mongol world. Even
though with the rise of Chinggis Khan the use of the term Mongols spread,
the label Tatar continued to be attached to the invaders. In Asia this was sim-
ply habit, but in Europe the word Tatar corresponded to the medieval Latin
Tartarus, meaning "hell," and this tied in well with the prevalent belief in
Europe at that time that the Mongols were denizens of the underworld, sent
by the biblical demons Gog and Magog to punish the sinners of the world.
Until recently, central Asia was known as either Turkistan or Tartary.
Though the major tribal confederations at this time are often divided
into Mongols, Tatars, Naimans, Onggirats, Merkits, and Keraits, with
Steppe Eife 15
Pipes, Hohhut Museum, Inner Mongolia. Courtesy of Xinjiang Qinshan

Culture Publishing
numerous subdivisions, these groups were in no way either linguistically

or ethnologically distinct. Mongols could be found in Naiman tribes, for
example, and Turkish or a form of Turkish would be used as a first lan-
guage in any number of these groupings. In the Secret History there is a
reference to the peoples of the Eurasian steppes as "the peoples of the Nine
Tongues," which points to their recognized linguistic diversity.2 Mongols
were found in all the other tribal confederations, and Turks were of course
a major component of the Mongol confederation. This ethnic and linguistic
blurring became far more pronounced with Chinggis Khan's rise to power.
Chinggis made a point of breaking up the traditional tribal divisions and
instilling a new loyalty based on his reformatted decimal tribal structures.
Religion was not a divisive factor among the tribes, and a variety of reli-
gious beliefs coexisted without rivalry and usually adapted themselves
to each other. Shamanism 3 was the most prevalent belief, but Nestorian
Christianity,4 for example, was common among the Naiman, Ongut, and
Merkits, and Buddhism was often professed, among the Uighur in particu-
lar. Religious tolerance was a defining trait among the tribes and among
the Mongols under Chinggis Khan in particular. Loyalty and identity
was often associated with individuals and tribal leaders or ancestors. The
tribe was the basic unit of society, and, especially when linguistically or
ethnically mixed, it was the tribe that promoted unity and the idea of a
common identity. The practice of exogamy (marriage outside the tribe) and
polygyny (multiple wives) can help to explain the linguistic and ethnic
diversity of the tribes, but despite such diversity all members of the tribe
still considered themselves descendants of a common ancestry, however
tenuous and mythical that ancestry might be.
GEOGRAPHY
The Turco-Mongol nomadic tribes pastured their flocks over a vast
area that is commonly referred to as the Eurasian steppes. The Eurasian
steppes cover a wide zone stretching from Eastern Europe to Manchuria
and passing through the south Russian steppe, Kazakhstan, Zungharia,
Tsinghai province and Mongolia. The immense central Asian plateau,
lying at between 900 and 1,500 meters above sea level and bounded by
the Altai and Tian Shan mountain ranges in the west and by the Great
Khinghan heights in the east, was the home of the Mongol tribes. South of
this region the steppe transforms into desert, a vast arid zone punctuated
with islands of urban and sedentary settlements. In contrast, the prairies,
grasslands, and gentle mountain slopes of the steppes were devoid of
farming settlements or towns. Those who would dwell on the steppe were
The vast Lake Sayram high in the Tian Shan mountains, the Chaghataid
heartlands. Courtesy of Xinjiang Qinshan Culture Publishing
Steppe Eife 17
pastoral nomads and hunters, and life necessitated their seasonal migra-
tion in constant search of water and grass. Though the nomads generally
renounced fixed settlements and fixed dwellings, their migration routes
were often rigid. As a result, cultivation on a limited scale was practiced
by these steppe migrants who would sow suitable crops that they would
then be able to harvest later, on their return migration. Constantly on the
move, constantly alert to the environmental, climatic, and human changes
around them, and constantly prepared for danger and threats, the pas-
toral nomads were a natural martial force, and war was everyone's busi-
ness. Every herdsman doubled as a fighter and raider, and the culture of
the steppe resounded with tales and songs of their warrior heroes. These
nomads were pastoral armies.
COHESION
Fiercely independent, there was little social cohesion above the level of
the tribe, and tribal leaders generally resisted the formation of supratribal
authority unless the forfeiting of their autonomy promised very great
rewards. Wealth was generally measured by the possession of livestock,
the protection and amassing of which were the overriding concerns of
the tribe. When alliances, confederations, and supratribal arrangements
were entered into, the motivation behind such moves was the protection
or amassing of wealth. Chinggis Khan was remarkable from the outset in
that he was able to form so cohesive and unified a supratribal polity out of
such a fiercely independent collection of warrior tribes.
The tribes of Turco-Mongols in the twelfth century can very gener-
ally be divided into the pure pastoralists (cattle and sheep grazers) and
the forest-hunters/fishers. The less numerous forest-hunters could be
found around Lake Baikal, the source of the Yenisey River, and the upper
reaches of the Irtysh River, whereas the pastoralists occupied the lands
south of this region, from the foothills of the Altai Mountains to Lake
Buyr and Hulun. However, just as some hunters tended cattle, so did the
pastoral nomads hunt. In fact, the hunt, referred to as the nerge, played an
extremely important role in the life of all the Mongol tribes. The targets
of the organized hunts were wild donkeys, antelope, boar, game, and
even lions as well as rival tribes and enemies. Lassoes, bows and arrows,
and spears were all employed. The nerge served the function of recre-
ation, military training, and food gathering, and it was an event in which
the whole tribe partook. Horses, cows, sheep, goats, and camels were all
reared to provide the tribe's basic needs.
The other basic need, women, were also "hunted" because the tribes were
strictly exogamous (marrying outside the clan or tribe), and this would fre-
quently lead to intertribal conflict. However, under other circumstances,
brides would also be used to cement intertribal alliances. Polygyny was
common among those who could afford it, even though women enjoyed a
Copper seal, Hohhut Museum. Courtesy of Xinjiang Qinshan Culture Publishing
very high status among the Turco-Mongols. They played a role in all aspects
of the tribe's life, including the fighting. Women often exercised consider-
able real power, as is demonstrated by the regency of Toregene Khatun
(widow of the Great Khan Ogodei; regency 1241^6) and Oghul Ghaymish
(widow of the Great Khan Guyiik; regency 1248-51). The principal wife and
her children were invariably awarded special status. Only the sons borne
by Chinggis Khan's principal wife, Borte Fiijin, were considered eligible for
succession. Upon the father's death, his wives, considered part of his estate,
were inherited by his youngest son, following the practice of ultimogeni-
ture. The natural mother was not included in this inheritance package.
POWER
Primary political power lay with the khan or tribal chief. The tribal chief
generally rose from among the aristocratic elite, though not necessarily.
The choice of chief was arrived at through a process governed by the prin-
ciples of tanistry, which demands that succession fall to the best-qualified
and competent candidate, rather than by the dictates of primogeniture,
ultimogeniture, 5 or any other system of seniority. Usually the chief would
be chosen from among the members of the chiefly house, but Chinggis
Khan is an obvious example in which such a rule was not followed. Such
a system often led to succession struggles. In the case of larger tribes or
Steppe Eife 19
confederations, such struggles could lead to the formation of new break-

away tribes or adjusted tribal realignments. Nobles (noyan) within the
tribe often had their own personal following of friends and allies (noker),
who in turn would be served by their own household and retainers, the
commoners (haran). These haran would rarely break from their particular
noble and would follow him if he split from the tribe or realigned himself
within another confederation.
SHAMANS
Another source of political power, independent of the tribal nobility,
was the shaman (boge). The shaman was the tribe's link with the spiritual
world. His ability to foretell the future and interpret order from the per-
ceived chaos of the world around the tribesmen gave the shaman enor-
mous prestige and authority. It was generally believed that in addition to
the gift of prophecy, the shaman possessed supernatural resources and
magical powers. He was the tribe's intermediary with the spirit world. The
tribe's leading shaman could fulfill the role of the chief's principal noker,
or his close advisor. He could also be a source of alternative, even rival,
political authority. In some cases, the shaman himself could assume the
role of chief.
The shaman's services were called upon for choosing auspicious days
for celebrations, important events, commencing battle; for advice on elect-
ing new chiefs or leaders; for the treatment of the sick and disabled; for
the curing of childlessness; and for warding off evil spirits; exorcism; and
the casting of spells. His major role remained his ability to foretell the
future. His insights were gained by the careful reading and interpretation
of the cracks that opened up across the shoulder blades of sheep after ritual
burning. Shamanism is believed to have originated from ancestor worship,
and most Mongol tents contained images of the family's ancestors (ongghot).
Heaven (Tengri) was worshipped, and the mother Earth (Itiigen) was vener-
ated. Between koke (blue) or mongke (eternal) Tengri and Itiigen lived a mul-
titude of spirits, and it was in this realm that the shamans were most active
and influential. The shaman's voice was disregarded at the chief's peril
because the whole tribe believed in the power of the holy man's magic and
the authority of his words. This peril was made all the more real because the
shaman was usually associated with a shaman's "guild," which linked and
supported shamans among various tribes and clans.
THE K H A N
As head of the tribe, the ruling khan's main duties concerned the allot-
ment of pastures, the plotting of migration times and routes, and deci-
sive leadership. The shaman and the other nobles, effectively a tribal
council, both confirmed and counterbalanced the chief's authority. The
tribe operated on a minimum of two administrative levels. At the high-
est level was the tribal chief, who exercised direct control over the tribal
nobles. At a lower level, individual nobles controlled their own retinue
of commoners, who were solely answerable to them.
Sometimes it was considered in the tribes' interest to form alliances or
join confederations or even seek the protection of a stronger tribe. However,
this invariably involved some loss of independence, something that any
tribe was loath to suffer. The reality of the steppes dictated that the smaller
or weaker tribes had to sometimes sacrifice their independence in order to
merely ensure their continued existence. Where the supratribal arrangement
existed, it took on the form of an enlarged reflection of the tribe, incorporat-
ing common myths, beliefs, practices, traditions, and institutions. Often a
royal lineage, a golden lineage in the case of the Mongols, became a unifying
theme with which to command an extra sense of unity and identity.
Mongol paiza granting free passage to the bearer. Courtesy of Xinjiang

Steppe Eife 21
After Chinggis Khan assumed the leadership of the "people of the felt-
walled tents," 6 his clan, the Borjigid, dominated the other clans and tribes,
who then declared their allegiance or submission (il)7 and also took on
the collective name of Mongols. The supratribe could be joined by out-
siders by one of three methods. First, a whole tribe could pledge loyalty
and be incorporated in its entirety into the larger polity (political unit).
Second, after suffering defeat a tribe could be broken into individuals,
tents, or family units and distributed as booty among all the component
parts of the supratribe. Third, and especially with nontribal military ele-
ments, outsider units could be assigned to individual military command-
ers to act under his personal command. These supratribal polities were
extremely fluid, and their composition frequently changed, expanding or
shrinking over time, though the idea of a vague "people" or "nation" or
ulus persisted and provided a continuing sense of identity. When Ching-
gis Khan reached the pinnacle of his power in the third decade of the
thirteenth century, he allotted new ulus8 named after his sons, and these
ulus were to form the basis of political and even geographical entities for
centuries after his death. Individual tribes, to conclude, would submit
and relinquish some of their independence to a supratribal polity when
material gain, usually in the form of war-generated booty, was offered or
when the tribe's security or very existence was threatened.
M A I N T A I N I N G POWER
Chinggis Khan built his power base and his tribal empire through
battle, and with each victory he added more men to his army and more
tents to his following, but it should be realized that those independent-
minded tribal chiefs remained with him not out of fear but out of choice.
The tribes flocked to the Mongol banner not in defeat but in the belief
that united they would cause others' defeat. Chinggis Khan offered his
followers rewards and plunder aplenty. The tribes harkened to his call
and submitted their independence to him because they believed that
they would gain and prosper in his service. If he could not deliver, his
support would have soon dissolved, and the supratribe would have
dwindled once again into scattered tribes. His authority and the tribes'
continued support both depended on his victories and political and mili-
tary success.
Certain elements were necessary to maintain the unity and preservation
of the steppe empire. The charisma of the leader was crucial. A supratribal
power would often dissolve on the death or defeat of its leader. If the tribal
leaders' expectations of wealth and prosperity did not continue to be met,
the union would quickly dissolve. Sometimes a confederation of tribes
might be formed and unified in order to achieve a single goal. Such was
the case when the steppe tribes wished to confront China in order to win
concessions. The tribal sovereign would be a nominal figure and act as a
spokesman for the collective tribes. The principles of tanistry 9 would rule
his succession, and the supratribal union would persist because the need
for a united front would still be present.
As Chinggis Khan grew in stature, so also did the expectations of his
followers. The union behind him existed because Chinggis Khan met
those expectations. Without him there would be no expectations and no
unity. The steppe leader had no need of pomp and ceremony. He was not
clothed in the regality of a Persian Shahanshah (King of Kings) or a Chinese
emperor. A great Khan was not bathed in the mystery of majesty so crucial
for the preservation of the "civilized" world. He was awarded respect,
authority, and even adulation because he delivered wealth and prosper-
ity to his followers. He was admired for his generosity and for his martial
skills. He was expected to lead his army, which in effect was his people
and tribes, into battle and win for them riches. These were very real expec-
tations and concrete rewards. The object of his martial adventures could,
of course, be other tribes, but ideally and increasingly as the supratribe
became larger, that object was the sedentary communities of the sown and
their rich urban centers, cities, and caravans.
EMPIRE
Steppe empires rather than steppe confederations were built by
immensely charismatic, ambitious, and powerful men. A Great Khan
(Qa'an) ruled a steppe empire, whereas a khan reigned over a steppe con-
federation. Chinggis Khan was the greatest of the steppe khans. As the
expectations of his followers rose, so too did his own ambition, and nei-
ther were disappointed.
The Great Khan might well have achieved his position as undisputed
leader of the tribes after a long and bloody civil, intertribal war and pos-
sibly also an intratribal succession conflict. A reckoning would invariably
follow with payoffs and paybacks all being called for. A quriltai (a Mongol
princely assembly) would be summoned, and all the leading players, tribal
chiefs, military commanders, and factional elements would be called upon
to participate and decide the fate of the rebels. Part of the fate of the rebels
or losing side would be their becoming the source of booty from which the
allies of the winner could be rewarded.
Eventually the losing side would be incorporated into the winning
supratribal entity, and the enlarged force would then seek richer pastures.
In order to retain the loyalty of the increasing number of equally ambitious
subordinate khans and chiefdoms, the leader of the steppe empire would
have to find increasingly challenging and rich adventures and sources of
wealth to occupy his expanding army of warriors and tents. As the last of
the Eurasian steppe tribes fell to his forces, Chinggis Khan found himself
in this position in the early thirteenth century. For the Great Khan, there-
fore, there seemed only one natural and obvious choice he should make.
Steppe Eife 23
He should turn his attentions to that inexhaustible source of booty and
plunder: the urban centers of Manchuria and China.
Relations with the settled peoples were not always antagonistic. The
nomads were nonautarkic in the economic, political, and cultural spheres. 10
Trading was mutually advantageous, and protection was a commodity that
the tribes were always willing to barter. Metals for their tools and weapons,
grain for bread, textiles for their tents and clothing and for their lords and
ladies, precious metals and gems, and especially nasij, or brocades and fine
fabrics, embroidered in gold and silks, were among the items that they
sought to procure in exchange for meat, wool, horses, and hides. 11
Though Chinggis Khan is credited toward the end of his days with the
desire to return to the simple life away from fineries and pomp, among
the elite and the steppe aristocracy an appetite for epicurean indulgence
in more sophisticated food and drink was growing. Koumiss, the alcoholic
Mongol seal, Hohhut Museum. Courtesy of Xinjiang Qinshan Culture

Publishing
fermented mare's milk of the steppe, could not compete with the fine wines
available in the towns and cities. Though these nomad lords continued to
view the settled realms with arrogant disdain, they were appreciative of
the luxuries and comforts this rival world had to offer.
N E W W O R L D ORDER
With the attention of his forces now directed outward, two strategies
remained to bind these armies into a cohesive force. One was through
a thorough structural overhaul of the army, and the other was the use
of religion and the shamans to forge a common identity and purpose.
However, with the number of rebel tribes rapidly dwindling, the only
realistic option for sustaining a large booty-hungry army was a major and
prolonged incursion into the sown.
The classical army formation employed by steppe leaders as far back
as the confederation of nomadic central Asian tribes known as the
Hsiung-nu, or Huns, at the end of the third century B.C.E. and perfected
by Chinggis Khan was decimalization, the division of the army into deci-
mal units of tens, hundreds, thousands, and so on. Ideally, a decimal sys-
tem would have replaced the tribes, but even Chinggis Khan was unable
to achieve this. To varying degrees, however, decimalization, that is the
division of the fighting forces into units of ten (harban), one hundred
(jagun), one thousand (minghan), and ten thousand (tiimen), each headed
by an answerable commander, was able to circumvent and sometimes
overrule the tribal command structure and tribal loyalties. It also greatly
facilitated the incorporation of outside or defeated forces into the main
body of the army. In reality these formations rarely contained the exact
number of assigned men, especially in the higher divisions of thousands,
and it was not uncommon for a tribal chief to be assigned command of a
minghan or a tiimen.
With the downplaying of tribal loyalty, the cohesion of the supratribe
stemmed from a common spirituality that transcended individual tribal
religious affiliations and by a belief in Tenggeri, the universal sky god
whose favor bestowed victory. This idea of a single supreme god around
which the Mongols' spirituality was based was seized upon in later years
by their Muslim subjects to justify their own submission to the Mongols'
infidel rule. Tengri bestowed his favor by granting victory to his chosen
agent, and therefore the mark of Tengri's approval was victory in battle,
and the sign of divine disfavor was defeat. As long as the ruler was granted
victory, his faithful followers believed him blessed with Tengri's favor and
would therefore remain loyal. The royal mandate survived only so long
as victories could be achieved. In addition to victory, it was also necessary
for the would-be steppe ruler to obtain the endorsement and support of
the tribe's shaman. The shaman would often act as an intermediary with
Tengri, who would demonstrate his bestowal of a mandate on the aspiring
Steppe Eife 25
steppe king through the offices of the shaman. In such circumstances the
shaman had a very powerful and influential role.
With his tribes suitably organized into decimal rather than tribal units
and the endorsement of Tengri vouched for by a well-respected, indepen-
dent shaman, the steppe warrior/king would then be in a position to assail
the rich agricultural lands and prosperous urban centers to the south.
STEPPE V E R S U S S O W N
Pastoral steppe nomads repeatedly invaded China over many centuries
for various reasons. Their greed and a predatory nature that their lifestyle
encouraged predisposed them to raiding. Second, climatic change affected
the pattern of their lives and their prosperity. A third reason was popu-
lation increase and the demands that entailed. Related to these reasons
were the resulting economic pressures that change invariably brought.
A further reason was a growing trade imbalance caused by the Chinese
that brought resentment in the steppe. This was strengthened by a desire
to periodically assert steppe dominance over the inferior culture of the
sown. Finally, there was the reality of developing a supratribal polity that
entailed military adventure. 12 To a greater or lesser extent all of these rea-
sons played a part in the motivation of the nomadic invasions, but it is the
final point that was crucial for a prolonged and sustained invasion. With-
out an invasion of the sown, the supratribal polity could not be sustained.
Chinggis Khan united a warrior culture that was perpetually on the move,
which by tradition had lived with their agrarian neighbors through con-
trolled and limited extortion and whose lifestyle barely sustained a very
fragile economy. It was a society that chose its leaders because of their
ability to wage successful war and to increase the tribe's prosperity at
the expense of their neighbors. It is hardly surprising that such a society,
upon uniting and reaching its peak of power, invaded its ill-prepared and
weak, agrarian neighbors. Any other outcome would have been unthink-
able. The explanation of why the pattern of periodic raids from the steppe
to the sown transformed into full-scale occupation under Chinggis Khan
must simply be that having attained such a degree of unity, it was only the
wealth of the lands and cities of the sown that could provide the booty to
satisfy the fully united tribes of the steppes, who no longer had themselves
to fight. Whereas before, the settled communities of China could pay oft
invaders or employ selected stronger tribes to act as their border guards,
under Chinggis Khan the combined might of the steppe had become too
great to be bought.
Unlike previous steppe rulers the Mongols continued to grow and rule.
In the past the pattern of nomadic incursions into the sown had been one
of attack, plunder, rapine, destruction, and retreat. Another facet of the
relationship between steppe and sown, often overlooked or marginalized,
should be emphasized. The Eurasian nomads enabled lines of commercial
activity and cultural exchange to operate between east and west and espe-
cially between Iran and China. Under the Chinggisids the Mongols became
cultural and economic brokers, and these links between Iran and China in
particular became cemented. 13 Merchants had long traversed the steppes,
and they did so only with the acquiescence of the steppe lords. These same
merchants would have facilitated the exchange of goods between steppe
and sown, and their safe passage would have been mutually beneficial to
all concerned. The establishment of this commercial relationship in addi-
tion to the political ties between the dominant tribe and the Chinese rulers
had long regulated and constrained the more predatory inclinations of
the tribes, and the nomads would have long learned that the prosperity
of the sedentary regions could provide them with real benefits beyond
booty. When Chinggis Khan found that he controlled considerable regions
of agricultural and urban settlement, he was able to utilize his contacts
among the merchant, often Muslim, community to harness for mutual
benefit these new resources. Taxation and trade replaced booty as the new
sustenance for his emerging empire.
THE E N D ?
It has often been asked why the Mongols suddenly disappeared. They
did not disappear as such but simply became assimilated as nomadic cul-
ture became marginalized, hastened by the use of gunpowder. In Iran the
Mongol Il-Khan, Ghazan, converted to Islam around 1295, and thereafter
the Mongol elite became increasingly Persianized, increasingly adopt-
ing Persian habits, dress, manner, and speech. The Golden Horde in the
Russian steppes became increasingly Turkish-dominated, and a break-
away faction possibly gave birth to the Ottoman state.14 In China the Yiian
dynasty, often disparaged by traditionally minded Mongols for its adop-
tion of Chinese ways, was replaced by the Ming dynasty (1371-1644), but
their heritage and even their treaties have persisted to the present. In India
the Moguls, who traced their descent from the Chinggisids, went with the
advent of the rule of the British Raj (ruled 1760-1947).
Chinggis Khan differed from previous steppe leaders. The Mongol
leader possessed many qualities that have distinguished him from other
military strategists, nomadic chieftains, and conquering emperors, and
some of these characteristics will be examined in later chapters. However,
an overriding difference relevant to this introductory chapter should be
emphasized. This was his recognition of the nature, worth, and strength of
the sedentary world and his willingness and ability to utilize those quali-
ties in order to advance his own cause. Chinggis Khan achieved celeb-
rity and greatness as a steppe ruler, but he went down in history as a
world conqueror and empire builder, and two of his grandsons, Qubilai
and Hulegu, ruled over two of the world's greatest and most sophisticated
civilizations: China and Persia.
Steppe Eife 27
K I N G S H I P A N D THE M O N G O L S
Family relations, inheritance, and authority were a complex matter
with the Turco-Mongol tribes of the Eurasian steppes. With the advent
of Chinggis Khan and their rise to power, the matter became far more
complex. It was a polygynous society, and men were permitted a number
of wives. Economics was the determining factor in the number of wives a
man might have, so there was often a resulting rivalry among the siblings
of the various wives, especially when a major wife had not been clearly
appointed. Add to this the widespread acceptance of the principles of
tanistry (election of the strongest or worthiest of the ruling family) among
the steppe people, and it can be seen why empires and dynasties based on
or arising from the steppe lands of Eurasia have not been noted for their
longevity or stability.
MARRIAGE MORES
Though it was a polygynous society, most families were limited to one
wife, and fidelity was prized and adultery frowned upon. In fact, earlier
chroniclers such as Carpini and Rubruck claim that adultery was punish-
able with death. Intercourse with a virgin was also considered a capital
offence. Wives had to be bought, and the marriage was considered eter-
nal, the couple being reunited in the afterlife. This belief gave rise to the
practice of sons marrying all his father's wives, other than his natural
mother, on the father's death. The son, often the youngest, had the option
to merely look after the well-being of these wives or to take them as full
wives. If these wives returned to the father in their afterlife, it was not con-
sidered such a loss because they were still kept within the family circle. In
the case of Hulegu Khan, Mongol ruler, or Il-Khan, of Iran (ruled 1256-65),
his inherited wife, Dokuz Khatun, became his principal wife, and their
sons and descendants sat on the Il-Khanid throne until 1335. She was the
last and youngest of his father's, Tolui's, wives, and it was claimed the
marriage had not been consummated. According to Rubruck the Mongols
observed the prohibitions on first and second degree of sanguinity that
forbade marriage with first cousins or with aunts or uncles. However,
there were no restrictions on affinity, that is on marrying two sisters, for
example, in succession or at the same time. Chinggis Khan had innumer-
able wives, and modern estimates claim that 16 million of his descendants
are walking the planet today, spreading his genes to places Mongol hooves
never trod.
When a marriage contract was drawn up, it was the father who orga-
nized the banquet. Meanwhile, the daughter was obliged to flee and hide
from her future husband at the home of her relatives. The father would
then announce the disappearance of his daughter and would tell her fiance
that if he could find her he could keep her. At this the man would ride
out with his friends to hunt for his betrothed. Upon finding her, he was
supposed to feign violence and forcibly seize her, taking her away with
him bound and struggling. As their daughter was being abducted, her
family would be at home mourning their loss while the husband's family
would be preparing a welcoming feast to greet his newly won wife.
FLEXIBILITY
Rules and principles did exist to regulate social life and to determine
inheritance rights, but they were extremely flexible. As the Mongols spread
from their roots in the high steppes, their social norms and institutions
developed and adapted. This development and change can be seen in tribal
institutions, inheritance practices, and in the assumption of leadership.
The emergence of the empire was mirrored in the change from a nomadic
way of life to varying degrees of sedentarization. Where once the various
camps and clusters of tents belonging to a particular tribe or clan could be
found in the same general neighborhood of valleys and hills, now a tribe's
ordus might be separated by many thousands of miles, and messages could
takes weeks or months to pass from one brother to another. Close contacts
were maintained, however, and the periodic calling of quriltais, especially
when a new Great Khan had to be decided by election, demanded that
all key members of the family be present. During campaigns all members
of the family would be represented in the army on the move, and all the
princes would receive their allotment of occupied lands and of captured
artisans. The last campaign composed of tamma contingents, as the troops
donated by the various princes were called, was Hlilegli's march on Iran in
the 1250s, after which the splits rendering the empire asunder became too
great to allow such a united force to assemble again.
TRIBAL U N I T Y
People were divided into clans and tribes, though it should be noted
that these were rather loosely organized institutions and not restricted to
blood relationships at all. The fact that they were theoretically based on
blood connections has led to many spurious genealogical claims and other
misunderstandings. Most tribal groupings claim common heritage and
ancestry, but this is generally agreed to be a political device to engender
common cause and unity with little basis in reality. The loose tribal struc-
ture enabled Chinggis Khan to radically reorganize the tribal structure of
nomadic Eurasian society and so enforce his own discipline and chain of
command over his extraordinarily disparate, unruly tribal people. With
his regrouping in tribally mixed units, loyalty was encouraged to the mili-
tary commanders and certainly to the Golden family, though ultimately
loyalty was engendered to Chinggis himself.
As units before and certainly after this radical reconfiguration of
the clans, these Turco-Mongol tribes were not linguistically, racially, or
Steppe Eife 29
Mongol paiza from Hohhut Museum. Courtesy of Xinjiang Qinshan Culture

Publishing
religiously united polities. So great was Chinggis Khan's prestige and so

great were his conquests and the resulting wealth and prosperity that his
successes generated that his name and authority were enough to embolden
and inspire the reconstituted Turco-Mongol tribes. Within these tribes the
clans formed a subdivision, but even at this level blood ties did not neces-
sarily take precedence, and the institution of andas (sworn brotherhood)
was commonplace. An exchange of blood accompanied the swearing of
allegiance, loyalty, and trust when two friends declared themselves anda.
One notable example of this kind of close tie was the case of the young
Chinggis Khan, Temujin, and his boyhood friend Jamuqa, detailed in the
Secret History of the Mongols. Anda-ship was recognized as an equal, though
voluntary, relationship to a blood tie and could be utilized as such as when
Temujin called on his late father's anda, Toghril, the powerful leader of the
Kereit tribe, to honor this relationship and come to his anda's son's aid.
Another voluntary relationship that involved renouncing other blood ties
was the position of the nbker, which can be loosely translated as "com-
rade" or "associate," though with a suggestion of "follower" attached to
the term. The subordinate status of the nbker became more pronounced
later until eventually the term was used to denote a servant or lackey.
Many of Chinggis Khan's greatest generals began their careers as his
nbkers. The openness of the clan was further ensured by the strict practice
of exogamy, or marriage outside the clan or tribe. One of the results of

the constant warfare that characterized pre-Chinggisid steppe society was
the incorporation of various tribes by their conquerors and the parceling
out of the men and women as slaves or concubines. These people and
their offspring could eventually be assimilated into the tribe, adding to its
ethnic, religious, and linguistic mix.
INHERITANCE
Inheritance conventions among the Mongol tribes were also flexible.
The father's ordu (camp) and possessions, including wives and slaves,
were inherited by the youngest son of the chief wife, though it should be
added, not the son's actual mother. By convention the eldest son would
retain seniority but would inherit the ulus (subject people, effectively
lands) farthest from the family homelands. Other ulus would be granted
to other sons until, as mentioned, the youngest would inherit the home-
lands or homestead itself. With Chinggis Khan this pattern was followed
with Jochi, his firstborn, receiving lands to the west "as far as Mongol
hoof had trod" and Tolui receiving the lands of the Mongol steppes. How-
ever, when Jochi died, just before his father, it was his younger son, Batu,
who inherited his father's lands and position. Traditions did exist, but
flexibility and adaptability ruled. It should be noted that Chinggis Khan's
chief wife, Borte, retained her high status even though she had been kid-
napped early in their marriage. Virginity was not a particularly prized
attribute for women even though both parties to adultery were severely
punished. Questions regarding the parentage of Borte's firstborn, Jochi,
were not allowed to affect his standing in the royal family, and Chinggis
Khan always gave him the respect due his status as firstborn son of the
emperor.
The laws governing inheritance of kingship were also flexible to a degree
and were influenced by the tribal custom of tanistry. During the debate
over Chinggis Khan's succession Ogodei Qa'an (ruled 1229-41) expressed
reservations, first, because "in accordance with Mongol custom, it is the
youngest son from the eldest house that is the heir of his father,"15 and
second, because he had elder brothers and uncles whose familial seniority
gave them priority. In this case the ruling and choice of Chinggis Khan
himself was followed, but in later cases the precepts of tanistry, nemesis
of would-be steppe dynasties in which kingship fell to the strongest aspi-
rant, were followed. The principle of tanistry awarded the leadership of
the tribe to the best-qualified member of the ruling family by a meeting of
tribal elders. Disputes frequently led to civil war and the breakup of the
tribe. With two succession traditions very much alive, patrilineal, which
followed father to son, and lateral, which followed familial seniority
through uncles and brothers and so forth, disputes were inevitable, and it
was such disputes that eventually split the Mongol empire. The Mongol
Steppe Eife 31
Il-Khanid d y n a s t y of Iran (1256-1335) followed an often b l o o d y m i x t u r e

of these traditions, the k i n g s h i p p a s s i n g from father to son to b r o t h e r to
uncle t h r o u g h rarely s m o o t h successions.
Kinship w a s a v a l u e d a n d i m p o r t a n t factor in M o n g o l society. H o w e v e r ,
it w a s a far m o r e flexible institution t h a n its a d h e r e n t s possibly realized,
a n d t h o u g h b l o o d links w e r e considered i m p o r t a n t , tribal a n d clan a n d
even close family relationships could b e m a n i p u l a t e d , c h a n g e d , m a n u -
factured, a n d created w i t h o u t u n d u e controversy. Chinggis Khan's rise to
p o w e r w a s d u e in p a r t to his ability to m o l d the ties of k i n s h i p w i t h i n
Turco-Mongol society to his o w n e n d s .
NOTES
1. For a detailed study of many of the issues raised in this chapter, see Joseph
Fletcher, "The Mongols: Ecological and Social Perspectives," Harvard Journal of
Asiatic Studies 46 (1986): 11-50.
2. Urgunge Onon, trans., The History and Eife of Chinggis Khan (The Secret History
of the Mongols) (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 1990), 129.
3. Shamanism is a religion characterized by the belief in the existence of good
and bad spirits that can be controlled by priests or shamans.
4. Nestorian Christianity is the doctrine that Christ was two distinct persons,
divine and human, implying a denial that the Virgin Mary was the mother of God.
It is attributed to Nestorius and survives today in the Iraqi church.
5. Primogeniture refers to the rights of the first born; ultimogeniture refers to
the rights of the youngest or last born.
6. Onon, The History and Life, 102.
7. Note the Il-Khans of Iran (1256-1335), who recognized the sovereignty of
the Great Khan (Qa'an) in Qaraqorum. The opposite of il is bulgha (unsubmitted).
8. Ulus refers to the tribes or people over whom a prince was appointed.
Strictly speaking, people constituted the ulus, in reality it came to mean land.
9. Tanistry is the succession practice whereby the leadership of the tribe would
fall to the strongest of the princes, often determined through battle.
10. Meaning they were not totally independent but were dependant for many
things on their settled neighbors, to use Anatoly M. Khazanov's phrase (Nomads
and the Outside World [Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1994], 69-84.
11. On the Mongols' love of and trade in fine brocade, see Thomas Allsen,
Commodity and Exchange in the Mongol Empire: A Cultural History of Islamic Textiles
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997).
12. From Ch'i-ch'ing Hsiao, cited in Fletcher, "The Mongols," 32.
13. See Thomas Allsen's superb study of this subject in Culture and Conquest in
Mongol Eurasia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991).
14. This is a highly controversial view convincingly argued by the Ottoman
scholar Colin Heywood, "Filling the Black Hole?: the Emergence of the Bithynian
Atamanates 1298-1304," (Yeni Turkiye Dergisi, 1999), 1-10.
15. Ala-ad-Din Ata-Malik Juvaini, The History of the World Conqueror, trans. John
Andrew Boyle, intro. David Morgan, (Manchester, U.K.: Manchester University
Press, 1997), 186.
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3
APPEARANCE
EARLY REPORTS
Many of the early reports of the Mongols that came to the west, both to
Europe and the Middle East, in the thirteenth century carried horrific
descriptions of the barbarian hordes, the Tatars, or denizens of Hell.
These descriptions appeared very much to confirm the earlier reports of
the carnage, savagery, and monstrous invincibility of this satanic storm
from the east. Many of the earlier reports from the east were wholly fanci-
ful and bore little resemblance to reality. Fabulous tales of strange beings
and wondrous lands predominated, but as news of the Tatar invasions
began to infiltrate, the stories of horror began. Even though descriptions
and pictures that began to be available later in the thirteenth century bear
closer resemblance to reality, these early accounts of the appearance of
the Mongols remain of great interest because they convey the emotional
impact the devastating appearance of the Mongols made on the medieval
societies of Europe and the Islamic world.
The Armenian historian Kirakos of Ganjak (1201-1272), a cleric and
onetime captive of the Mongols, described them as "hideous and fright-
ful to look upon." He remarked upon their lack of facial hair and "nar-
row and quick-glancing" eyes, "shrill and piercing" voices and notes
that they were "long-lived and hardy." A contemporary of Kirakos,
another Christian Armenian cleric, Grigor of Akanc, is more colorful in
his depiction of the invaders from the Nation of Archers, as he called the
Mongols.
Mongol horseman, Xi'an Museum. Courtesy of Lan Tien Lang

Publications
They were terrible to look at and indescribable, with large heads like a buffalo's,
narrow eyes like a fledging's [young bird], a snub nose like a cat, projecting snouts
like a dog's, narrow loins like an ant's, short legs like a hog's, and by nature no
beards at all. With a lion's strength they have voices more shrill than an eagle's.1
The Persian poet Amir Khosrow (1253-1324) describes several hundred

Mongol prisoners taken by the Muslim armies from Sind whose Delhi
Sultanate (1206-1555) provided a haven from the Mongols for many of
those seeking asylum and safety:
Their eyes were so narrow and piercing that they might have bored a hole in a
brazen vessel, and their stench was more horrible than their colour. Their heads
were set on their bodies as if they had no necks, and their cheeks resembled
leather bottles full of wrinkles and knots. Their noses extended from cheekbone
Appearance 35
Graven images, Baku early thirteenth century. Courtesy of Lan Tien Lang
Publications
to cheekbone. Their nostrils resembled rotting graves, and from them the hair
descended as far as the lips. Their moustaches were of extravagant length, but
the beards about their chins were very scanty. Their chests, in colour half-black,
half-white, were covered with lice which looked like sesame growing on a bad
soil. Their bodies, indeed, were covered with these insects, and their skins were as
rough-grained as shagreen leather, fit only to be converted into shoes.2
A more measured account is given by a Franciscan monk and papal

emissary who accompanied Friar Giovanni DiPlano Carpini's intelligence
gathering party traveling (1245-47) to Qaraqorum, capital of the Mongol
Empire. He reports that the Tatars are usually:
of low stature and rather thin, owing to their diet of mare's milk, which makes
a man slim, and their strenuous life. They are broad of face with prominent
cheekbones, and have a tonsure [shaven circle] on their head like our clerics
from which they shave a strip three fingers wide from ear to ear. On the fore-
head, however, they wear their hair in a crescent-shaped fringe reaching to the
eyebrows, but gather up the remaining hair, and arrange and braid it like the
Saracens [Muslims].3
The Franciscan Friar William of Rubruck traveled to the court of the

Great Khan Mongke between 1253 and 1255, and on his return he sent a
full account of his journey to King Louis IX of France. He mentions their
shaved heads but describes the bald patch as square rather than round,
and he says that the forehead and temples are also shaved of hair, leaving a
Horse from Baku, early thirteenth century. Courtesy of Lan Tien Lang
Publications
long tuft of hair hanging from the crown to the eyebrows. Rubruck further
describes the men as having long hair behind, which they braid in two
plaits right up to the ears. He notes that girls, on the day following their
marriage, shave their heads from the middle toward the forehead. Interest-
ingly, he adds a detail about hygiene, explaining that in order to wash their
hair, the Mongols first take water into their mouths. They then allow this
water to trickle from their mouths into their cupped hands, which they use
to wet their hair and wash their heads.
Though less emotional in his description than others, William of
Rubruck is quite pointed in his account of the women.
The women are astonishingly fat. The less nose one has, the more beautiful she
is considered; and they disfigure themselves horribly, moreover, by painting
their faces.4
Later, he describes the wife of a local Mongol commander, Scacatai,

whose appearance he finds particularly repellent. In order to enhance her
nasal features, the snub nose being a prized sign of beauty, this lady had,
it seemed to Rubruck, amputated the bridge of her nose. The horrible
result was the almost complete lack of any discernable nose, and worse
still she had apparently applied some black ointment to that disfigured
spot as well as to her eyebrows. She "looked thoroughly dreadful" con-
cludes the Friar.
Appearance 37
Baku, early thirteenth century. Courtesy of Lan

Tien Lang Publications
TRANSFORMATION
Though the earlier reports of their appearance are rarely very compli-
mentary, the Mongols were ambitious not only for land, conquests, and
power but also for the luxuries of the outside world and the fineries of that
world with which to adorn themselves. Chinggis Khan is credited by the
Persian statesman and historian Rashid al-Dm with expressing the follow-
ing ambition for his wives and daughters.
My wives, daughters-in-law, and daughters are as colourful and radiant as red

fire. My only aspiration and wish is to delight their mouths with the sweetness
of the sugar of benevolence, to adorn them front and back, top and bottom, with
garments woven with gold, to seat them upon sure-footed steeds, to serve them
sweet, clear water, to provide their animals lush, verdant meadows, and to clear
Figures from Rashid al-Din's JamV al-Tavarikh. Courtesy of Lan Tien Lang
Publications
thorns and brambles and all that might be injurious from the roads and highroads,
and to prevent thorns and weeds from growing in their pastures.5
For his people Chinggis Khan also wanted a world distant from the
frugality and coarseness of the steppe in which he grew up. He foresaw a
change in the Mongols' appearance and in the image they projected.
After us, our off-spring will wear garments of sewn gold, eat fatty and sweet deli-
cacies, ride well-formed horses, and enjoy beautiful ladies.6
To enhance their image and reflect their new status, and no doubt embar-
rassed by their reputation as primitive, dirty barbarians, the Mongols who
ruled in the later thirteenth century adorned not only themselves but also
Appearance 39
Uyghur seamstress with traditional silk cloth, Kashgar. Courtesy of Xinjiang

their living quarters with sumptuous, delicate embroideries and brocades,

woven with gold and precious stones. The opulence of their palace-tents
became legendary, and along with the sophistication of their courts, it
stood in stark contrast to the appearance they projected when first they
emerged from the steppe.
This transformation of the appearance of the Mongols, from their depic-
tion in the annals of the English chronicler Matthew Parris as cannibalistic
savages to the later images of imperial splendor that emerged from their
appearance in the Yiian (Chinese) courts, is aptly illustrated through the
words of another European cleric, Friar Odoric of Pordenone (died 1331)
whose extensive travels took him to the Yuan court (Mongol dynasty in
China, 1260-1370). Here he describes how the Great Khan rode between
his winter and summer palaces.
The king travelleth in a two-wheeled carriage ... all [made] of lignaloes [perfumed
wood] and gold, and covered with great and fine skins, and set with many precious
stones. And the carriage is drawn by four elephants ... and also by four splendid
horses, richly caparisoned Moreover, he carrieth with him in his chariot twelve
gerfalcons; so that even as he sits therein upon his chair of state or some other seat,
if he sees any birds pass he lets fly his hawks at them.7
MONGOLS A N D CLOTHING
William of Rubruck was a close observer of the Mongols and in his
report to King Louis IX of France he described not only their habits but
their dress as well. The Mongol court had changed drastically since the
days of Chinggis Khan's youth. The Mongols were rich and powerful and
they were able to adorn themselves with fabrics from every corner of their
expanding empire. William betrays his awe and admiration in this extract
from his long report covering his epic journey from 1253 to 1255:
Of their clothing and customs you must know, that from Cataia, and other
regions of the east, and also from Persia and other regions of the south,
are brought to them silken and golden stuffs and cloth of cotton, which
they wear in summer. From Ruscia, Moxel, and from greater Bulgaria and
Pascatir, which is greater Hungary, and Kerkis, all of which are countries
to the north and full of forests, and which obey them, are brought to them
costly furs of many kinds, which I never saw in our parts, and which they
wear in winter. And they always make in winter at least two fur gowns,
one with the fur against the body, the other with the fur outside exposed
to the wind and snow; these latter are usually of the skins of wolves or
Mongol image from Baku Fortress c. 1222. Courtesy of Lan Tien Lang
Publications
Appearance 41
foxes or papions; and while they sit in the dwelling they have another
lighter one. The poor make their outside (gowns) of dog and kid (skins).
When they want to chase wild animals, they gather together in a great
multitude and surround the district in which they know the game to be,
and gradually they come closer to each other till they have shut up the
game in among them as in an enclosure, and then they shoot them with
their arrows. They make also breeches with furs. The rich furthermore
wad their clothing with silk stuffing, which is extraordinarily soft, light
and warm. The poor line their clothes with cotton cloth, or with the fine
wool which they are able to pick out of the coarser. With this coarser they
make felt to cover their houses and coffers, and also for bedding. With
wool and a third of horse hair mixed with it they make their ropes. They
also make with felt covers, saddle-cloths and rain cloaks; so they use a
great deal of wool. You have seen the costume of the men.
The men shave a square on the tops of their heads, and from the front
corners (of this square) they continue the shaving to the temples, passing
along both sides of the head. They shave also the temples and the back
of the neck to the top of the cervical cavity, and the forehead as far as the
crown of the head, on which they leave a tuft of hair which falls down
to the eyebrows. They leave the hair on the sides of the head, and with it
they make tresses which they plait together to the ear.
And the dress of the girls differs not from the costume of the men,
except that it is somewhat longer. But on the day following her marriage,
(a woman) shaves the front half of her head, and puts on a tunic as wide
as a nun's gown, but everyway larger and longer, open before, and tied
on the right side. For in this the Tartars differ from the Turks; the Turks
tie their gowns on the left, the Tartars always on the right. Furthermore
they have a head-dress, which they call bocca, made of bark, or such
other light material as they can find, and it is big and as much as two
hands can span around, and is a cubit and more high, and square like
the capital of a column. This bocca they cover with costly silk stuff, and
it is hollow inside, and on top of the capital, or the square on it, they
put a tuft of quills or light canes also a cubit or more in length. And this
tuft they ornament at the top with peacock feathers, and round the edge
(of the top) with feathers from the mallard's tail, and also with precious
stones. The wealthy ladies wear such an ornament on their heads, and
fasten it down tightly with an amess, for which there is an opening in
the top for that purpose, and inside they stuff their hair, gathering it
together on the back of the tops of their heads in a kind of knot, and
putting it in the bocca, which they afterwards tie down tightly under the
chin. So it is that when several ladies are riding together, and one sees
them from afar, they look like soldiers, helmets on head and lances erect.
For this bocca looks like a helmet, and the tuft above it is like a lance.
And all the women sit their horses astraddle like men. And they tie their
gowns with a piece of blue silk stuff at the waist and they wrap another
band at the breasts, and tie a piece of white stuff below the eyes which
hangs down to the breast. And the women there are wonderfully fat,
and she who has the least nose is held the most beautiful. They disfigure
themselves horribly by painting their faces. They never lie down in bed
when having their children.8
Cloth and clothing held great symbolic significance for the medieval
Mongols even before the days of empire. The great number of Muslim weav-
ers transported to China under the Yiian dynasty attest to the importance
textiles and dress continued to occupy in Mongol society. Both the wearing
and presenting of clothes and items of clothing carried messages and mean-
ing for the peoples of the steppe and for the Mongols in particular.
Thirteenth-century Mongol figurine, Xi'an Museum.

Appearance 43
Fur, leather, wool, camel's hair, and felt constituted the basic dress fab-
ric, and cotton and silk were also available from their sedentary neigh-
bors. Standard wear was an ankle-length robe cut from a single piece of
material. Loose trousers would be worn under this, and round the waist
a belt made of soft material would be fastened. As protection from the
weather, they wore felt capes, fur hoods, and leather boots or buskins
made of felt. Friar William of Rubruck, who traveled through Russia to
Mongolia between 1253 and 1255, describes their summer wear as being
made of silk, gold, and cotton, whereas in winter they wore garments
made from a wide variety of furs. He explains that the fur clothes were
double-layered so that the fur was inside as well as out. These pelts were
often obtained from the wolf, fox, or lynx, though the poor used the skins
Traditional Mongol dress, Hohhut Museum. Courtesy of

Xinjiang Qinshan Culture Publishing
Bactrian Camel on the shores of Lake Sayram. Courtesy of Xinjiang Qinshan

Culture Publishing
of dogs or goats. Their breeches were also made from pelts, with silk lin-
ing for the rich and cotton for the poor.
Friar Carpini, an emissary for Pope Innocent IV, though some say spy,
traveled east from 1245 to 1247, earlier than Rubruck. His detailed descrip-
tions of the Mongols report that men and women would often be dressed
identically and that he had problems telling the sexes apart. They wore
tunics of buckram, fine linen, or silk, split open on one side and fastened
by cords with the material folded back double over the chest. Married
women wore full-length tunics opened at the front.
THE BOGHTA
All reports, including Carpini's, mention boghta, the very distinctive
headdresses worn by married women. Li Chih-Chang, who accompanied
the Taoist monk Ch'ang Ch'ung to central Asia to visit Chinggis Khan,
elaborates. The headdress was made "of birch-bark, some two feet high.
This they generally cover with a black woollen stuff; but some of the richer
women use red silk. The end [of this headdress] is like a duck." Later
reports describe the boghta as a three-foot iron wire frame adorned with
Appearance 45
Thirteenth-century Mongol figurine, Xi'an Museum.

red and blue brocade or pearls and later still as frames wrapped with red
silk or gold brocade. By the time Rubruck was writing in the 1250s, the
boghta had become more elaborate and garishly decorated. Peacock and
mallard tail feathers along with precious stones now festooned this status
symbol of the rich, the whole contraption attached to the lady's head with
a fur hood in which was gathered her hair. In addition, the boghta was
secured around the throat by straps.
The boghta could convey more than social status. Chinggis Khan's
mother, Ho'ellin, signaled her intention to commence an arduous venture
by girding her belt and securing her boghta. The Mongol ruler of Iran,
Arghun Khan (ruled 1284-91), signaled his acceptance of Tudai Khatun
(Lady Tudai) as his wife by placing a boghta on her head.
CLOTHES A S PRESENTATIONS
The giving and presenting of clothes often held great symbolic signifi-
cance for the Mongols. When Temujin (the young Chinggis Khan) pre-
sented his powerful uncle, Ong Khan, ruler of the mighty Kereyid tribe,
with a black sable coat, it was generally understood that Ong Khan's
acceptance of the gift signified that the protection of his tribe had hence-
forth been extended to Temujin. Between friends, the exchange of belts
reinforced that friendship and tied them closer, as was the case with the
young Temujin and his neighbor, Jamuqa, who had already declared
themselves anda (blood brothers). Gold and silver satins of many colors
were always presented to officials on the occasion of royal births. Like-
wise, to express condolences and loyalty to Mongol custom and tradition,
robes and a boghta would be presented to a widowed wife, even while plots
and intrigues were in the making. Such was the case when the third Great
Khan, Gliylik (1249), died and his wife, Oghul Qaimish, the acting regent,
accepted such gifts from her cousins' family, even as they were plotting the
annihilation of her whole family line, the Ogodei Chinggisids. When peace
and reconciliation were sought, the presentation of clothes was always
expected. Gold, gems, gilded tunics, and gilded hats heavily decorated in
jewels and precious stones would be exchanged or offered. Conversely, the
taking away of clothes also carried symbolic meaning. Before praying to
the Sky God, Tenggeri, Chinggis Khan removed his hat and belt to signify
his powerlessness and his need for help. When Chinggis Khan removed his
Thirteenth-century Mongol figurines, Xi'an Museum. Courtesy of Lan Tien Lang

Publications
Appearance 47
brother's, Jochi Qasar's, hat and belt, he was expressing the ending of his
trust in his sibling. During the accession ceremonies of the Great Khans,
all those present were expected to remove their hats and drape their belts
over their shoulders. Their replacement symbolized the subjects' accep-
tance of the new order.
THE ROBE OF HONOR: THE KHILCAT

Another essential item of clothing for the Mongols, increasingly so as
their courts took on an imperial air, was the Robe of Honor or khilQat.
This was awarded to nobles, princes, sultans, and other rulers who had
proved their loyalty to their masters, the Mongols. These Robes of Honor
became more elaborate and splendid as the empire expanded, and they
Thirteenth-century Mongol figurines, Xi'an Museum.

are reflective of the value put on fine fabrics and clothing by the Mongol
nobility. Ceremonial dress in general was composed mainly of gold-
weaved brocade.
Recent studies have shown that the need for gold and precious stones,
used in the manufacture of the Mongols' ceremonial dress, was one of the
driving forces behind the expansion of the Mongol empire into the settled
lines. Sources for the raw materials and artisans to fashion these metals,
stones, and fabrics into clothing were a major preoccupation with all the
Mongol rulers. The importance of dress in Mongol society has not been
fully appreciated until recently.
Marco Polo was well aware of the importance that the Mongols attached
to clothes and fineries, and in the following extracts from his Travels he
records the awarding of the traditional khilcat, a custom also found com-
monly at courts in the mediaeval Islamic world. The whole subject of gold
fabrics, brocade, nasij, and khilcats has been explored by the American
scholar Thomas Allsen. He has found that these costly fabrics formed the
basis of much of the commerce and trade in the empire, and it was the
search for raw materials and craftsmen that fueled much of the drive for
expansion and the acquisition of new territory. Marco Polo discerns this
obsession with extravagant raiment in the following two selections.
Thirteenth-century Mongol figurines, Xi'an Museum. Courtesy of Lan Tien

Lang Publications
Appearance 49
CHAPTER XVI
CONCERNING THE TWELVE THOUSAND BARONS WHO
RECEIVE ROBES OF CLOTH OF GOLD FROM THE EMPEROR
ON THE GREAT FESTIVALS, THIRTEEN CHANGES A-PIECE
Now you must know that the Great Kaan hath set apart 12,000 of his men
who are distinguished by the name of Keshican, as I have told you before;
and on each of these 12,000 Barons he bestows thirteen changes of rai-
ment, which are all different from one another: I mean that in one set the
12,000 are all of one colour; the next 12,000 of another colour, and so on;
so that they are of thirteen different colours. These robes are garnished
with gems and pearls and other precious things in a very rich and costly
manner. And along with each of these changes of raiment, i.e., 13 times in
the year, he bestows on each of those 12,000 Barons a fine golden girdle
of great richness and value, and likewise a pair of boots of Camut, that
is to say of Borgal, curiously wrought with silver thread; insomuch that
when they are clothed in these dresses every man of them looks like a
king! And there is an established order as to which dress is to be worn at
each of those thirteen feasts. The Emperor himself also has his thirteen
suits corresponding to those of his Barons; in colour, I mean (though his
are grander, richer, and costlier), so that he is always arrayed in the same
colour as his Barons, who are, as it were, his comrades. And you may see
that all this costs an amount which it is scarcely possible to calculate.
Now I have told you of the thirteen changes of raiment received from
the Prince by those 12,000 Barons, amounting in all to 156,000 suits of so
great cost and value, to say nothing of the girdles and the boots which are
also worth a great sum of money. AH this the Great Lord hath ordered,
that he may attach the more of grandeur and dignity to his festivals.
And now I must mention another thing that I had forgotten, but which
you will be astonished to learn from this Book. You must know that on
the Feast Day a great Lion is led to the Emperor's presence, and as soon
as it sees him it lies down before him with every sign of the greatest ven-
eration, as if it acknowledged him for its lord; and it remains there lying
before him, and entirely unchained. Truly this must seem a strange story
to those who have not seen the thing! 9
CHAPTER XIV
CONCERNING THE GREAT FEAST HELD BY THE
GRAND KAAN EVERY YEAR ON HIS BIRTHDAY
You must know that the Tartars keep high festival yearly on their birth-
days. And the Great Kaan was born on the 28th day of the September
moon, so on that day is held the greatest feast of the year at the Kaan's
Court, always excepting that which he holds on New Year's Day, of which
I shall tell you afterwards.
Now, on his birthday, the Great Kaan dresses in the best of his robes,
all wrought with beaten gold; and full 12,000 Barons and Knights on that
day come forth dressed in robes of the same colour, and precisely like
those of the Great Kaan, except that they are not so costly; but still they
are all of the same colour as his, and are also of silk and gold. Every man
so clothed has also a girdle of gold; and this as well as the dress is given
him by the Sovereign. And I will aver that there are some of these suits
decked with so many pearls and precious stones that a single suit shall be
worth full 10,000 golden bezants.
And of such raiment there are several sets. For you must know that
the Great Kaan, thirteen times in the year, presents to his Barons and
Knights such suits of raiment as I am speaking of. And on each occasion
they wear the same colour that he does, a different colour being assigned
to each festival. Hence you may see what a huge business it is, and that
there is no prince in the world but he alone who could keep up such
customs as these. 10
NOTES
1. Grigor of Akanc, History of the Nation of Archers, trans. R. Blake and R. Frye
(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1954), 295.
2. Kulliyat-i-Amlr Khosrow (Tehran, 1996), 532.
3. R.A. Skelton, T. E. Marston, and George D. Painter, The Vinland Map and the
Tartar Relation (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1995), 86.
4. William of Rubruck, The Mission of William of Ruhr nek, trans, and ed. Peter
Jackson with David Morgan (London: Hakluyt Society, 1990), 89.
5. Rashid al-Dm, Jami' al-Tavarikh, eds., Mohammad Roushan and Mustafah
Musavi (Tehran: Nashr albaraz, 1994), 587-88.
6. Ibid, 585-86.
7. "The Travels of Friar Odoric," in Henry Yule, Cathay and the Way Thither
(Millwood, N.Y.: Kraus Reprint, 1967), 228-29.
8. William of Rubruck, The Journey of William of Rubruck to the Eastern Parts of
the World, 1253-55, as Narrated by Himself, with Two Accounts of the Earlier Journey of
John of Plan de Carpine, trans, from the Latin and ed., with an introductory notice,
by William Woodville Rockhill (London: Hakluyt Society, 1900), ch. 6.
9. Marco Polo, Complete Yule-Cordier Edition of Marco Polo's travels by Marco
Polo and Rustichello of Pisa, The Project Gutenberg EBook of the Travels of Marco Polo,
vols. 1 and 2, available at: http://www.gutenberg.net.
10. Ibid.
4
DWELLINGS
As nomads the Mongols were not renowned for their city-building skills,
and it was urban destruction rather than urban construction for which
they were justly famed. They did not live within the confines of solid,
brick walls and were initially suspicious of those who voluntarily did so.
Their home was the open steppe, and their walls were the sky and the
looming mountains. The elements were their decorations and furnishing,
and the elements formed the constant back-drop to their lives. Just as they
had a dramatic impact on the lives of city dwellers, however, cities and
the denizens of those cities had a profound and dramatic impact on the
Mongol hordes.
EARLY D W E L L I N G S
Long before the Mongols began to actually build their capital cities on
permanent sites with buildings designed to withstand the arduous tests of
time, they constructed what have been described as cities on wheels and
indeed were mobile homes within a mobile community of mobile institu-
tions. Friar Giovanni DiPlano Carpini, a papal intelligence agent traveling
across the Eurasian steppes in 1245, came across Mongol yurts too large
and complex to be efficiently taken apart each time the ordu (camp) moved
on. Carpini, an unlikely medieval James Bond, related how "the smallest
[yurts] are put on a cart drawn by one ox, the larger by two or three or more
depending upon how large it is and how many are needed to move it."1
William of Rubruck, traveling nearly 10 years later, reported seeing yurts on
Mongol yurts on the road from Yining to Lake Sayram. Courtesy of Xinjiang
wagons with axles "as large as a ship's mast" pulled by as many as twenty-
two oxen.2
Before the Great Quriltai of 1206, which saw Temujin proclaimed
Chinggis Khan and ruler of all the Turco-Mongolian tribes of the
steppe, the only contact that these nomads had with urban commu-
nities was through military conflict or military alliances. The steppe
dwellers and the urban settlers lived in separate, different worlds, and
both viewed the other with a certain degree of disdain and distaste.
Yet within two generations the most sophisticated of urbanites could
be found writing and partaking in learned debate while indulging in
the most sumptuous and refined of gastronomic delight at the heart of
their Mongol masters' camp. Also within two generations the children
of those same nomad warriors who a few years previously had been
terrorizing their sworn enemies —city dwellers —could be found lay-
ing the cornerstones of cities that have since developed into the most
powerful and magnificent metropolises in the world.
In 1255 William of Rubruck was still able to write of the Mongols,
"Nowhere have they any Tasting city,'" and he continued to describe his
hosts as purely nomadic pastoralists. Though no longer quite accurate by
that time, with the establishment in 1272 of the Yiian dynasty in China by
Dwellings 53
Qubilai w i t h Ta-tu (Khan Baliq, Beijing) as its capital a n d the f o u n d i n g in

1258 of the Il-Khanid d y n a s t y in Iran b y H u l e g u w i t h M a r a g h e h as its cap-
ital, the M o n g o l s h a d ceased to be s t e p p e e m p e r o r s . The transformation
h a d b e e n g r a d u a l , a n d their living conditions w o u l d h a v e reflected these
changes. M o r e a n d m o r e their n o m a d c a m p s w e r e resembling mobile
cities c o m p o s e d of increasingly elaborate y u r t s s u m p t u o u s l y decorated
in fineries acquired t h r o u g h an insatiable appetite for gold e m b r o i d e r y
a n d b r o c a d e c o m m o n l y referred to as nasij or as the "cloth of Tartary" b y
E u r o p e a n sources.
At the time of the visits b y the t w o Franciscan friars, however, less
majestic dwellings w e r e c o m m o n l y in evidence. William of R u b r u c k (circa
1210-70) describes their dwellings in s o m e detail.
Nowhere have they fixed dwelling-places, nor do they know where their
next will be (J: Nowhere have they any "lasting city"; and of "the one
to come" they have no knowledge [cf. Heb. 13:14]). They have divided
among themselves Cithia [Scythia], which extendeth from the Danube to
the rising of the sun; and every captain, according as he hath more or less
men under him, knows the limits of his pasture land and where to graze
in winter and summer, spring and autumn. For in winter they go down
to warmer regions in the south: in summer they go up to cooler towards
the north. The pasture lands without water they graze over in winter
when there is snow there, for the snow serveth them as water.
They set u p the dwelling in which they sleep on a circular frame of
interlaced sticks converging into a little round hoop on the top, from
which projects above a collar as a chimney, and this (framework) they
cover over with white felt. Frequently they coat the felt with chalk, or
white clay, or powdered bone, to make it appear whiter, and sometimes
also (they make the felt) black. The felt around this collar on top they
decorate with various pretty designs. Before the entry they also suspend
felt ornamented with various embroidered designs in color. For they
embroider the felt, colored or otherwise, making vines and trees, birds
and beast.
And they make these houses so large that they are sometimes thirty
feet in width. I myself once measured the width between the wheel-tracks
of a cart xx feet, and when the house was on the cart it projected beyond
the wheels on either side v feet at least. I have myself counted to one cart
xxii oxen drawing one house, eleven abreast across the width of the cart,
and the other eleven before them. The axle of the cart was as large as the
mast of a ship, and one man stood in the entry of the house on the cart
driving the oxe.
Furthermore they weave light twigs into squares of the size of a large
chest, and over it from one end to the other they put a turtle-back also
of twigs, and in the front end they make a little doorway; and then they
cover this coffer or little house with black felt coated with tallow or ewe's
milk, so that the rain cannot penetrate it, and they decorate it likewise
with embroidery work. And in such coffers they put all their bedding
and valuables, and they tie them tightly on high carts drawn by camels,
so that they can cross rivers (without getting wet). Such coffers they never
take off the car.
When they set down their dwelling-houses, they always turn the door
to the south, and after that they place the carts with coffers on either
side near the house at a half stone's throw, so that the dwelling stands
between two rows of carts as between two walls. The matrons make for
themselves most beautiful (luggage) carts, which I would not know how
to describe to you unless by a drawing, and I would depict them all to
you if I knew how to paint. A single rich Moal or Tartar has quite c or cc
such carts with coffers. Baatu has xxvi wives, each of whom has a large
dwelling, exclusive of the other little ones which they set up after the
big one, and which are like closets, in which the sewing girls live, and
to each of these (large) dwellings are attached quite cc carts. And when
they set up their houses, the first wife places her dwelling on the extreme
west side, and after her the others according to their rank, so that the last
wife will be in the extreme east; and there will be the distance of a stone's
throw between the iurt of one wife and that of another. The ordu of a rich
Moal seems like a large town, though there will be very few men in it.
One girl will lead xx or xxx carts, for the country is flat, and they tie the
ox or camel carts the one after the other, and a girl will sit on the front one
driving the ox, and all the others follow after with the same gait. Should
it happen that they come to some bad piece of road, they untie them, and
take them across one by one. So they go along slowly, as a sheep or an ox
might walk.
When they have fixed their dwelling, the door turned to the south,
they set up the couch of the master on the north side. The side for the
women is always the east side, that is to say, on the left of the house of the
master, he sitting on his couch his face turned to the south. The side for
the men is the west side, that is, on the right. Men coming into the house
would never hang up their bows on the side of the woman. 3
Friar Giovanni DiPlano Carpini paints a simpler picture, explaining

that the tents w e r e r o u n d a n d cleverly p r e p a r e d from laths a n d sticks.
A c h i m n e y w a s fashioned in the center, w h i c h as well as allowing s m o k e
to escape, allowed light into the interior. The walls a n d d o o r s w e r e lined in
thick felt, t h o u g h Carpini does not m e n t i o n the s u m p t u o u s n a t u r e of s o m e
of these wall linings. Yurt or ger size, explains the friar, reflects w e a l t h a n d
social status of the owner. The smaller gers could be easily d i s m a n t l e d a n d
l o a d e d onto a w a g o n , w h e r e a s the larger size ger h a d to b e l o a d e d intact
onto their o x - d r a w n w a g o n s . 4 These mobile tents w e r e called ger tergen.
M a r c o Polo, traveling a few d e c a d e s later, n o t e d these s a m e dwellings
u s e d b y the c o m m o n p e o p l e a n d n o t e d that the d o o r s w e r e usually set to
face south, a characteristic of m a n y central Asian people.
Dwellings 55
The wagons, which as noted previously come in different sizes and
are often richly adorned, are also employed to carry provisions and the
women and children. Marco Polo noted that the wagon and wheels are
sometimes covered by thick black felt, which he claimed was so effective
that "if it rained all day on the cart water would soak nothing that was in
the cart under the cover of felt."5 He added that the wagons served a dual
purpose. Not only were they used to carry provisions, the yurts them-
selves, and women and children, but they were utilized by the women to
conduct trade, and the buying and selling would be carried on from atop
the wagons themselves.
MOVABLE VERSUS IMMOVABLE

Nomads live in tents, and the Mongols as nomads continued to live in
tents even though the sumptuous gilded cloth palaces bore little resem-
blance to the threadbare yurts of the days prior to the quriltai of 1206.
Even in the early days, however, their dwellings also contained perma-
nent structures. These solid structures would be utilized each time the
tribe returned to their winter (q'ishlaqs) or summer (yaylaqs) pastures.
Remains of permanent structures have been found dating from the
time of Chinggis Khan. Rock and brick platforms were used to support
wooden and cloth structures. These features were developed over the
years to include immovable walls, and divides and foundations became
deeper and sturdier. Eventually these features outnumbered the movable
elements, and the camps were transformed into cities. Even in the great
cities of China the Mongol princes and generals liked to remind them-
selves of their roots, and spaces were allocated for the pitching of tents
and the erection of yurts and the employment of the movable features of
their former lives. The chronicler of the Mongols of Persia, Qashani, kept
a detailed record of the itinerary of the Il-Khan Oljeitu (ruled 1304-16)
and itemized in detail the king's travels during his reign. This chronol-
ogy of Oljeitli's regular migrations throughout his reign illustrates what
Charles Melville has termed "the continuum of the interaction between
the nomadic and sedentary ethics of government." 6 Though Oljeitu was
mobile throughout his period on the Iranian throne, neither the gentle
pace of his migration nor the limited area in which he roamed caused
him to be absent from his central administration or from the day-to-day
affairs of his country. During the rule of the Mongol administrator of west-
ern Asia, Arghun Aqa, more than 60 years before, the historian Juwayni
complained that the constant traveling of what has been described as a
"mobile secretariat" interfered with the writing of his famous history. In
contrast, Oljeitli's administration carried an air of semipermanence, and
foreign envoys had little difficulty tracking his whereabouts. The para-
phernalia of government, the files, documents, archives, and the clerical
staff, were also always at hand or nearby, and the growth in the number
of permanent structures ensured that the hardware of the administra-

tion was provided for wherever the court settled. The summer and win-
ter camps were well documented; Ala Tagh (Ala Dau) in Turkey, Siyah
Kuh northwest of Hamadan, Sughurlukh or Takht-i-Suleiman, Khonkhur
Oleng, which became the capital Sultaniya, Ujan southwest of Tabriz,
Sayn south of Ardabil, and Hasht-rud east of Maragheh were frequently
mentioned yaylaqs (summer camps). Often-mentioned q'ishlaqs (winter
camps) included Jaghatu south of Lake Urumia, Baghdad, Hulan Moren,
Qarabagh northeast of Nakhchivan, and various unspecified sites in Arran,
Mazandaran, and Mughan. From this it can be seen that both the Il-Khan's
summer and winter camps were in a relatively restricted area corresponding
to the region known today as Azerbaijan. Tabriz became a capital in the full
sense of the word under the reign of Ghazan Khan (ruled 1295-1304), as did
Sultaniya under Oljeitu, who despite his itinerant habits furnished his
capital with government, public, and imperial buildings and constructed
six highways spreading out from this center to various points in his
kingdom. He was resident in his capital during the summer months.
The increasingly elaborate tents that the princes lived in during their
journeys around the country would often remain standing for months at
a time, and when they were not in use they would simply be packed up
and stored until the court returned the following year. The actual material
Royal ordu, Dengsheng. Courtesy of Lan Tien Lang Publications

Dwellings 57
making up the tent would not be carried from location to location but
would remain in storage until needed. Sira-Ordu, mentioned later, was
one such semipermanent structure that attracted the attention of its many
illustrious visitors. Sira-Ordu, which was predominantly yellow, was used
for quriltais along with the usual white tents.
In the Yiian period permanent and semipermanent structures were used
together though increasingly the semipermanent structures were primarily
for decoration and entertainment only. The summer residence of Shangdu
(Xanadu) contained a structure called the da'ange, which was used for audi-
ences, but in addition in another part of the city permanent structures were
also employed for feasting and receiving foreign dignitaries. Shangdu was
home to the fabulous Cane Palace constructed in the city's northern area
of Beiyuan, which also housed a zoo and botanical gardens. This enor-
mous semipermanent structure, the Zongdian or Zongmaodian, was made
of canes supported by gilt and lacquered columns, each bearing a gilded
dragon. Yesun Temlir (ruled 1323-28) in 1325 ordered this imposing mov-
able palace revamped and refurbished, and some records of this work have
survived and provide an indication of the size and expense of these so-
called tents. Two carpets were specially woven and together covered an
area of 850 square yards or one-sixth of an acre. They used 3,000 pounds of
blue and white wool.
Four kinds of palatial building can be identified as having been used
by the Great Khans: temporary buildings such as the Sira-Ordu; struc-
tures that combined permanent and temporary features, as have been
found at sites used seasonally by Chinggis Khan; buildings on sites used
for permanent and semipermanent structures, as seen in Shangdu; and
structures built to last, as were the buildings of Qubilai's capital Da-du,
today's Beijing.
LAVISH TENTS
The Mongols' taste for tents never disappeared, and it was recognized
that in order to impress a prince of the Golden family a sumptuous feast
was prerequisite, but in addition the feast had to be served in an excep-
tionally lavish setting. Hulegii's leisurely invasion of Iran was punctu-
ated by frequent feasting stops where the local administrators would
spare no expense to squander luxuries on the Great Khan Mongke's
brother. In Samarqand the Mongol governor of central Asia, Mas'ud
Beg, erected a tent woven in nasij (gold and silk cloth) with a covering
of white felt that served the royal party for their 40 days of revelry and
merrymaking. Shortly afterward in spring 1256, near the town of Tus,
Arghun Aqa, the Mongol governor of Khorasan, laid on another feast
for which another fabulous tent was constructed. The tent comprised an
antechamber and an audience hall, and a thousand gold nails were used
to hold it in place.
In RabiTI [April-May] they pitched a tent of nasij in Jinhal-Fuqara near Tus at the
gate of a garden that had been laid out by the Emir Arghun,... That tent was one
which the World-Emperor Mengu Qaan had ordered the Emir Arghun to prepare
for his brother. In obedience to the Emperor's command the master craftsmen had
been called together and consulted, and in the end it had been decided that the
tent should be made of a single sheet of cloth with two surfaces. And in executing
the weaving and dyeing of it they had surpassed the art of the craftsmen of San'a
[Yeman]: the back and front were uniform and the inside and outside in the exact
correspondence of the colours and designs complemented one another like the
simple-hearted. The teeth of the scissors had been blunted with the cutting of it.
That gilded cupola and heaven-like tent, the disc of the sun, lost its brightness out
of jealousy of the truck of this tent, and the resplendent full moon wore a sulky
expression because of its roundness.7
Just as their cousins in China were doing, the Mongols in Iran com-
bined the permanent and the semipermanent in the construction of their
palaces, and the differences between the two continued to blur. Ghazan
Khan pitched his golden tent in Ujan, a site he visited each summer that
contained, according to Rashid al-Dm, "kiosks, towers, baths, and lofty
buildings" on a permanent basis. The tent took his engineers a month to
erect. The Il-Khans, princes and nobles, Mongols, and their Persian admin-
istrators often named their permanent structures after themselves, and as
a result there is to this day an area of Tabriz called Rashidiya or Raba'-i-
Rashidi. Father and son are responsible for Arghuniya and Ghazaniya,
both complexes in the Tabriz region, built for the two Il-Khans. Oljeitu
built the magnificent Sultaniya, ruins of which still impress visitors to
northwest Iran today.
Activities in these lavish tents and buildings, both permanent and
semipermanent, were the same in Iran and China. They served as plea-
sure palaces and seats of government. Enthronements took place here, as
did all major quriltais. As early as 1257 Hulegu celebrated the Mongolian
New Year, Keyuniikemishi, at a camp near Qazvin, northern Iran. All the
Il-Khans celebrated their official enthronements at their seasonal camps
rather than at their nominal capital cities. Before Ghazan ascended the
Il-Khanid throne in 1295 the Il-Khans kept their treasuries at their seasonal
camps rather than at the capital, though the guards and security were of
course permanent and fixed. Hulegii's vast wealth, considerably fattened
following the sack of Alamut in 1256 and Baghdad in 1258, was stored on
an island in Lake Urumiya. He was buried at this site after his death in 1265
along with treasure, food and wine, and six virgins. The site has never been
discovered, and as far as is known the treasure remains buried somewhere
on Shahi (now Islamia) Island on the east side of Lake Urumiya.
Much government business was conducted at the seasonal sites, and
usually any major works were initiated by feasting and revelry, a practice
found throughout the empire. The khan would sit on a platform at the
northern end of the hall facing south. His major wife would be seated
Dwellings 59
next to him on his left. Male revelers would sit on his right with the ladies
seated opposite. Feasts would last for days rather than hours, and some-
times participants had to dress in a certain style or color, which would
then be changed each day. Princes of the Golden family would take turns
hosting these prolonged revelries. "Each in turn gave a feast, and they cast
the die of desire upon the board of revelry, draining goblets [jamha] and
donning garments [jamaha] of one color, at the same time not neglecting
important affairs."8
One of the major attractions for the Mongols of their seasonal camps was
the opportunity to indulge their appetite for hunting, archery, and falconry.
All Mongols learned horse riding from a very early age, and archery was a
skill at which they excelled.
Even with the establishment of cities and palaces, the Mongols never
completely abandoned their nomadic roots, and the ger would often be
transported into the heart of the city and reconstructed. In Qubilai Khan's
new capital, Ta-tu (Beijing), the emperor ordered the construction of tents
in the parks and gardens of his new capital. These were for the use of his
sons and their cousins and also, it is interesting to note, for the use of royal
ladies in the last weeks of pregnancy. To make these ties between steppe
and sown all the stronger, Qubilai ordered the transference of steppe soil
and grass to his parks. In addition to this transposed flora, he tried to add
authenticity to his urban steppe scene with some imported fauna in the
form of model reclining tigers operated mechanically to appear alive.
QARAQORUM
It was Ogodei Qa'an who established the first permanent Mongol city.
Unlike his father, he did not believe that a kingdom conquered on horse-
back must be ruled from horseback, and therefore he determined to build
his own capital using traditional nomadic standards to choose the ideal
setting. Qaraqorum, which means "black stones" or "black walls," was
constructed in the heart of Mongol territory on Orkhon River on territory
that had once belonged to Ong Khan's Kereyid tribe. It had also been the
site of previous Turkic kingdoms, and the remains of a wall called Ordu-
Baligh were in evidence. Qaraqorum was situated on open steppe, allow-
ing for wind that would keep the air clear of mosquitoes. Water supplies
were near but far enough away so as not to become polluted by the close
proximity of human settlement. Mountains were also close for a seasonal
haven for the flocks of animals. It was a perfect site for a nomad's camp,
but it was doomed as the chosen site of a fixed capital. No protection was
offered in winter against the bitter cold that swept across the steppe. Food
supplies had to be brought in from afar because there was no means of
production locally. Actual construction was probably begun after Ogodei
shot an arrow to determine the placement of the first stone and the length
of the building, one bowshot and new wall; another arrow and another
wall and a pavilion to connect them. And so Qaraqorum, capital of the

empire, was born.
Rashid al-Dm claims that the Qa'an (Ogodei), told that Baghdad was the
most beautiful city in the world, ordered that his city be built in order to
outshine that fading capital. Craftsmen and artisans in plenty had already
been imported from throughout the conquered lands to start on the con-
struction. Yam stations were established every 15 miles to link Qaraqorum
with the cities of Cathay, totaling 37 yams.9 A hazara, a military unit of 1,000
soldiers, was assigned to each yam to provide security for the cartloads
of provisions and material, including foodstuffs and drink, which passed
along this road, reportedly 500 wagons daily. The wagons of bdgni and
sorma (beer and ale) needed six oxen to pull them.
Initially it was a sumptuous palace for himself that he had ordered con-
structed, but then he commanded that each of his brothers, sons, and other
princes should also have residences built in the vicinity, and it was in this
way that the Mongols' first capital grew. The Qa'an saw this as "laying the
foundations of world sovereignty and raising the edifices of prosperity." 10
His palace was "exceedingly tall in structure and with lofty pillars, such as
was in keeping with the high resolve of such a king," 11 and it was finished
in a variety of colorful paintings and designs fashioned by his Khitan art-
ists. When the other tall pavilions were also finished, the emerging city
covered a very wide area. Typically, Ogodei ensured that priority be given
to the installation of ornate wine cellars, and he had distinguished gold-
smiths and silversmiths fashion utensils from precious metals in the shape
of elephants, lions, horses, and the like that spouted wines and kumiss
from their mouths into silver or gold basins.
As Chinese architects and artisans continued to work on the new capi-
tal, many of the Mongol nobles lived in their private gers short distances
away from Qaraqorum itself. Some building may have actually begun as
early as 1220, but it was not until 1235 that the city was walled. The royal
court was often at least a day's ride away depending at which semiper-
manent site Ogodei was resident. Muslim uzan (craftsmen) built a fam-
ily pavilion, the Sa'uri Palace, for him at Gegen-Chagan, famed for its
falconers, where he would hunt waterfowl. Juwayni waxes lyrical about
this "very tall castle filled with all kinds of many-coloured, jewel-studded
embroideries and carpets" and describes the Qa'an's 40-day sojourn here
in spring where as usual "he would give himself up to the joys of drink-
ing and spread the carpet of bounty, which was never rolled." 12 Other
pavilions and palaces were erected in the general area of Qaraqorum, and
Ogodei would share his time in each of them.
There was a Chinese pavilion, Sira-Ordu, that was particularly notewor-
thy, it being mentioned by many sources, including European. It had walls
of latticed wood, a ceiling of gold-embroidered brocade (nasij), the whole
structure swathed in thick, white felt. These pavilions were very sumptuous
and were very large, possibly large enough to accommodate 10,000 people,
Dwellings 61
though Sira-Ordu could accommodate only 1,000. Sira-Ordu was a perma-
nent fixture, with its exterior adorned with gold nails and its interior with
thick nasij. The Franciscan friar Carpini visited Guyuk here and described a
"tent supported by columns covered with gold plates and fastened to other
wooden beams with nails of gold, and the roof above and the sides on the
interior were of brocade" 13 and also a small palace situated on a hilltop
only three or so miles from his capital.
In fact, Qaraqorum resembled more a giant storehouse and a base for
the craftsmen, administrators, and merchants who serviced the Golden
family and their retainers. Though it produced little, it received prodi-
giously. Serving as the symbolic heart of the empire it was the destination
of the trains and caravans of tribute and envoys from around the known
world. The royal princes and their families might not have remained long
within its thick and solid walls, but a third of the city was permanently
occupied by the bureaucracy needed to run the Mongols' burgeoning
empire, including scribes and translators from every nation now under
Mongol sovereignty.
Above the town a garden had been built for the Qa'an containing four
gates, each gateway assigned its separate task. One was reserved for the
Qa'an himself, another for his princesses, a third for his children and rela-
tives, and the last for the use of the general populace. Within the garden
Chinese builders constructed a four-gated castle inside of which they situ-
ated a royal throne approached by three flights of stairs; one flight for the
Qa'an, one for his ladies, and one for his cupbearers and table deckers.
Vats of alcoholic beverages, usually too heavy to move, were placed in
the cupbearers' quarters along with elephants, camels, and horses along
with their attendants, ready for public feasts when these casks had to be
lifted. All the Qa'an's utensils were, of course, fashioned in gold and silver
and studded with jewels. The emperor enjoyed these luxuries twice a year
"whenever the sun entered Aries, and the world was glad, and the face of
the earth, because of the weeping of the clouds, smiled and shone forth
through the mouths of flowers" as Juwaynl described his stays. 14
In Qaraqorum itself a thriving religious community began to grow,
reflecting the spiritual diversity of the empire. Places of worship for Tao-
ists, Buddhists, Christians, and Muslims found space in the emerging
capital, and public debates often were held for the amusement of the great
khans. One such debate held before Mongke Khan in which William of
Rubruck took part opened with a warning to all participants.
This is Mangu's decree, and let nobody dare claim that the decree of God is other-
wise. He orders that no man shall be so bold as to make cause any commotion that
might obstruct these proceedings, on pain of death.15
At this time there were 12 idol temples of unspecified religions, two

mahumneries or mosques, and one church. Mud walls surrounded the city,
and each of the four city gates conducted different commercial activity.
At the east gate millet and other grain were sold, sheep and goats could
be found at the western gate, cattle and wagons were traded at the south-
ern gate, and at the northern gate was found the horse bazaar. William of
Rubruck was not overimpressed with the Mongol capital when he visited
it in April 1254, dismissively claiming that "it is not as fine as the town of
St Denis, and the monastery of St Denis is worth ten of the palace." 16 Other
than the royal enclosures, the city was divided into two parts. The quarter
of the Saracens, as Europeans called the Muslims of western Asia, con-
tained the bazaars, and it was here that the merchants and traders would
congregate close to the campgrounds and, therefore, close to the newly
arrived envoys and visitors. The other quarter was that of the Catalans, or
Chinese, who William of Rubruck claims were all craftsmen.
The papal envoy found Mongke's palace far more impressive than the
city, which only really came alive when the royal court moved into town.
He described the palace as resembling a church with "a middle nave
and two sides beyond two rows of pillars and three doors to the south
side," 17 though he does not supply the detail given by Juwayni. The friar
instead describes in detail the famous drinking tree made by the silver-
smith William of Paris, who became a friend and companion of William
of Rubruck.
Once the great lands of the Persians and the southern Song had fallen
to the Mongol hordes, their capitals moved south, and Qaraqorum lapsed
slowly into decay and neglect. Other cities served the Mongol Qa'ans.
BEIJING ( K H A N BALIQ, TA-TU, T A I D U , D A - D U ,

JUNG-DU, ZHONGDU)
Beijing became the Mongol capital when Qubilai claimed the greatest of
all possible prizes, the throne of a united China. It was Chinggis Khan him-
self who, in 1215, first seized the city from the Chin who used what was
then Zhongdu as their northern capital. Chinggis later appointed his loyal
Muslim administrator, Yalavach, as the city's first governor. Wassaf, the
historian administrator for the Mongols in Iran circa 1320, described Khan
Baliq (Turkish for Imperial city) in his history of the Il-Khans of Persia. He
wrote that Qubilai built the walls of the city at the height of his power and
named it Taidu (Daidu, Chinese for "Great City"). The walls were painted
white and were crenellated. He peopled it with artists and craftsmen from
all over his empire. It quickly became "a place of assembly resplendent and
ornamented overall." Rashid al-Din claimed it had 17 towers spaced at one-
parsang intervals. It had boulevards rather than the maze of small streets
typical of Chinese cities, and from one city gate there was an uninterrupted
view across the city to the opposite city gate. The boulevards were wide
enough for nine horsemen to gallop side by side. Within the walls, gardens
were laid, and orchards were formed with trees, shrubs, hedges, and bushes
Dwellings 63
imported from throughout the growing empire. Most of these plants bore
fruit. Qubilai chose this site for his capital rather than Shangdu (Xanadu),
which had been the location of the quriltai that proclaimed him Great Khan,
in order to appease his Chinese citizens who saw Shangdu as belonging to
nomad territory and associated it with its role as a staging post for raids and
incursions.
Providing for the new capital was a major concern. Even in the thir-
teenth century "the land of Khitai [was] an exceedingly broad and vast
country and very thickly populated [and] in the whole of the inhabitable
quarter there is no other country with such populousness or multitude of
people as here." 18 The site of the capital was 24 parsang (72 miles) from the
gulf of Bo Hai. Flowing through the city, the Yungting, or Sankan River,
From the Yuan Observatory, Beijing. Courtesy of Lan Tien

Lang Publications
•
From the Yuan Observatory, Beijing. Courtesy of Lan Tien Lang Publications
provided water and a navigable connection to the interior and to the gulf.
It came via the Chamchiyal (Nankow) pass and provided a route to the
summer residence and hunting lodge at Shangdu (Xanadu). However, it
proved inadequate for the city's needs, and Qubilai ordered reconstruc-
tion and extension of the Grand Canal, which had long suffered from
neglect since its construction in the seventh century. The north needed to
import grain and food from the more fertile south, and the canal would
prove more efficient than the sea route. Rashid al-Dm claimed the canal
provided a 40-day link with Zaitun from where ships could sail to and
from India and boats could connect with other ports of Machm (South
China).
The lengthening and strengthening of the Grand Canal was an extremely
costly and ambitious undertaking. Qubilai's chief minister, Sangha, later
known as a "villainous minister," was charged with the project, which
involved the building of 1,090 miles of canal by two and a half million
workers. The canal, 40 meters wide in parts, was provided with regu-
lar sluices to accommodate large seafaring vessels and was walled with
stone. A major highway was constructed at the same time and was also
made with stone and lined with willows and other trees to provide shade
Dwellings 65
The Yuan Observatory, Beijing. Courtesy of Lan Tien Lang

Publications
for the road and its travelers. Villages and roadside shops and eater-
ies were also established along the whole length of the new highway.
This ensured that the famed yam postal relay system could now be fully
extended to eastern China, connecting Tabriz with Beijing by riders who
could cover 250 miles per day.
To further its identity as an international city, Qubilai designated
certain sections of the city to particular peoples. Hence, there was a
Muslim area of the city, an Indian section, areas where Europeans were
concentrated, and districts where certain trades and professions were
practiced. Marco Polo mentioned that the Lombards, the Germans,
and the French each had their own designated area. In this aspect it
resembled Qaraqorum but on a vastly bigger scale. A reputed 20,000
The Yuan Observatory, Beijing. Courtesy of Lan Tien Lang Publications
prostitutes lived and worked in the city. These women were regulated,
with an officer put in overall control of their activities through a corps
of constables, each in charge of between 100 and 1,000 women. Some of
these courtesans were expected to entertain the many ambassadors who
arrived as the Great Khan's guests. The ambassadors and their retinue
would be furnished nightly with different women, and these courtesans
were expected to offer their services free as a form of taxation to the
state. Most people actually resided in the suburbs, which spread for
three or four miles in each direction. There were many fine houses and
inns for the merchants who came from all over the world to trade in this
booming city. Marco Polo claimed that 1,000 cartloads of silk arrived
in the city each day. He said that the reason such vast quantities of silk
and gold were woven in Khan baliq was because of a scarcity of flax,
cotton, and hemp. He reckoned that the new capital directly served 200
surrounding cities. "To this city everything that is most rare and valu-
able in all parts of the world finds its way." 19 Qubilai's capital was a true
international metropolis.
Qubilai's new capital quickly achieved supremacy and recognition, not
least because the Qa'an built his empire's mint in the capital.
Dwellings 67
CHAPTER XVIII
OF THE KIND OF PAPER MONEY ISSUED
BY THE GRAND KHAN, AND MADE TO PASS
CURRENT THROUGHOUT HIS DOMINIONS
In this city of Kanbalu is the mint of the grand khan, who may truly be
said to possess the secret of the alchemists, as he has the art of producing
money by the following process. He causes the bark to be stripped from
those mulberry-trees the leaves of which are used for feeding silk-worms,
and takes from it that thin inner rind which lies between the coarser bark
and the wood of the tree. This being steeped, and afterwards pounded in
a mortar, until reduced to a pulp, is made into paper resembling (in sub-
stance) that which is manufactured from cotton, but quite black. When
ready for use, he has it cut into pieces of money of different sizes, nearly
square, but somewhat longer than they are wide. Of these, the smallest
pass for a denier toumois; the next size for a Venetian silver groat; others
for two, five, and ten groats; others for one, two, three, and as far as ten
besants of gold. The coinage of this paper money is authenticated with as
much form and ceremony as if it were actually of pure gold or silver; for
to each note a number of officers, specially appointed, not only subscribe
their names, but affix their signets also; and when this has been regularly
done by the whole of them, the principal officer, deputed by his majesty,
having dipped into vermilion the royal seal committed to his custody,
stamps with it the piece of paper, so that the form of the seal tinged with
the vermilion remains impressed upon it by which it receives full authen-
ticity as current money, and the act of counterfeiting it is punished as a
capital offence. When thus coined in large quantities, this paper currency
is circulated in every part of the grand khan's dominions; nor dares any
person, at the peril of his life, refuse to accept it in payment. All his sub-
jects receive it without hesitation, because, wherever their business may
call them, they can dispose of it again in the purchase of merchandise
they may have occasion for; such as pearls, jewels, gold, or silver. With it,
in short, every article may be procured.
Several times in the course of the year, large caravans of merchants
arrive with such articles as have just been mentioned, together with gold
tissues, which they lay before the grand khan. He thereupon calls together
twelve experienced and skilful persons, selected for this purpose, whom
he commands to examine the articles with great care, and to fix the value
at which they should be purchased. Upon the sum at which they have
been thus conscientiously appraised he allows a reasonable profit, and
immediately pays for them with this paper; to which the owners can have
no objection, because, as has been observed, it answers the purpose of
their own disbursements; and even though they should be inhabitants of
a country where this kind of money is not current, they invest the amount
in other articles of merchandise suited to their own markets. When any
persons happen to be possessed of paper money which from long use
has become damaged, they carry it to the mint, where, upon the payment
of only three per cent, they may receive fresh notes in exchange. Should
any be desirous of procuring gold or silver for the purposes of Manu-
facture, such as of drinking-cups, girdles, or other articles wrought of
these metals, they in like manner apply at the mint and for their paper
obtain the bullion they require. All his majesty's armies are paid with this
currency which is to them of the same value as if it were gold or silver.
Upon these grounds, it may certainly be affirmed that the grand khan
has more extensive command of treasure than any other sovereign in the
universe. 20
From the Yuan Observatory, Beijing. Courtesy of Lan Tien

Lang Publications
Dwellings 69
The walled city had each of its 12 gates guarded by 1,000 armed guards.
The heavy guard was not for fear of rebellion but was there to enhance the
prestige and status of the Great Khan. Likewise, Qubilai's personal body-
guard, the Keshikten, numbered 12,000 cavalrymen, not for fear of attack
but because he had the means and wealth to maintain such a personal
guard. The city guards imposed a curfew within the city walls that was
draconically enforced. The peals of a great bell would warn the citizens
to shutter their homes and get off the streets. Groups of 30 guards would
nightly patrol the city streets, arresting any they found breaking the cur-
few. Interrogation would take place in the morning, and if any offence
was found to have been committed, the culprit would be severely beaten.
Executions would take place outside the city walls because spilling blood
within the city precints was forbidden. Cremations and burials were also
forbidden within the walls.
Qubilai Khan's own palace (qarshi) was built of wood and planks
and measured 400 paces on each side. Qubilai was usually in residence
here during the winter months. Wassaf, in his usual painfully extrava-
gant style, described the interior of this opulent pavilion, this "elysian
structure endowed with cupola and windows," in Greek mythological
The Yuan Observatory, Beijing. Guo Shoujing's celestial tables. Courtesy of Lan
imagery, but the message is clear. Qubilai's residence, "putting to shame
the pinnacles of the celestial tabernacle" possessed a fabulous palace far
removed from the dwelling in which his grandfather would have grown
up. Its floors were inlaid with jasper, the grilles on the windows were
made of gold and silver, and statues graced the hall and complemented
the paintings, which reflected "both art and wit." Rashid al-Din also com-
mented on the marble floors and pillars, remarking on their cleanliness
and extreme beauty. He explained that each of the walls had its special
function. The outside wall was for the tethering of horses, an inside wall
was for emirs to sit for the daily morning assembly. A third wall was
reserved for guards and a fourth for courtiers. Friar Oderic of Pordenone,
traveling through China in the 1320s, also expressed his awe on visiting
the palace.
Tiananmen Square, Beijing. Courtesy of Lan Tien Lang

Publications
Dwellings 71
[Taydu] hath twelve gates, between every two of which there is a space
of two long miles; and betwixt the two cities [old and new site] also there
is a good amount of population, the compass of the two together being
more than forty miles. Here the Great Khan hath his residence, and hath
a great palace, the walls of which are some four miles in compass. And
within this space be many other fine palaces. (For within the great palace
wall is a second enclosure, with a distance between them of perhaps half
a bowshot, and in the midst between those two walls are kept his stores
and all his slaves; whilst within the inner enclosure dwells the Great Khan
with all his family, who are most numerous, so many sons and daughters,
sons-in-law, and grandchildren hath he; with such a multitude of wives
and councilors and secretaries and servants, that the whole palace of four
miles' circuit is inhabited.)
And within the enclosure of the great palace there hath been a hill
thrown up on which another palace is built, the most beautiful in the
whole world. And this whole hill is planted over with trees, wherefrom
it hath the name of the Green Mount. And at the side of this hill hath been
formed a lake (more than a mile round), and a most beautiful bridge built
across it. And on this lake there be such multitudes of wild-geese and
ducks and swans, that it is something to wonder at; so that there is no
need for that lord to go from home when he wisheth for sport. Also within
the walls are thickets full of sundry sorts of wild animals; so that he can
follow the chase when he chooses without ever quitting the domain.
But his own palace in which he dwells is of vast size and splendour.
The basement thereof is raised about two paces from the ground, and
within there be four-and-twenty columns of gold; and all the walls are
hung with skins of red leather, said to be the finest in the world. In the
midst of the palace is a certain great jar, more than two paces in height,
entirely formed of a certain precious stone called Merdacas [jade] (and
so fine, that I was told its price exceeded the value of four great towns).
It is all hooped round with gold and in every corner thereof is a dragon
represented as in act to strike most fiercely. And this jar hath also fringes
of network of great pearls hanging there-from, and these fringes are a
span in breadth. Into this vessel drink is conveyed by certain conduits
from the court of the palace; and beside it are many golden goblets from
which those drink who list.
In the hall of the palace also are many peacocks of gold. And when
any of the Tartars wish to amuse their lord then they go one after the
other and clap their hands; upon which the peacocks flap their wings,
and make as if they would dance. Now this must be done either by dia-
bolic art, or by some engine underground! 21
Marco Polo w a s very impressed w i t h the palace a n d its g a r d e n s , a n d h e

described the w i n t e r residence in s o m e detail. "The walls inside are cov-
ered w i t h silver a n d gold a n d there are paintings of h o r s e m e n , d r a g o n s
Tiananmen Square, Beijing. Courtesy of Lan Tien Lang Publications
and every kind of bird and animal." 22 This style of decoration continued
over the vaulted ceilings of the reception room, which could seat 6,000
people. There were countless other rooms, and for the Italian no architect
anywhere on Earth could have bettered the design of that palace. Separate
buildings were situated nearby containing the private property of the mon-
arch including "his treasure in gold and silver bullion, precious stones, and
pearls, and also his vessels of gold and silver plate." 23 Here too were the
private quarters of his wives and concubines. Descriptions of the palaces at
this time all stress the colorful nature of the buildings, the roofs in particu-
lar, which were painted in vermilion, green, azure, blue, and yellow and
shone in the sun like jewels. The buildings, which it was stressed were built
to last, were visible from miles around.
Marco Polo also mentioned the Green Mount, the gardens, and the lake
with their abundance of wildlife and exotic animals. Between the inner and
outer walls of the palaces, gardens, coppices, and orchards were planted, all
stocked with fauna. Stags, roebucks, harts, and fallow deer, populated the
green areas, the central feature of which was an artificial mound of earth
one hundred paces in height with a circumference of one mile. The earth
was transported to the mount by elephants from deep excavations nearby
that were dug to create an artificial lake well stocked with teeming fish. The
Green Mount was capped with a pavilion and dressed in evergreen trees
Dwellings 73
from all over the empire. It was said that whenever Qubilai heard tales of a
new kind of tree he would order that same tree to be dug up and transported
for planting on his Green Mount. The lake at its base supplied Qubilai's
tables with an abundance of fish and aquatic fowl, including swans.
XANADU (KEMIN-FU, CHEMEINFU, K'AI-P'ING,

SHANG-TU, SHANGDU)
In Xanadu did Kubla Khan
A stately pleasure dome decree:
Where Alph, the sacred river, ran,
Through caverns measureless to man
Down to a sunless sea.
Samuel Taylor Coleridge, Kubla Khan
This summer capital existed, and it possessed a stately pleasure dome, and
such was the impression it created in those who visited the newly built town
that it acquired the trappings of legend. It was named K'ai-p'ing by Qubilai,
who selected its location, about 125 kilometers north of modern Beijing, on
the basis of geomancy using the principles of wind and water and the advice
of Chinese sages. By building a major urban center on the edges of the steppe
and on the borders of the Chinese agricultural lands (the sown), Qubilai was
sending a message to his new subjects. He was not an invader but a ruler, and
his domains stretched across the boundaries of what had been steppe and
sown. In 1263 he changed the name again, and K'ai-p'ing became Shang-tu,
or Upper Capital, and the growing town assumed the function of a summer
residence and a hunting preserve. It displayed both Mongol and Chinese
influences with its accommodation of the "chase" and the reflection in the
buildings and city planning of Chinese urban styles.
The town had three sections surrounded by a square earthen wall between
12 and 18 feet in height. Six gates, two on the east and west walls and one
on the north and south walls, allowed access. Protection was enhanced
by six watchtowers on each wall. Most of the 200,000 citizens lived within
the outer section in mud and board housing. Buddhist temples were also
found in this outer section, in keeping with traditional Chinese practice.
Other important buildings were situated according to guidelines found in
the I Ching, the Book of Changes, a text still widely consulted today.
The second section of K'ai-p'ing, the Inner City, contained Qubilai's resi-
dence and the houses of his retinue, and it also was planned as a square.
It was enclosed in a brick wall 10 to 16 feet high with four turrets overlook-
ing them. The imperial palace was constructed on an earthen platform
strengthened with rocks and wooden beams because the land was often
wet and marshy. Rashid al-Dm claims that
since the water was trapped in the bowels of the earth, it seeped out over time in
other places in meadows some distance away, where it surfaced as springs and
flowed forth. On the plinth a Chinese style palace was built.24
The palace raised above the surrounding land, which would have been
dotted with springs, must have presented an enchanting scene. Inside, the
palace was equally impressive with the walls of the hallways and chambers
brightly painted with hunting scenes, birds, animals, flowers, trees, and
other delightful images. The palace and the other government buildings
located within the inner walls were made of marble, and though no build-
ings remain standing today, the scattered pieces of tile work, ceramics, mar-
ble, and glazed roofing attest to the wealth and luxury of the summer city.
The third section of the city was the hunting preserve, something not
many Chinese cities possessed. This hunting park was located west and
north of the outer walls and was composed of meadows, woods, coppices,
streams, and small lakes. Fountains and streams dotted the artificial land-
scape where tame animals, mostly varieties of deer, were free to wander.
Qanats—irrigation methods used to this day in Iran and

Afghanistan. Courtesy of Lan Tien Lang Publications
Dwellings 75
Falconry, a very popular sport among the Mongol elite, was also practiced
here. Reputedly the park was also home to special breeds of white mares,
and cows' milk was strictly reserved for the Great Khans. The park was
enclosed in an earthen wall and a moat and accessed by four gates. Little
of this game park has survived to the present, and once again it is Marco
Polo's vivid description which has preserved its memory. Surrounded
on all sides by mountains, rich in trees and flora, with abundant wildlife
and running water, this little town must have been a welcome retreat in
the hot, sticky summer months, though its appearance made many of the
traditionally minded Mongol elite uneasy about the way in which their
leadership were leading. They perceived the new city as too Chinese and
a betrayal of Mongol nomadic values and virtues. It was from this time
onward that the divisions in the empire became overtly cultural rather
than merely political.
HANGZHOU
The Song capital fell to the Mongols in 1276. This was the city of Kinsai,
which so enraptured Marco Polo, especially its idyllic lake, which is still
today an escape from the city with its houseboats and floating restau-
rants. In 1275 the Mongol general Bayan was slowly advancing on the
Song dynasty's capital, and Empress Dowager Hsieh (1208-82), with
whom real power resided following the death of her son, Tu-tsung, was
reluctant to abandon her beloved capital for an uncertain exile. Eventu-
ally she compromised, and she consented to the royal family leaving
for safety in the south while she remained behind with the four-year-
old emperor. The Song-held cities and towns and their military posi-
tions fell to Bayan usually without a fight, but the formidable empress
dowager was determined to negotiate a deal rather than surrender as a
conquered foe. On December 23, 1275, she sent negotiators to bargain
with Bayan, offering to pay regular tribute in return for his abandoning
of his expedition. But at this late stage, the general was too close to vic-
tory to even consider such an audacious compromise. The emissary was
dismissed with a curt reminder that a Mongol envoy had already lost
his life at Song hands and that Qubilai's Confucian advisor, Hao Ching,
had been disgracefully detained. Even a formal offer of a yearly tribute
of 250,000 tael of silver and 250,000 bolts of silk could not deflect Bayan's
insistence on unconditional surrender. Only in late January when the
emperor described himself as a subject of Qubilai would Bayan consent
to negotiations. But it still took long, protracted bargaining before the
empress agreed to hand over the Song dynasty's seal of office, an unam-
biguous symbol of surrender. Though Bayan was aware that most of the
royal family had fled southward and had eluded his search parties,
he chose to ignore what could have been interpreted as duplicity, and the
emperor and his grandmother were treated well, and their palaces and
the family vaults and tombs were not plundered or abused. In fact the
whole city escaped sacking, ordinary Song officials were kept in their
jobs, and Hangzhou was helped to restore itself to its former glory. The
emperor was granted a title, awarded provisions and a stipend to keep
him comfortable, and was then exiled to Tibet where he eventually
became a monk.
The following is an extract from Marco Polo's Travels and recounts the
fall of Hangzhou to the Mongol forces under the renowned general Bayan.
Bayan gained great prestige and fame during his lifetime, and this is
reflected in the number of pages devoted to his exploits found in the early
sources. Not only are his adventures recorded in the Chinese chronicles,
such as the Yuan Shih, but Rashid al-DTn and the Persian historians also
devote considerable space to his successes and character.
Sedan chair from the Song Village in Hangzhou. Cour-

tesy of Lan Tien Lang Publications
Dwellings 77
He advanced to five cities in succession, but got possession of none of

them; for he did not wish to engage in besieging them and they would
not give themselves up. But when he came to the sixth city he took that by
storm, and so with a second, and a third, and a fourth, until he had taken
twelve cities in succession. And when he had taken all these he advanced
straight against the capital city of the kingdom, which was called KINS AY
[Hangzhou], and which was the residence of the King and Queen.
And when the King beheld Bayan coming with all his host, he was in
great dismay, as one unused to see such sights. So he and a great com-
pany of his people got on board a thousand ships and fled to the islands
of the Ocean Sea, whilst the Queen who remained behind in the city took
all measures in her power for its defence, like a valiant lady.
Now it came to pass that the Queen asked what was the name of the
captain of the host, and they told her that it was Bayan Hundred-Eyes.
So when she wist that he was styled Hundred-Eyes, she called to mind
how their astrologers had foretold that a man of an hundred eyes should
strip them of the kingdom. Wherefore she gave herself up to Bayan, and
surrendered to him the whole kingdom and all the other cities and for-
tresses, so that no resistance was made. And in sooth this was a goodly
conquest, for there was no realm on earth half so wealthy. The amount
that the King used to expend was perfectly marvellous; and as an exam-
ple I will tell you somewhat of his liberal acts.
In those provinces they are wont to expose their newborn babes; I speak
of the poor, who have not the means of bringing them up. But the King
used to have all those foundlings taken charge of, and had note made of
the signs and planets under which each was born, and then put them out to
nurse about the country. And when any rich man was childless he would
go to the King and obtain from him as many of these children as he desired.
Or, when the children grew up, the King would make up marriages among
them, and provide for the couples from his own purse. In this manner he
used to provide for some 20,000 boys and girls every year.
I will tell you another thing this King used to do. If he was taking a
ride through the city and chanced to see a house that was very small and
poor standing among other houses that were fine and large, he would
ask why it was so, and they would tell him it belonged to a poor man
who had not the means to enlarge it. Then the King would himself sup-
ply the means. And thus it came to pass that in all the capital of the
kingdom of Manzi [China], Kinsay by name, you should not see any but
fine houses.
This King used to be waited on by more than a thousand young gen-
tlemen and ladies, all clothed in the richest fashion. And he ruled his
realm with such justice that no malefactors were to be found therein. The
city in fact was so secure that no man closed his doors at night, not even
in houses and shops that were full of all sorts of rich merchandize. No
one could do justice in the telling to the great riches of that country, and
to the good disposition of the people. Now that I have told you about the
kingdom, I will go back to the Queen.
You must know that she was conducted to the Great Kaan, who gave
her an honourable reception, and caused her to be served with all state,
like a great lady as she was. But as for the King her husband, he never
more did quit the isles of the sea to which he had fled, but died there.
So leave we him and his wife and all their concerns, and let us return to
our story, and go on regularly with our account of the great province of
Manzi and of the manners and customs of its people. And, to begin at
the beginning, we must go back to the city of Coiganju, from which we
digressed to tell you about the conquest of Manzi. 25
Song Dynasty buoy, West Lake, Hangzhou. Courtesy of Lan

Dwellings 79
West Lake buoy, thirteenth century. Courtesy of Lan Tien Lang Publications
H a n g z h o u w a s a favorite resort a m o n g the M o n g o l s a n d their courtiers,

i n c l u d i n g M a r c o Polo. It h a s retained its status as a p o p u l a r recreational
centre to the p r e s e n t day. The central hall of the city's m a i n m o s q u e , the
Phoenix Temple, w a s constructed in the 1270s, a n d West Lake, filled w i t h
boats a n d floating r e s t a u r a n t s today, attracted water-loving visitors seven
h u n d r e d years a g o as well.
DESCRIPTION OF THE GREAT CITY OF KINSAY, WHICH

IS THE CAPITAL OF THE WHOLE COUNTRY OF MANZI
When you have left the city of Changan [Xi'an] and have travelled for
three days through a splendid country, passing a number of towns and
villages, you arrive at the most noble city of Kinsay, a name which is as
much as to say in our tongue "The City of Heaven," as I told you before.
And since we have got thither I will enter into particulars about its
magnificence; and these are well worth the telling, for the city is beyond
dispute the finest and the noblest in the world. In this we shall speak
according to the written statement which the Queen of this Realm sent to
Bayan the conqueror of the country for transmission to the Great Kaan, in
order that he might be aware of the surpassing grandeur of the city and
might be moved to save it from destruction or injury. I will tell you all the
truth as it was set down in that document. For truth it was, as the said
Messer Marco Polo at a later date was able to witness with his own eyes.
And now we shall rehearse those particulars.
First and foremost, then, the document stated the city of Kinsay to
be so great that it hath an hundred miles of compass. And there are in it
twelve thousand bridges of stone, for the most part so lofty that a great
fleet could pass beneath them. And let no man marvel that there are so
many bridges, for you see the whole city stands as it were in the water and
surrounded by water, so that a great many bridges are required to give
free passage about it. (And though the bridges be so high the approaches
are so well contrived that carts and horses do cross them.)
The document aforesaid also went on to state that there were in this
city twelve guilds of the different crafts, and that each guild had 12,000
houses in the occupation of its workmen. Each of these houses contains at
least 12 men, whilst some contain 20 and some 40,—not that these are all
masters, but inclusive of the journeymen who work under the masters.
And yet all these craftsmen had full occupation, for many other cities of
the kingdom are supplied from this city with what they require.
The document aforesaid also stated that the number and wealth of the
merchants, and the amount of goods that passed through their hands,
was so enormous that no man could form a just estimate thereof. And
I should have told you with regard to those masters of the different crafts
who are at the head of such houses as I have mentioned, that neither they
nor their wives ever touch a piece of work with their own hands, but
live as nicely and delicately as if they were kings and queens. The wives
indeed are most dainty and angelical creatures! Moreover it was an ordi-
nance laid down by the King that every man should follow his father's
business and no other, no matter if he possessed 100,000 bezants.
Inside the city there is a Lake which has a compass of some 30 miles:
and all round it are erected beautiful palaces and mansions, of the rich-
est and most exquisite structure that you can imagine, belonging to the
nobles of the city. There are also on its shores many abbeys and churches
of the Idolaters. In the middle of the Lake are two Islands, on each of
which stands a rich, beautiful and spacious edifice, furnished in such
style as to seem fit for the palace of an Emperor. And when any one of
the citizens desired to hold a marriage feast, or to give any other enter-
tainment, it used to be done at one of these palaces. And everything
would be found there ready to order, such as silver plate, trenchers,
and dishes [napkins and tablecloths], and whatever else was needful.
The King made this provision for the gratification of his people, and
the place was open to every one who desired to give an entertainment.
(Sometimes there would be at these palaces an hundred different par-
ties; some holding a banquet, others celebrating a wedding; and yet all
would find good accommodation in the different apartments and pavil-
ions, and that in so well ordered a manner that one party was never in
the way of another.)
Dwellings 81
The houses of the city are provided with lofty towers of stone in which
articles of value are stored for fear of fire; for most of the houses them-
selves are of timber, and fires are very frequent in the city. The people
are Idolaters; and since they were conquered by the Great Kaan they use
paper-money. Both men and women are fair and comely, and for the most
part clothe themselves in silk, so vast is the supply of that material, both
from the whole district of Kinsay, and from the imports by traders from
other provinces. And you must know they eat every kind of flesh, even
that of dogs and other unclean beasts, which nothing would induce a
Christian to eat.
Since the Great Kaan occupied the city he has ordained that each of
the 12,000 bridges should be provided with a guard of ten men, in case of
any disturbance, or of any being so rash as to plot treason or insurrection
against him. Each guard is provided with a hollow instrument of wood
and with a metal basin, and with a time-keeper to enable them to know
the hour of the day or night. And so when one hour of the night is past the
sentry strikes one on the wooden instrument and on the basin, so that the
whole quarter of the city is made aware that one hour of the night is gone.
At the second hour he gives two strokes, and so on, keeping always wide
awake and on the look out. In the morning again, from the sunrise, they
begin to count anew, and strike one hour as they did in the night, and so
on hour after hour.
Part of the watch patrols the quarter, to see if any light or fire is burn-
ing after the lawful hours; if they find any they mark the door, and in the
morning the owner is summoned before the magistrates, and unless he
can plead a good excuse he is punished. Also if they find any one going
about the streets at unlawful hours they arrest him, and in the morning
they bring him before the magistrates. Likewise if in the daytime they
find any poor cripple unable to work for his livelihood, they take him
to one of the hospitals, of which there are many, founded by the ancient
kings, and endowed with great revenues. Or if he be capable of work
they oblige him to take u p some trade. If they see that any house has
caught fire they immediately beat upon that wooden instrument to give
the alarm, and this brings together the watchmen from the other bridges
to help to extinguish it, and to save the goods of the merchants or others,
either by removing them to the towers above mentioned, or by putting
them in boats and transporting them to the islands in the lake. For no
citizen dares leave his house at night, or to come near the fire; only those
who own the property, and those watchmen who flock to help, of whom
there shall come one or two thousand at the least.
Moreover, within the city there is an eminence on which stands a
Tower, and at the top of the tower is hung a slab of wood. Whenever
fire or any other alarm breaks out in the city a man who stands there
with a mallet in his hand beats upon the slab, making a noise that is
heard to a great distance. So when the blows upon this slab are heard,
everybody is aware that fire has broken out, or that there is some other
cause of alarm.
The Kaan watches this city with especial diligence because it forms the
head of all Manzi; and because he has immense revenue from the duties
levied on the transactions of trade therein, the amount of which is such
that no one would credit it on mere hearsay.
All the streets of the city are paved with stone or brick, as indeed are
all the highways throughout Manzi, so that you ride and travel in every
direction without inconvenience. Were it not for this pavement you could
not do so, for the country is very low and flat, and after rain 'tis deep in
mire and water. (But as the Great Kaan's couriers could not gallop their
horses over the pavement, the side of the road is left unpaved for their
convenience.) The pavement of the main street of the city also is laid out
in two parallel ways of ten paces in width on either side, leaving a space
in the middle laid with fine gravel, under which are vaulted drains which
convey the rain water into the canals; and thus the road is kept ever dry.
You must know also that the city of Kinsay has some 3000 baths, the
water of which is supplied by springs. They are hot baths, and the peo-
ple take great delight in them, frequenting them several times a month,
for they are very cleanly in their persons. They are the finest and largest
baths in the world; large enough for 100 persons to bathe together.
And the Ocean Sea comes within 25 miles of the city at a place called
GANFU, where there is a town and an excellent haven, with a vast
amount of shipping which is engaged in the traffic to and from India and
other foreign parts, exporting and importing many kinds of wares, by
which the city benefits. And a great river flows from the city of Kinsay to
that sea-haven, by which vessels can come up to the city itself. This river
extends also to other places further inland.
Know also that the Great Kaan hath distributed the territory of Manzi
into nine parts, which he hath constituted into nine kingdoms. To each
of these kingdoms a king is appointed who is subordinate to the Great
Kaan, and every year renders the accounts of his kingdom to the fiscal
office at the capital. This city of Kinsay is the seat of one of these kings,
who rules over 140 great and wealthy cities. For in the whole of this vast
country of Manzi there are more than 1200 great and wealthy cities, with-
out counting the towns and villages, which are in great numbers. And
you may receive it for certain that in each of those 1200 cities the Great
Kaan has a garrison, and that the smallest of such garrisons musters 1000
men; whilst there are some of 10,000, 20,000 and 30,000; so that the total
number of troops is something scarcely calculable. The troops forming
these garrisons are not all Tartars. Many are from the province of Cathay,
and good soldiers too. But you must not suppose they are by any means
all of them cavalry; a very large proportion of them are foot-soldiers,
according to the special requirements of each city. And all of them belong
to the army of the Great Kaan.
I repeat that everything appertaining to this city is on so vast a scale,
and the Great Kaan's yearly revenues wherefrom are so immense, that it
is not easy even to put it in writing, and it seems past belief to one who
merely hears it told. But I will write it down for you.
Dwellings 83
First, however, I must mention another thing. The people of this

country have a custom, that as soon as a child is born they write down
the day and hour and the planet and sign under which its birth has taken
place; so that every one among them knows the day of his birth. And
when any one intends a journey he goes to the astrologers, and gives the
particulars of his nativity in order to learn whether he shall have good
luck or no. Sometimes they will say _no_, and in that case the journey is
put off till such day as the astrologer may recommend. These astrologers
are very skilful at their business, and often their words come to pass, so
the people have great faith in them.
They burn the bodies of the dead. And when any one dies the friends
and relations make a great mourning for the deceased, and clothe them-
selves in hempen garments, and follow the corpse playing on a variety of
instruments and singing hymns to their idols. And when they come to the
burning place, they take representations of things cut out of parchment,
such as caparisoned horses, male and female slaves, camels, armour suits
of cloth of gold (and money), in great quantities, and these things they
put on the fire along with the corpse, so that they are all burnt with it. And
they tell you that the dead man shall have all these slaves and animals
of which the effigies are burnt, alive in flesh and blood, and the money
in gold, at his disposal in the next world; and that the instruments which
they have caused to be played at his funeral, and the idol hymns that
have been chanted, shall also be produced again to welcome him in the
next world; and that the idols themselves will come to do him honour.
Furthermore there exists in this city the palace of the king who fled, him
who was Emperor of Manzi, and that is the greatest palace in the world,
as I shall tell you more particularly. For you must know its demesne hath
a compass of ten miles, all enclosed with lofty battlemented walls; and
inside the walls are the finest and most delectable gardens upon earth,
and filled too with the finest fruits. There are numerous fountains in it
also, and lakes full of fish. In the middle is the palace itself, a great and
splendid building. It contains 20 great and handsome halls, one of which
is more spacious than the rest, and affords room for a vast multitude to
dine. It is all painted in gold, with many histories and representations
of beasts and birds, of knights and dames, and many marvellous things.
It forms a really magnificent spectacle, for over all the walls and all the
ceiling you see nothing but paintings in gold. And besides these halls the
palace contains 1000 large and handsome chambers, all painted in gold
and divers colours.
Moreover, I must tell you that in this city there are 160 tomans of fires,
or in other words 160 tomans of houses. Now I should tell you that the
toman is 10,000, so that you can reckon the total as altogether 1,600,000
houses, among which are a great number of rich palaces. There is one
church only, belonging to the Nestorian Christians.
There is another thing I must tell you. It is the custom for every burgess
of this city, and in fact for every description of person in it, to write over
his door his own name, the name of his wife, and those of his children, his
slaves, and all the inmates of his house, and also the number of animals
that he keeps. And if any one dies in the house then the name of that per-
son is erased, and if any child is born its name is added. So in this way the
sovereign is able to know exactly the population of the city. And this is the
practice also throughout all Manzi and Cathay.
And I must tell you that every hosteler who keeps an hostel for travel-
ers is bound to register their names and surnames, as well as the day and
month of their arrival and departure. And thus the sovereign hath the
means of knowing, whenever it pleases him, who come and go through-
out his dominions. And certes this is a wise order and a provident.26
Today, Hangzhou is dwarfed by its neighbor, Shanghai, but retains its

importance as a leisure center and is fast becoming one of China's most
important tourist destinations, with visitors attracted by the tranquility of
the West Lake, just as in the days of the Song Empire and the Yuan Dynasty.
The Phoenix Temple, Hangzhou's mosque, is one of the most important
Islamic sites in the country, though few realize that its beautifully pre-
served Chinese style domes were built in the days of Qubilai Khan.
TABRIZ A N D M A R A G H E H
Tabriz became the Mongols' capital in the west and their gateway to
Europe, Africa, and the Arab world, an entrepot between east and west.
The North African traveler Ibn Battuta (1304-69) considered the grand
bazaar in Tabriz to be among the finest he had ever encountered on
his world travels. Marco Polo, who visited the city nearly half a cen-
tury earlier, considered it the grandest city in that part of the world
and lauded its flora and gardens. Hulegu Khan set up his first capital,
Khariyat-i-Maragheh, 70 miles south of Tabriz in 1258. The full name of
the town means "the village of the pastures." The terrain and climate of
Azerbaijan reminded him of the Mongolian steppe, and his successors
remained in the vicinity long after they had consolidated their hold on
the Il-Khanid Empire. Abaqa Khan (ruled 1265-82) fixed the Mongols'
Persian capital in Tabriz, and the city has remained politically and com-
mercially important ever since. It is said that to rule Iran, Tabriz must
first be conquered and controlled.
Tabriz lies some 30 miles east of Lake Urumiyeh in what is today the
province of Azerbaijan in northwestern Iran. Maragheh is situated closer
to the lake and in medieval times was more accessible to the fishing fleets
that thrived on the salty waters of Lake Urumiyeh. Today Tabriz is a major
industrial, commercial, and political center and is strategically placed on
the major road link between Turkey, Iran, and the east. Maragheh, how-
ever, is now a sleepy, leafy market town, hidden away in the folds of
Dwellings 85
Mount Sahand, which towers above the lake to its west and Tabriz to
its north.
Tabriz is like a paradise, and its people are pure

like a mirror pure from the detritus of rust.
You say that they are not sincere in their friendship
But the mirror does not reflect that which it doesn't find.
Tabriz is paradise and its people are like angels,

Angels act from consideration not from malevolence,
They do not mingle with nobodies and nonentities,
Because a stench and a perfume can never be united.
Hamdallah MustawfI QazvinT, Nuzhat al-Qulub

So said the fourteenth-century historian, geographer, government tax
official, and notable Hamdallah Mustawfi Qazvini (1282-1344), to whom
so much is owed concerning knowledge and understanding of events and
conditions of Mongol rule in Iran and western Asia.
Until the ninth century Tabriz was a small village. Tradition says that
Zubaydah, the wife of the illustrious c Abbasid Caliph Haruin al-Rashid
(died 809), laid the foundations of what would become a great city, and
it is recorded that in 1213 on the eve of the Mongol invasions it was the
chief town of Azerbaijan and famed for its fine Friday mosque, orchards,
and its Attabi (tabby) silks, velvets, and woven material. Through nego-
tiation and payment of tribute, the city escaped destruction by Mongol
forces in 1221. When Hulegu arrived in about 1257, he chose Maragheh
rather than Tabriz to base his administration, possibly because the town
was more sheltered than its neighbor to the north. However, within years
of Hlilegli's arrival, Maragheh was transformed into an internationally
renowned intellectual metropolis.
It was the construction of an observatory at the request of the Great
Khan Mongke (died 1259) that put Maragheh on the world's map. It was
soon realized that from the rubble left after the destruction, in 1256, of
Alamut, the Assassins' last stronghold, a prize had been won. A par-
ticularly bright star lay subdued and ready to serve in the palm of his
new masters, and so plans for the construction of a center of learning
were immediately implemented. That star was Nasir al-Dm Tusi. He had
served the Assassins, and now he was quite ready to serve the Mongols.
Unlike the Sunni caliph of Baghdad, Tusi was a Shi'ite Muslim.
Now the fame of the Khwaja Nasir al-Din's accomplishments had traversed the
world like the wind, and accordingly Menggu Qa'an, when bidding farewell to his
brother, had said: "When the castles of the Heretics have been captured send the
Khwaja Nasir al-Din here."27
Nasir al-Din Tusi was an intellectual giant, and his works on philosophy,
theology, astrology, and other diverse fields are still studied today. His
Tomb of fourteenth-century historian Mustawfi.

Courtesy of Abu Hajal Company
university ensured that Maragheh achieved international fame. Tusi had

gained the gratitude and support of his new master, Hulegu, after reas-
suring the Mongol prince that no harm would befall him if he went ahead
and stormed Baghdad and executed the caliph. The stars were favorable
toward Hulegu according to Tusi's reading, and this was exactly what the
conqueror wanted to hear.
The Rasadkhaneh of Maragheh was to prove a theater not only for Tusi's
many gifts but for a wide multicultural audience and cast of ethnically
diverse players. The observatory was equipped with the best possible
technical instruments, including those collected by the Mongol armies
from Baghdad, Khorasan, Syria, and other Islamic centers of learning.
The instruments included astrolabes, representations of constellations,
epicycles, shapes of spheres, and one Tusi himself had invented called
Dwellings 87
the turquet, which contained two planes. The new astronomical tables,
which he named Al-Zij al-Ilkhani and dedicated to the Il-khan (Hulegu
Khan), were the result of 12 years of considerable work by himself and
a dedicated gathering of notable scholars and scientists. Although Tusi
had contemplated completing the tables in 30 years, the time required for
the completion of planetary cycles, he had had to finish them in 12 years
on orders from Hulegu Khan. The tables were for the most part based
on original observations, but they also drew upon the wide amount of
existing astrological knowledge. Nasir al-Din pointed out several serious
shortcomings in Ptolemy's astronomy and foreshadowed the later dis-
satisfaction with the system that culminated in the Copernican reforms.
The ZIj al-Ilkhani retained its position as most popular astrological table
for at least 200 years. That its use was not confined to a closed circle of
Persian and Muslim scholars is demonstrated by Tusi's original introduc-
tion to his treatise. In this introduction, the extant manuscript of which
is believed to have been made three years after Tusi's death in 1277-8,
various details suggest that the expected audience was not local. The
language of the text was of a more straightforward Persian, the lingua
franca of the empire, than Nasir al-Din Tusi's usual scholarly writing.
He also made extensive use of Chinese technical jargon in, for example,
describing the three cycles of the sexagenary system and using the
Chinese names for the 10 celestial stems and 12 earthly branches of the
sexagenary cycle.28 He translated the date 1203, the year of the Pig, not
only to the Muslim calendar but also to the calendar of the Zoroastrians,
the Eastern Christians, and the Chinese. He also saw it appropriate to
provide his readers with a brief outline of the rise of Islam and felt it
necessary to explain to his audience that Muhammad, the Prophet, was
a native of Mecca.29 Such explanations would not have been necessary
for anyone with any meaningful contact with the Muslim world. In the
environment he now found himself, Tusi was able to cast oft the sectar-
ian parochialism that plagued so many of his contemporaries and cast
his aspirations toward wider horizons. Tusi adapted comfortably into
this new intellectual milieu, with the rich and nourishing intellectual
climate he helped create reflected in his work.
Nasir al-Din Tusi was not the only recipient of Hlilegli's largesse. The
Syriac cleric Bar Hebraeus had long had dealings with the Mongols.
Hlilegu's wife Dokuz Khatun was, like many Mongols, a Christian, and
she made the welfare of the church in this new kingdom her special con-
cern. When Bar Hebraeus's considerable intellectual and literary talents
became known, he was invited to make use of the library that had been
established in Maragheh.
I, having entered the Library of the city of Maragheh of Adhorbijan, have loaded
up this my little book with narratives which are worthy of remembrance from
many volumes of the Syrians, Saracens [Arabs], and Persians which are pre-
served here. 30
Though not explicitly stated, it can be assumed that this magnificent

library that apparently appeared out of nowhere in fact benefited from the
pillaging of the renowned libraries of both Alamut (1256) and Baghdad
(1258). Scholars of the caliber of Nasir al-Din Tusi and c Ata Malik cAla al-
Din Juwayni could not have sat idly by to witness the destruction of two
of the medieval world's greatest collections of books. Their intervention
was inevitable and accounts for the appearance of the library of Mara-
gheh. Though Juwayni claims only to have saved "copies of the Koran and
[other] choice books," adding "as for the remaining books, which related
to their [Isma^li] heresy and error... I burnt them all,"31 his words do not
ring true because he quotes at great length in his own history from the
biography of Hasan-i-Sabbah, founder of the Nizari Isma^lis of Persia.
The fact that he did not destroy this "iniquitous" book casts doubt on his
claim to have destroyed all books concerning Isma^li thought and belief.
The accusation of book burning and in particular the charge of willfully
destroying the literary heritage of Baghdad have long blackened the repu-
tation of Hulegu Khan, grandson of Chinggis Khan. Unfortunately, almost
nothing remains today of the center of learning constructed on Hlilegu's
orders on the hills overlooking Maragheh, and there is no solid evidence
that the contents of the two libraries were transported here after the ces-
sation of hostilities. In later accounts of the destruction of Baghdad, refer-
ence is made to the burning of books and to the Tigris running black with
the ink from the desecrated tomes, presumably after the reddened waters
of blood had washed away. Such stories can safely be dismissed as anti-
Mongol tirades. Even Chinggis Khan had shown the greatest respect for
scholars and learning, and for Hulegu, who had been brought up with
the learned elite from all over his family's empire and was surrounded
by scholarly advisers, to order such wanton destruction is inconceivable.
Tusi, who was at Hlilegu's side during the siege of Baghdad, might have
had contempt for many of his fellow humans and thought little of spill-
ing their blood, but he could never have countenanced the pillaging and
devastation of a library.
Bar Hebraeus spent the last years of his life in Maragheh, the Il-Khanid
capital. Maragheh had already established connections with the Syrian
Orthodox Church when Rabban Simeon first entered Hiilegii's service.
Part of his annual 5,000 dinar income was provided for by Maragheh. 32
Bar Hebraeus had visited the city from Tabriz as early as 1268, in which
year he had first been exposed to the books of Euclid, and again in 1273,
when he studied the 13 astronomical volumes of the Almegest of Ptolemy.33
He had early begun planning a program of church construction in west-
ern Azerbaijan. In 1279, the year of Bar Hebraeus's return to Maragheh,
Qutai Khatun, the mother of Ahmad Tegudar (Il-Khan 1282-84), had
revived the Christian procession of the Epiphany, which involved the
blessing of the waters of the river Safi. The annual procession had ceased
to be held because of conflicts between the Muslims and Christians, but
Dwellings 89
the presence of one of the royal family ensured the success of the revived
festival.
[Qutai Khatun] came in person to the city of Maragheh, and commanded the
Christians to go forth according to their custom with crosses suspended from the
heads of their spears. And having gone forth the Divine Grace visited them, and
the strength of the cold diminished, and the grass prospered, and the winter pos-
sessed the characteristics [favorable] for herbage. And the Mongols had joy in keep-
ing their horses in condition, and the Christians in the triumph of their faith.34
According to Assemani, in 1282, Ahmad Tegudar had granted Abu al-
Faraj (Bar Hebraeus) a license to build churches in Azerbaijan, Assyria,
and Mesopotamia, 35 and both Tabriz and Maragheh benefited from his
industry. He had been reluctant to leave Mosul for the Mongol capital,
knowing that the move might be his last. However, his brother, who feared
lest the Maphrian's own prophecies foreseeing his death in his 60th year
should come about at the hands of "thieves and robbers," had insisted that
he should abandon the lawless marsh lands of Syria and seek the safety of
the Il-Khanid metropolis where he could find sanctuary in his own church
and monastery. So tranquil and conducive to intellectual activity was the
Il-Khanid capital that the aging cleric was able to complete not only his
great work, the Ethicon, but also a scientific work inspired and helped no
doubt by the proximity of the Rasadkhaneh of Nasir al-Din Tusi, the Book
of the Ascension of the Intellect.36
It is claimed that the remains of his church and monastery can still be
seen today on the outskirts of the leafy town of Maragheh. This church on
the western face of a hill overlooking the city would have been ideal for the
aging cleric whose great interest in the stars has already been noted. The
entrance to the caves that formed the body of this church lay only 30 or
40 meters beneath the famous observatory of Maragheh, the Rasadkhaneh,
which Hulegu had had constructed for his greatly respected advisor and
friend of Bar Hebraeus, Nasir al-Din Tusi.37 That a new monastery and a new
church existed at this time in Maragheh is attested to in Bar Hebraeus's
Chronicum Ecclesiasticum.38 Well aware that his time had come, for he had
seen it in the night sky, the dying Abu al-Faraj (Bar Hebraeus) "never
ceased from telling stories with laughter and a cheerful face. [Suddenly] he
went out like a lamp." 39 The Uyghur catholicos of the Nestorians ordered
the bazaars of Maragheh closed, and there was great mourning in all the
communities when the news of the death became known.
Among the other historical monuments that litter Maragheh—and for
such a small town there are quite a number—are two well-preserved
tomb towers from the Mongol period. One is known locally as the tomb
of Hlilegli's mother, though there is no evidence other than this local
tradition that supports this claim. The distinctively shaped and intri-
cately tiled tower is hidden away down an anonymous buff side street
behind the high metal gates of a girls' school. Hlilegli's mother's tomb
and the Round Tower, built in 1168, are situated side by side to the back
of the school's playground, and to view these magnificent monuments
permission and a key must be sought from the school's headmistress.
More accessible than this supposed tomb to one of the Mongols' most
illustrious women, the redoubtable Sorghaghtani Beki, is a square tomb
tower nearer the center of the town named the Gharafieh Tower and
built (1325-28) for the Mongol regional commander Shams al-Din Qara
Sonqur. The town's small museum contains the usual array of small arti-
facts of jewelry and pottery, but in addition the grounds contain a memo-
rial to the poet Awhadi Maraghi (1272-1338), who like many of the poets
of that era would have enjoyed Mongol patronage.
Known as one of the Tabrizi poets, Awhadi wrote glowingly of his
Mongol master, Abu Sa^d (died 1335), and the sahib diwdn (prime min-
ister) Ghiyath al-Din (ruled 1327-36), son of the justly renowned Rashid
al-Din (died 1318). The Tabrizi poets were Sufis who flourished under
the Mongol regime of their time. Their principal khangdh (Sufi-run hos-
pice), mosque, and madrassa were located in the district of Tabriz built
by the great vizier of Ghazan Khan (died 1304), Rashid al-Din and called
appropriately the Rab'-i-Rashidi. Little remains today of this district of
Tabriz built as a testament to the great man, and much of the area was
damaged in rioting in 1218 following his fall from grace and ignoble
execution. In a typically hyperbolic description from Awhadi verse, the
Rab'-i-Rashidi was said to bestow "the golden light of divine fortune
upon Tabriz" with its "ground made from musk, and its stone of marble;
its breeze a scent from paradise and its waters from Kawthar [river in
Heaven]." What this quarter did do was provide a home, haven, and
meeting place for poets, Sufis, and artists, all of whom thrived under the
patronage and benevolence of the Mongol regime in Iran, the Il-Khanate
(1256-1335).
Tabriz attained its zenith under the rule of Ghazan Khan (1295-1304),
the Mongol sultan who converted to Islam and made it the official reli-
gion of his empire, which spread from the Oxus River in the northeast to
Egypt in the southwest. The city had replaced Baghdad as the principal
commercial center in western Asia and formed the western hub of the
arterial Silk Road. Abaqa (died 1282) moved his capital from Maragheh
to Tabriz, and from that time until the advent of the Timurids toward the
end of the fourteenth century Tabriz maintained its central role. Not only
was it a commercial capital but it also became a center for literary, cultural,
and spiritual pursuits. With the Mongol sultans generally practicing their
traditional religious tolerance, Tabriz became the beating heart of what
has been described as a spiritual and cultural anarchy. In the sultan's court
there was intense rivalry between Christians, Buddhists, and Muslims. The
seemingly draconian laws that were sometimes supposedly imposed on
the country were never enforced in the court so that when Oljeitu (ruled
1304-16) ordered the closing of all wine shops and taverns, the drinking
Dwellings 91
a n d m e r r y m a k i n g d i d n o t cease within the precincts of his palaces. Edicts

w e r e often issued m o r e w i t h an eye to the history b o o k s t h a n o n the m o r a l
welfare of the p e o p l e . The cultural climate e m a n a t i n g from Tabriz d u r -
ing this p e r i o d w a s d y n a m i c , inventive, a n d creative, a n d the sobriquet
G o l d e n A g e is richly d e s e r v e d w h e n a p p l i e d to Il-Khanid Iran.
Tabriz w i t h its l a u d e d Sufi poets b e c a m e w i d e l y r e g a r d e d as a n o t h e r
center of mysticism to rival Konya, the capital of the Saljuq sultanate of
R u m , a n d praise for the city is c o m m o n in m a n y of the w o r k s of contem-
p o r a r y poets. " G o seek paradise, O h pietist!! Kamal prefers Tabriz a n d its
M o u n t of Saints," " F r o m the k i n g d o m of h e a v e n in God's glory a n d excel-
lence to the t o w n of Tabriz is b u t half a league." These w o r d s of K a m a l
Khujandi (died 1400) also a c k n o w l e d g e the i m p o r t a n c e of the g r a v e y a r d s
a n d cemeteries of Tabriz because its r e p u t a t i o n created a sanctity for the
d e a d a n d it b e c a m e a desirable place to b e b u r i e d . But Tabriz w a s also
a d m i r e d for its earthly beauty, a n d verses celebrating this are n o t difficult
to find. "In B a g h d a d beside the Tigris, O Khwaju, there lies paradise, b u t
pleasanter still I tell you, is the land of Tabriz," said a n o t h e r mystic poet of
the time, Khwaju K i r m a n i (died 1342).
The N o r t h African traveler Ibn Battuta visited Tabriz in the 1330s a n d
left this evocative description.
We arrived at the city of Tabriz after ten days' journey, and encamped
outside it in a place called al-Sham. At that place is the grave of Qazan
[Ghazan], king of al-Traq, and alongside it a fine madrasa and a hospice
in which food is supplied to all way-farers, consisting of bread, meat, rice
cooked in ghee, and sweetmeats. The amir arranged for my lodging in
this hospice, which is situated among rushing streams and leafy trees.
On the following morning I entered the city by a gate called the Baghdad
Gate, and we came to an immense bazaar called the Qazan bazaar, one
of the finest bazaars I have seen the world over. Each trade has its own
location in it, separate from every other. I passed through the jewellers'
bazaar, and my eyes were dazzled by the varieties of precious stones that
I saw; they were [displayed] in the hands of beautiful slave-boys, wearing
rich robes and their waists girt with sashes of silk, who [stood] in front
of the merchants exhibiting the jewels to the wives of the Turks —while
the women were buying them in large quantities and trying to outdo one
another. What I saw of all this was a scandal—may God preserve us from
such! We went into the ambergris and musk bazaar [also] and saw the
like of this again, or worse. Afterwards we came to the cathedral mosque,
which was founded by the vizier 'Ali Shah, known by the name of Jilan.
Outside it, to the right as one faces the qibla' is a college and to the left is
a hospice. The court of the mosque is paved with marble, and its walls are
faced with [tiles of] gashani, which is like zalij. It is traversed by a canal of
water and it contains all sorts of trees, vines and jasmines. 40
A century later, in June 1404, Clavijo, the Spanish a m b a s s a d o r to Persia,

special emissary of King H e n r y VII of Castille, arrived in Tabriz a n d w a s
equally enthusiastic a b o u t its g r a n d e u r :
On Wednesday the 11th of June at the hour of vespers we entered the

great city of Tabriz, which lies in a plain between two high ranges of
hills that are quite bare of t r e e s — Throughout the city there are fine
roadways with open spaces well laid out: and round these are seen many
great buildings and houses, each with its main doorway facing the square.
Such are the caravanserais: and within are constructed separate apart-
ments and shops with offices that are planned for various uses. Leaving
these caravanserais you pass into the market streets where goods of all
kinds are sold: such are silk stuffs and cotton cloths, crapes, taffetas, raw
silk and jewelry: for in these shops wares of every kind may be found.
There is indeed an immense concourse of merchants and merchandise
here. Thus for instance in certain of the caravanserais those who sell cos-
metics and perfumes for women are established and to be met with, the
women coming here to these shops to buy the same, for they are wont to
use many perfumes and unguents.
Now the dress the women wear in the streets is that they go covered
in a white sheet, and they wear over their faces a black mask of horsehair,
and thus they are concealed completely so that none may know them.
Throughout Tabriz many fine buildings may be seen, the Mosques more
especially these being most beautifully adorned with tiles in blue and
gold; and here they have glass bowls [for the lamps] even as we had seen
in Turkish lands. Tabriz is indeed a very mighty city rich in goods and
abounding in wealth, for commerce daily flourishes here. They say that
in former times its population was even greater than it is now, but even at
the present day there must be 200,000 householders within the city limits,
or perhaps even more. 41
Today, Tabriz h a s an air of b r o o d i n g patience. War is b r e w i n g o n its

w e s t e r n horizon, while to the n o r t h E u r o p e is getting progressively nearer.
The continuing p r o s p e r i t y a n d d e m o c r a t i z a t i o n of Turkey is also a con-
stant challenge to Iran's second capital. The presence of its past can b e seen
in the faces of its people. In the cool of the s h a d e d , ancient b a z a a r s , it is
often oriental eyes that peer o u t from b e n e a t h the covering c h a d o r s or the
s h a d o w y archways. Tabriz continues to b e a gateway, a n d m u c h continues
to p a s s t h r o u g h its portals.
NOTES
1. Giovanni DiPlano Carpini, The Story of the Mongols Whom We Call the Tartars:
Historia Mongalorum, trans. Erik Hildinger (Boston: Branden, 1996), 41.
Dwellings 93
2. The text here is the translation by W. W. Rockhill, The Journey of William of

Rubruck to the Eastern Parts of the World, 1253-55, as Narrated by Himself with Two
Accounts of the Earlier Journey of John of Plan de Carpine, trans, from the Latin and
ed., with an introductory notice, by William Woodville Rockhill (London: Hakluyt
Society, 1900), 73.
3. William of Rubruck, The Journey of William of Rubruck.
4. Carpini, The Story of the Mongols, 41.
5. Marco Polo and Rustichello of Pisa, The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Travels
of Marco Polo, vols. 1 and 2, http://www.gutenberg.net
6. Charles Melville, "The Itineraries of Sultan Oljeitu: 1304-16," Iran: Journal of
the British Institute of Persian Studies 28 (1990): 64.
Andrew Boyle, intro. David Morgan (Manchester, U.K.: Manchester University
Press, 1997), 616.
8. Ibid, 610-11
9. Rashid al-Din, Compendium of Chronicles, 328-29.
10. Rashid al-Din, The Successors of Genghis Khan, trans. John Andrew Boyle
(New York: Columbia University Press, 1971), 61.
11. Ibid.
12. Juvaini, World Conqueror, 237-38.
14. Juvaini, World Conqueror, 237.
15. William of Rubruck, The Mission of Priar William of Rubruck, trans, and ed.
Peter Jackson with David Morgan (London: Hakluyt Society, 1990), 231.
16. Ibid, 221.
17. Ibid, 210.
18. Rashid al-Din, The Successors of Genghis Khan, 274.
of Marco Polo, vols. 1 and 2, http://www.gutenberg.net.
20. Ibid, Chapter XVIII.
21. Friar Oderic of Pordenone, "The Travels of Friar Oderic," in Henry Yule, ed.,
Cathay and the Way Thither, 3 vols. (Reprint, Millwood, N.Y.: Kraus Reprint [1914]
1967),^ 217-22.
22. Marco Polo, The Travels of Marco Polo, trans. Teresa Waugh (London: Sidge-
wick and Jackson, 1985), 72-73, 1985.
of Marco Polo, vols. 1 and 2, http://www.gutenberg.net
24. Rashid al-Din, Jdrni' al-Tavarikh, eds., Mohammad Roushan and Mustafah
Musavi (Tehran: Nashr albaraz, 1994), translation by George Lane.
of Marco Polo, vols. 1 and 2, http://www.gutenberg.net.
26. From The Book of Ser Marco Polo the Venetian concerning the Kingdoms and
Marvels of the East, trans, and ed. by Henry Yule, 3rd ed. revised by Henri Cordier
(London: John Murray, 1903), vol. 2,185-93, 200-205, 215-16.
27. Rashid al-Din, Jdmi' al-Tavarikh, 1024; Rashid al-Din, Rashiduddin Fazlullah
Jami 'u' t-Tawarikh, 501-2.
28. Thomas Allsen, Culture and Conquest in Mongol Eurasia (Cambridge: Cam-
bridge University Press, 2001), 162-65.
29. J.A. Boyle, The Mongol World Empire, 1206-1370 (Aldershot, U.K.: Variorum
Reprints, 1977); Nasir al-Din Tusi, "The Longer Introduction to the Zij al-Ilkhani
of Nas ir-al-Din T usi," trans, and intro. John Andrew Boyle, Journal of Semitic
Studies 8.
30. Bar Hebraeus, The Chronography of Gregory Abu'l-Paraj Bar Hebraeus' Political
History of the World, Part I, trans. Ernest A. Wallis-Budge (London, 1932), 2.
31. Juvaini, The History of the World Conqueror, 719.
History of the World, Part I, 437.
33. J. M. Fiey, Chretiens Syriaques sous les Mongols (Louvain, 1975), 99.
History of the World, Part I, 460; cf. Fiey, Chretiens Syriaques sous les Mongols, 38.
35. Bibliotheca Orientalis, vol. 2,258, cited in John Bowman and J. A. Thompson,
"The Monastery-Church of Bar Hebraeus at Maragheh in West Azerbaijan,"
Abr-Nahrain, vol. 5 (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 1966), 38.
36. F. Nau, ed. and trans., Ee Eivre de VAscension de VEsprit sur la Forme du del
et de la Terre, Bibliotheque de I'Ecole des Hautes Etudes, Sciences philologiques et
historiques, 2 vols. (Paris, 1899-1900), 121.
37. For a description and explanation of this "church," see Bowman and Thomp-
son, "The Monastery-Church of Bar Hebraeus," 35-61. For an alternative view as
to the nature of these caves see Warwick Ball, "Two Aspects of Iranian Buddhism,"
Bulletin of the Asia Institute ofPahlavi University 1-4 (1976): 103-63; "The Imamza-
deh Ma'sum at Vardjovi: A Rock-cut Il-Khanid Complex Near Maragheh," Archae-
ologische Mitteilungen aus Iran 12 (1979): 329-40.
38. Chronicum Ecclesiasticum, III, 443; cited in Gregory Bar Hebraeus, Ethicon,
trans. Herman Teule, vol. 2 (Louvain, Belgium: E. Peeters, 1993): xi, n. 12.
39. Bar Hebraeus, Chronography, xxix.
40. Ibn Bartuta, The Travels of Ibn Battuta A.D. 1325-1354, trans. H.A.R. Gibb, vols.
1-3 (New Delhi: Munsharim, 1999), 3 4 4 ^ 5 .
41. Guy Le Strange, Clavijo. Embassy to Tamerlane 1403-1406 (New York and
London: Harper, 1928), http://depts.washington.edu/uwch/silkroad/texts/clavijo/
cltxtl.html.
5
THE ARMY
ADVICE FROM THE ARMENIAN COURTIER, HET'UM,

MILITARY AND POLITICAL ALLIES OF THE MONGOLS.1
The Prerequisites for Starting a Battle
The following four preconditions are required to start a war: first, the
cause must be just; second, the necessities must be on hand for begin-
ning and ending war; third, the enemy's condition and strength must be
understood; fourth, the battle must be commenced at a proper time
To a prince making war, his enemy's secrets should not be hidden.
Things learned in advance can do no harm, though unforseen matters
sometimes trouble many courageous warriors who, while fighting, have
no time or room to learn of approaching men and dangers. In all other
sorts of endeavors if there is some flaw, a remedy may be found—but not
in warfare. For soon after the pain follows the cost.
The army was the backbone of Mongol rule during its days of empire.
In the days when the empire was still confined to the steppe, the army was
the backbone and body, limbs, and head. Everyone was part of the army,
and everyone was involved in any military campaigns and battles. To be a
Mongol man was to be a Mongol warrior. Juwayni, the historian and one-
time governor of Baghdad, described the army thus:
In time of action, when attacking and assaulting, they are like trained
wild beasts out after game, and in the days of peace and security they are
like sheep, yielding milk, and wool, and many other useful things It is
an army after the fashion of a peasantry, being liable to all manner of con-
tributions and rendering without complaint whatever is enjoined upon
it It is also a peasantry in the guise of an army, all of them, great or
small, noble and base, in time of battle becoming swordsmen, archers and
lancers and advancing in whatever manner the occasion requires.
When the army moved, the tribe moved with it. Immediately after the
Great Quriltai (grand assembly of the Mongol nobility) of 1206, which
confirmed him as Qa'an (Great Khan), Chinggis Khan began to consoli-
date power and reorganize his army in anticipation of expansion from the
steppe into the sown, the settled lands southeast and west of his home-
lands. He knew that henceforth the nature of his military campaigns
would change and that if he hoped to maintain the tribal unity that he had
achieved he would have to strengthen and develop his armies.
EARLY REFORM
In order to strengthen and develop his armies he introduced the pro-
cess of decimalization in which military units were divided into decimal
units of 10,100,1,000, and 10,000, with the tiimen of 10,000 being the major
fighting unit. In addition, where possible he broke up tribal structures and
rewarded with command postings those who had been loyal to him during
the lean years of his rise to power. The breakup of the tribal composition
of his fighting force was to have profound effects on the loyalty, discipline,
and effectiveness of his army. Family and clan had been replaced by unit,
and loyalty was given first to the unit and its commander and indeed
ultimately to the Qa'an himself. The new decimal military structure com-
pletely undermined the old Turco-Mongol social setup, and a fundamental
realignment took hold. Old tribal identities did not completely disappear,
and those tribes such as the Ongglit and Qongirrat who had remained
loyal to Temujin throughout the hard years retained some integrity and
sense of continued identity, whereas the Tatars, Merkits, Keraits, Naimans,
and other former enemy clans were more forcefully and thoroughly bro-
ken up. Hence there existed examples of Ongglit tiimen but never Tatar
tiimen. Tribal loyalty had been replaced with unit loyalty and obedience to
the tiimen commander. Ultimately, of course, loyalty and allegiance were
awarded to the royal Golden family, the Chinggisids. As long as wealth and
prosperity continued to roll in, that loyalty and allegiance did not waiver.
Strict discipline and a well-defined chain of command with duties and
responsibilities itemized and standardized gave every soldier a position in
the brave new world that the Mongols were carving out for themselves.
The ordu (base camp) was a tightly regulated unit, and its layout and
organization were often uniform so that newcomers and visitors would
The Army 97
immediately know where to find the armory, the physician's tent, or the
chief. The fighting men, which included all males from 14 to 60, were
organized into the standard units, named arbans (10 men), jaguns (100
men), minghans (1,000 men), and tiimens (10,000 men), and these units
were overseen by the tiimen quartermaster, called the jurtchi. Such an
organization meant that no order would ever have to be given to more
than 10 men at any one time. Transfers between units were forbidden.
Soldiers fought as part of a unit, not as individuals. Individual soldiers,
however, were responsible for their equipment, weapons, and up to five
mounts. Their families and even their herds would accompany them on
foreign expeditions.
KESHIG
Above all these various groupings, Chinggis created an elite force origi-
nally formed from his most loyal and longest serving companions. This
bodyguard, whose size reflected the Great Khan's prestige and power
rather than any imminent danger to his life, numbered 10,000 men at the
time of the 1206 quriltai. The keshig, or imperial guard, were recruited from
across all tribal barriers, and the unit's tasks multiplied as it increased in
size. Membership in the keshig was regarded as a supreme honor, and as
such, enlistment in its ranks was an alternative to the necessity of hostage
taking for the highborn. The powerful nobility would be honored rather
than shamed by the presence of their offspring in the imperial household.
In addition, service in the royal household constituted military and admin-
istrative training. The keshig formed the breeding ground for the new elite
and the future ruling classes. The children of any potential rival or source
of conflict could therefore serve honorably at court and be painlessly
co-opted into the ruling establishment.
The keshig were handsomely equipped and armed. An ordinary soldier
in the imperial guard had precedence over a commander in the rest of the
army. It was from this unit's ranks that the future generals and top com-
manders were selected. It was early recognized as a military academy as
well as an administrative training school.
The training of the rest of the army was the responsibility of its officers.
Officers were expected to inspect their troops regularly while on active
service and to ensure that they were all fully equipped. This extended to
such details as ensuring that each soldier had his own needle and thread,
and if it were found that a soldier was underequipped or lacking in any
item of clothing, armor, or weaponry, his commanding officer was deemed
responsible and would be liable for punishment. During military engage-
ment if any soldier lost or dropped any item of his personal gear or equip-
ment, the man behind him would have to retrieve and return the lost item
to its owner or suffer punishment, which could mean death. Death was
also meted out to anyone who fled before the order to retire had been
issued, anyone looting before permission had been granted, and for deser-
tion. Discipline was exceptionally strict in the Mongol army.
APPEARANCE
Descriptions of the Mongol troops all mentioned the heavy coats,
boots, and hats, which together added to their characteristic stockiness.
"They had broad faces, flat noses, prominent cheek bones, slit eyes, thick
lips, sparse beards, and straight black hair; swarthy skins, tanned by the
sun, wind and frost, they were short of stature and their stocky heavy
bodies were supported by bow legs." 2 The Persian poet Amir Khosrow
Delhavi (1253-1324), writing from outside the Mongol Empire, gave a
vivid description of a group of Mongol prisoners captured by the army
of the sultan of Delhi. Amir Khosrow's father had had to flee for his life
after the Mongols invaded his hometown of Balkh, and consequently the
son felt no great love for the Mongols.
Their eyes were so narrow and piercing that they might have bored a hole in a
brazen vessel, and their stench was more horrible than their colour. Their heads
were set on their bodies as if they had no necks, and their cheeks resembled leather
bottles full of wrinkles and knots. Their noses extended from cheekbone to cheek-
bone. Their nostrils resembled rotting graves, and from them the hair descended
as far as the lips. Their moustaches were of extravagant length, but the beards
about their chins were very scanty. Their chests, in colour half-black, half-white,
were covered with lice which looked like sesame growing on a bad soil. Their bod-
ies, indeed, were covered with these insects, and their skins were as rough-grained
as shagreen leather, fit only to be converted into shoes.3
BASIC COSTUME
The basic costume of the Mongol fighting man was his everyday apparel.
It consisted of a heavy coat fastened at the waist by a leather belt. From
the belt would hang his sword, dagger, and possibly an ax. This long robe-
like coat would double over, left breast over right, and be secured with a
button a few inches below the right armpit. The coat might be lined with
fox, wolf, or lynx fur. Pockets in the coat could contain a stone for sharpen-
ing his weapons and arrowheads. Dried meat and curd wrapped in cloth
might also be found in this pocket. Underneath the coat, a shirtlike under-
garment with long, wide sleeves was commonly worn. Materials such as
silk and metallic thread were increasingly used. The richer soldiers would
wear garments fashioned from the skins of wolves, foxes, and even mon-
keys, whereas the poorer soldier would make do with dog or goat skins.
Lining was made from silk stuffing, which proved a very effective form of
insulation. The poor would line their outer garments with cotton cloth or
with the fine wool picked from the coarser wool used in making felt. Silk
became more and more common as the conquest of China proceeded.
The Army 99
The boots were made from felt and leather and though heavy would
be comfortable and wide enough to accommodate the trousers tucked in
before lacing tightly. They were heelless, though the soles were very thick
and lined with fur. Worn with felt socks, the feet were unlikely to get cold.
The characteristic Mongol hat was made of felt and fur.
Lamellar armor would be worn over the thick coat. The armor was com-
posed of small scales of iron, chain mail, or hard leather sewn together with
leather thongs and could weigh 10 kilograms if made of leather alone and
more if the cuirass was made of metal scales. The leather used in armor was
first softened by boiling. It was then coated in a crude lacquer made from
pitch, which rendered it waterproof. Sometimes the soldier's heavy coat
was simply reinforced with metal plates. Friar Giovanni DiPlano Carpini,
an intelligence agent, reported in some detail on all aspects of the soldiers'
apparel and equipment.
Mongol warrior's helmet, Hohhut Museum. Courtesy of

Helmets were cone shaped and composed of iron or steel plates of dif-
ferent sizes and included iron-plated neck guards. The Mongol cap was
also conical in shape and made of quilted material with a large turned-up
brim, reversible in winter, and earmuffs.
Combatants wore protective heavy silk undershirts, a practice learned
from the Chinese. Even if an arrow pierced their mail or leather outer gar-
ment, the arrowhead was unlikely to completely pierce the silk. In this
way, though a wound might be opened in the flesh, the actual metal would
be tightly bound in the silk and so would be prevented from causing more
extensive harm and would also be easier to withdraw later. The silk under-
shirt would be worn beneath a tunic of thick leather, layered armor plate
or mail, and sometimes a cuirass of leather-covered iron scales. Whether
the helmet was leather or metal depended on rank. Contemporary illus-
trations depict helmets with a central metal spike bending backward and
others ending in a ball with a plume and wide neck guard shielding the
shoulders and the jaws and neck.
HORSES
The Mongols protected their horses in the same way as they did them-
selves, covering them with lamellar armor. Horse armor was divided into
five parts and designed to protect every part of the horse, including the
forehead, which had a specially crafted plate which was tied on each side
of the neck.
The Mongols' horses were small but powerful. During infancy all
Mongols learned to ride and so became inseparable from their horses. It
A Mongol saddle, wood coated in gold leaf, Hohhut Museum. Courtesy of

Lan Tien Lang Publications
The Army 101
is estimated that each man had between 2 and 18 horses, with 5 or 6 being
the norm. The horses were watered once a day and for the most part fed
on grass. They were not ridden until they reached the age of three, and
after they were broken in they never strayed, and several thousand could be
assembled without problem. The horses were renowned for their stamina,
and it is on record that one horse could cover 600 miles in nine days. It is
unlikely that the horses were fitted with horseshoes at the time of the initial
conquests, and Rashid al-Din mentioned horseshoes as a "special precau-
tionary measure." Thomas de Spalato, an eyewitness of the European cam-
paigns, noted that Mongol horses "run around on rocks and stones without
horseshoes as if they were wild goats." However, horses did wear saddles
for their riders. They were made from oiled wood, high in the back and front
so as to provide a tight fit for an archer to turn in the saddle and fire behind
Mongol military saddles and polo sticks with balls. Courtesy of

as he continued to gallop forward, a maneuver for which the Mongols were

famous. The efficiency of the postal system, the yam, bore testimony to the
high quality of the Mongols' horses.
WEAPONS
The Mongols were famous for their mastery of firing their arrows in
any direction while mounted and galloping at full speed. Strapped to their
backs, their quivers contained 60 arrows and two bows made of bamboo,
sinew, and yak horn. These composite reflex bows were first glued together
and then bound in such a way that they set into a solid, extremely strong
and durable piece. The bow was strung against its natural curve, which
gave an exceptionally strong pull and enabled the archer to deliver a very
accurate and deadly shot. The bow had a pull of 166 pounds and a destruc-
tive range of between 200 and 300 yards. A mounted archer would keep two
or three bows accessible in a large protective bow case along with quivers
containing 30 arrows with an assortment of arrowheads. The arrowheads
were hardened by first heating over fire and then plunging the red-hot
metal into brine. Such arrows were capable of piercing armor. Sometimes
poison was added to the arrows. Eagle feathers were used for the fletching
and could be made to whistle if needed for signaling purposes.
In hand-to-hand combat the soldier's best protection was the shield. It
was usually small, round, and made of wood, osier, or wicker. It had to
be light enough for the fighter to also wield his saber-shaped sword and
ax. Carpini claimed that the shields were only employed by camp guards.
Spears and maces of various designs, shapes, and weights would also be
employed. If carrying and also using these weapons was not enough, the
Mongol warrior was also weighed down with a lasso, a file, an iron cooking
pot, two leather bottles, and a leather bag to keep equipment and clothes
dry when crossing rivers. A tent, shared by 10 men, also had to be carried.
The light cavalry were armed with a small sword and two or three
javelins, whereas the heavy horsemen carried a long lance (4 meters)
fitted with a hook, a heavy mace or ax, and a scimitar (an oriental sword
with a curved blade broadening toward the point). The hooks on the
lance were used to drag an opponent from his horse.
The Franciscan Friar Giovanni DiPlano Carpini (1180-1264) traveled to
the court of the Great Khan Gliylik between 1245 and 1247 as a repre-
sentative of the Pope Innocent IV. He was essentially a spy, though an
extremely unlikely candidate at well over 60 years old and somewhat
obese. He had knowledge of languages other than Latin, however, and as
a friar he had experience with dealing with both the high and mighty and
with the common rabble. His brief was to find out as much as possible
about the dreaded Tatars, and this he succeeded in admirably. His report
is particularly interesting where he reports on military matters. The fol-
lowing extract concerns soldiers' weapons.
The Army 103
Everyone must have at least these weapons: two or three bows or at least
one good one, and three large quivers filled with arrows, a battle-axe and
ropes for dragging machines. The rich, however, have swords which are
sharp at the tip and honed on only one edge and somewhat curved, and
they have horse armor, leg armor and a helmet and cuirass. Their cui-
rasses and horse armors are of leather and made this way: they take strips
of cowhide or other animal hide of one hand's width wide, and they glue
three or four of these together and tie them to each other with laces or
cords. In the top strip they put the cords at the edge, in the one below
they put them in the center and they do this until the end. Therefore,
when the soldiers bend, the lower strips slide up over the upper ones and
so they are doubled or even tripled over the body.
The Tartars make horse armor in five parts: they put one piece along
each side of the horse which protects it from the tail to the head and is
tied to the saddle, behind the saddle on the back, and at the neck. Over
the horse's back they put another piece where the two parts of the harness
are joined and the}^ make a hole in this piece through which they expose
the tail, while in front of the chest they place a piece that protects every-
thing from the knees or the knee joints. On the forehead they put an iron
plate which is tied on each side of the neck.4
On campaign all fighting men were expected to carry their equipment

and provisions as well as their weaponry. A horsehair lasso, a coil of stout
rope, an awl, needle and thread, cooking pots, leather water bottles, and
a file for sharpening arrows would be among the utilities possibly carried
in an inflatable saddlebag fashioned from a cow's stomach. When fording
rivers, this saddlebag, if inflated, could double as a float.
When not on campaign life was not so very different. War simply
entailed some modifications to the Mongols' daily life. As nomads, the
Mongols continued to practice seasonal migration from the open plains
of summer to the sheltered valleys of the winter months. Distances were
not great, with a typical route encompassing 100 miles. To adapt to a war
footing would not necessarily have to entail a great change in routine,
though careful planning and preparation would be an essential part of
such military migration.
BATTLE
The Mongol army operated according to the dictum march divided,
attack united. They traveled in widely dispersed columns, though at
all times good communications were maintained. Messengers with
fresh, ready, saddled horses were kept with every unit, and smoke sig-
nals were also employed to keep constant contact. This high level of
communication meant that the dispersed columns of the army could be

reunited very rapidly and also enabled the Mongols to utilize one of
their favorite military tactics, the feigned retreat. Countless times the
unwitting enemy was drawn into pursuit of a retreating Mongol column
only later to find itself surrounded in a deadly trap.
Before entering into battle the Mongols employed their vast intelligence
network of spies and scouts. The physical landscape was scoured for infor-
mation advantageous to an advancing army. Grazing ground, water sup-
plies, food sources, secure camping ground, possible battle sites, and lookout
points all had to be assessed and considered before the army moved. In addi-
tion human intelligence was gathered in order to maximize any advantages
to be gained from an enemy's weaknesses. To gathering intelligence, the
spies and scouts would also sow disinformation and cast doubt in order to
weaken enemy morale. Nobody ever surprised the Mongols. The Mongols
valued intelligence highly and early appreciated the advantages to be gained
from a thorough knowledge of the enemy terrain, brain, and any rivalries
and splits within the enemy ranks, especially those that they could exploit.
Psychological warfare was a key component of their expanding repertoire.
Once contact had been made with the enemy, usually through scouts
sent up to 70 miles ahead of the main army, the main body of the army
would begin to extend its front, stretching it so as to envelop the enemy
forces. Skirmishes would be initiated in order to test the enemy's fortitude,
but full-scale clashes were avoided until the Mongols were ready. If the
enemy was weak and small, the Mongol vanguard might deal with the
situation itself, but if it was larger and more formidable, the advance party
would attempt to lure the enemy troops back into the waiting arms of the
main army. Once the trap had been sprung there was no escape.
The scenario had been rehearsed many times before during the nerge,
in which all Mongols partook. Standard battle formation consisted of five
jaguns separated by wide intervals. The front two jaguns were made up
of heavy cavalry armed with maces, swords, lances, and armored horses.
Behind them the other three jaguns were composed of light cavalry wear-
ing little if any armor and armed with bows and javelins. The light cavalry
would advance through gaps in the ranks of heavy cavalry and pour vol-
leys of arrows and spears into the enemy ranks while at the same time
advancing the flanks on either side and thereby initiating an encircling
movement known as the tulughma. Ii the original attack was forced back,
the archers would calmly withdraw shooting as they did so, and their
positions would simply be replaced by fresh light cavalry. As soon as the
enemy became sufficiently weakened and disheartened, the heavy cavalry
would be sent in to deliver the coup de grace.
All the battle formations and tactics performed before the charge of the
heavy cavalry were carried out in silence, with orders and communica-
tion transmitted wordlessly using black and white flags and, at night,
lanterns. As soon as the signal for the charge of the heavy cavalry was
The Army 105
given, a mighty roar went up, and the pounding roll of the naccara war
drums carried on a Bactrian camel unleashed the screaming hordes of
mongols. Simultaneously, the light cavalry poured in from either side,
quickly closing the pincer movement. However, Mongol cunning dictated
that this pincer movement should never completely close and so force the
enemy to fight in desperation to the last man. Such desperation would cost
the Mongols lives, which they were keen to avoid. Instead, they would
allow a means of escape for which the desperate enemy would scram-
ble. These fleeing stragglers could then be picked off in the open at the
Mongols' convenience and leisure. A beaten and demoralized army could
be pursued for days, providing not only sport for the Mongol soldiery
but excellent propaganda as the harassed and hungry enemy terrorized
the countryside, plundering and pillaging in their desperation and earn-
ing the contempt and hatred of the people. The Khwarazmshah's army
spent years after 1220 spreading fear and mayhem around Iran after their
routing by the Mongols. Eventually they were more feared and despised
than the Mongols themselves.
Even though the Mongols' tactic of a feigned retreat was well known, it
continued to work whenever they used it. One famous example of the feig-
ned retreat was prolonged over nine days. This occurred during the
legendary reconnaissance trip of the noyans (generals) Subodai and Jebe
circa 1222 in a confrontation with Russian princes and their Cuman Turk
allies. The Mongols retreated before the pursuing enemy, but at the same
time they slowly spread their forces wide so that eventually they were able
to turn and snare in a pincer movement the rapidly advancing vanguard
of the Russian-Cuman forces, which had become separated from the main
body of their army. The Franciscan spy Carpini warned his readers of this
tactic in his report to the pope. "Even if the Tatars retreat our men ought
not to separate from each other or be split up, for the Tatars pretend to
withdraw in order to divide an enemy." Carpini recommended the use of
crossbows against the Mongols, noting that they were very afraid of them,
and also lances with hooks with which to pull them from their saddles.
Carpini reckoned that Mongols could easily be pulled from their horses
by means of these lances and hooks.
The following extract from Mustawfi's epic, the Zafarnameh, is an account
of a very unequally pitted battle, which was valiantly fought by the losers.
Though he wrote the poem more than a century after the battle MustawfI
would have known relatives and acquaintances of eyewitnesses to the ter-
rible events because his family of notables had played an important role in
the affairs of Qazvin for a great many years and Mustawf! had sought out
eyewitnesses whenever possible for many of the events he was to relate in
his histories.
Thence [from Zanjan] to the town of Qazvin, Subutay

Like raging tiger came right speedily.
The tale of years at six, one, seven stood
When that fair town became a lake of blood,
And Sha'ban's month had counted seven days' [7th Sha'ban, 617 AH = 7 Oct.
1220 CE]
When it was filled with woe and sore amaze.
The governor who held the ill-starred town
Muzaffar named, a ruler of renown,
Was, by the Caliph's most august command,
Set to control the fortunes of the land.
When came the hosts of war and direful fate
Firm as a rock they closed the city gate.
Upon the wall the warriors took their place,
And each towards the Mongols set his face.
Three days they kept the ruthless foe at bay,
But on the fourth they forced a blood-stained way.
Fiercely the Mongols entered Qazvin Town
And heads held high before were now brought down.
No quarter in that place the Mongols gave:
The days were ended of each chieftain brave.
Nothing could save the townsmen from their doom,
And all were gathered in one common tomb.
Alike of great and small, of old and young,
The lifeless bodies in the dust they flung:
Both men and women shared a common fate:
The luck-forsaken land lay desolate.
Many a fair one in that fearful hour
Sought death to save her from the invaders' power:
Chaste maidens of the Prophet's progeny
Who shone like asteroids in Virtue's sky,
Fearing the lust of that ferocious host
Did cast them down, and so gave up the ghost.
Much in that land prevails the Shafi'ite [Muslim sect];
One in a thousand is a Hanafite [Muslim sect];
And yet they counted on that gory plain
Twelve thousand Hanafites amongst the slain !
In heaps on every side the corpses lay,
Alike on lonely path and broad highway.
Uncounted bodies cumbered every street:
Scarce might one find a place to set one's feet.
In terror of the Mongol soldiery
Hither and thither did the people fly,
Some seeking refuge to the Mosque did go,
Hearts filled with anguish, souls surcharged with woe.
From that fierce foe so sore their straits and plight
That climbing forms the arches hid from sight
The ruthless Mongols burning brands did ply
Till tongues of flame leapt upwards to the sky.
Roof, vault and arch in burning ruin fell,
A heathen holocaust of Death and Hell!5
The Army 107
THE NERGE
The nerge, or hunt, was not only a source of entertainment and food but
was vital in the training of the Mongol army as a disciplined and coordinated
fighting force. The preparation and logistics required for the nerge could be
transferred to a war footing if the army were needed for combat. The nerge
was a regular part of Eurasian life and culture in which the whole extended
tribe took part. Everybody was involved in the various tasks, duties, and
demands of the nerge so that if instead of the hunting of animals the action
was the hunting of mien, the disruption was of the same order.
From an early age all Mongol children learned horsemanship and
archery. This was prescribed by law. The maneuvers and battlefield tac-
tics were drilled into the Mongol citizenry by constant practice. Chinggis
Khan formalized the Great Hunt, the nerge, as a military training exercise.
The nerge was a vast, highly organized, and strictly regulated hunt that at
its most basic replenished the tribe's meat supplies for the coming winter.
However, as Juwayni (died 1282), an eyewitness historian and later gover-
nor of Baghdad for the Mongol Il-Khans, was quick to note, this chase was
far more than a Mongol shopping trip.
Now war—with its killing, counting of the slain and sparing of the survivors —is
after the same fashion, and indeed analogous in every detail, because all that is left
in the neighbourhood of the battlefield are a few broken-down wretches.6
The nerge was training practice for war and battle. Stealth, tight com-
munications, horsemanship, and coordination were all essential skills
honed and perfected during the nerge. The Mongols learned the disci-
plined teamwork for which they were both admired and feared from
these annual events. The nerge would be held in winter and would last
three months, and every soldier and most of the tribe would participate.
It would be a morale booster and excellent practice for the real thing.
All military skills would be honed during the course of the Great Hunt,
particularly discipline, coordination of units, and most essentially close,
effective communications.
The overall strategy and development of the hunt was usually the same.
A starting line, possibly 80 miles long, would be established by hunts-
men, who would plant flags at various assembly points to position the
tiimens (units of 10,000) that would be taking part in the nerge. Another
flag, hundreds of miles distant, would be planted to mark the suitable fin-
ishing point. On a signal from the khan this vast line of fully armed, battle-
ready troops would begin to move forward, and before them all wildlife
would flee. Over the next few weeks as the amount of game and other
animals increased, the two flanks of this vast army would move ahead and
slowly close in on their prey. The two wings would aim to pass the finish-
ing flag and then move closer in order to eventually meet up with each
other, thereby trapping the increasingly frantic animals in a circle. The

hunters would form a vast ring over a huge expanse of land. This human
ring would then slowly contract, driving every living beast within its cir-
cumference toward its center. Shifts would be employed to ensure that a
vigil was kept at all times, with even the sleeping troops fully clothed and
ready for action. Any hunter who allowed any game to escape the dimin-
ishing circle could expect severe punishment, as could anyone who killed
any animal before the allotted time.
And if, unexpectedly, any game should break through, a minute inquiry is made
into the cause and reason, and the commanders of thousands, hundreds, and tens
are clubbed therefore, and even put to death. And if ... a man does not keep to the
line ... but takes a step forwards or backwards, severe punishment is dealt out to
him and is never remitted.7
The initial line of fully armed, mounted men, which might have been
as long as 130 kilometers before the flanks had formed, would now be
compressed into a tightly knit human stadium with an arena of hysteri-
cal and highly dangerous animals at its core. The khan would be waiting
with his own smaller line of troops at a predetermined spot chosen for its
suitability for the final entrapment, possibly hundreds of kilometers from
the starting line.
Here there becomes massed together an extraordinary multitude of wild beasts,

such as lions, wild oxen, bears, stags, and a great variety of others, and all in a state
of the greatest alarm. For there is such a prodigious noise and uproar ... that a
person cannot hear what his neighbour says; and all the unfortunate beasts quiver
with terror at the disturbance.8
When the frantic roaring and screeching horde of terrified animals was
finally massed together, the khan would make the first kill, and this would
be the signal for the massacre to commence. Animals destined for the
kitchens and cookhouses might be cleanly and swiftly killed, whereas oth-
ers would have to earn their deaths. Sometimes the Great Khan and some
of his retinue would disport themselves killing game before the lesser
princes would be allowed to start. When these princes in turn had tired
of their sport, the ordinary soldiers would be let loose on the unfortunate
captives. All knew that the Great Khan and commanders were present and
witnessing the fun, and therefore the nerge was seen as an opportunity for
the soldiery to demonstrate their skills and valor against often very fero-
cious animals. Unarmed combat, sword and knife fighting, on foot and on
horseback, and other martial skills would all be demonstrated in the hope
of attracting the attention of the commanders to the dexterity and talents
of the individual soldier.
Some animals would be retained for breeding, and some would be
symbolically released, though most would end up with the kitchen staff.
A Mongol tradition had young princes and old soldiers come before the
The Army 109
k h a n to p l e a d for the life of r e m a i n i n g animals, a n d the khan's s u b s e q u e n t

act of clemency signaled the e n d of the h u n t . After the nerge, nine d a y s of
feasting a n d revelry w o u l d e n s u e . The r e m a i n i n g food w o u l d b e distrib-
u t e d t h r o u g h o u t the various units to e n s u r e that all w h o h a d participated
in the great event h a d their d u e share of the booty.
The nerge perfected the M o n g o l s ' c o m m u n i c a t i o n s system, w h i c h uti-
lized frequent couriers, flag w a v i n g , torch b u r n i n g , a n d an efficient,
highly effective n e t w o r k of staging p o s t s called the yam, for w h i c h his-
tory h a s long r e c o r d e d its a d m i r a t i o n . It p r o v i d e d provisions for the tribe
a n d e n t e r t a i n m e n t for all. Most i m p o r t a n t p e r h a p s w a s the nerge's ability
to p r o v i d e battle experience for the t r o o p s the w o r t h of w h i c h h a s b e e n
p r o v e d m a n y times.
The nerge attracted the i m a g i n a t i o n of n o t only travelers w h o j o u r n e y e d
east a n d w i t n e s s e d it firsthand, s u c h as Friar O d o r i c of P o r d e n o n e (trav-
eled 1316-1330), b u t also of those w h o h e a r d tales of the chase back in
E u r o p e . E d w a r d G i b b o n s gave a vivid account of the nerge in his epic
history the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire.
The pastoral life, compared with the labours of agriculture and manu-
factures, is undoubtedly a life of idleness; and as the most honourable
shepherds of the Tartar race devolve on their captives the domestic man-
agement of the cattle, their own leisure is seldom disturbed by any ser-
vile and assiduous cares. But this leisure, instead of being devoted to the
soft enjoyments of love and harmony, is usefully spent in the violent and
sanguinary exercise of the chase. The plains of Tartary are filled with a
strong and serviceable breed of horses, which are easily trained for the
purposes of war and hunting. The Scythians of every age have been cel-
ebrated as bold and skilful riders, and constant practice had seated them
so firmly on horseback that they were supposed by strangers to perform
the ordinary duties of civil life, to eat, to drink, and even to sleep, without
dismounting from their steeds. They excel in the dexterous management
of the lance; the long Tartar bow is drawn with a nervous arm, and the
weighty arrow is directed to its object with unerring aim and irresistible
force. These arrows are often pointed against the harmless animals of the
desert, which increase and multiply in the absence of their most formi-
dable enemy—the hare, the goat, the roebuck, the fallow-deer, the stag,
the elk, and the antelope. The vigour and patience both of the men and
horses are continually exercised by the fatigues of the chase, and the plen-
tiful supply of game contributes to the subsistence and even luxury of a
Tartar camp. But the exploits of the hunters of Scythia are not confined
to the destruction of timid or innoxious beasts: they boldly encounter the
angry wild boar when he turns against his pursuers, excite the sluggish
courage of the bear, and provoke the fury of the tiger as he slumbers in
the thicket. Where there is danger, there may be glory; and the mode of
hunting which opens the fairest field to the exertions of valour may justly
no Daily Eife in the Mongol Empire
be considered as the image and as the school of war. The general hunting
matches, the pride and delight of the Tartar princes, compose an instruc-
tive exercise for their numerous cavalry. A circle is drawn, of many miles
in circumference, to encompass the game of an extensive district; and the
troops that form the circle regularly advance towards a common centre,
where the captive animals, surrounded on every side, are abandoned to
the darts of the hunters. In this march, which frequently continues many
days, the cavalry are obliged to climb the hills, to swim the rivers, and to
wind through the valleys, without interrupting the prescribed order of
their gradual progress. They acquire the habit of directing their eye and
their steps to a remote object, of preserving their intervals, of suspending
or accelerating their pace according to the motions of the troops on their
right and left, and of watching and repeating the signals of their leaders.
Their leaders study in this practical school the most important lesson of
the military art, the prompt and accurate judgment of ground, of dis-
tance, and of time. To employ against a human enemy the same patience
and valour, the same skill and discipline, is the only alteration which is
required in real war, and the amusements of the chase serve as a prelude
to the conquest of an empire.9
The nerge formed an essential element in Mongol life. The following

four writers deal with aspects of this activity, by which no visitor to the
Mongol court could fail to be impressed. Juwayni, the writer of the first
account, was brought up in the Mongol court and later became governor
of Baghdad under the Il-Khan Hulegu, and he must have witnessed, if not
taken part in, the nerge many times. Friar Odoric of Pordenone traveled
eastward between 1316 and 1330, and he was witness to the great chase
in China under the rule of the Yuan dynasty. William of Rubruck traveled
through Russia and Eurasia to reach Qaraqorum between 1253 and 1255,
and he too remarks on the importance of the chase. Rashid al-Din, cred-
ited with being the first man to compose a true world history, became
prime minister of the Persian Empire under Ghazan Khan. He also forged
ever closer trade and cultural links with China, cemented with his close
links with the Mongol renaissance man Bolad Chinksank.
[Chinggis Khan] took the business of the chase very seriously and would
say that the hunting and corralling was a suitable occupation for the com-
manders of armies; and that instruction and training was obligatory on
warriors and men-at-arms, [who should learn] how the huntsmen come
up with the prey, how they hunt it, how they adorn themselves and in
what way they encircle the prey depending whether it is great or small.
For when the Mongols wish to go hunting, scouts are first dispatched to
The Army 111
determine what kinds of game are available and whether it is limited or

abundant. And when they are not busy in the affairs of the army, they are
always eager for the chase and their armies are encouraged as such to
engage themselves [in hunting]; not only for the hunt, but also in order
that they may become accustomed and hardened to hunting and famil-
iarized with the use of the bow and the endurance of hardships. When-
ever the Khan sets out on the great hunt which takes place at the start
of the winter season, he issues orders that the troops stationed around
his headquarters and in the neighbourhood of the ordus should prepare
for the hunt, saddling up several men from each unit of ten according to
instructions and distributing equipment such as arms and other things
which are appropriate for the location where it is intended to hunt. The
right wing, left wing and centre of the army are drawn up and put under
the command to the great emirs; and they set out together with the Royal
Ladies (khavatm) and the concubines, and also provisions of food and
drink. For a month, or two, or three they form a hunting ring and drive
the prey slowly and gradually before them, taking care that none escape
from the ring. And if, by chance, any game should break through, an
investigation is carried out into the causes and reasons, and the com-
manders of thousands, hundreds and tens are beaten, and often killed.
And if, for example, a man does not keep to the line which they call nerge,
but takes a step forwards or backwards, he is severely punished and is
never excused. For two or three months, by day and by night, they drive
the game in this manner, like a flock of sheep, and envoys are sent to the
Khan to inform him of the condition of the hunt, its scarcity or plenty,
where it has reached and from where it fled. Finally, when the ring has
been contracted to a diameter of two or three parasangs, they tie ropes
together and cover them in felts. Meanwhile the troops come to a halt
around the circle, standing shoulder to shoulder. The ring is now filled
with the cries and commotion of every manner of game and the roar-
ing and tumult of every kind of ferocious beast; all thinking that the
appointed hour of "And when the wild beasts shall be gathered together"
is come; lions becoming familiar with wild asses, hyenas friendly with
foxes, wolves intimate with hares. When the circle has been so much
contracted that the wild beasts are unable to stir, first the Khan rides in
together with some of his retinue; then, after he has wearied of the sport,
they dismount upon high ground in the centre of the nerge to watch the
princes entering the ring in the same way, and after them, in due order,
the noyans, the commanders and the troops. Several days are spent in
this manner; then, when nothing is left of the game but a few wounded
and emaciated stragglers, old men and greybeards humbly approach the
Khan, offer up prayers for his well-being and plead for the lives of the
remaining animals asking that they be allowed to depart to some place
nearer to grass and water. Finally, they collect together all the game that
they have bagged; and if the counting of every species of animal proves
impracticable they count only the beasts of prey and the wild asses. 10
Ship from Rashid al-Dm's Jami' al-Tavarikh. Courtesy of Lan Tien Lang
Publications
The Franciscan Friar Odoric was born in 1286, though

The Hunt as some claim 1274 more probable, and died in January
Witnessed by 1331. He set out on his missionary travels to China and
Friar Odoric India sometime between 1316 and 1318 and returned
in 1330. Before his travels began he had earned himself
a reputation for sanctity and miracles. His travels commenced in Constan-
tinople from where he headed for the lands of the Il-Khanate. He traveled
extensively in Iran before boarding a ship bound for India. He embarked
at Malabar before continuing by sea eastward via Ceylon (Sri Lanka),
Sumatra, Java, Champa (Vietnam), Guangzhou, Hangzhou, and sailed
up the grand canal to the Yiian capital, Khan Baliq (Beijing). He returned
home overland, passing through Kabul and Tabriz en route back to Venice.
He was accompanied on this epic journey by an Irishman, Friar James. His
account of the hunt is interesting in that he describes the practice in China
more than 50 years after the Persian Juwayni's report.
When the Great Khan goes hunting 'tis thus ordered: At some twenty days'
journey from Cambalech [Khan Baliq, Beijing, Ta-tu, Daidu], there is a fine
forest of eight days' journey in compass; and in it are such multitudes and
The Army 113
varieties of animals as are truly wonderful. All round this forest there be
keepers posted on account of the Khan, to take diligent charge thereof; and
every third or fourth year he goeth with his people to this forest. On such
occasions they first surround the whole forest with beaters, and let slip
the dogs [and lions and lionesses and other tamed beasts trained to this
business] and the hawks trained to this sport, and then gradually closing
in upon the game, they drive it to a certain fine open spot that there is in
the middle of the wood. Here there becomes massed together an extraor-
dinary multitude of wild beasts, such as lions, wild oxen, bears, stags, and
a great variety of others, and all in a state of the greatest alarm. For there
is such a prodigious noise and uproar raised by the birds and the dogs
that have been let slip into the wood, that a person cannot hear what his
neighbour says; and all the unfortunate wild beasts quiver with terror at
the disturbance. And when they all have been driven together into that
open glade, the Great Khan comes up on three elephants and shoots five
arrows at the game. As soon as he has shot, the whole of his retinue do
likewise. And when all have shot their arrows (each man's arrows having
a token by which they may be discerned), then the Great Emperor causeth
to be called out "Syol" which is to say as it were "Quarter" to the beasts (to
wit) that have been driven from the wood. Then [the huntsmen sound the
recall and call in the dogs and hawks from the prey and] the animals which
have escaped with life are allowed to go back into the forest, and all the
barons come forward to view the game that has been killed and to recover
the arrows that they have shot (which they can well do by the marks on
them); and everyone has what his arrow has struck. And such is the order
of the Khan's hunting. 11
They obtain a large proportion of their food by the chase.

When they intend to hunt wild animals, they gather in great The Nerge and
numbers and surround the area where they know wild beasts William of
are to be found, gradually converging until the animals are Rubruck
enclosed in the middle in a kind of circle; then they shoot them
with their arrows. 12
Rashid a l - D m
He had ordered that at [Ogodei Qa'an's] winter quarters in Ong Qin a
two-day-journey-long wall made of wood and clay be constructed. Gates
were put into it and it was named a chihik. When a hunt was held [ulam],
soldiers from all sides would be informed so that all of them would form
a circle and head for the wall, driving the game toward it. From a one-
month's journey away, taking the utmost precautions and exchanging
intelligence at all times, they drove all the prey to the chihik, and then
the soldiers would form a circle standing shoulder to shoulder. First
[Ogodai] Qa'an and his elite would enter the circle, amuse themselves for
a time killing the animals. When he grew weary, he would go to some
high ground within the circle and the princes and amirs in their turn
would enter. Then the commoners and soldiers would take their turn to
hunt. Then they would release some [of the animals] for breeding [uruq-
lamishi] and the boka'uls [bokd'ul; court taster, officer in charge of army
provisions] would distribute all the game among the princes, amirs, and
army so that no one was without a share. Then all that assembly would
perform the ceremony of tigishmishi [presentation of gifts], and after nine
days of banqueting every tribe would return to its yurt and home.13
In modern-day Afghanistan, the game of buzkashi (goat killing or goat pull-

ing) is still played and continues to draw large, very enthusiastic crowds to
watch. It is commonly believed that this game is based on sports practiced
by the Mongols.
SIZE
Though speaking generally, in the medieval period size did matter, and
as a rule large armies defeated small armies. This truism proved false,
however, in the case of Mongol armies. It was Mongol discipline, training,
and battle strategy that often won the day rather than just brute force of
numbers. So thorough was the training, preparation, and discipline that
few medieval armies stood much of a chance when confronted with a
Mongol formation. Robert of Spolato, who witnessed firsthand the Mon-
gol invasion of Europe, considered them to be invincible on the open field,
such were their martial skills. When the Mongols were famously defeated
in 1260 at Ain Jalut it was because in the Mamluk army riding out of
Egypt they confronted what could have been a reflection of themselves.
The Mamluk army was composed of Turks, Mongols, and Caucasian
troops, much the same as the composition of the Mongol army itself.
The Mongol army was often believed to be larger than it actually was
due to their mobility and their technique of envelopment. It was orga-
nized into two wings and a central body that would often be composed
of the imperial guard or elite troops and it was able to fan out into a pin-
cer formation with a deadly sting at its center. The Secret History of the
Mongols suggests an army of 105,000 at the time of the Great Quriltai of
1206. At the time of Chinggis Khan's death Rashid al-Din put the army
at 123,000 men with 62,000 assigned to the left wing, 38,000 to the right
wing, and 23,000 to the center. As the armies moved southward, east-
ward, and westward absorbing manpower from captured territory, these
figures would have increased accordingly, and by the time of Ogodei's
death in 1241 the Mongol army was considerably larger. Juzjani, writing
The national sport of Afghanistan, Buzkashi, originates from the Mongols.
Buzkashi. Courtesy of Abu Hajal Company

outside the Mongol area in Delhi, claimed that the forces that attacked
the Khwarazmshah numbered 700,000 or 800,000, whereas the Mamluk
fourteenth-century chronicler al-'Umarl reckoned the Il-Khans had an army
of between 200,000 to 300,000. He claims that the Golden Horde sent an
army of 250,000 to invade Transoxiana at the end of the thirteenth century.
Most of the Mongol army would have been mounted, with up to five
horses assigned to each soldier. Add to this other provisions, which might
include a slave or two, a weapons wagon, and a small herd of sheep and
goats, it was not only a logistical nightmare in the making for the army
commanders but a major calamity waiting to strike the towns, villages,
and lands through which this martial storm intended to pass. Some con-
temporary historians have calculated the Mongol army as many as 800,000
in 1220, in which case a storm of 4 million horses and 24 million sheep and
goats in addition to the highly armed troops would have swept across
central Asia and Khorasan after the sacking of Bokhara. Such an invasion
would have been devastating even without the military aspect. However
the matter of the actual numerical size of the Mongol armies has still not
been decided by historians.
One reason for the uncertainty and confusion is that contemporary
sources often quote the number of army units or the number of command-
ers of tiimens, for example. However, though theoretically a tiimen con-
sisted of 10,000 men and a commander of a tiimen had 10,000 men under
his command, this was rarely the case, and in reality numbers could be
very considerably less. To observers of the army on the move, especially
on maneuvers or on the attack, numbers were made deliberately difficult
to calculate. Dummies were placed on spare horses and branches were
pulled behind the mounted cavalry as a means to create the impression of
a larger force.
The Mongol historian David Morgan has argued convincingly that the
exaggerated figures given in the sources for the size of the Mongol forces
cannot be taken literally simply because the land would not have been
able to sustain such a large force. Juwayni has shown how the Mongols,
and Hulegu in particular, were able to deal with the logistical problems of
maneuvering and supplying a huge army with considerable expertise. But
whatever the level of competence, if the land itself was arid no amount of
expertise could extract sufficient sustenance for an army of the size sug-
gested by some contemporary sources, particularly the Mamluk sources
from Egypt. Morgan believes that the Mongol's failure to conquer Syria
was due primarily to the lack of pastures there.
The only conclusion that can safely be made is that Mongol armies were
far larger than European armies of that time but probably smaller than the
armies that could be raised by either the Chinese Song or Chin emperors
or by the KLiwarazmshah. All three were soundly defeated despite their
numerically stronger armies, which proved that in the case of the Mongols
size did not matter.
The Army 117
PROPAGANDA
Propaganda and terror were also tools of the Mongol army. So terrible
was their reputation that victory was often achieved without actual fight-
ing. They deliberately exaggerated and encouraged the horror stories that
circulated about them and preceded their arrival in order to ensure an
unhesitating surrender of the cowed population. This ploy was so effec-
tive that it is this element of their conquests that shapes their reputation
to this day. The Mongols encouraged the stories of slaughter, brutality,
and cruelty. It was a fundamental edict of the Great Yasa (law) of Chinggis
Khan that any opponent, enemy, or rival should first be offered the oppor-
tunity to surrender before military might be brought to bear. This escape
clause was offered verbally or in writing. However, in its stark simplicity,
it remained chilling, the menace of those few words, heavy. "And if ye
do otherwise [than surrender], what do we know? God knoweth." 14 The
words of Ibn al-Athir have been responsible for much of the negative pro-
paganda spread throughout the Islamic world and hence into Europe. His
harrowing words sent a chill through every mosque and every madrassa
and tea house in which they were read. "Oh that my mother had not born
me, or that I had died and become a forgotten thing ere this befell!" And
yet, Ibn al-Athir was not an eyewitness but was only repeating the stories
that refugees from the east, all in need of charity and aid, had reported to
him and the crowds that gathered to listen to their tales of woe. The result
of such rumor mongering Ibn al-Athir acknowledges himself in the fol-
lowing extract from his chronicle.
"Stories have been related to me," he says, "which the hearer can scarcely
credit, as to the terror of them [the Mongols] which God Almighty cast
into men's hearts; so that it is said that a single one of them would enter
a village or a quarter wherein were many people, and would continue to
slay them one after another none daring to stretch forth his hand against
this horseman. And I have heard that one of them took a man captive,
but had not with him any weapon wherewith to kill him; and he said to
his prisoner, 'Lay your head on the ground and do not move'; and he did
so and the Tartar went and fetched his sword and slew him therewith."
Another man related to me as follows; "I was going," said he "with sev-
enteen others along a road, and there met us a Tartar horseman, and bade
us bind one another's arms. My companions began to do as he bade them,
but I said to them, 'He is but one man; wherefore, then, should we not kill
him and flee?' They replied, 'We are afraid.' I said, This man intends to
kill you immediately; let us therefore rather kill him, that perhaps God
may deliver us.' But I swear by God that not one of them dared to do this,
so I took a knife and slew him, and we fled and escaped. And such occur-
rences were many."15
News that a Mongol advance was imminent was enough to cause panic at
worst but more often surrender. This suited the Mongols, who were enjoy-
ing the fruits of their conquests and earlier ruthlessness. This terror saved
lives, Mongol lives in particular, and as the Mongols became increasingly
aware of the paucity of their numbers as their empire expanded, they tried
to avoid bloody confrontation if it were possible. They were quite prepared
to commit the strategic atrocity if by so doing would result in a speedy end to
hostilities. Even Hlilegii, who entered Iran in triumph and was generally
welcomed on his arrival in the 1250s, perpetrated acts of dreadful barbarity,
possibly to stoke the embers of fear and dread of the ire of the Mongols. He
showed no mercy when his vassals attempted to defy his will.
The following account, taken from Mustawfi's Zafarnameh, reminds us
that the medieval world was a cruel and unforgiving age. Hulegu was not
Tusi's observatory, built on Hulegu's orders.

The Army 119
n o t e d for his cruelty, b u t the u n i q u e l y u g l y form of t o r t u r e is particularly

shocking.
Then King Gamil was taken prisoner at the hands of the army, and the Turks bore
him and his brother quickly to the prince, and from the city the prince sent them to
Hulegu's high throne. When his eyes fell on them anger surged in Hulegu's heart,
and animosity overcame him, and his heart became warlike against Gamil. He
recounted Gamil's offences, and his heart and soul grew faint. His lion like spirit
left him, and helplessly he trembled in fear for his life, like a willow. Hulegu said
to the executioner, "Quickly put him to a painful death." They severed the flesh
from his body and put it in his mouth, and he died in agony. In this way, the day
became black for him. After this, his brother was cut in two, and people's hearts
were filled with fear as a result. 16
Shortly after this H u l e g u h a d cause to deal h a r s h l y w i t h a noble w h o

h a d n o t only acted treasonably t o w a r d his n e w king b u t h a d b a d l y treated
Tusi's observatory. Courtesy of Abu Hajal Company

a wife that H u l e g u h a d personally chosen for a n d a w a r d e d to h i m . T h o u g h

Salih Malik p l e a d e d for mercy a n d i n v o k e d the m a n y years of loyal ser-
vice of his father ,the M o n g o l king r e m a i n e d implacable a n d merciless.
But the amir immediately sent him to the ruler of the world. Hulegu was
fiercely angry with him, for he had broken his pledge with open impu-
dence. He ordered that he should be stripped naked, and the courage of
the oath breaker put to the torture. They made a hoop from an animal's
tail and tied it round him with felt, like a rope girdle. They thus dressed
him with the robe of honour of an enemy, and, full of hate, took him to
the plain, following the order quickly. They tied him there in the sun
and left him there, until the pain and lamentation of his soul brought
that man to his end. It was so warm in that month of Murdad, for the
sun was in the sign of Leo, an auspicious one. Notice how fate arranged
it, that the heat brought doom to that man. They tied that man down
on that wretched plain and left him there at the command of the shah.
When the heat passed through the animal's tail, it putrefied and worms
grew in it. After a month of putrefaction in the heat the soul of that ruler
longed for death, for when the worms had eaten all of the tail, then the
man's body became their food. They began to eat him completely, and the
agony of the worms feeding on him, gave him a terrible death. He died
from the pain and agony and distress. In that place he gave over his soul
to good. What evil is done in the world, you might ask, when this kind of
retribution comes to a man? Anyone who does not oppress another does
not see the reality of pain and sorrow. Salih had a son of three years old,
and heaven sent a letter of retribution to him too. The prince sent him
to Mosul, and there they cut his body into two pieces. They hung the
two pieces of his body on each side of the river, until there was nothing
left of his body but warp and woof. The flesh putrefied, and sometimes
dripped, and in this way calamity caused his stock to meet the dust. The
hearts of the people of the world were pleased that his race had come to
an end, in this way 1 7
THE YAM
The yam a n d band, w h i c h b e c a m e the c o m m u n i c a t i o n s n e t w o r k for

the e m p i r e , are first m e n t i o n e d d u r i n g O g o d e i Khan's reign. It m u s t be
a s s u m e d that it d e v e l o p e d d u r i n g the e x p a n d i n g years of his father's
rule, a n d t h e n in 1234 O g o d e i set u p a p r o p e r l y organized n e t w o r k that
in future years w a s to so i m p r e s s visitors a n d m e r c h a n t s to the M o n g o l
Empire. Yam is a M o n g o l t e r m a n d the t e r m m o s t c o m m o n l y e m p l o y e d
in the Persian sources of the time, w h e r e a s band is an Arabic t e r m u s e d to
describe the horse relay stations of the c A b b as id s (749-1258) a n d the later
c o m m u n i c a t i o n s n e t w o r k of the M a m l u k s of Egypt, w h i c h in fact w a s a
The Army 121
development of the Mongols' yam system. Much of what is known of the
functioning of the yam is from later sources that detail various reforms of
the system and often lambaste the failings of the operation under former
rulers. Praise comes from many sources, however, including Marco Polo,
who claims that distances of between 200 and 250 miles a day could be
covered by the Great Khan's couriers, adding that "these strong, endur-
ing messengers are highly prized men." 18 The yam operating in China,
from where it originated, seems to have been more effectual than the Per-
sian system, but whatever the criticisms of the sources whose authors so
often had their own agendas, this network of fresh horses, couriers, sup-
ply houses, and escorts succeeded in establishing a remarkable degree of
cohesion and communication over such a vast empire.
The network was run by the army, and therefore it crisscrossed the
whole expanse of Mongol controlled territory from Eastern Europe to the
Sea of Japan. Posthouses were established every three or four farsangs
(farsang, parsang, farsakh = three to four-and-a-half miles), and each yam
had at least 15 horses in good condition and ready to go or if Marco Polo
is to be believed between 200 and 400 ready mounts. Rashid al-Din put the
figure at 500 mounts, but it can be assumed that different routes would
have different requirements. Ilchis (messengers, representatives) would be
authorized to make use of these waiting horses as well as replenish their
supplies or seek shelter if their journey was to be continued by another
waiting ilchi. Though the army was entrusted with operating and replen-
ishing these numerous yam stations, it was the local peasantry who sup-
plied the food, fodder, and generous provisions that were made available
to the ilchis and others passing through. One of the abuses of the yam
system that was rectified by later reforms was the frequent use made of
these facilities by merchants. Officially, only persons on official business
and in possession of a tablet of authority, a paiza, made of wood, silver,
or gold and engraved in the Uighur script with a tiger or gyrfalcon at
its head were permitted to make use of the yam services. However, the
heavy burden the yam stations inflicted on the locals suggests that many
others benefited from the free horses, food, and provisions. The frequent
references in the sources to reforms of the system to curb misuse imply
that such exploitation was widespread. Particularly urgent messages or
documents could also be sent with runners, who would also be on hand
at the yam stations and at regular short intervals of a farsang or less in
between. According to Marco Polo they would wear belts of bells so that
the runner at the next village would hear their approach and be able to
make preparations to continue the relay. He further claimed that not only
did they carry urgent messages for the Great Khan but also fresh fruit.
These runners, or paykan, would relay their packages from station to sta-
tion, village to village, and they could cover between 30 to 40 parsangs in
24 hours. As with most figures recorded in medieval sources, numbers
differ widely and cannot be relied on for accuracy. However that the yam
was a major institution and that is was crucial for the smooth and effec-
tive running of the empire cannot be questioned. The fact that someone of
the prestige and status of Rashid al-Din, the grand vizier to the Il-Khan of
Persia, Ghazan Khan (1295-1304), was put in charge of the yam's opera-
tion and reform program speaks of the significance attached to this insti-
tution. Rashid al-Din took responsibility for the yam stations away from
the army and the burden of their financial upkeep from the local people
and entrusted each yam to a great emir. Generous funds were allotted for
maintenance, and strict regulations were laid down detailing exactly who
was permitted use of the facilities. Documents requiring stamps and seals
were issued to control unauthorized use of the horses, runners, and pro-
visions of the yam stations. The yam under Ghazan Khan was a far more
sophisticated institution than the improvised relay system that Chinggis
Khan began adapting to his needs as his steppe empire began to emerge
from its pastoralist past. It was certainly one of the more effective of the
Mongols' imperial institutions, and it lived on in the barid of the Egyptian
Mamluks, the courier system found in the Delhi Sultanate, and even in the
ulak system of the Ottoman Turks.
MILITARY HEROES
All the major figures in the emerging Mongol Empire owed their promi-
nence and dominance to successful military careers. Mongol society was
a military machine and there was no distinction between the army and
civilians. As the great Tuluid empires based in Iran and China emerged
so too did a distinction between the men of the sword and the men of the
pen. Indeed the concept of the men of the pen did not exist in traditional
Mongol society. Prior to 1300, by which time both the Yiian dynasty and
the Il-Khanid state were solidly established, almost any Mongol hero had
achieved fame and glory at least partially though military prowess. One
notable exception remarkable because of his lack of martial mettle was the
Mongol administrator and "man of the pen" Arghun Aqa (1210-75). More
in keeping with the traditional ideal of a Mongol hero was noyan (general
or noble) Subodai, immortalized as one of the duo of noyans, Subodai and
Jebe, whose legendary reconnaissance trip around the Caspian Sea circa
1222 earned them an honored position in the annals of military history.
The reconnaissance trip that ensured their place
Nouans securely in the annals of military history commenced
Subodai when Subodai and Jebe abandoned the search for the
and Jebe dying Khwarazmshah. On the island of Abaskun in the
southeastern corner of the Caspian Sea, Mohammad
Khwarazmshah was left to slowly die from his ills. He had brought ter-
rible tragedy on his divided people and the people of western Asia, and
he had opened the legendary gates of Iranzamin to the mythical hordes of
Turan. Chinggis Khan had unleashed his armies to wreak vengeance-fed
The Army 123
death and destruction on an unprecedented scale after the Khwarazmshah
had allowed, if not ordered, the unprovoked murder of a trade delega-
tion composed mainly of Muslim merchants. In Bokhara Chinggis Khan
addressed the assembled citizens to explain his presence: "I am the Pun-
ishment of God. If you had not committed great sins, God would not have
sent a punishment like me upon you." 19 If this had been the verdict on
the people of Bokhara, there must have been countless other people in the
environs of the Caspian Sea and the Qipchaq Steppes who thought those
words should apply equally to them after being visited by the two noyaus,
Subodai and Jebe.
Subodai Bahadur (1176-1248) was the son of a blacksmith of the
Uriangqadai clan and joined Temlijin as a youth in 1190. By the age of 25
this large and imposing man had been appointed commander of cavalry.
He was so large that the slight Mongol horses sometimes had problems car-
rying him, and he is recorded as being carried to battle in various forms of
carriage. Subodai was utterly loyal to his master, and in mopping up opera-
tions before the Great Quriltai of 1206, it was Subodai who pursued and
terminally disposed of Kutu and Chila'un, sons of Chinggis's arch enemy,
the defeated Merkit leader Tokhto. Such service and loyalty was rewarded.
Subodai was made commander of a tiimen (10,000) in the devastating wars
against the Xixia (1209). Subodai's great claim to fame arose from his leg-
endary reconnaissance trip around the Caspian Sea with his fellow gen-
eral, Jebe. In 1221, charged with hunting down the fleeing Khwarazmshah,
the two Mongol noyaus found themselves in western Iran. They did not
linger, and their bloody visits enshrined the reputation of the Mongols for
barbarity and bloodletting for all time. Though Tabriz managed to bribe
the approaching army in time to avert catastrophe, other towns were not
so fortunate, and the human wave of destruction engulfed them before
they knew what was upon them. The pair did not linger so much so that
the Georgian army under George IV was able to claim victory from their
total defeat. After engaging the Mongol forces of 20,000 men and suffering
calamitous defeat, the Caucasians fled in terror back to their capital, Tiflis,
to await the inevitable siege. However, that siege never came, and the
Mongols merely continued on their way northward, the encounter being
merely another skirmish for them on their circumnavigation of the
Caspian. George IV, seeing the Mongols in retreat, was able to convince
himself that his decimated forces had in fact so impressed the invaders that
they had fled rather than risk another encounter. Few believed his boasts.
The generals continued their unstoppable march northward through
the rugged Caucasus, cleaving asunder at Derbent the biblical barrier
restraining Gog and Magog, 20 and into the open plains beyond, encoun-
tering and defeating Cuman Turks from the Qipchaq steppe lands and
Rus armies from what is today Russia. In the Chronicle of Novgorod the
impact of their coming in 1224 is poignantly expressed in the few startling
words of an observer.
The same year, for our sins, an unknown tribe came, whom no one exactly knows,
who they are, nor whence they came out, nor what their language is, nor of what
race they are, nor what their faith is; but they call them Tartars God alone
knows who they are and whence they came out.21
Their army was to meet up with the main Mongol armies in Khwarazm
and leave it to others to consolidate their gains. In these two short years
they had expanded the reach of the Great Khan's writ as far as the borders
of Eastern Europe and the heartlands of the Islamic world. The tales of
horror, heroism, cunning, blood and gore, desperation, and bravery have
filled the pages of many chronicles in almost as many languages associated
with this epic journey and are too numerous to recount here. However, the
famous battle of Kalka (1223),22 fought on the river of the same name in
the Crimea, deserves special mention. It was carried out with great tacti-
cal skill and classic Mongol cunning, and it left the alliance between the
Qipchaq, Cuman, and Polovtsian Turks and the Rus princes shattered and
their armies routed. The victory feast was celebrated literally on top of
the still-living bodies of the vanquished foes. After the remnants of the
defeated Kievan army surrendered to the Mongols, a heavy wooden plat-
form was placed on top of the bodies of the tightly bound Russian gener-
als. As the joyful Mongol leaders celebrated their hard-won victory, their
helpless foes slowly suffocated to a horrible death.
THE STORY OF THE COMING OF JEBE AND SUBEDA'I TO

THE PROVINCE OF IRAQ AND AZERBAIJAN AND ARAN
AND THE KILLING AND PILLAGE IN THIS LAND, AND THE
PASSING FROM THE ROAD TO DARBAND, QIPCHAG, TO
MOGHULISTAN
When Sultan Jalal al-Din fled from Nishapur and turned his thoughts
to Ghaznin, Jebe and Subeda'i sent a messenger to Chinggis Khan
to say, that Sultan Muhammad was no more and his son Jalal al-Din
had fled and was coming in that direction. "We are no longer wor-
ried about him, and in accordance with your command we will spend
a year or two conquering as many lands that lie before us as we can
and then we will be able to return via Derband, the Qipchaq Gates to
the rendezvous point as commanded in Mongolia, God willing and
through Chinggis Khan's fortune. The authority of the Great God and
the fortune of Chinggis Khan know that." After that, as always for all
eventualities [to ensure] obtainable materials, he dispatched envoys
and since provinces had still not been secured, no fewer than three or
four hundred envoys went. In short, when they began the conquest
of Iraq [Persia], they first took Khwar and Simnan. From there they
came to the city of Ray, where they killed and plundered. Then they
went to Qum, and they killed all the people there and took the children
captive. And from there they went to Hamadan. Sayyid Majd al-Din
The Army 125
Ala' al-Dawla surrendered, sending tribute in steeds and garments and

accepting to have a shahna. And from there when they had heard that a
large number of soldiers from the sultan's army had assembled in Sejas
under the command of Beg-Tegin Silahi and Kuch Buqa Khan, they
turned their attention upon them and "nothinged" [nist gardanidan] or
annihilated them. From there they came to Zanjan, where they mas-
sacred many more times than they had done in other towns. They had
never done [such atrocities] in other regions as they did in that region.
They returned to Qazwin where they engaged in a fierce battle with
the Qazwinis and took the city by force. The Qazwinis, as usual, fought
inside the city with knives until nearly fifty thousand men had been
killed on both sides. They massacred and plundered throughout the
whole land of Iraq [Persia].
When winter set in, they engaged in a great battle in the vicinity of
Ray. At that time Chinggis Khan was in the region of Nakhshab and
Termez. That year the cold was extreme and sudden. They headed
for Azerbaijan, any place they encountered a hindrance [godaz; gorge,
ford], they indulged in killing and looting in the customary manner,
along the way. When they reached Tabriz, the governor, who was Atabeg
Ozbeg, son of Jahan Pahlavan, hid himself and sent someone to ask for
a truce. He also sent much tribute and many animals. Under the truce
they turned back to spend the winter there before setting out for Arran
on the way to Georgia.
Ten thousand Georgians faced them and engaged them in battle. The
Georgians were defeated, and most were killed. Since most of the roads
in Georgia were narrow and they saw extremely wild and overgrown
terrain, they turned back and set out for Maragheh. When they returned
to Tabriz, the governor, Shams al-Din Tughra'i, sent out enough tribute to
satisfy them, and they passed on. They laid siege to the city of Maragheh,
and because at that time the ruler was a woman who ruled from Royindiz,
there was no one in the city who could offer resistance or devise a strat-
egy. They [therefore] turned their hands to war.
The Mongols put the Muslim prisoners out in front in order to attack
the walls, and they killed anyone who turned back. They fought in this
fashion for several days. In the end, they seized the city by force and put
[both] high and low to death. Anything that could be easily carried they
took away, and the rest they burned and smashed. Then they set out for
Diyarbakr and Arbela, but when they heard the great fame of the army of
Muzaffar al-Din Kok-Bori, they turned back.
Because Jamal al-Din Aybeh, one of the Khwarazmshah's slaves, had
stirred up sedition again with a group of people, killed the shahna of
Hamadan, seized Ala' al-Dawla for having submitted, and imprisoned
him in the castle of Girit, a dependency of Lur, they [Mongols] went
again toward Hamadan. Although Jamal al-Din Aybeh came forth to sur-
render, it did him no good. He and his nokers [vassals, lieutenants] were
martyred and the Mongols laid siege to the city and carried out a general
massacre in Rajab 618 [August-September 1221].
After devastating Hamadan, they set out for Nakhchivan, which they
captured and [in which] they massacred and looted. In the end Atabeg
Khamush surrendered and they gave him a royal seal [dl-tamqa] and a
wooden pdiza. From there they set out for Arran. [First] they took Saraw
[Sarab] and massacred and looted and [then] Ardabil in the same way.
From there they went to the city of Baylaghan, which they seized by
storm, killing old and young [alike]. After that, they attacked Ganja,
which was the greatest of the cities of Arran. They seized it and totally
devastated it too. From there they headed for Georgia, where [the peo-
ple] had organised an army and had prepared for battle. While they
were facing off against each other, Jebe hid himself with five thousand
soldiers in a secret recess, and Subeda'i advanced with the army. At the
beginning of the battle the Mongols retreated with the Georgians com-
ing behind. Jebe leapt from ambush and caught [the Georgians] in a
trap. In an instant thirty thousand Georgians were killed. From there
they headed for Derbent and Shirvan. Along the way they took the city
of Shemakhi by siege, massacring the people and taking many captives.
Since it was impossible to pass through Derbent, they sent a few people
to the Shirvanshah to agree a truce. He dispatched ten of his nobles. The
Mongols killed one of them and said to the others, "If you show us the
way through Derbent, we will spare your lives; otherwise we will kill
you too." They guided them out of fear for their lives and [the Mongols]
passed through.
When they reached the province of the Alans, a multitude of people
were there, and together with the Qipchaqs they engaged the Mongol
army in battle and not one [managed to] escape. Afterwards the Mongols
sent a message to the Qipchaqs, saying, "We and you are one tribe and
of one sort. The Alans are aliens to us. We have made a pact with you
not to harm one another. We will give you whatever gold and vestments
you want. Leave them with us." And they dispatched a large quantity of
goods.
The Qipchaqs turned back, and the Mongols achieved victory over
the Alans, exerting themselves as much as they could in massacring and
looting. The Qipchaqs, in hopes of peace, dispersed in safety in their own
territory. Suddenly the Mongols attacked them and killed everyone they
found, taking double that which they had given [the Qipchaqs] before
turning back. Some of the Qipchaqs who remained fled to the lands of the
Rus. The Mongols wintered in that area, which was all pasture lands.
From there they went to the city of Sudaq on the coast of the sea that
is connected to the Gulf of Constantinople. They took that city, and the
people scattered. After that, they resolved to attack the land of the Rus
and the Qipchaqs who had gone there. They [the Rus and Qipchaqs] got
ready and assembled a large army, and when the Mongols saw their for-
midable size they retreated.
The Qipchaqs and Rus supposed they were retreating out of fear and
pursued them at a distance of twelve-days. Then, without warning, the
Mongol army turned around and attacked them, and before they could
The Army 127
re-group many were killed. They fought for a week, but finally the
Qipchaqs and Rus were routed. The Mongols went in pursuit and
destroyed their towns. A great part of their province was emptied of peo-
ple. From there they travelled until they rejoined Chinggis Khan, who
had returned from the lands of the Tajiks.23
Subodai continued a celebrated military career, and his descendants

added to his illustrious legacy. His last campaign was in Hungary, where
he decimated the Hungarian troops after luring the already defeated army
into a trap that enabled the Mongol archers to pick off the fleeing enemy
one by one. Reports claim that bodies littered the region for a distance of
two days' march. By late 1241 Subodai was discussing plans with his gen-
erals for the invasion of Austria, Italy, and Germany. It was the death of
the Great Khan, Ogodei, and the subsequent recall of all the leaders of the
clans to Qaraqorum that saved Europe from the Tatar yoke.
Subodai was dead by 1248, but his progeny continued in his military
footsteps. His son, Uriyangkhadai, led Mongol armies into the jungles of
what is today north Vietnam, and his grandson Bayan earned a reputa-
tion of which his grandfather would have been proud. He is credited with
finally defeating the Song armies of southern China in 1276.
Chinggis Khan succeeded in transforming a disparate
Qaidu Khan group of feuding bandit tribes into a united and mighty
fighting force by revolutionizing steppe society and regu-
lating and controlling those skills his people excelled in, namely horse-
manship, archery, mounted warfare, and battle discipline. Later he added
the military skills and techniques of the people he had conquered, and
it was an international force that his sons led to further conquests. His
reforms were unavoidable, and, recognizing this, his successors continued
to reform and change all aspects of Mongol life. This was not universally
popular, and many Mongols strongly disapproved of what the Mongol
Empire was developing into. Much of the ire and disapproval of these
traditionalists was directed at the House of Tolui and the Yiian dynasty
and the Il-Khanate in particular. Qaidu Khan (1236-1301), a survivor of
the House of Ogodei, became the champion of those who yearned for
the traditional values of the steppe and the days when the Mongols were
true nomads, unfettered with the trappings of the sedentary life and the
malign influences of the Chinese and Persians. He rose in revolt against
Qubilai Khan, emperor of China and Great Khan of the Mongols, and his
revolt also brought him into conflict with Abaqa, the Mongol Emperor of
Persia.
128 Daily Life in the Mongol Empire
Qaidu's driving motivation, however, was not, as some would have it, to
acquire the mantle of the Qa'an or Great Khan. His motivation was partly
to promote the return to the traditional values of the nomadic lifestyle and
culture of the steppes in contrast to the so-called progressive sedentary
regimes of the Il-Khans and the Yiian dynasty and to redress the wrongs
done to his own branch of the royal family, the Ogodeids, by the Toluids
during Mongke Khan's rise to power in 1250-51. When the Toluids under
Mongke seized power from the descendants of Gliylik (1246-48), they ini-
tiated a massacre of any Ogodeid and Chaghedaid princes who might
have posed a threat. The House of Ogodei had been decimated and had
lost their leaders and their lands, and it was this wrong that Qaidu felt
compelled to right. He did not seek the Mongol throne, but he wanted
his ancestral lands restored to him and his family. He sought to establish
a state representing the house of Ogodei that was at least equal in status
to and commensurate with the other Mongol states. In 1271, following the
defeat and death of the Chaghedaid Baraq Khan by Abaqa Khan at the Bat-
tle of Herat, Qaidu assumed control of central Asia and oversaw the estab-
lishment of an Ogodeid state. Such was his stature and political dexterity,
backed by military aptitude, that he was able to achieve to some degree
his aims in his own lifetime. However, lacking their father's prestige and
genius his sons were unable to sustain these considerable achievements,
and within 10 years of his death in 1301 they had lost much of their politi-
cal power, and the Mongol state over which they ruled became known to
history as the Chaghadaid Khanate.
Qaidu remains a military hero and a champion of Mongol tradition,
and though he is a marginal figure in most accounts of Mongol history he
epitomizes Mongol values and the Mongol warrior. Myths and legends
surrounded and contributed to his fame and stature, not least of which are
the stories told of his remarkable daughter, Qutulun, who is mentioned
elsewhere in this book.
THE MONGOLS AT WAR: MONGOLS AND MAMLUKS 24

A wise man once said, "When the sun rises, the stars have no heat to
compare with it." Just as the ocean becomes turbulent, so the hearts
of the enemy were agitated by lamentation. What was Nasir [Mamluk
Sultan of Egypt, ruled 1299-1341] compared with Ghazan [Il-Khan,
ruled 1295-1304], at this time? What is an ant compared with a destroy-
ing elephant?
Two princes of the Egyptians came to meet him [Ghazan Khan] and
engage him in battle. He killed them with the spear, which was like a
gnat in his hands. The noble Audai said to him, "If you must seek battle,
why must it be with this vast army? It is not right that the shah should
bathe his hands in blood. You must not be our example any longer."
The Army 129
Boldly he left his place in the battle and brought the shah back before
the army, and did not again allow him to enter the battle, and he showed
his love for the shah. When the army saw what Ghazan had done, they
recovered their courage and rushed to attack the enemy, calling on the
name of God.
First the advance guard attacked the enemy like lions, led by the amir
Choban, roaring like a lion. The Egyptians were unacquainted with his
bravery, and they came to meet him. When they met him, they met death
too, and they grew to fear him. He raised his hand in battle, and the
Egyptians were destroyed. When they saw his attack, none dared to meet
it, and they had cause to remember his bravery, for he rended that great
army like a lion or a wolf. Another amir, the Sultan Yasawal attacked
like a lion, and the arrows rained down, even as the hail flows from the
clouds, while Barandaq fought until the enemy lives were wasted.
The right wing also attacked, under Qutluh-shah, who attacked like a
lion, and killed and took prisoners. The handsome Sulamish, who was as
brave as he was beautiful, killed an Arab with every arrow that he loosed,
while Mulai hurled himself into the midst of the battle [500] and split the
enemy ranks. When Abashgai saw his fury and his bravery, he hurried to
support him, and Binaq assaulted the Egyptians like a rutting elephant.
When Sultan Takfur joined the battle, the colour left the faces of the
enemy. There was no escape for enemy heads from the arm of the battle-
tried Ya'uldar. Boladqiya was so fierce in battle, that he became black with
blood, and by his attack, the enemy were put to flight. The world was
made black for the shah's enemies by Qipchaq, while disaster struck their
ranks from Taghilchah. Baman hurled himself into the attack and from
his deeds, the enemy met the day of judgement; so hotly did that war-
like man attack them, that death took their bodies. The left wing poured
arrows on the enemy like hail. Qurumshi's only desire was to fight, and
neither coats of mail nor armour were of any use against his arrows.
Gurkan Jaijaq brought down destruction on the enemy, and Ramadan
toppled enemy heads. Although the fierce enemy were bigger than moun-
tains before Tuq-Timur, they became less than straw. When Altamish
joined the fighting, the world became harsh for the Egyptians, and the
battlefield was like a hunting ground on the day of the chase. Tughan
and Hulachu caused the enemy's cheeks to blanch by their arrows. In the
centre, the army leaders displayed their courage to the shah.
Enemy heads were lopped by Alghu, their hearts were filled with
blood and their livers pierced. Through the bravery of Gur-Timur and
Taramtaz, the hearts of the Egyptian people were filled with dismay, while
Tashfarad and Ta'mtash made the world black for the Egyptian king. The
lion-like Qutlugh-Qiya left the enemy with no glory, while Yusuf Buqa
charged fiercely and the world shed the enemy's blood. Tughai, son of
Sutai was like the fire which consumes the dry reeds. The youth fought
bravely, like a lion, among the ranks of the Egyptians, and killed so many
that the shah was pleased at his bravery.
NOTES
1. Het'um, Flowers of History, trans. Robert Bedrosian, Sources for the Armenian
Tradition, available at: http://rbedrosian.com/kgl.htm.
2. Kulliyat-i-Amir Khosrow.
3. S.R. Turnbull and A. McBride, The Mongols, Men-at-Arms Series, no. 105
(Oxford, U.K.: Osprey Military, 2000), 13-14.
Historia Mongalornm, trans. Erik Hildinger (Boston: Branden, 1996), 72.
5. Mustawfi, Z afarndmeh, quoted in E.G. Browne, A Eiterary History of Persia,
vol. 3, Persian Literature under Tartar Domination 1265-1502 (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1920), 97-98.
6. Juvaini, 29.
7. Ibid., 28.
8. "The Travels of Friar Oderic," in Henry Yule, Cathay and the Way Thither, vol. 2
(Reprint, Millwood, N.Y.: Kraus Reprint, 1967), 235.
9. Edward Gibbons, Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire (London: Everyman's
Library, 1910), vol. 3, 8-9.
10. Adapted from Ala-ad-Din Ata-Malik Juvaini, The History of the World
Conqueror, trans. John Andrew Boyle, intro. David Morgan (Manchester, U.K.:
Manchester University Press, 1997), 27-28.
11. "The Travels of Friar Oderic," in Henry Yule, Cathay and the Way Thither
(Millwood, N.Y.: Kraus Reprint, 1967), 234-40.
12. "The Mission of Friar William of Rubruck, His Journey to the Court of the
Great Khan, Mongke, 1253-1255," in William of Rubruck, The Mission of William
of Rubruck, trans, and ed. Peter Jackson with David Morgan (London: Hakluyt
Society, 1990), 85.
13. Rashid al-Din, Jdmi' al-Tavdrikh, eds., Mohammad Roushan and Mustafah
Musavi, (Tehran: Nashr albaraz, 1994), translation by George Lane, 672.
14. Adapted from Boyle's translation of Juvaini, History of the World Conqueror,
26, Persian text of Juwayni, 19-21.
15. Edward G. Browne, A Literary History of Persia, vol. 2, From Firdawsi to Sacdi
(London: Unwin, 1915), 427-31.
16. Mustawfi, Zafarnameh, 140-41; cf. Rashid al-Din, Jdmi' al-Tavdrikh, transla-
tion by George Lane, 1038.
17. Mustawfi, Zafarnameh, 179-80; cf. Rashid al-Din, Jdmi' al-Tavdrikh, transla-
tion by George Lane, 1043.
18. Marco Polo, The Travels of Marco Polo, (Everyman edition, 1983), 212.
Press, 1997), 105.
20. In the Bible, a hostile power that is ruled by Satan and will manifest itself
immediately before the end of the world (Revelation 20). In the biblical passage in
Revelation and in other Christian and Jewish apocalyptic literature, Gog is joined
by a second hostile force, Magog, but elsewhere (Ezekiel 38, Genesis 10:2) Magog
is apparently the place of Gog's origin.
21. R. Michell and Nevill Forbes, The Chronicle of Novgorod 1016-1471, Camden
Third Series, vol. 25 (London: Offices of the Society, 1914), 64.
The Army 131
22. D. Nicolle and V. Shpakovsky, Kalka River 1223 (Oxford, U.K.: Osprey
Publishing, 2001).
23. Rashid al-Din, Jdmi' al-Tavdrikh, translation by George Lane, 531-35.
24. Mustawfi, Zafarnameh, trans. L.J. Ward, 499-500.
A P P E N D I X A: H O W THE TARTARS C O N D U C T
THEMSELVES I N WAR
Friar Giovanni DiPlano Carpini
Genghis Khan divided his Tartars by captains of ten, captains of a hun-

dred, and captains of a thousand, and over ten millenaries, or captains of
a thousand, he placed one colonel, and over one whole army he autho-
rized two or three chiefs, but so that all should be under one of the said
chiefs. When they join battle against any other nation, unless they do all
consent to retreat, every man who deserts is put to death. And if one or
two, or more, often proceed manfully to the battle, but the residue of those
ten draw back and follow not the company, they are in like manner slain.
Also, if one among ten or more be taken, their fellows, if they fail to rescue
them, are punished with death.
Moreover they are required to have these weapons: two long bows or
one good one at least, three quivers full of arrows, and one axe, and ropes
to draw engines of war. But the richer have single-edged swords, with
sharp points, and somewhat crooked. They have also armed horses, with
their shoulders and breasts protected; they have helmets and coats of mail.
Some of them have jackets for their horses, made of leather artificially
doubled or trebled, shaped upon their bodies. The upper part of their hel-
met is of iron or steel, but that part which circles about the neck and the
throat is of leather. Some of them have all their armour of iron made in
the following manner: they beat out many thin plates a finger broad, and
a hand long, and making in every one of them eight little holes, they lace
through three strong and straight leather thongs. So they join the plates
one to another, as it were, ascending by degrees. Then they tie the plates
to the thongs, with other small and slender thongs, drawn through the
holes, and in the upper part, on each side, they fasten one small doubled
thong, that the plates may firmly be knit together. These they make, as
well for their horses as for the armour of their men; and they scour them
so bright that a man may behold his face in them. Some of them upon the
neck of their lance have a hook, with which they attempt to pull men out
of their saddles. The heads of their arrows are exceedingly sharp, cutting
both ways like a two-edged sword, and they always carry a file in their
quivers to sharpen their arrowheads.
They are most efficient in wars, having been in conflict with other
nations for the space of these forty-two years. When they come to any
rivers, the chief men of the company have a round and light piece of
leather. They put a rope through the many loops on the edge of this, draw
it together like a purse, and so bring it into the round form of a ball, which
leather they fill with their garments and other necessaries, trussing it up
most strongly. But upon the midst of the upper part thereof, they lay their
saddles and other hard things; there also do the men themselves sit. This,
their boat, they tie to a horse's tail, causing a man to swim before, to guide
over the horse, or sometimes they have two oars to row themselves over.
The first horse, therefore, being driven into the water, all the others' horses
of the company follow him, and so they pass through the river. But the
common soldiers have each his leather bag or satchel well sewn together,
wherein he packs up all his trinkets, and strongly trussing it up hangs it at
his horse's tail, and so he crosses the river.
Source: John de Piano Carpini, The long and wonderful voyage of Frier Iohn de Piano
Carpini, http://etext.library.adelaide.edu.aU/h/hakluyt/voyages/carpini/
complete.html
A P P E N D I X B: OF THEIR SPIES A N D
H O W THEY MAY BE RESISTED
No one kingdom or province is able to resist the Tartars; because they

use soldiers out of every country of their dominions. If the neighbouring
province to that which they invade will not aid them, they waste it, and
with the inhabitants, whom they take with them, they proceed to fight
against the other province. They place their captives in the front of the bat-
tle, and if they fight not courageously they put them to the sword. There-
fore, if Christians would resist them, it is expedient that the provinces and
governors of countries should all agree, and so by a united force should
meet their encounter.
Soldiers also must be furnished with strong hand-bows and cross-
bows, which they greatly dread, with sufficient arrows, with maces also
of strong iron, or an axe with a long handle. When they make their arrow-
heads, they must, according to the Tartars' custom, dip them red-hot into
salt water, that they may be strong enough to pierce the enemies' armour.
They that will may have swords also and lances with hooks at the ends, to
pull them from their saddles, out of which they are easily removed. They
must have helmets and other armour to defend themselves and their
horses from the Tartars' weapons and arrows, and they that are unarmed,
must, according to the Tartars' custom, march behind their fellows, and
discharge at the enemy with longbows and cross-bows. And, as it has
already been said of the Tartars, they must dispose their bands and troops
in an orderly manner, and ordain laws for their soldiers. Whosoever runs
to the prey or spoil, before the victory is achieved, must undergo a most
The Army 133
severe punishment. For such a fellow is put to death among the Tartars
without pity or mercy.
The place of battle must be chosen, if it is possible, in a plain field, where
they may see round about; neither must all troops be in one company, but
in many, not very far distant one from another. They which give the first
encounter must send one band before, and must have another in readiness
to relieve and support the former in time. They must have spies, also, on
every side, to give them notice when the rest of the enemy's bands approach.
They ought always to send forth band against band and troop against troop,
because the Tartar always attempts to get his enemy in the midst and so to
surround him. Let our bands take this advice also; if the enemy retreats, not
to make any long pursuit after him, lest according to his custom he might
draw them into some secret ambush. For the Tartar fights more by cunning
than by main force. And again, a long pursuit would tire our horses, for we
are not so well supplied with horses as they. Those horses which the Tartars
use one day, they do not ride upon for three or four days after. Moreover, if
the Tartars draw homeward, our men must not therefore depart and break
up their bands, or separate themselves; because they do this also upon pol-
icy, namely, to have our army divided, that they may more securely invade
and waste the country. Indeed, our captains ought both day and night to
keep their army in readiness; and not to put oft their armour, but at all time
to be prepared for battle. The Tartars, like devils, are always watching and
devising how to practice mischief. Furthermore, if in battle any of the Tar-
tars be cast off their horses, they must be captured, for being on foot they
shoot strongly, wounding and killing both horses and men.
Source: John de Piano Carpini, The long and wonderful voyage of Frier Iohn de Piano
Carpini, taken out of the 32. booke of Vincentius Beluacensis his Speculum histo-
riale, available on the Internet at http://etext.library.adelaide.edu.au/lr/
hakluyt/voyages/carpini/
1237 THE M O N G O L ATTACK O N

THE L A N D S OF THE R U S PRINCES
The princes of Riazan, Murom, and Pronsk moved against the godless
and engaged them in a battle. The struggle was fierce, but the godless
Mohammedans [non-Christian] emerged victorious with each prince
fleeing toward his own city. Thus angered, the Tartars now began the
conquest of the Riazan land with great fury. They destroyed cities, killed
people, burned and took [people] into slavery. On December 6, [1237,] the
cursed strangers approached the capital city of Riazan, besieged it, and
surrounded it with a stockade. The princes of Riazan shut themselves up
with the people in the city, fought bravely, but succumbed. On December
21, [1237,] the Tartars took the city of Riazan, burned it completely, killed
Prince Iurii Igorevich, his wife, slaughtered other princes, and of the
captured men, women, and children, some they killed with their swords,
others they killed with arrows and [then] threw them into the fire; while
some of the captured they bound, cut and disemboweled their bodies.
The Tartars burned many holy churches, monasteries, and villages, and
took their property.
Then the Tartars went toward Kolomna. From Vladimir, Grand Prince
Iurii Vsevolodovich sent his son, Prince Vsevolod, against them; with him
also went Prince Roman Igorevich of Riazan with his armies. Grand Prince
Iurii sent his military commander, Eremei Glebovich, ahead with a patrol.
This group joined Vsevolod's and Roman Igorevich's forces at Kolomna.
There they were surrounded by the Tartars. The struggle was very fierce
and the Russians were driven away to a hill. And there they [the Tartars]
killed Prince Roman Igorevich Riazanskii, and Eremei Glebovich, the
military commander of Vsevolod Iurievich, and they slaughtered many
other men. Prince Vsevolod, with a small detachment, fled to Vladimir.
The Tartars [then] went toward Moscow. They took Moscow and killed
the military commander Philip Nianka, and captured Vladimir, the son of
Prince Iurii; they slaughtered people old and young alike, some they took
with them into captivity; they departed with a great amount of wealth.
Source: Polnoe Sobranie Rossiiskikh letopisei (Complete Collection of Russian

Chronicles), in Basil Dmytryshyn, Medieval Russia: A Source Book 900-1700
(New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1973), 108.
6
HEALTH AND MEDICINE
For a people who regularly indulged in decidedly unhealthy habits, the

Mongols were surprisingly concerned with their health and medicine.
At the height of their empire in the late thirteenth early fourteenth cen-
turies, the Mongols had access to and use of the major medical systems
of Eurasia, namely Chinese, Korean, Tibetan, Indian, Uighur, Islamic,
and Nestorian Christian. Individual princes on their journeys around the
empire or out on the campaign trails were accompanied by their own
retinue of medical teams selected from this pool of medical expertise
and learning. Though they also retained their traditional shamans (holy
men) whose role included treatment of disease and physical ailments,
the Mongols differentiated between the various medical practitioners
and the native shamans. The term otochi was applied to the foreign doc-
tors, and they were identified as using herbs and drugs, em, whereas the
Mongol witch doctors (shamans) relied on spiritual powers and magic to
treat and cure.
EARLY PRACTICES
On the steppe it was the shaman whose skills were called upon in cases
of sickness and disease, and one of his (or her) first functions was to estab-
lish whether the affliction had its origin in natural sources or in malevolent
witchcraft. These medieval shamans were sometimes referred to as physi-
cians (tabib), though their main skill remained in prophecy. Some of their
practices seem not only bizarre but suspiciously barbaric.
Now the chief who called himself the brother of God came into the midst
of the country and mercilessly trampled the miserable Christians; and
they burned all the wooden crosses wherever they came upon them
erected on the roads and in the mountains. Yet nothing satisfied them.
Indeed, they plundered even more those monasteries they came upon in
the country by eating and drinking. They mercilessly hung up the vener-
able priests and beat them.
A chief from Xul's cavalry went to a monastery called Geret'i. Its abbot
was named Step'annos, white-haired and old, very select, holy and vir-
tuous in behavior and accomplished in good deeds. When he saw the
chief of the T'at'ars coming toward him at the monastery, he took a ves-
sel of wine and went before the T'at'ar holding tzghu, as is the T'at'ar
custom. After this, [Step'annos] took them to the monastery and seated
them together with other cavalrymen who were following their chief. He
slaughtered a sheep, opened other wine and satiated them all with eating
and drinking to the point that [the Mongols] could barely stay on their
horses. At night, drunk, they went to their dwellings, since the T'at'ars'
camp was close to the monastery.
After reaching home and sleeping the night, in the morning they saw
that their chief was very ill. When they asked him the cause of the sick-
ness, the chief replied that "the priest drugged me last night." The priest
was innocent of this; rather it was from their wicked, insatiable eating
and drinking that he had become ill. They immediately went [to the mon-
astery] and brought back the marvellous old father Step'annos, shackled.
After much questioning and probing, [the Mongols] did not believe him.
They put four wooden stakes into the ground and mercilessly tied the
blameless man to them, some distance off the ground. Then they lit a fire
and roasted his entire body until the marvellous old Step'annos expired.
They clearly saw a sign and column of light over the venerable father
Step'annos who was so innocently and pointlessly martyred, crowned
among the blessed martyrs.
Now that obscene and merciless chief, aside from the pain he had, was
possessed by a dew such that in frenzy he devoured his own vile flesh.
And thus did he perish, with torments and bitter blows. Similarly, the
entire army fell to the wicked illness and many of them perished from
it. Although this is what happened, [the Mongols] did not fear God but
instead persisted in constantly working deeds of cruelty and bitter tears.
Their great chief, Xul, the same one who immodestly claimed he was like
unto and the brother of God, fell sick with gout. As a result of this illness,
he committed an unmentionably evil and lamentable deed. They went
and found an unbelieving Jewish doctor and brought him to Xul. When
that impious and false doctor saw his illness, he stated the antidote: the
stomach of a red-haired boy should be split open while [the boy] was still
alive, and [Xul] should place his foot into the boy's stomach. [The Mongols]
immediately sent horsemen into the country who entered Christian vil-
lages snatching boys off the streets then fleeing like wolves. The children's
parents went after them screaming and shrieking loudly and shedding
Health and Medicine 137
bitter, pitiful tears, but were unable to get them free. Instead, they turned
back to their homes, with sorrowing hearts. If they forcibly seized their
children, [the Mongols] shot arrows at the parents. Thus did this pitiful
event occur by the hand of the impious Jew, until they reached the figure
of thirty boys with stomachs torn open, and still he did not get better.
Instead, when the impious Xul realized that he had committed such grue-
some acts and nothing had helped, he then grew angry out of pity for
the boys. He commanded that the Jewish hek'im be brought before him,
have his stomach cut open and fed to the dogs. And [the Mongols] did so
at once. But after this, Xul himself perished with an evil death. His son,
Mighan, then sat in Xul's place.1
This story reported by the historian cleric, Grigor of Akanc must be

viewed with some suspicion because his History of the Nation of Archers
contains much that is biased and of questionable objectivity, and some
tales and reports are obviously examples of his own wish fulfillment.
However, whether the actual gruesome details reported are accurate or
not, the practice of immersion of the body or body parts in warm entrails
is widely attested to. The remedy for gout, a common illness among the
Mongols, that the Persian doctor prescribed, slitting open the belly and
placing the afflicted foot inside, must have been learned from Turco-Mongol
sources. In other sources, there are no references to this practice being con-
nected with Jewish medicine or medical tradition, nor can the necessity
of a red-haired boy or indeed only in one isolated case the need for any
human be traced. Other sources do refer to the Turco-Mongol practice of
immersing or covering diseased or injured body parts in the fresh entrails
of animals.
This practice of employing the fresh entrails of animals to treat a variety
of ailments appears to have been quite common judging by the number of
references that occur in the literary sources. A Chinese source reports that,
in a state of shock, a patient was placed wholly in the belly of an ox where
after soaking in the hot blood he would recover. References to this prac-
tice, though hardly commonplace, are not rare, suggesting the practice
was well known. In the Yuan Shih, the official record of the Yiian dynasty
written by the succeeding Ming historians and chroniclers, the following
story is recorded:
Under Chinggis, Bujir [a Mongol general] campaigned against the Hui-hui

[Muslims], Russians, and other countries. When in battle, Bujir launched and
fought ferociously. [Once] his body was hit by a number of arrows. Blood was
flowing. Chinggis Khan went personally to see him. He had somebody pull out
the arrows. Blood was flowing all over his body, he fell prostrate in a faint and
was almost dead. Chinggis Khan commanded that one take an ox and cut open
its belly and put Bujir in the ox belly. [Thus] having soaked in the hot blood, after
a short while, then, he revived. 2
Other examples can be found in the Yuan Shih recorded at different

times and various places. "An arrow went through his breast and he
was about to expire. Bayan commanded that one cut open the belly of
a water-buffalo and put him in the inside of it. After a good while, then,
he revived." "They put him in the belly of an ox and he re-gained life."
"Ogodei Qa'an commanded an army officer to draw out the arrows and,
binding an ox [tightly], to cut out its intestines and, stripping Mu-huan
naked, to put him in the belly of the ox. After a good while, then, he
revived." 3
It was not always necessary to take such drastic measures as total immer-
sion in the belly of a beast, and sometimes the application of a poultice
made from the skin of a freshly killed ox or the masticated grasses from
an animal's stomach sufficed for the treatment of wounds. In fact there
are cases known in which Kazakhs of more modern times have used the
extracted stomach of a colt to wrap around wounds and injuries. They
believe that the stomach and its fat can absorb bad blood. The remedial
agent in all these various reports is the belly and stomach of a freshly
killed beast.
With increasing contact with the sedentary world, however, the influence
of the shamans, particularly in medical matters, decreased.
CHINESE M E D I C I N E
Chinese medicine was pervasive in the Mongol Empire even though
evidence of other systems was certainly widespread. With their westward
spread the Mongol commanders took with them Chinese physicians who
spread their influence to the local population. Records reveal that all the
Mongol rulers who traveled westward retained physicians trained in
eastern Asian medicine. The Persian sources from the Il-Khanid period
(1256-1335), when the Mongols ruled Iran, clearly demonstrate the pen-
etration of Chinese medicine into western Asia. The chief minister for
Ghazan Khan (died 1304) and Oljeitu Khan (died 1216), the historian and
statesman Rashid al-Din, started his career as both a chef and a physician.
Both occupations were held in great esteem at this time, and Rashid
al-DIn's interest in medicine is reflected both in his writings and in his suc-
cessful efforts to introduce Chinese medicine to his homeland, Iran. He is
commonly known as Rashid al-Din Tabib (the Physician), and among his
greatest achievements was the establishment of the Rabc-i Rashid! quar-
ter of Tabriz (in northwestern Iran), which contained a famous house of
healing.
The Chinese introduced various medical practices to the Mongols and
hence to their subjects in other parts of the empire. These included the use
of drugs; various folk medicines and potions; acupuncture, which utilizes
needles to stimulate power points and energy channels in the body; and
moxibustion, which achieves the same results through the utilization of
heat, applied through the dried, powdered, and burned leaves of the tree
artemisia moxa.
ACUPUNCTURE A N D MOXIBUSTION
Both acupuncture and moxibustion were used extensively in the
Chin-Yuan period. Various acupuncture points and their corresponding
therapeutic virtues were validated throughout this period. Procedures
in applying acupuncture and moxibustion to these points had been
developed differently over the centuries. Four books of acupuncture
and moxibustion (Zhenjiu Sishu), published by Dou Guifang in 1331,
and important works on acupuncture written during the Song and Chin
dynasties were compiled. For example, an acupuncture point known as
jiuwei mentioned in the Huangdi Mingdang Jiujing, one of the four books,
was used in the treatment of palpitations and epilepsy and has been
used from that time until the present.
Zhu Zhenheng (1281-1358), known as Master Danxi from Zhejiang
province, achieved renown for his medical research and theories into
the generation of internal heat during physiological and pathologi-
cal change in the body, expounded in his work Gezhi Yulun (Theories of
In-depth Research). As with so much Chinese medical theory, his ideas
centered on the balance between the yang elements and the yin. Yang
energy, or minister-fire, vital for the body to function, exists mainly in
the kidneys and liver from where it cooperates with heart-fire or master-
fire to promote the stable function of the organs. Zhu Zhenheng believed
that during periods of illness the body's yang elements increased at the
expense of the yin, and as a result fire in the body increased as the dis-
ease developed. Treatment consisted of nourishing the yin, which had
been consumed by minister-fire, and quenching the fire. Recommended
were strict diet and regulated sexual activity, which were believed
to preserve the yin. The theories surrounding minister-fire are still
observed today.
The Mongols contributed to medical knowledge regarding acupuncture
and moxibustion (the burning of herbs over certain points on the skin).
Therapeutic methods like Mongolian moxibustion and bloodletting were
very popular at the time. The Mongolian tradition of moxibustion was
later integrated into the Tibetan medical system and became known as
Horgi Metzai or Sogpo Metzai (Mongolian fire burning). Bonesetting, trau-
matic surgery, and the development of external medicine were fields in
which the Mongols excelled due to the nature of their nomadic lifestyle,
which involved often continuous military activity. Surgery and anatomy
were also well known to the Chinese and Mongols for this same reason
and also because of the Chinese habit of using the bodies of executed
criminals for dissection and anatomical investigation.
BONESETTING
Bonesetting after a fracture or a dislocation was performed by a Bariachi, a
bonesetter, without medicines or surgical instruments. The Bariachi would
hold the fractured or dislocated part of the sufferer's body with his or
her own hands, twisting it freely for some time, without any apparent
pain to the patient. These bonesetters could reputedly cure bone disorders
perfectly through a gift with which they were born. After the treatment,
there would be no complaints at all, however serious the injury might have
been. These healers had neither medical knowledge nor knowledge of any
charms or magic. The Bariachi had the bonesetting secret in their blood,
and the art was passed on through generations.
A manual, Shiyi Dexiaofang (Efficacious Remedies of the Physicians),
cemented the fame of Yiian physician Wei Yilin (circa 1277-1347) as an
orthopedic surgeon in particular for his work in setting fractures and in
treating dislocations of the shoulder, hip, and knee. He pioneered the sus-
pension method for joint reduction, finally adopted into Western medicine
in 1927, and employed anesthetics during his operations. A contemporary
of Wei Yilin under the Yiian was Qi Dezhi, known for his book Waike Jingyi
(The Essentials of External Medicine), compiled from 1335 C.E. As well as
describing various methods of therapeutic minor surgery, the book lists
decoctions, tablets, pills, powders, and ointments used in the treatment
of skin disorders. Qi Dezhi explained in his treatise on dermatology that
imbalances within the body, disharmony between the yin and the yang
invariably resulted in skin ailments. Herbal remedies and phytotherapy
(use of herbs) were an integral part of his work.
DIET
A Mongol physician who realized the link between health and diet was Hu
Sihui, whose book Yinshan Zhengyao (Important Principles of Food and Drink)
written in 1330 exhorted the importance of the balanced diet and moderation
in both eating and drinking. In his book he listed the beneficial properties
of 230 cereals, fish, shellfish, meat, fruit, and vegetables. He warned against
distension caused by eating too many apples and liver disorders brought
on by overindulgence in oranges, but he recommended grapes for strength-
ening character and sustaining energy and claimed that dog meat, though
salty, was nontoxic and calmed the zang organs (liver, spleen, heart, lungs,
kidneys, and pericardium). Other notable physicians from the Yuan period
include Ge Keijiu (1305-52) whose work on tuberculosis is detailed in his
Shiyao Shenshu, and Zeng Shirong who built on the study of pediatrics, begun
in the Song dynasty, in his book Houyou Xinshu, completed in 1294.
PULSE D I A G N O S I S
In western Asia and Iran in particular, however, it was the ancient Chinese
technique of pulse diagnosis that was most admired, and its introduction to
the Islamic west can be traced to the Mongols. Various books on the tech-
nique were translated into Mongolian and were highly esteemed, including
the standard book on the pulse, the Mai-ching of Wang Shu-ho. The pulse, the
heartbeat, and the blood flow were all interconnected and were considered
crucial for monitoring and manipulating general health. The papal envoy
William of Rubruck spoke highly of the Chinese herbalists and practitioners
of pulse diagnosis on his visit (1253-55) to the Mongol capital, Qaraqorum,
though he criticized them for their ignorance of the diagnostic importance of
urine samples. In fact, the Chinese valued urine highly, but for its remedial
properties rather than for its diagnostic uses.
The Yuan Shih recounts how in 1241 Ogodei Qa'an fell seriously ill with
an irregular max (pulse). On Ogodei's orders, a general amnesty was pro-
claimed, and soon afterward the Qa'an's physicians again checked his
pulse and found that it had returned to normal. This story, whatever its
historical accuracy, is revealing because it demonstrates the Mongol belief
in an intimate connection between physical health and the moral order.
Pulse-based medicine was put firmly in the forefront of Mongol medi-
cal practice when Qubilai ordered the Uighur scholar An-ts'ung to trans-
late the ancient Chinese manual of pulse scholarship, the Nan-ching, into
Mongolian, and then in 1305 his successor, Temlir, made pulse diagnosis
for adults and for children top of the list of 10 compulsory subjects on
which medical students at the Imperial Academy of Medicine (T'ai-i yuan)
were to be examined. The Iranian prime minister, Rashid al-Din, included
some of the set texts on pulse diagnosis among the texts he translated for
use within the Persian Il-Khanid administration.
CHINESE M E D I C I N E IN THE IL-KHANATE

Hulegu had Chinese physicians with him when he came west, and they
continued to treat him, including treatment with purgatives, until he suc-
cumbed to his final illness in 1265. Hulegu's grandson, Arghun, though
raised in western Asia, continued to rely mainly on east Asian medicine. It
is widely believed that it was the medical treatment he received that killed
him. Though the actual physicians who were treating him were Uighur
or Indian, they fed him a concoction of Chinese medicine that included
cinnabar, a source of mercury sulfide, sometimes considered an elixir of
life. Despite its history of fatalities and an impressive list of noble and elite
victims, mercury and cinnabar continued to be popular with Taoist alche-
mists. Ghazan continued the Il-Khanid attachment to Chinese medicine,
and when local Muslim doctors proved unable to relieve his affliction
with ophthalmia he sought help from Chinese physicians in Tabriz who
From Rashid al-Dm's Tanksuq-nameh. Courtesy of Lan Tien Lang Publications
employed moxibustion to treat the Mongol sultan. It is probable that the

continuing popularity of Chinese medicine in Il-Khanid Iran owes much
to the open-mindedness and intellectual and scientific curiosity of Rashid
al-Din, who actively encouraged eastern Asian medical practices and also
disseminated the science in his extensive writings. Much of the secrets of
Chinese medicine have been preserved in Rashid al-DIn's Tanksuq-nameh
il-khani (The Treasure Book of the Il-Khans). Prominent in the descriptions
and explanations of eastern medical practice in this learned book are
those subjects related to pulse diagnosis, a branch of medicine particularly
admired by the Iranians.
WESTERN M E D I C I N E IN C H I N A
Though Chinese medical influence was pervasive, there is evidence that
the western half of the Mongol Empire also contributed to the health of
the Mongol lords and their subjects. In fact, even medical practitioners
from Europe are recorded as being in Khan Baliq (Beijing). Friar John of
Montecorvino claimed that "a certain Lombard leech and chirurgeon"
appeared in Timlir Khan's Yiian court in 1303.
Nestorian Christians had long had an influential presence in East Asia
and long-established links with the medical world. Some of the main
Mongol tribes were adherents of the Nestorian creed. The Kereyid, Naiman,
and Ongglit were heavily Nestorian, and even the Tatars were influenced
by these eastern Christians. Indeed, Dokuz Khatun, the wife of Hlilegii
Khan (died 1265), ruler of Iran (ruled 1256-65) was a devout Nestorian
Christian. Urban and settled centers such as Semirechie, the Tarim Basin,
Uyghuristan, and other scattered towns and villages throughout China had
thriving Nestorian communities. Just as in the Muslim west, the Nestorians
in the east had a tradition of involvement in the medical profession.
They are credited with being the conduit of the Galenic tradition (Galen
of Pergumum; died 217 C.E.) to the Arabs. The presence of their communi-
ties in central Asia and the east facilitated the flow of Western medicine to
China and the Turco-Mongol steppe lands. Many central Asian Uighurs
were Nestorians, and it was the Uighurs in particular who formed such an
influential part of the Mongol administration. A considerable body of Syriac
literature, including medical texts, has been recovered in central Asia. West
Asian Nestorians received a warm welcome in the Mongol courts. Many
Nestorians achieved high office in the service of the Mongols as Chinqai,
chief advisor to Ogodei, Qadaq, atabeg (tutor) to Gliylik, and Bulghai, senior
administrative officer under Mongke, aptly testify. The Nestorians' fortunes
seemed tied to those of the Mongol Empire, and when the empire declined
so too did the fortunes of the Nestorians of the east.
The physician Simeon, named Rabban Ata by the Great Khan Ogodei,
used his medical skills to gain political influence at the Mongol court,
which he then used to advance Christian communities in the Muslim
west. Simeon was a native of Rum Qal'a on the upper Euphrates River
who sought his fortune in Mongolia in the 1230s and '40s. He achieved
high office and was well regarded by the Mongol elite. He later served
Hulegu as a physician and was reputedly also very astute commercially.
Bar Hebraeus speaks warmly of this Nestorian physician who early real-
ized the value that the Mongols gave to medics.
And in those days Rabban Simeon the Elder and physician... who was a native
of Kal'ah Rhomaita, was taken into service of the King of Kings, Hulabu. And
he flourished and prospered greatly, and he was beloved by all the sons of the
kings and by the queens. And he possessed dwellings like those of kings, and
gardens, and plantations, and towers in the meadows, and his income yearly
was five thousand dinars, from Baghdad, and Assyria, and Cappadocia, and from
Maragheh. The remnant of our people obtained through him help, and great
lifting up of the head, and honour. And the Church acquired stability and pro-
tection in every place.4
Nestorians became prominent in medical circles under the Yuan dynasty

(Mongol China, 1260-1370). Often their practices, innovations, and infu-
sions were known locally and generically as Muslim (Hui-hui) medicine,
and they would certainly have incorporated the teachings and traditions
of the Persian physician Ibn Sina (Avicenna; died 1037) into their practices.
Travelers from Europe recognized that Muslim, or Hui-hui, medicine
was in fact usually practiced by and probably introduced by Nestorian
Christians. Odoric of Pordenone observed circa 1320 that of those charged
with safeguarding the Great Khan's health, 400 were idolaters, presum-
ably Chinese, 8 were Christian, and only 1 was Muslim (Saracen).5
Jesus (cIsa) the Interpreter, was another Nestorian physician, and he

so impressed Qubilai with his many skills, his plain speaking, and his
medical knowledge that he accompanied the emperor to his new politi-
cal base in north China and in 1263 established an office of west Asian
medicine, the Medical Bureau of the Capital (Ching-shih i-yao yuan). In
1273 this organization was renamed the Broadening Benevolence Office
(kuang-hui ssu) or more commonly as the Muslim Medical Office. This cIsa
is thought to be the same worthy physician who administered to the medi-
cal needs of the Armenian King Het'um (ruled 1226-69) and is mentioned
by Bar Hebraeus. 6 It is believed that cIsa (Ai-hsieh in Chinese) traveled
east with Het'um's brother Smbat the Constable in 1247 to the court of
Gliylik Khan (ruled 1247^19) and took up official duties on the recommen-
dation of Rabban Simeon, who left to return to the west about that time.
Chinese sources speaking of cIsa claim that Gliylik was impressed by his
reputation. "Regarding the various languages of the Western Region, their
astronomy, and medicine, there were none he did not study and prac-
tice." 7 An educated Nestorian serving the Mongol court could be expected
to speak his native Syriac, Greek, Arabic, Armenian, Persian, Mongolian,
and Chinese. Until he left China with Bolad, Qubilai's envoy to Iran, in
the mid-1280s, cIsa was director of the Muslim Medical Office, "charged
with the preparation of Muslim medicine for imperial use and with mix-
ing medicine to relieve the members of the imperial guard [kesig] and the
orphaned and poor in the capital." 8 cIsa's successor is recorded in 1334 to
be Nieh-chih-erh, who is described as a Christian, which suggests that the
Nestorians remained in charge of Muslim and Western medicine through-
out the period of Mongol rule.
LACK OF T R A N S L A T I O N S
As far as is known, west Asian medical works were not translated
into Chinese during the Mongol period. However, in 1273 at least one
Western medical tome was available in the imperial library where it was
cataloged as a medical classic, or i-ching. It is thought to have been Ibn
Sina's The Canon on Medicine because Ibn Sina, who synthesized Greek
and Perso-Arabic medical traditions, was highly regarded in western
Asia. The physicians at the Mongol court traveled with their own books,
which possibly explains this apparent omission from the official librar-
ies. They also traveled with their own collection of medicines and had
their own diagnostic and therapeutic techniques. The Mongols had a
long tradition of herbalist medicines, and they took a keen interest in the
herbal remedies used by others in their empire. William of Rubruck had
commented positively on Mongol physicians as being "well versed in
the efficacy of herbs." Qubilai had Chinese pharmacopoeias translated
into Mongolian.
D R U G S A N D MEDICINE: E A S T - W E S T E X C H A N G E
As a result of the Mongols' great enthusiasm for medicine and herbal
remedies, there was a great deal of traffic and exchange between the east
and west of their vast empire of materia medica. Rhubarb traveled west-
ward from China to Iran where it became an important component in
Persian medicine. The Mongols seem to have rediscovered it, and dur-
ing their raids against the Tanguts in addition to seizing gold, maidens,
textiles, and valuables, the famed statesman Yeh-lli Ch'u-ts'ai, "took only
some books and two camel-loads of rhubarb." 9 Spices from the east with
medicinal properties, such as cubebs, cinnamon, and white pepper, were
much sought after by Persian pharmacists. Rashid al-Din reveals an inti-
mate acquaintance with Chinese and other eastern spices and herbs, due
no doubt to his contacts with the Mongol statesman and envoy Bolad
and the Chinese physicians who accompanied him to Iran. The Yuan Shih
states clearly that in fact this international trade in drugs was a two-way
traffic. In 1331, "The envoy of the imperial prince [Il-Khan of Iran] Abu
SacId [d.1335] returned to the Western Region to announce that [the Yiian
court] repaid the tribute which they had presented with materia medica of
equal value." 10 This trade was considerable and had been going on for
some time as is indicated by another entry from the Yuan Shih for the year
1273, which states that Qubilai "dispatched envoys with 100,000 ounces
of gold to imperial prince [Il-Khan of Iran] Abaqa in order to purchase
drugs." 11
The physicians of west Asia are thought to have introduced a number
of medicines to the east through the agency of the Mongol courts. Two
pharmaceutical bureaus (Hui-hui yao-wu yuan) were established by the
Yiian court to manage the influx of Muslim medicines. Mastic (a resin of
Pistacia lentisus), nux vomica (the seed of the fruit of the strychnine tree),
the electuary sherbets, and the compound drug theriaca, used as an anti-
dote for animal and insect venom and later a popular cure-all throughout
the empire, are just the best-known examples of this west to east travel.
Sherbets were used as refreshment and restoratives, particularly popular
with Il-Khanid envoys, and as vehicles to facilitate the ingestion of other
medicines, and Rashid al-Din mentions their widespread usage by west
Asian physicians. They first appeared in China during the Yiian dynasty,
and the Il-Khans of Iran became devotees of sherbet. Nestorians from
Samarqand were the earliest recorded sherbet makers in China. Qubilai
Khan created the office of official sherbet maker (sherbetchi), one holder
of which was Marsarchis (Mar Sargis), whom Marco Polo encountered in
Cinghianfu. Mar Sargis was an active Nestorian responsible for the con-
struction of many churches and monasteries during a period when he was
a Mongol overseer (darughachi) in Cinghianfu on the Lower Yangtze.
As sherbetchi he made drinks and elixirs whose fame was widespread for
their authenticity, the various ingredients from all parts of the empire
being available to him in China. These concoctions were composed of
citrus fruit, the juice of fresh berries, honey, sugar, rosewater, and even
special Baghdadi lemons, all mixed by specially trained Chinese.
The popular cure-all theriaca, a mainstay of Muslim and eastern
Christian pharmaceutical supplies, became a particular favorite with the
Mongol elite. Various sources record large rewards given to suppliers
and providers of theriaca by grateful Mongol rulers. One explanation
for this attachment to theriaca by these Mongol rulers is probably the
concoction's reputation as an antidote to all known toxins and venoms
because Chinggisid princes had a well-founded fear of poisoning. The
Muslim Il-Khan of Iran, Ghazan (ruled 1295-1304), had his own spe-
cial antidote made up for him, which he honored with his name, tirdq-i
Ghazani. Another reason for the widespread popularity of the theriaca
supplied to the Mongol courts by their Muslim physicians was the fact
that opium was a key component in its makeup.
MEDICAL BOOKS
One result of the Mongols' interest in medicine, their encouragement of
various medical disciplines, and their willingness to act as the agency
of cross-cultural interaction and exchange is the existence of a number
of medical books and particularly pharmacopoeias. The two traditions—
Galenic, based on the theory of humors, and Chinese, with its yin-yang
and five agencies—remained deeply suspicious of each other, but mutual
borrowing is evident, and of course the Mongols used freely of both tra-
ditions. This can be seen in their pharmacopoeias, which were enriched
through the contacts made possible by political union. Scholars such as
Rashid al-Din and the Mongol statesman Bolad encouraged and enabled
the exchange of medical knowledge, but it was the establishment of
the Mongol Empire that created the agency for such an exchange. The
Mongols with their emphasis on individuals and their nurturing of indi-
vidual physicians over schools encouraged the emergence of medicine as
a career profession of choice. Thousands were co-opted into the service
of the Mongol courts, and medicine was a fast-track option. Evidence of
the influence of the Mongols in the field of medicine after their demise is
demonstrated by the translation into Chinese of Persian medical manuals
by the Ming (1368-1644), the nationalists who succeeded the Mongols.
The Book of Muslim Medicine was incorporated into the great Ming ency-
clopedia, Yung-lo ta-tien, and the Muslim Medical Prescriptions was a four-
volume compilation of Persian medical drugs and plants.
NOTES
1. Grigor of Akanc, History of the Nation of Archers, trans. R. Blake and R. Frye
(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1954), 10.
2. Francis Woodman Cleaves, trans., "The Biography of Bayan of the Barin in
the Yuan Shih," Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 19 (1956): 433.
3. Francis Woodman Cleaves "A Medical Practice of the Mongols" in Harvard
Journal of Asiatic Studies 17, Issue 3/4, (Dec 1954): 428-444.
History of the World, Part I, trans. Ernest A. Wallis-Budge, (Piscataway, N.J.: Gorgias
Press, 2003), 437.
5. Henry Yule, Cathay and the Way Thither, 3 vols. (Reprint, Millwood, N.Y.:
Kraus Reprint, 1967), 226.
6. Bar Hebraeus, The Chronography, 409-10.
7. Thomas Allsen, Culture and Conquest in Mongol Eurasia (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2001), 150.
8. Ibid.; Yuan Shih cited in Allsen, Culture and Conquest, 221.
9. Allsen, 152.
10. Ibid., 153-54.
11. Ibid., 154.
7
DRINKING AND THE
MONGOLS
Drinking was one of the distinctive traits of the Mongols. Heavy drinking
was a defining characteristic of Mongol daily life. If modern genetic
research is to be accepted, excessive drinking is part of the legacy the
Mongols have bequeathed to their subject races. They lived and died
drinking. In the case of a number of khans and even Great Khans this was
literally true, and alcohol was openly admitted as the cause of death. The
Armenian cleric and historian Kirakos observed firsthand that, "When-
ever possible they ate and drank insatiably." 1 Heavy drinking and drunk-
enness were common and socially acceptable indulgences, and stories of
alcohol-fueled excesses are numerous.
Drunkenness is honourable among the Tartars, and when someone drinks a great deal
he is sick right on the spot, and this does not prevent him from drinking more.2
So observed the Friar Giovanni DiPlano Carpini (died 1252) who trav-
eled to Mongolia between 1245 and 1247. A companion of the friar added
that the Mongols were more given to drunkenness than any other people
on earth, and their drinking bouts were not limited to one session a day
but occurred several times throughout the day. Though it did not seem
to have induced violence, excessive alcohol consumption has commonly
been blamed for the early deaths of many of the leading Mongol rulers.
Drinking is one tradition the Mongols did not abandon when they
assumed the trappings of imperial greatness and sophistication. Ogodei,
Gliylik, Qubilai, Abaqa, Geikhatu, Baidu, and Oljeitu were not the
exceptions, just the most prolific. Though Chinggis lived into his 60s and
Qubilai amazingly to the age of 78, the Mongol rulers were not noted for
their longevity, rarely living beyond 50, and the cause of their truncated
lives has usually been attributed to overindulgence in alcohol.
KOUMISS, AIRAG
Although the Mongols drank fresh milk, the favored beverage was a fer-
mented dairy drink still made to day. This alcoholic concoction is known as
koumiss, or qumis, and was generally fermented from mares' milk. Koumiss
is in fact the Turkish name for the Mongolian alcoholic beverage airag, made
from the milk of any one of the "five animals" (cow, sheep, horse, goat, yak).
William of Rubruck was an unwitting initiate to the pleasures of koumiss,
which upon swallowing for the first time brought him out in a sweat of
Utensil for making koumiss. Courtesy of Lan Tien Lang

Publications
Drinking and the Mongols 151
"alarm and surprise." However, he admitted to finding the drink very
palatable. In preimperial times koumiss was the sole drink available to the
Mongol tribes because, as Carpini noted, "[The Mongols] do not have wine,
ale, or mead unless it is set or given to them by other nations." 3
Rubruck devoted a short chapter of his travelogue to the making of
koumiss. 4 He described how the foals of the tribe's horses were tethered
to a stretched rope. The mares would seek out their young and then stand
peacefully beside their offspring and allow themselves to be milked. If
any mare should prove intractable, the foal would be allowed to initiate
the milking process. The collected milk, "sweet as cow's milk," would be
poured into a bag or large skin and then churned with a specially made
club "as thick at the lower end as a man's head and hollowed out" until
the mix began to bubble "like new wine" and to turn sour and ferment.
Churning would continue until butter could be extracted. It was consid-
ered ready for drinking when it was moderately pungent. The taste had
a sting on the tongue like sour wine but a very pleasant aftertaste like
the milk of almonds. In addition it produced "a very agreeable sensation
inside," a desire to urinate, and intoxication. 5
Though mare's milk, which is particularly high in lactose (6% +), readily
ferments into koumiss, the resulting liquor is not particularly high in alcohol,
ranging from only 1.65 percent to 3.25 percent. Because the drink was not so
potent, the Mongols had to consume large quantities of koumiss in order to
achieve the desired intoxication, as Carpini again noted, "They drink mare's
milk in very large quantities if they have it."6 Rubruck claimed that in sum-
mer koumiss drinking was almost the sole occupation.
And when the master begins to drink, then one of the attendants cries
with a loud voice, "Ha!" and the [minstrel] strikes his guitar, and when
they have a great feast they all clap their hands, and also dance about to
the sound of the guitar, the men before the master, the women before the
mistress. And when the master has drunken, then the attendant cries as
before, and the guitarist stops. Then they drink all around, and some-
times they do drink right shamefully and gluttonly. And when they want
to challenge anyone to drink, they take hold of him by the ears, and pull
so as to distend his throat, and they clap and dance before him. Likewise,
when they want to make a great feasting and jollity with someone, one
takes a full cup, and two others are on his right and left, and thus these
three come singing and dancing towards him who is to take the cup, and
they sing and dance before him; and when he holds out his hand to take
the cup, they quickly draw it back, and then again they come back as
before, and so they elude him three or four times by drawing away the
cup, till he hath become well excited and is in good appetite, and then
they give him the cup, and while he drinks they sing and clap their hands
and strike with their feet.7
As well as this ordinary koumiss, sometimes dismissively described as
white, cloudy, and sour tasting, a superior mare's milk beverage was also
fermented. This was known as qara kumis, or black koumiss, and has been
described as clear and sweet. Because their mares' milk did not curdle, the
churning process was continued until everything solid in the milk sank to
the bottom and the liquid that remained on top was very clear. The dregs,
which were very white, were then separated and given to the slaves, and
according to Rubruck, they had a highly soporific effect on them. The clear
liquid, black koumiss, was presented to the Mongol lords for their con-
sumption. This drink was very sweet and very potent. Distilled mare's
milk is popular in both inner and outer Mongolia today.
Batu Khan (1255), lord of the Golden Horde of Russia and the Ukraine, was
kept supplied with black koumiss by 30 men stationed one day's ride away
from his ordu (camp). Each rider would supply the produce of 100 mares,
Vat used in the fermenting of koumiss, Hohhut Museum.

Courtesy of Xinjiang Qinshan Culture Publishing
which means a total of 3,000 mares daily servicing the needs of this Mongol
prince. This figure does not include those mares producing the ordinary
koumiss. Marco Polo claimed that Qubilai Khan (died 1294) of China needed
10,000 mares daily to satisfy his ordu's demand for black koumiss.
Before the imperial age, the Mongols' drinking sprees and the perils
of prolonged alcohol abuse were limited by certain practicalities. Mare's
milk was generally available only in summer during the three to five
months of the mares' lactation period, and as Rubruck suggests, it was
in these months that the Mongols indulged their passion for koumiss. An
exclusive diet of koumiss, at 2,000 calories a day, would demand a daily
consumption of at least nine pints per person, which corresponds to the
daily milk production of two mares (beyond the needs of their foals). An
ordinary family would have kept two mares, and therefore the man of the
family would have been able to devote himself to serious koumiss con-
sumption during the five milking months of spring and summer.
Koumiss also played a part in religious ceremonies and observances.
With horse- and cattle-breeding people their religious rituals often involve
the animals that are central to their way of life, and the Mongols were able
to honor both their sky god and their horses with ceremonies involving
the sprinkling of koumiss and the consecration of their herds with this
libation. Marco Polo witnessed one such ceremony.
The Lord abides at this Park of his, dwelling sometimes in the marble
Palace and sometimes in the Cane Palace for three months of the year, to
wit, June, July, and August; preferring this residence because it is by no
means hot; in fact it is a very cool place. When the 28th day of [the moon
of] August arrives he takes his departure, and the Cane Palace is taken
to pieces. But I must tell you what happens when he goes away from this
Palace every year on the 28th of the August [moon].
You must know that the Kaan keeps an immense stud of white horses
and mares; in fact more than 10,000 of them, and all pure white without
a speck. The milk of these mares is drunk by himself and his family, and
by none else, except by those of one great tribe that have also the privi-
lege of drinking it. This privilege was granted them by Chinghis Kaan,
on account of a certain victory that they helped him to win long ago. The
name of the tribe is HORIAD [Oyrat, Oirat].
Now when these mares are passing across the country, and any one
falls in with them, be he the greatest lord in the land, he must not pre-
sume to pass until the mares have gone by; he must either tarry where he
is, or go a half-day's journey round if need so be, so as not to come nigh
them; for they are to be treated with the greatest respect. Well, when the
Lord sets out from the Park on the 28th of August, as I told you, the milk
of all those mares is taken and sprinkled on the ground. And this is done
on the injunction of the Idolaters and Idol-priests, who say that it is an
excellent thing to sprinkle that milk on the ground every 28th of August,
so that the Earth and the Air and the False Gods shall have their share of
it, and the Spirits likewise that inhabit the Air and the Earth. And thus
those beings will protect and bless the Kaan and his children and his
wives and his folk and his gear, and his cattle and his horses, his corn and
all that is his.8
William of Rubruck provided a similar observation.
On the 9th day of the May Moon they collect all the white mares of their herds
and consecrate them. The Christian priests also must then assemble with their
thuribles. They then sprinkle new cosmos [kumis] on the ground, and make a
great feast that day, for according to their calendar, it is their time of first drinking
new cosmos, just as we reckon of our new wine at the feast of St. Bartholomew
[August 24], or that of St. Sixtus [August 6], or of our fruit on the feast of St. James
and St. Christopher [July 25] .9
Chang Te-hui, a Chinese teacher, recounted the following, which

occurred when he was summoned to Qubilai Khan's court in Mongolia
some 12 years before that prince ascended the throne.
On the 9th day of the 9th Moon (October), the Prince, having called his subjects
before his chief tent, performed the libation of the milk of a white mare. This was
the customary sacrifice at that time. The vessels used were made of birch-bark, not
ornamented with either silver or gold. Such here is the respect for simplicity....
At the last day of the year the Mongols suddenly changed their camping-ground
to another place, for the mutual congratulation on the 1st Moon. Then there was
every day feasting before the tents for the lower ranks. Beginning with the Prince,
all dressed themselves in white fur clothing— On the 9th day of the 4th Moon
(May) the Prince again collected his vassals before the chief tent for the libation of
the milk of a white mare. This sacrifice is performed twice a year.
IMPERIAL S O P H I S T I C A T I O N
Contact with the sophisticated urban centers of the Islamic west and
the Chinese south led to more varied drinking habits though apparently
no less excessive. Ibn Battuta, traveling across the lands of the northern
Golden Horde, was served at a religious feast during the holy month of
Ramadan, "mare's milk [and] afterwards they brought buza [fermented
millet] and when the meal was done the Qur'an-readers recited with
beautiful voices."10 The Mongols drank rice mead, rice ale, honey mead
(bal), fermented millet (buza), as well as red grape wine, which Rubruck
compared to the French wine La Rochelle. It was the Mongols who facili-
tated the popularity of grape wine to China. A colony of Muslim artisans
originally from Samarqand settled in Simali just north of Beijing, cultivated
grapes, and provided wine for the imperial court throughout the thirteenth
century. The Chinese introduced rice wine to the Persians, who called it
tardsun. The Mongols drank both.
Friar Oderic of Pordenone, who traveled eastward between 1316 and
1330, noted the vast abundance of wine, known as bigni, in Kinsai (today's
Hangzhou). It was said to resemble Rhenish wine in color, taste, and
strength when kept for a year or so. This rice wine was made from rice
first bruised and then compressed into cakes. These cakes were broken
up and put into vessels with hot water where they were left to ferment.
The wine produced could be made sweet or acidic and its color controlled
with the addition of certain herbs during fermentation, and it was reputed
to resemble grape wine in taste. In fact the word bigni used by Friar Oderic
to describe the wine is said to be derived from the Persian bigini, which
refers to malt liquor or beer. Hangzhou was famed for a date wine called
Mi-yin or Bi-im.
H U S Z U - H U I ' S IMPERIAL D R I N K
In 1330 the Yiian emperor Tuq Temiir was presented with a mag-
nificent cookbook, the Yin-shan cheng-yao, a new concept brought to
the east from the Islamic west by Mongol cultural brokers. The author,
Hu Szu-hui, probably an LJyghur, included a splendid array of dishes from
throughout the empire. He also included a section on alcoholic beverages
and their medicinal and nutritional properties. Apart from grape wine,
popular since the time of the T'ang dynasty (618-907 C.E.), and a few rare
fruit drinks, Chinese liquor is always brewed from grain. The medicinal
concoctions described in the Yin-shan cheng-yao involved steeping vari-
ous objects in liquor. Usually they were added to the grain mash and fer-
mentation allowed to continue, or they were added to the finished spirit,
such as the case with lamb wine. Lamb wine did not involve fermenting
lamb meat. Tiger bone wine, still popular today for its supposed medici-
nal properties, is simply local vodka with a few grains of powered bone
added. These various tinctures were and are referred to as chiu, which
is translated rather inaccurately as "wine" and is misleading in that a
chiu with an alcohol content of possibly more than 55 percent is far more
potent than the average wine's alcohol content of 12 percent. The Yin-shan
cheng-yao lists a number of alcoholic drinks that might be served at the
imperial tables. Tiger bone liquor, wolfhornberry liquor, Chinese foxglove
liquor, pine knot liquor, China root liquor, lamb liquor, olnul "naval"
(penis and testes of the seal) liquor, Acanthopanax bark liquor, and pine
root liquor are among the medicinal tonics recommended for a variety of
needs. Also listed are some wines, such as grape wine, qarakhodja wine,
Tibetan wine, and a brandy, arajhi, said to be sweet and piquant, and surma
liquor, also known widely as boza.
Yuhuchun Yuan vase, Xi'an Museum. Courtesy of Lan

SPOUTING FOUNTAIN
With their growing sophistication and their acquaintance with liquors
other than those made from mare's milk, the Mongols also acquired more
refined implements to serve their drinks than the leather bags used for hold-
ing koumiss and airag. Rubruck described seeing an intricate contraption at
Qaraqorum, the capital of the Great Khan, Mongke (ruled 1251-58).
In the entry of this great palace, it being unseemly to bring in there skins
of milk and other drinks, master William the Parisian had made for him
a great silver tree, and at its roots are four lions of silver, each with a
conduit through it, and all belching forth white milk of mares. And four
conduits are led inside the tree to its tops, which are bent downward,
and on each of these is also a gilded serpent, whose tail twines round
the tree. And from one of these pipes flows wine, from another cara cos-
mos, or clarified mare's milk, from another bal, a drink made with honey,
and from another rice mead, which is called terracina; and for each liquor
there is a special silver bowl at the foot of the tree to receive it. Between
these four conduits in the top, he made an angel holding a trumpet, and
underneath the tree he made a vault in which a man can be hid. And
pipes go up through the heart of the tree to the angel. In the first place he
made bellows, but they did not give enough wind. Outside the palace is
a cellar in which the liquors are stored, and there are servants all ready
to pour them out when they hear the angel trumpeting. And there are
branches of silver on the tree, and leaves and fruit. When then drink is
wanted, the head butler cries to the angel to blow his trumpet. Then he
who is concealed in the vault, hearing this blows with all his might in the
pipe leading to the angel, and the angel places the trumpet to his mouth,
and blows the trumpet right loudly. Then the servants who are in the cel-
lar, hearing this, pour the different liquors into the proper conduits, and
the conduits lead them down into the bowls prepared for that, and then
the butlers draw it and carry it to the palace to the men and women. 11
Marco Polo, w h o traveled from Venice w i t h his father a n d uncle to

Qubilai Khan's g r a n d court in his s u m m e r capital, S h a n g d u (Xanadu)
in 1271-75, also w i t n e s s e d the alcoholic excesses for w h i c h the M o n g o l s
w e r e so famous, a n d h e n o t e d that Qubilai w a s continuing this tradition
of elaborate contraptions for serving their drinks. Qubilai Khan's b a n q u e t s
could a c c o m m o d a t e u p to 40,000 guests, a n d for such festivities h e h a d
constructed a
very fine piece of furniture of great size and splendour in the form of a square
chest, each side being three paces [about 8 feet] in length, elaborately carved with
figures of animals finely wrought in gold. The inside is hollow and contains a
huge golden vessel in the form of a pitcher with the capacity of a butt [two hogs-
head of between 52 to 116 gallons each], which is filled with wine. In each corner
of the chest is a vessel with the capacity of a firkin [a quarter of a 26.25 gallon
barrel], one filled with mares' milk, one with camels' milk, and the others with
other beverages From [the chest] the wine or other precious beverage is drawn
off to fill huge stoups of gold, each containing enough to satisfy eight or ten men.
One of these [stoups] is set between every two men seated at the table. Each of the
two has a gold cup with a handle, which he fills from the stoup. And for every pair
of ladies one stoup and two cups are provided in the same way.12
Marco Polo n o t e d that the M o n g o l s celebrated their b i r t h d a y s as fes-

tivals, a n d b e c a u s e Qubilai h a d 4 w i v e s a n d 22 sons a n d a n unspecified
n u m b e r of d a u g h t e r s b y them, various concubines w h o h a d given h i m a
Yuan period vase. Courtesy of Lan Tien Lang Publications
further 25 sons, plus his various relatives and top commanders with their
families, there was limitless scope for celebration and partying.
IBN BATTUTA
Ibn Battuta was impressed with the gold and silver vessels that were
brought in to serve the guests of the Muslim leader of the Golden Horde,
Ozbek Khan (ruled 1313-14), when he organized a banquet during the
holy month of Ramadan for his top commanders, possibly numbering 187,
religious leaders, and visiting dignitaries such as Ibn Battuta himself.
After [the meal], drinking vessels of gold and silver are brought. The
beverage they make most use of is fermented liquor of honey, since, being
of the Hanafite School of [Islamic] law, they hold fermented liquor to

be lawful. When the sultan [Ozbek Khan] wishes to drink, his daughter
takes the bowl in her hand, pays homage ... and then presents the bowl
to him. When he has drunk she takes another bowl and presents it to the
chief [wife], who drinks from it, after which she presents it to the other
[wives] in their order of precedence. The sultan's heir then takes the bowl,
pays homage, and presents it to his father, then, when he has drunk, pres-
ents it to the [wives] and to his sister after them, paying homage to them
all. The second son then rises, takes the bowl and gives it to his brother
to drink paying homage to him. Thereafter the great [commanders] rise,
and each one of [the 17 of] them gives the cup to the sultan's heir and
pays homage to him, after which the [other] members of the royal house
rise and each one of them gives the cup to this second son, paying hom-
age to him. The [170] lesser [commanders] then rise and give the sons of
the king to drink. During all this [ceremony], they sing [songs resembling
the] chants sung by oarsmen.13
After these festivities, Ibn Battuta informed his readers, the sultan was
so drunk that he could not make Friday prayers on time at the mosque.
He did eventually appear but arrived swaying, and after the prayers were
recited he retired once again to his tent to resume his drinking. Ozbak
Khan was a generous host, and Ibn Battuta described seeing wagons laden
with skins of koumiss stretching to the horizon waiting to be distributed
to the sultan's guests. One wagon could hold 131 gallons of koumiss. Ibn
Battuta informed his readers that he presented his Turkish neighbors with
the wagon presented to him. As some kind of comparison Juwayni claimed
that Mongke's week-long quriltai in 1251 needed 2,000 wagon loads of kou-
miss and wine per day to keep the guests and his own people happy.
U.S. historian John Masson Smith Jr. came out with some interesting
figures to elaborate both the Mongols' drinking and eating habits. Based
on details provided by William of Rubruck, he calculated that at a great
drinking festival organized by Mongke Khan on June 24,1254, each guest
would have been provided with the equivalent of 19 shots of whiskey. He
assumed that the drink-laden wagons carried 1,000-pound loads and that
each of the estimated 7,000 guests received two gallons of koumiss each.
WOMEN
It was not only the Mongol men who had a predilection for excessive
drinking. The Mongol women who not only performed admirably on the
battlefield also matched their men folk in the art of prodigious alcohol con-
sumption. William of Rubruck faithfully noted that the women enjoyed
getting as outrageously drunk as their men and that they joined in the
"singing and loud shouting" because such drunken behavior was "not
considered reprehensible in either men or women." It surprised Rubruck
that though the women got very intoxicated they never became physically
aggressive and they never came to blows or traded insults. He described
being waited on by one of Mongke's wives at another of the Great Khan's
banquets.
[She served us] rice ale, red wine... and [koumiss]. The lady, holding a full goblet
in her hand, knelt down and asked a blessing, and all the priests sang in a loud
voice and she drank it all. My companion and I were also obliged to sing another
time when she wanted to drink. When they were all nearly intoxicated food was
brought, [mutton and carp] and of this I ate a little. In this way they passed the
time until evening. Then the lady, now drunk, got into a cart, while the priests sang
and howled, and she went on her way.14
In Iran, the reformer Ghazan Khan (ruled 1295-1304), who was a Muslim
convert and had made Islam the state religion of the Il-Khanate, attempted
to curb the drinking excesses of the women at his court. Among the curbs
he placed on the expenditure for the ordus (courts) of the princesses were
restrictions on the purchases of clothing and provisions, including stocks
for the sharab-khdneh, or wine cellars. Provisions for the sharab-khdneh were
itemized separately, which suggests that this was a major and important
item of expenditure and that the women's use of this provision was in
need of control. Rashid al-Din mentions other provisions Ghazan was
making for reducing the cost of alcohol and wine and increasing the effi-
ciency of its delivery. He also introduced legislation to punish public dis-
plays of drunkenness and rowdiness throughout his domains, something
he apparently deplored.
I N F A M O U S IMBIBERS: O G O D E I
Stories of Mongol drinking bouts and excesses are legion. Ogodei
(1241), the successor to his father, Chinggis Khan, officially died of exces-
sive drinking, which his brother, Chaghatai (died 1242), had tried in vain
to curb.
Qa'an [Ogodei] was extremely fond of wine, and [he] drank continuously and to
excess. Day by day he grew weaker, and though his intimates and well-wishers
sought to prevent him, it was not possible, and he drank more in spite of them.
Chaghatai appointed an emir to watch over him [Ogodei] and not allow him to
drink more than a specified number of cups. As he could not disobey his brother's
command, he used to drink from a large cup instead of a small one, so that the
number remained the same.15
Ogodei's death followed yet another night of excessive drinking. He was

discovered dead in his bed the following morning. With the sudden death
of a mighty leader, the hand of conspiracy and intrigue is always sus-
pected. Initially suspicion fell on the ba'urchi (cook) and his mother, Ibaqa
Beki, a former wife of the Qa'an, and the Qa'an's hostess and cupbearer
that night. However, reason prevailed, and those closest to the Great Khan
were in no doubt as to the real cause of Ogodei's untimely demise. The
accusations were dismissed.
"What nonsense [the accusations] is this? ... The Qa'an always drank too much. Why
must we bad-mouth our Qa'an by saying he was assassinated by others? His time
had come, that's all. No one should speak of this nonsense again." Since he [a gen-
eral] was an intelligent man, he realised that the death had been caused by drinking
too much. He also knew how serious the end of overindulgence in wine was.16
GUYUK
Gliylik, Ogodei's successor, kept the family tradition alive, and friar
Carpini was witness to more alcoholic excesses on a grand scale. He
reported how during Gliylik's prolonged enthronement banquets the
chiefs conferred over matters of state in a huge tent
until almost noon and then began drinking mare's milk and they drank it until
evening which was amazing to see. They called us inside and gave us ale because
we did not like mare's milk in the least: and so did us great honor. But still they
compelled us to drink so much that we could not stay at all sober, so we com-
plained that this bothered us, but still they continued to force us.17
Rashid al-Din claimed that the universally dreaded and widely detested
Gliylik filled most of his hours, "from morning till evening and from dawn
to dusk with the quaffing of cups of wine and the contemplation of peri-
faced, sweet-limbed maidens." 18
MONGKE KHAN
The Qa'an, Mongke, not only drank with his meals and during drinking
festivals, he also liked to mix his binging with business. The papal represen-
tative William of Rubruck claimed that the emperor often appeared intoxi-
cated when he summoned the cleric for interviews, and that Mongke would
continue drinking during the course of these interviews, Rubruck recording
that the Great Khan imbibed four times during their last meeting.
A B A Q A K H A N A N D OTHERS
The Il-Khan of Mongol Persia, Abaqa Khan, famously died of delirium
tremens and hallucinations, which were recorded by Rashid al-Din.
On Wednesday 18 March he arrived in Hamadan and stopped at the palace of

Malik Fakr al-Din Minuchehr where he was continuously occupied with jirghamishi
[celebration] and enjoying various pleasures. On the eve of Wednesday 1 April,

1282... past midnight, after excessive drinking, he came out on the demand of
a call of nature. The Harbinger of Death revealed itself to him as a black bird
perched on the branch of the trees that were there. [Abaqa] cried out, "What is
this black bird!" He then commandeered his quiver-bearer to shoot an arrow at it.
However much they searched they could find no [trace of] the bird. Suddenly he
closed his eyes and from his golden throne surrendered his precious soul.19
Abaqa died a well-loved and widely admired king remembered for his
justice and wisdom rather than his excessive drinking. A later Il-Khan,
Geikhatu (ruled 1291-95), was remembered primarily for his drinking,
debauchery, and other excesses.
Day and night, he sought his desires... in wine and drinking. His desire contin-
ued to be for wine, and he dismissed all fear. Whether he was faced by plain or
mountain, he had no worldly concern for passing them. Mountain or plain were
the same to him, as were strangers or intimate companions.20
Geikhatu was also known for his liberality and generosity, though there
were some who attributed this generosity to drunkenness. It was in fact
this very drunkenness coupled with a generous and forgiving spirit that
sealed his fate. One evening, he was with his cousin Baidu drinking liber-
ally, and "their heads were hot with the fumes of the wine." 21 Baidu let
slip a particularly insulting suggestion against Geikhatu's father, Abaqa
Khan. As a result, Baidu received a severe beating and was thrown from
the court. Even though he apologized in the morning for the insult and
begged for and was granted his cousin's, Geikhatu's, forgiveness, Baidu
vowed revenge for the beating. Later, Geikhatu's drink-induced debauch-
ery reached new depths of depravity and included the seduction of Baidu's
son who was present at court. The emirs and courtiers at Geikhatu's court
went to Baghdad, where Baidu was governor, and pleaded with him to
seize the throne. A pitched battle ensued, and eventually Geikhatu met his
end after being trapped as a refugee in the mountains.
ALCOHOLISM
All this heavy drinking came at a price. Premature death was, of course,
common, but pervasive alcoholism had far-reaching affects on the health
of the Mongols as a people. Gout and chronic obesity were common and
were a direct result of overeating and overdrinking and effected both the
"wondrous fat" women and the sometimes "grotesquely fat" men, as
the observant William of Rubruck duly noted. Ibn Battuta observed the
widespread occurrence of gout during his travels in the territories of the
Golden Horde.
We went to visit... the sultan's daughter Her husband... was present, and sat
with her on the same rug. He was suffering from gout, and was unable for this
reason to go about on his feet or to ride a horse, and so used to ride only in a
wagon In the same state too, I saw the amir Naghatay, who was the father
of the second [wife of the sultan], and this disease is widespread among the
[Mongols]. 22
Chinggis Khan himself drank but was at the same time well aware of
the dangers of heavy binge drinking. He moderated his own drinking,
limiting himself to three drinking sessions a month at most, unwilling to
cloud his judgment and mental faculties with chronic drunkenness. Most
other Mongols were not so disciplined or clear thinking, and drunken-
ness continued to be socially acceptable, even an honorable condition.
With foreign beverages containing a far higher alcohol content than tra-
ditional koumiss becoming increasingly available and common, coupled
with the continued high volume and long-sessioned intake favored by
the Mongols, incidents of early death and serious illness increased. The
declining longevity is evident among the Il-Khans of Persia, with Hulegu
and his son Abaqa making 48, but Ghazan died at 32, Oljeitu at 35, and
Abu SacId died without heir at 30. The deaths of the other Il-Khans were
caused by direct human intervention rather than their apparent lifestyle.
A similar pattern can be seen with the successors of Qubilai in China.
Timur made 42, Qaishan reached only 31, Ayurbarwada Buyantu died at
35, Yestin Timur died at 35, Tugh Timur died at only 28, Irinjibal at 7, and
Toghon Timur at 50.
As well as apparently having a dramatic influence on longevity,
the alcoholism and binge drinking common among Mongol men and
women also seemed to have had a marked effect on fertility. Again
Qubilai seems to have defied the trend even though his overindulgences
were well known and documented. He sired 47 sons and no doubt a
similar number of daughters by four wives and numerous concubines.
Hulegu managed a respectable 21 children with his five wives and a few
concubines, but his successors did little to populate the Perso-Mongol
gene pool. Abaqa's 15 women gave him 9 children; Arghun had 9 women
and 7 surviving offspring; Ghazan's 7 women gave him only 2 children,
1 of whom died in infancy; Oljeitu produced only 3 surviving offspring,
though he had 12 women to help him; and, of course, with 2 wives Abu
SacId had only 1 posthumous child. The figures both for the premature
deaths and for the declining fertility coupled with what is known of
the Mongols' drinking habits seems to suggest a strong linkage between
the two. The sudden disappearance of the Mongols of Persia, the Il-Khans,
has long baffled historians because the dynasty does not seem to have
entered any period of decline. In fact Abu Sard's reign could in some
ways be seen as their climax. The answer may be their lifestyle and their
excessive drinking in particular. Drink caused their early deaths, their
declining fertility, and ultimately the end of the Persian line of Hulegu
and the Chinggisids.
264 Daily Life in the Moitgol Empire
W O R D S OF W I S D O M
The acclaimed historian and prime minister of Mongol Iran Rashid al-Din
(died 1318) recounted some words of wisdom attributed to Chinggis Khan
that seem to suggest that in old age the founder of this world empire was
well aware of the dangers of the habit that had such a grip on his people.
When a man gets drunk on wine and tardsun [rice wine], he is just like a blind
man who can't see anything, a deaf man who can't hear when he's called, and
a mute who can't reply when he's spoken to. When a man gets drunk he is like
someone in a state of death: he can't sit up straight even if he wants to. He's as
dazed and senseless as someone who's been hit over the head.23
D R I N K I N G TODAY 2 4
Airag is still the drink of choice in Mongolia today, and the country's
official newsletter has even claimed that airag is as integral to their culture
as Coca-Cola is to the culture of the United States. It is produced through-
out the summer in a specially made hide skin bag. First, fresh milk is used
to initiate fermentation, and the mix is regularly stirred with a special
wooden stick. Fresh airag is basically mild, but if kept for long enough it
may turn sour and acidic. Old airag may contain up to 9 percent alcohol. It
is usually served in very large bowls.
Medical features of airag have long been proven according to Mongolian
sources. It clears any poisons and antioxidants, especially the consequences
of overconsumption of fat during the long winter, and generally strength-
ens the body. It contains many types of vitamins and organic and mineral
elements. Airag is widely used for treatment of many diseases.
Not all families make airag because it involves considerable time and
effort. Mares should be milked every two hours during the hot summer
days and every three hours in autumn. The amount of milk produced
by one mare averages about 1.5 liters to 2 liters when milked six times
per day. The remaining milk is needed for the colts. So, in order to make
enough airag for the family as well as for their visitors, at least a dozen
mares are needed. In addition, to get good-quality airag it is necessary to
stir the milk mix no less than 1,000 times each day. All guests are expected
to contribute and assist with churning the airag.
To get good-quality milk, mares should be grazed on the best pastures
and in cool places near rivers and lakes. The best airag is produced in the
Middle Gobi province, called the Land of Airag and Long Songs. What
makes the taste of Gobi airag special is the unique mixture of desert grasses
on which the mares feed. Another area famous for airag is Arkhangai prov-
ince, or Northern Mountains, which is known for its beautiful landscapes
and the beauty of the local girls skilled in making dairy products.
Recent research in Russia into alcoholism and drunkenness has come
out with some surprising conclusions. Scientists say that they have found
a genetic link between Russians' traditional weakness for drink and the
marauding Mongol armies of Chinggis Khan and claim that genetic traces
the Mongols left behind are partly to blame for Russia's traditional weak-
ness for vodka.
As many as 50 percent of Muscovites are estimated to have inherited
Mongol genes that make them absorb more alcohol into the bloodstream
and break it down at a slower rate than most Europeans, they say. That
means that they get more easily drunk and have worse hangovers and are
more likely to become addicted to alcohol. "The difference is huge—in
reaction speed, memory, hand tremor—and in how they recover," Vladimir
Nuzhny of the Health Ministry's National Narcology Research Center
said. "On average, 50 percent of people in Moscow have this Mongoloid
gene. So this, we think, is part of the problem. The way they get drunk
is completely different. They are also more likely to feel aggressive or
depressed," Dr. Nuzhny said. "They do not necessarily look Mongolian,
but the gene that governs how they metabolise alcohol is Mongoloid."
Scientists have long known that people of Mongol extraction, including
Chinese, Koreans, and Japanese, have an enzyme for metabolizing alcohol
that is different from that of Caucasian Europeans. Dr. Nuzhny claims that
his study is the first to look at the effect of alcohol on Russians who have
inherited Mongol genes. He says that the phenomenon can be explained
partly by evolution. The nomadic Mongols, whose only indigenous form
of alcohol was fermented mare's milk, evolved with a different enzyme
compared to the settled Europeans, with their long tradition of producing
stronger grape- and grain-based alcohol.
The gene, known as ADH2-2, is common in Asian countries but almost
nonexistent among Europeans. "This gene is found in 41 percent of the
population in Moscow," says Dr. Pavel Gurtsov, head of the center's medi-
cal department.
"We don't know exactly how it affects the way alcohol is absorbed, but
our findings show that carriers of the gene are more susceptible to the
effects of drinking and more likely to become alcoholics."
NOTES
1. Kirakos Ganjaks'i, Kirakos Ganjaks'i's History of the Armenians, trans. Robert
Bedrosian, Sources for the Armenian Tradition, available at: http://rbedrosian.com/
kgl.htm, 234.
Historia Mongalorum, trans. Erik Hildinger (Boston: Branden, 1996), 51.
3. Ibid., 17.
4. William of Rubruck, The Mission of William of Rubruck, trans, and ed. Peter
Jackson with David Morgan (London: Hakluyt Society, 1990), 81-83.
5. Ibid., 80-83.
7. W.W. Rockhill, The Journey of William of Rubruck to the Eastern Parts of the
World, 1253-55, as Narrated by Himself, with Two Accounts of the Earlier Journey of
by William Woodville Rockhill (London: Hakluyt Society, 1900).
of Marco Polo, http://www.gutenberg.net.
Jackson with David Morgan (London: Hakluyt Society, 1990), ch. 35, para. 4.
10. H.A.R. Gibb, J.H. Kramer, J. Schacht, and F. Levi-Provencal, eds., The Ency-
clopaedia of Islam, new ed. (Leiden, Netherlands: Luzac and Brill, 1960), 477.
11. William of Rubruck, The Mission of William of Rubruck, 210.
12. Complete Yule-Cordier Edition of Marco Polo's travels by Marco Polo and
Rustichello of Pisa, The Project Gutenberg EBook of the Travels of Marco Polo, available
at: http://www.gutenberg.net, vol. 2, x.
13. Gibb, Kramer, Schacht, and Levi-Provencal, Encyclopaedia of Islam, 495-96.
14. William of Rubruck, The Mission of William of Rubruck, 191.
16. Rashid al-Din, Rashiduddin Fazlullah Jami 'iT t-Tawarikh: Compendium of
Chronicles, 3 vols., trans. W.M. Thackston (Cambridge, MA: Sources of Orien-
tal Languages & Literature 45, Central Asian Sources, Harvard University), 330;
Rashid al-Din, Jdmi' al-Tavdrikh, eds., Mohammad Roushan and Mustafah Musavi
(Tehran: Nashr albaraz, 1994), 673-74.
17. Giovanni DiPlano Carpini, The Story of the Mongols, 108.
18. Rashid al-Din, The Successors, 188.
19. Rashid al-Din, Jdmi' al-Tavdrikh, 1118.
20. Mustawfi, Zafarnameh, trans. L.J. Ward, 348.
21. Ibid., 351-52.
22. Gibb, Kramer, Schacht, and Levi-Provencal, Encyclopaedia of Islam, 489.
23. Rashid al-Din, Rashiduddin Fazlullah Jami 'u' t-Tawarikh: Compendium of
Chronicles, trans. W.M. Thackston (Cambridge, Mass.: Sources of Oriental Lan-
guages & Literature 45, 1998), 297.
24. The Times (U.K.) January 19, 2004.
8
FOOD
Food was also an important aspect of Mongol daily life, though it is not
surrounded in the myths and tall tales and raucous humor that accompany
the subject of their drinking. There was also a clear distinction between the
cuisines of traditional Mongol life and the fabulous epicurean extravagan-
zas that were laid before the later Great Qa'ans of the maturing empire.
The study of the medieval Mongol cuisine and the food consumed within
the borders of the Mongol Empire is a subject worthy of a multitomed
book in itself, so this present chapter will merely attempt to lift a corner
of the sumptuous curtain enclosing this topic and provide a few tantaliz-
ing appetizers from the vast range of delicious dishes once found on the
khans' exotic tables.
The grandsons of Chinggis Khan, the Toluids in particular, were exposed
to a wide range of cultural and culinary influences, and for the most part
they welcomed these diverse temptations. Their pride in their Mongol her-
itage remained strong, for it was a confidence that welcomed the cultural
richness they were exposed to as rulers of half the world. Their kitchens
were no exception to this rule, and there is ample evidence that Mongols
were very willing to try, and to enjoy, a wide variety of dishes and foods,
often in public displays of lavish and conspicuous consumption.
HU SZU-HUI'S COOKBOOK
A remarkable manual presented to the Yiian emperor Toq Temiir (ruled
1328-32) in 1330 has survived to the present day, and it is this document
that has provided unprecedented insight into not only the culinary hab-
its of the Mongol Yiian court of China but also the Mongol dietary cus-
toms in general. The Yin-shan cheng-yao (Proper and Essential Things for the
Emperor's Food and Drink) was written by Hu Szu-hui, who had been an
imperial dietary physician to the imperial court since the early years of the
fourteenth century. Appointed after Qubilai's death, Hu served a number
of his short-lived successors. Despite his Chinese name, it is believed that
Hu Szu-hui was possibly Turkish, from the former lands of the Hsi-Hsia in
northwestern China. Scholarly opinion suggests that his native language
might have been Uyghur but that he had early exposure to Chinese and
received a good schooling in Chinese, evident from the fine quality of the
language used in his book.
Northern China was probably less than 80 percent Chinese in the four-
teenth century, and the Mongols remained in power because of the close
and strong alliances they forged with elites and power wielders in the
north. The Chinese in the north had far greater roots and contacts with
non-Chinese elements than did those from the Song-dominated south. Hu
Szu-hui's Chinese name is indicative of the close ties existing between the
communities in the north. His great work, the Yin-shan cheng-yao, writ-
ten in Chinese in a framework of Chinese dietary and medical theory,
comfortably embodies elements of Chinese, Mongolian, Turkic, Turco-
Islamic, Persian, and Islamic culinary practice intermingled to produce
the composite Mongol taste. Hu Szu-hui's Yin-shan cheng-yao is a Mongol
From Hu Szu-hui's Yin-shan cheng-yao (Mongol Cookbook). Courtesy of Lan Tien

Lang Publications
Food 169
cookbook. It was written for his Mongol masters, not for the Chinese. It
reflects the tastes of the Mongol rulers, not those of their Chinese subjects.
However, the Mongols of the Yiian dynasty were very different from those
Mongols who had ridden thundering out from the steppe with Chinggis
Khan 100 years previously. The fact that the descendants of those same
rulers who rode out from the northern steppe lands were still in control
attests to their ability to compromise and integrate. That process of cul-
tural integration and assimilation is nowhere more succinctly expressed
than in Hu Szu-hui's cookbook.
Even though the Mongols' dream of world domination had faded with the
reality of the bitter internecine wars between the Golden clans, the pretense
of universality could be maintained at the table. The eclectic culinary cre-
ations incorporated foods from all over the extended empire. Mongol medi-
cine appears with west Asian cures in a main course of Chinese remedies,
for much of the fare was chosen for its curative and health-strengthening
properties.
Tales of the indolent luxury and indulgence of Qubilai Khan and the
Yuan court over which he presided spread far beyond the confines of his
empire, and even in faraway England there were whispers of the terrible
opulence to be witnessed there. "And close your eyes in holy dread, / for
he on honeydew has fed / and drunk the milk of paradise." 1 In fact, the
Mongols like the Chinese were obsessed with the nutritional and medical
aspects of food and their diet, and these health-conscious elements figured
greatly in the choice and preparation of their food. Much of the Yin-shan
cheng-yao was concerned with the medicinal value of food and recipes,
and the overall presentation is in tune with medieval Chinese nutritional
therapy.
Two traits, clearly discernable, mark this cookbook as unmistakably
Mongol and not Chinese. First, sheep, the staple of the pastoralist nomad
from the steppe, remains paramount, and all parts of this favorite ani-
mal of the Mongols were used in their broths and meat dishes. Second
is the absence of pig, the staple of the Chinese but not so beloved of the
Mongols. Wild game also figures in the recipes, as does the meat of other
herd animals. The Mongols were no longer dependant on these herd ani-
mals, however, and they were eager that their kitchens should reflect their
new reality and their desire and willingness to experiment with the new
and the exotic. Their kitchens reflected their new cosmopolitan identity as
well as their exotic and eclectic guest lists and the varied and unusual fare
introduced to welcome those that they invited to sit at table with them.
TRADITIONAL M O N G O L CUISINE
The nature of Mongol cuisine and eating habits changed considerably
since the early days of the empire, as indicated in this report, circa 1240s,
from Simon de Saint-Quentin's Histoire des Tatares:
Furthermore, they are the most unclean and filthy in their eating. They
use neither tablecloths nor napkins, nor do they have bread [to use as a
plate], or pay any attention to it, and scorn to eat it. They have not veg-
etables or even legumes; and nothing other than meat to eat, and they eat
so little meat that other peoples could scarcely live from it. And further
they eat all kinds of meats except for that of the mule, which is sterile,
and this they do disgracefully and rapaciously. They lick their greasy
fingers and wipe them dry on their boots. The great ones are wont to
have little cloths with which they wipe their fingers carefully. They do
not wash their hands before eating, nor their dishes afterwards; and if
perchance they wash them in meat broth, they put the dish they have
washed back into the pot along with the meat. Otherwise they do not
wash pots or spoons or utensils of any kind. They like horsemeat more
than any other meat. They even eat rats and dogs and dine on cats with
great pleasure. They drink wine with great pleasure whenever they have
it. They get drunk every day on the mare's milk which they call kaumous
[koumiss], just as others get drunk on strong wine. And when they cele-
brate holidays and the festivals of their forefathers, they spend their time
in singing, or rather shrieking, and in drinking bouts; and as long as such
drinking bouts last, they attend to no business and dispatch no envoys.
This is what the brothers of the Order of Preaching Monks, sent to the
Mongols by the Pope and staying in their camp, experienced continu-
ously for six days. They eat human meat like lions; devouring it roasted
on the fire and soaked with grease. And whenever they take someone
contrary or hostile to themselves, they come together in one place to eat
him in vengeance for the rebellion raised against them. They avidly suck
his blood just like hellish vampires.2
The Mongols in preimperial times ate a simple, calorie-sufficient, but

poorly balanced diet. The average family unit possessed a herd of sheep,
with some goats, plus a few cattle and camels. Horses were also kept for
military duties, including the annual call to the nerge (hunt), and for kou-
miss. According to John Mason Smith, at least 100 sheep were required for
nutritional needs, at least five (gelding) ponies for military duties, and in
addition for transportation possibly three more ponies and some oxen and
camels and of course a mare or two for milking. These animals provided
the sustenance for the family because for most of the time they were not
in contact with the settled world where vegetables and other foodstuffs
might be available for sale or barter. Imported food was rare and consid-
ered a luxury.
Horse meat was the favorite, but it was beyond the means of most, who
had to content themselves with mutton and lamb. In addition to meat, milk
and milk products were the other main type of food for the majority of
Food 171
Fresh food stall: fish, fowl, and flesh. Courtesy of Xinjiang Qinshan
Culture Publishing
Mongols. Interestingly, the poorer Mongols probably had a better, more

balanced diet. Temujin and his family, thrown on hard times after the mur-
der of his father and the theft of their herd, often could not afford meat
and were forced to eat wild plants for sustenance. The Secret History of the
Mongols claims that the boys grew up into fine men despite a diet of what
was considered second-rate food. Forced to forage in the wild to feed her
family, Ho'elun made them meals containing very nutritious wild pears,
bird cherries, garden burnet root, cinquefoil root, wild onion, shallot, lily
root, and garlic chives.
Carpini, the papal envoy and intelligence gatherer, painted an unap-
pealing picture of squalor and the crudest food preparation imaginable,
an impression reinforced by other contemporary reports, and unfortu-
nately an impression that, like their early reputation for blood-thirsty
depravity, attached itself to their name in perpetuity. Carpini witnessed
his Tatar escorts discovering the bodies of some unidentified dead animals
on their journey. "They found the fresh entrails of a beast. They took them
and cooked them, discarding only the dung." 3 Carpini also claimed that
the Mongols practiced cannibalism and ate wolves, dogs, foxes, mice, and
even lice. He claimed that in desperation they were even known to eat a
mare's afterbirth.
The Armenian cleric Kirakos had intimate contact with the Mongols
over a number of years, and he witnessed the transformation of their social
habits and customs over the decades. He recorded his first impressions of
these barbarians from the steppe, but by the end of his chronicle his views
on the Mongols mellowed considerably.
Whenever possible they ate and drank insatiably, but when it was not possible,
they were temperate. They ate all sorts of animals both clean and unclean, and
especially cherished horsemeat. This they would cut into pieces and cook or else
roast it without salt; then they would cut it up into small pieces and sop it in salt
water and eat it that way. Some eat on their knees, like camels, and some eat
sitting. When eating, lords and servants share equally. To drink kumiss or wine,
one of them first takes a great bowl in his hand and, taking from it with a small
cup, sprinkles the liquid to the sky, then to the east, west, north and south. Then the
sprinkler himself drinks some of it and offers it to the nobles. If someone brings
them food or drink, first they make the bearer eat and drink of it, and then they
themselves [will accept it] lest they be betrayed by some poison.4
The steppe lands were rich in water and grass and, hence, ideal for
sheep and horses, which became the main ingredients of the Mongols' diet.
Mares became the source of their chief pleasure in life, namely the drink-
ing of koumiss, which relieved them body and soul. A Chinese observer
in the first decade of the empire noted that Chinese and other non-Mongol
slaves kept in the Mongol camps encountered considerable hardship as a
result of the meat-only diet forced on them. These slaves ate rice whenever
possible to ease the hunger they experienced with the monotonous menu.
As a result, the Mongols took to seizing rice and wheat in their raids and
to modifying their dishes to please the palates of their slaves. Another
Chinese source writing in the 1230s notes:
Their food is meat and not grain. Animals captured in hunting are the hare, deer,
wild pigs, the marmot, wild sheep, the dseiren antelope, wild horses, and fish
from rivers and springs. The animal normally raised to be eaten is the sheep. The
ox is second. They do not slaughter horses unless it is a major feast or assembly.
Meat is almost always roasted. Only rarely is it cooked in a pot. One cuts of a piece
of meat and eats. Afterwards the meat is given to others to eat. During the month
that I, T'ing, was in the steppe, I did not see the Tatars kill an ox to eat.5
Carpini noted that the Mongols with whom he traveled drank a kind
of millet broth. A couple of cupfuls of this millet soup in the morning suf-
ficed until the evening when a portion of meat washed down with a meat
Food 173
broth constituted the day's nourishment. This millet soup was allowed to
be thickened, and eventually it became bread, and so it was that the revo-
lution in the Mongols' diet and palate began. Just as their food developed,
so too their drinking, and by the reign of Ogodei the Mongols had a taste
for a variety of alcoholic beverages, including beers, wines, and liquors.
DEVELOPMENTS
Within a few decades, that simple step from millet soup to bread gave
rise to recipes such as the following for honeyed stuffed crab given by
Ni Tsan, author of another cookbook for the kings. The crabs were to be
cooked in salted water until the color began to change to red, when they
were be taken out and broken up so that the meat could be taken from the
claws and legs. The meat should then be chopped up and stuffed into
the shell. An egg was then to be mixed with a little honey and stirred into
the meat within the shell. Fat would now be spread on the egg and the
whole then steamed until the egg just started to solidify, taking care not
to overcook. For eating, Ni Tsan suggested dipping it into ground orange
peel and vinegar.
Another recipe instructed the cook to cut a carp into chunks before cook-
ing it in a mixture of half water and half wine. Meanwhile, a fresh ginger
should be peeled and sliced before grinding. This should be mixed with
flower pepper before grinding again and then gently stirred into wine
until liquid. Pour soy sauce into a pan before adding the fish. It should be
brought to the boil three times before the ginger-pepper mix is added and
the whole brought to the boil for a final time.
Marco Polo was witness to many of the sumptuous feasts common
among the Mongol elite in the later years of the thirteenth century, and he
wrote in startling contrast to Carpini a few decades earlier. Carpini trav-
eled through the northern climes, however, which in later years remained
more wedded to traditional Mongol values than did the more southern
climes where Marco Polo traveled. Even today, West Lake, at the heart of
fashionable and cosmopolitan Hangzhou, is famous for the restaurants
and food stalls crowding its shores and even spilling onto the boats on the
lake itself.
WEST A S I A N INFLUENCE
Safarjaliya was a recipe found in medieval Arabic cookbooks that closely
resembled dishes found in Hu Szu-hui's manual. The fatty meat of the
sheep's tail is thinly sliced and then cooked in the dissolved sheep's tail
fat. A dirham of salt, two dirham of finely-ground coriander, cinnamon
bark, and a pinch of mastic should be added to flavor. Water must now be
added, and when nearly done add seasoned, minced kebab. The meat is
next cooked in a broth. Meanwhile some large, ripe, bitter quinces should
be peeled and the seeds removed and then cut and placed on top of the
cooked meat. Other quinces must be pummeled in a mortar in order to
extract their juices, which after straining should be added to the meat.
Also add 5 dirham of wine vinegar and 10 dirham of sweet almonds,
finely chopped and soaked in water. Saffron can be employed as food col-
oring. Finally, the sides of the pan should be wiped clean before placing
over a gentle heat.
Cookbooks had been common in the Islamic world for centuries, but
in China and eastern Asia Hu Szu-hui's Yin-shan cheng-yao and Ni Tsan's
Yiin-lin-t'ang yin-shih chih-tu-chi broke new ground. Even though they were
both medicinal and nutritional in intent, they were effectively practical
cookbooks, and it was the Mongols' demands for the kind of cooking man-
uals they encountered in the west that led to the inspiration and creation
of Hu's and Ni Tsan's works. Just as the Mongols were cultural brokers in
other fields, so they were responsible for the introduction of the cookbook
to China.
One section of Yin-shan cheng-yao is devoted to recipes for strange delica-
cies of combined flavors. This section in particular revealed the influence
of the Islamic world on Mongol gastronomy. The opening recipe for
mastajhi [mastic] soup is an example of the adaptation of a basic Mongol
dish, cauldron cooked mutton soup, to west Asian refinement. The ingre-
dients included leg of mutton, chopped and boned; five cardamoms;
cinnamon; and skinned and ground chickpeas, or what is essentially
hummus. Boil all together to form a soup before straining to separate
the meat, which should then be cut up and put aside. Add the cooked
chickpeas and some aromatic nonglutinous rice along with a little mastajhi
before adding the meat. Garnish with coriander leaves.
Foreign influence is often marked by the addition of herbs, spices,
and other forms of flavoring to traditionally eastern dishes. Fenugreek 6 has
long been a common ingredient of Mediterranean, Palestinian, and
Anatolian cooking, and the condiment asafetida is indicative of Iranian
influence. The presence of both in a popular broth suggests a strong
Western influence. A recipe for deer head soup, a Mongolian dish, rec-
ommends the addition of black pepper, long pepper, the juice of sprout-
ing ginger, and asafetida (kasni), which would impart an Iranian flavor.
Three dishes are mentioned using euryale, a Chinese water lily, the
starchy fruit of which is ground for flour. Euryale is usually found only
in Chinese dishes, but Hu Szu-hui cited three dishes originating from
the Azerbaijan region in which euryale is added to the mutton-and-bone
based recipes.
DIVERSE D I S H E S A N D I N G R E D I E N T S
Most of the delights recommended for the Great Khan's table seem to
be a mixture of different gastronomic strains, perhaps deliberately so. The
Food 175
Mongols enjoyed their emerging image of sophistication and worldliness

and the reputation of their kitchens for exotic dishes from around the
globe. A turtle soup was given a Mongolian flavor by the addition of mut-
ton on the bone. The instructions indicate boiling the chopped mutton and
bone together with five cardamoms into a broth. Five or six turtles should
then be cooked, and when done they should be skinned, boned, and cut
into lumps before adding to the soup. Fine vermicelli should be made and
then roasted with the juice of a sprouting ginger and black pepper. This
should then be added to the soup and the final taste adjusted with onions,
salt, and vinegar.
Some delights found in Hu's collection can be discovered in a Middle
Eastern pastry shop today. Poppy seed buns seem indistinguishable from
the buns served in any modern Turkish, Arab, or Iranian bakery, with cow's
milk used specifically and the poppy seeds sprinkled on the outside.
The steppe was not completely forgotten, and the presence of roast
wolf soup attests to the influence of some nomadic diehards at the Qa'an's
table. However, it is interesting to note that the wolf is flavored with some
distinctly Persian, non-Mongol spices, namely saffron, asafetida (kasni),
turmeric, and others.
In complete contrast to the wolf soup, sheep's head dressed in flowers
was also oftered. This interesting gastronomic novelty combined "all that
was most creative in Sino-Mongol-Turkic cuisine," in the view of Paul
Buell, editor of Hu Szu-hui's cookbook, who bravely tried as many of these
dishes as he was able to cook. The three sheep's heads were cut up and
cooked with four sheep's loins, a set of sheep's stomach, and lungs. They
were then deboned, dyed with safflower, and mixed with sprouting gin-
ger, pickled ginger, five eggs, and three Chinese radishes cut into flower
shapes. Flavor was adjusted to taste with onions, salt, and vinegar.
Wild animals remained a favorite with the Mongols. Every possible ani-
mal and every possible animal part, internal and external, seems to have
found its way to the table. Elephant meat is apparently insipid to taste,
and overindulgence can make the eater feel heavy in the body. Camel is
recommended more for its fermented, slightly sweetish milk than for its meat
found in the humps, and wild camel is preferable. On a diet of bear's paw,
wind and cold can be effectively resisted. Donkey meat controls "wind
mania and chronic depression." Wild donkey, the kulan, can control
"dizziness due to ah evil wind." Deer was an obvious favorite and was
believed to cure a number of ailments. The medullas, head, hooves, penis,
horn, fat, flesh, velvet (furry covering of the antlers), and viscera of deer
all found some role in the Mongols' kitchen. Deer features prominently
in modern Chinese medicinal cooking, and deer genitalia are considered
to have restorative value for the human sexual function. Like deer, every
part and organ of the sheep ended up in the Mongol hot pot. Wild sheep
were common on the steppes in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries,
and they were popular as a source of nutrition. Head, heart, liver, blood,
the five viscera, kidneys, bone, medullas, brain, and milk were all used in
the dishes of the time.
Monkeys, weasels, badgers, wildcats, tigers, leopards, otters, dogs, wild
boars, Yangtze porpoises, foxes, and even rhinos all fell to the chef's cleaver
and were included as the main ingredients of specific dishes. As well as
being recommended as plain food, these more exotic dishes became com-
ponents in tonics, liquors, and balms. Some were suggested for physical
application, including wolf throat's skin, which when wound around the
head alleviated headache. A wolf's tooth warded oft evil if worn, and a
wolf's tail, hung before the breast of a horse, warded off evil influences
and made the horse impervious to fear.
Fowl and poultry were traditional Mongol fare, particularly those hunted
on the vast inland lakes high in the mountain stillness of Eurasia. Many
varieties of swans were found in Mongolia but were unknown in China,
therefore their presence in Hu's cookbook attests to the strong Mongolian
traditions undaunted by the sophisticated cuisines dominant in their newly
acquired lands. Swans, geese, cranes, curlew, wild hen, wild roosters,
pheasants, many varieties of duck, pigeon, doves, quails, sparrows, and
bunting were all eaten. Even the great bustard, described as sweet but
coarse, ended up on the kitchen table. For cough and "hectic fever" the
collard crow, despite its sour and salty flavor, was recommended.
As well as fowl, the freshwater lakes of the high mountains and the roll-
ing steppe lands yielded abundant fish, and the Mongols added innumer-
able varieties of fish to their menus. Carp has been the favorite fish of the
Chinese for centuries, and the Mongols gladly added this domesticated
fish to their dishes. The Mongols were quick to take advantage of the fish
culture of the Chinese, who had been domesticating and cultivating fish
for thousands of years. Carp was introduced to the world by the Chinese.
Bream, puffer fish, mud eels, sawfish, sheatfish, sturgeon, crab, shrimps,
turtles, and mussels are just a few of the varieties of seafood and fish that
could be found in the dishes served at Yiian courts.
The Yiian court is mentioned in particular because Qubilai and his suc-
cessors came to epitomize the opulence and lavishness of the medieval
world. There is evidence that other parts of the Mongol Empire hosted
banquets, though not as sophisticated and bountiful as those witnessed in
China, that were also demonstrative of an advanced gastronomic culture.
In the northern lands of the mountains and steppe a leg of raw lamb
washed down with koumiss was no longer sufficient to serve the khan.
A meal would occupy many courses. 7 Appetizers might have included
momo shapale with sipen mardur sauce, delicate steamed Tibetan mush-
room ravioli smothered in a creamy, spicy yogurt sauce. A salad of Bhuta-
nese chili and cheese might have followed. The main course, shabril with
dresil, comprised Tibetan meatball curry with nutted saffron rice, honey,
and currants. Himalayan steamed bread with turmeric and barley beer
with honey would have accompanied the main food, and also as a dessert
Food 177
Chinese c h e s t n u t m o u n d w i t h cream a n d glazed fruit w o u l d h a v e found

favor. Momo is a traditional Tibetan dish u s i n g yak's meat, a n d m u s h -
r o o m s are a perfect c o m p l e m e n t a n d filler. In the Il-Khanate a m o r e u s u a l
starter m i g h t h a v e b e e n h u m m u s . The recipe for thirteenth-century h u m -
m u s is basically the s a m e as that found in Syria or L e b a n o n today. Fresh
l e m o n juice, garlic, chickpeas, tahini, olive oil, paprika, a n d a touch of salt.
The Koreans w o u l d h a v e favored s o m e hotter appetizer, a n d traditional
bulgogi would have been popular. A steak was cut into cubes before frying
in a very hot, spicy paste. After m a r i n a t i n g , it w a s slowly a n d t h o r o u g h l y
grilled a n d served w i t h c h o p p e d onions.
The fame that the o p u l e n c e a n d a b u n d a n c e of Qubilai Khan's court
enjoyed in E u r o p e a n d that inspired such English poets as Samuel Taylor
Coleridge w a s e n g e n d e r e d to a great degree b y the w o r d s of Marco Polo.
H e devotes m u c h of his narrative to evoking the lavishness of the Great
Khan's tables a n d p r a i s i n g the hospitality a n d generosity h e s p r e a d before
his guests a n d visiting envoys. Marco Polo also h a d a n eye for detail a n d
for the historian h e h a s p r o v i d e d a w e a l t h of fascinating m i n u t i a e in his
descriptions of daily life in the M o n g o l palaces.
THE FASHION OF THE GREAT KAAN'S TABLE AT

HIS HIGH FEASTS
And when the Great Kaan sits at table on any great court occasion, it is
in this fashion. His table is elevated a good deal above the others, and he
sits at the north end of the hall, looking towards the south, with his chief
wife beside him on the left. On his right sit his sons and his nephews, and
other kinsmen of the Blood Imperial, but lower, so that their heads are
on a level with the Emperor's feet. And then the other Barons sit at other
tables lower still. So also with the women; for all the wives of the Lord's
sons, and of his nephews and other kinsmen, sit at the lower table to his
right; and below them again the ladies of the other Barons and Knights,
each in the place assigned by the Lord's orders. The tables are so disposed
that the Emperor can see the whole of them from end to end, many as
they are. [Further, you are not to suppose that everybody sits at table;
on the contrary, the greater part of the soldiers and their officers sit at
their meal in the hall on the carpets.] Outside the hall will be found more
than 40,000 people; for there is a great concourse of folk bringing presents
to the Lord, or come from foreign countries with curiosities.
In a certain part of the hall near where the Great Kaan holds his table,
there [is set a large and very beautiful piece of workmanship in the form
of a square coffer, or buffet, about three paces each way, exquisitely
wrought with figures of animals, finely carved and gilt. The middle is
hollow, and in it] stands a great vessel of pure gold, holding as much as
an ordinary butt; and at each corner of the great vessel is one of smaller
size [of the capacity of a firkin], and from the former the wine or beverage
flavoured with fine and costly spices is drawn off into the latter. [And on
the buffet aforesaid are set all the Lord's drinking vessels, among which
are certain pitchers of the finest gold,] which are called verniques, and
are big enough to hold drink for eight or ten persons. And one of these
is put between every two persons, besides a couple of golden cups with
handles, so that every man helps himself from the pitcher that stands
between him and his neighbour. And the ladies are supplied in the same
way. The value of these pitchers and cups is something immense; in fact,
the Great Kaan has such a quantity of this kind of plate, and of gold and
silver in other shapes, as no one ever before saw or heard tell of, or could
believe.
There are certain Barons specially deputed to see that foreigners, who
do not know the customs of the Court, are provided with places suited
to their rank; and these Barons are continually moving to and fro in the
hall, looking to the wants of the guests at table, and causing the servants
to supply them promptly with wine, milk, meat, or whatever they lack.
At every door of the hall (or, indeed, wherever the Emperor may be)
there stand a couple of big men like giants, one on each side, armed with
staves. Their business is to see that no one steps upon the threshold in
entering, and if this does happen, they strip the offender of his clothes,
and he must pay a forfeit to have them back again; or in lieu of taking his
clothes, they give him a certain number of blows. If they are foreigners
ignorant of the order, then there are Barons appointed to introduce them,
and explain it to them. They think, in fact, that it brings bad luck if any
one touches the threshold. Howbeit, they are not expected to stick at this
in going forth again, for at that time some are like to be the worse for
liquor, and incapable of looking to their steps.
And you must know that those who wait upon the Great Kaan with
his dishes and his drink are some of the great Barons. They have the
mouth and nose muffled with fine napkins of silk and gold, so that no
breath nor odour from their persons should taint the dish or the goblet
presented to the Lord. And when the Emperor is going to drink, all the
musical instruments, of which he has vast store of every kind, begin to
play. And when he takes the cup all the Barons and the rest of the com-
pany drop on their knees and make the deepest obeisance before him,
and then the Emperor doth drink. But each time that he does so the whole
ceremony is repeated.
I will say nought about the dishes, as you may easily conceive that
there is a great plenty of every possible kind. But you should know that in
every case where a Baron or Knight dines at those tables, their wives also
dine there with the other ladies. And when all have dined and the tables
have been removed, then come in a great number of players and jugglers,
adepts at all sorts of wonderful feats, and perform before the Emperor
and the rest of the company, creating great diversion and mirth, so that
everybody is full of laughter and enjoyment. And when the performance
is over, the company breaks up and every one goes to his quarters. 8
Food 179
NOTES
1. Samuel Taylor Coleridge, "Kubla Khan."
2. Simon de Saint Quentin, Histoire des Tartars, ed. Jean Richard (Paris: Libraire
orientaliste, 1965), 40-41; Hu Szu-hui, Yin-shan cheng-yao [Proper and essen-
tial things for the emperor's food and drink], trans. Buell, Paul D., and Eugene
N. Anderson, 2000, 46-47.
3. Hu Szu-hui, Yin-shan cheng-yao, 44.
4. Ganjaks'i Kirakos, Kirakos Ganjaks'i's History of the Armenians, trans. Robert
Bedrosian, Sources for the Armenian Tradition, 1986, available at: http://rbedrosian.
com/kgl.htm.
5. P'eng Ta-ya, Hei-ta Shih-liieh, Wang, 1962, 475-76, cited in Hu, Yin-shan
cheng-yao, 45-46.
6. Fenugreek (Trigonella foenum-graecum) is the slender annual herb of the pea
family (Fabaceae) or its dried seeds, used as a food, a flavoring, and a medicine.
The seeds' aroma and taste are strong, sweetish, and somewhat bitter, reminiscent
of burned sugar. They are farinaceous in texture and may be mixed with flour for
bread or eaten raw.
7. Suggested by Marc Cramer, Imperial Mongolian Cooking: Recipes from the
kingdoms of Genghis Khan (New York: Hippocrene Books, 2003).
8. Complete Yule-Cordier Edition of Marco Polo's travels by Marco Polo and
Rustichello of Pisa, The Project Gutenberg EBook of the Travels of Marco Polo, available
at: http://www.gutenberg.net, vol. 1.
9
R E L I G I O N AND T H E
MONGOLS
LIBERALITY
In the Mongol empire religious orders generally thrived. The Mongols
were known for their liberality as regards the faiths of those under their
rule, and the treatment of clerics and divines who fell into their hands was
usually respectful. The Mongols did not adhere to any one particular faith,
and in later years though different faiths had officially been proclaimed
in the main Mongol states, religion was not the basis of hostilities even
though occasionally used as an excuse. Within and without their fron-
tiers the Mongol rulers adapted a laissez-faire attitude to people's beliefs.
However, this attitude may not have been entirely altruistic. The Mongols
were probably hedging their bets and playing spiritually safe. In addition
to this liberal attitude, it was the wish of the Great Khan that all his sub-
jects should pray for him and his well-being, and to this end the Mongol
rulers courted the religious classes. The Mongols were determined to keep
the goodwill of whatever god was ruling in the heavens. As a result of
this policy, Islamic judges, clerics, and foundations; Christian priests and
monks; and Buddhist lamas and monks were all exempted from forced
labor and taxes.
Evidence of the Mongols' special regard for religion was evident from
the early years of conquest. During Chinggis Khan's devastating advance
on the Islamic lands of central Asia in 1218-22, he halted outside the gates
of Khwarazm not only to give the traditional Mongol, spine-chilling ulti-
matum to the citizens of the besieged city but also to offer safe passage to
the Sufi leader, Sheikh Najm al-Din Kobra [1145-1221], whose name and
reputation were well known to the Great Khan. The holy man declined the
offer, however, though he did accept safe passage for 70 of his disciples.
"I have lived for seventy years in Khwarazm with these people through both bit-
ter and sweet times and now a time of calamity has befallen [us]. If I were to
flee and go from amongst them, such behaviour would be far from [the spirit of]
manly honour and magnanimity." Subsequently, after much searching, his body
was found amongst the slain.1
This was not an exception but the rule. Thirty years later his grandson,
Hulegu, stood before the gates of the Islamic capital, Baghdad, and openly
worried about the consequences of the actions he was then contemplating.
In the end, on the advice of his Islamic advisor and spokesman, Nasir al-Din
Tusi (1201-74), he had arrows shot into the besieged city offering safe con-
duct to various groups but with clerics of different creeds included promi-
nently. "The class of sayyids [supposed descendants of the Prophet's family],
ddnishmands [for Mongols this meant Muslim clerics], erke'iin [Christian
priests], sheikhs [well-respected community leaders, often clerics] and such
as are not fighting us are safe from us." 2
SHAMANISM
The religion that many Mongols traditionally practiced has been
described as shamanism. Shamanism believes in the existence of various
spirits that interact with the temporal world and can be contacted and
influenced by holy men, or shamans. However, shamanism was in essence
a practical religion concerned with the material needs of its adherents.
The shaman was there to advance the material well-being of the tribe and
the individual. As such he held a very powerful position in Mongol soci-
ety and was respected and often feared by the whole tribe, in some cases
more so than the tribe's own khan or chief. The shaman was given a cer-
tain amount of autonomy; therefore, some degree of rivalry between khan
and shaman was inevitable when their interests coincided. Political rivalry
between the shaman and the khan frequently erupted when the former
formed a power base or became too identified with the khan's opponents
or other factions within the clan. Chinggis Khan confronted this situation
during his rise to power with his dealings with the shaman Teb-tengri,
who sought to challenge the new emperor's authority.
The clash between Temujin and Kokochu (Teb-tengri, "Most Heavenly"),
the son of Monglik, illustrates well the role and influence of the shaman
in traditional Mongol society. Chinggis realized that this power and influ-
ence had to be curbed if he were to have any chance of putting his reforms
into effect because Teb-tengri was opposed to any change or reform,
which invariably meant restrictions on his authority. Chinggis owed his
life to Teb-tengri's father, Monglik, once when he escorted Temujin back to
Religion and the Mongols 183
camp following the death of his father, Yesligei, and when he uncovered a
plot against Temujin by Senggum. Monglik was held in such great esteem
that he was given Temujin's mother, Ho'ellin, for his wife on Yesligei's
death. Teb-tengri supported Temujin in the early years, and for this he
earned Chinggis's unequivocal gratitude. As tribal shaman with a strong
following and universal respect on his own merits he endorsed Temujin's
claim to kingship. After wandering naked through the barren steppe and
mountains during a particularly bitter winter, Teb-tengri returned to pro-
claim, "God has spoken with me and has said: T have given all the face of
the earth to Temujin and his children and named him Chinggis Khan. Bid
him administer justice in such and such a fashion.'" 3 Aware of the grati-
tude that his leader held for both him and his father, Teb-tengri grew not
only arrogant but also hungry for power. He still held great influence over
Temujin, who sought his advice on all matters, and people were aware of
his power. He sought to further his ambitions by sowing dissention and
dissatisfaction within the royal family, particularly between Temujin and
his brother Kasar, a plot that almost succeeded. As soon as Chinggis real-
ized Teb-tengri's role in the matter and understood the direction of his
ambition he acted decisively. Chinggis's brother Temuge-Otchigin picked
a fight with Teb-tengri, and as the two wrestled among the guests, the
Great Khan ordered them outside to continue their fight away from his
guests. When Temuge-Otchigin returned to announce that Teb-tengri had
broken his back and died during the course of their fight there were few
who did not guess that he had in fact been murdered in a prearranged
plot. The father, Monglik, was pardoned but warned against seeking
revenge, and Chinggis Khan emerged the stronger from this ordeal. He
appointed a new shaman, Usun of the Ba'arin tribe, who was devoted to
him and his cause, and thus was established the supremacy of imperial
power over the priests.
William of Rubruck had a particular interest in religion, and he recorded
in detail the position of religion at Mongke's court. Shamans still had a
major role to play, and William was able to elicit the attitude of the Great
Khan toward shamans.
Their diviners are, as (Mangu Chan) confessed to me, their priests; and
whatever they say must be done is executed without delay. I will tell
you of their office, as well as I could learn about it from master William
and others who used to speak truthfully to me. They are very numerous
and always have a captain, like a pontiff, who always places his dwell-
ing before the principal house of Mangu Chan, at about a stone's throw
from it. Under his custody are, as I have previously said, the carts in
which the idols are carried. The others come after the ordu in positions
assigned to them; and there come to them from various parts of the world
people who believe in their art. Some among them know something of
astronomy, particularly the chief, and they predict to them the eclipses of
the sun and moon; and when one is about to take place all the people lay
in their food, for they must not go out of the door of their dwelling. And
while the eclipse is taking place, they sound drums and instruments, and
make a great noise and clamor. After the eclipse is over, they give them-
selves to drinking and feasting, and make great jollity. They predict lucky
and unlucky days for the undertaking of all affairs; and so it is that they
never assemble an army nor begin a war without their assent, and long
since (the Moal) would have gone back to Hungary, but the diviners will
not allow it.
All things which are sent to the court they take between fires, and for
this they retain a certain portion of them. They also cleanse all the bed-
ding of deceased persons by taking them between fires. For when anyone
dies, they put aside all that belongs to him, and they are not allowed
to the other people of the ordu until they have been purified by fires.
This I saw in connection with the ordu of that lady who died while we
were there. On account of this (custom) there was a double reason why
Friar Andrew and his companion should have gone between fires; they
bore presents, and they were destined for one who was already dead,
Keu Chan [Guyuk Khan d.1248]. Nothing of the sort was required of me,
because I brought nothing. If any animal or any other thing falls to the
ground while passing between the fires, it is theirs.4
The Mongols believed in a sky god, Tenggeri, who resided in heaven,

and an earth goddess, Itiigen, who represented fertility. However, much
of the practice of their religion revolved around ancestor worship and
contacts with the spirits of the dead. The family often kept expensively
dressed effigies of their ancestors in specially assigned places in their yurts.
When they traveled, the effigies, which the Mongols called ongghot, were
placed in a special wagon under the supervision of the shamans. No one
other than the shamans was allowed access to these wagons containing the
ancestors' effigies. These ongghot were made of felt. Both the master and
mistress of the tent had an ongghot hung on the wall of the yurt above their
designated position, and other smaller effigies would be placed nearer the
entrance on a cow's and mare's udder in recognition of the importance of
the milk from these animals. The ongghot always received sprinklings of
drink and genuflections before drinking sessions commenced.
FUNERAL RITES
Public religious worship played no part in Mongol society, though vari-
ous social formalities, practices, and taboos held religious significance. The
c o m m o n assertion that the Mongols were godless and irreligious originated

because of the absence of religious services in Mongol society. Funeral services
were an exception, and legends and m y t h s have s u r r o u n d e d this subject,
especially w h e r e the funerals of their leaders were concerned.
When one of them dies or they kill him, they do as follows: some they take around
with them for many days since [they believe that] a devil entered the body and
would say frivolous things; and there were those that they burned. Others they
buried in the ground in deep ditches, placing with the deceased his weapons and
clothing, gold and silver, whatever was his share. And if the deceased was one of
the great ones, they place some of his servants and maids in the grave with him
so that, they say, they will serve him. They also put the horse in since, they say,
warfare there is fierce. If they want to recall the dead, they cut open the belly of a
horse and pull out all the flesh without the bones. Then they burn the intestines
and bones and sew up the skin of the horse as though its body were whole. Sharp-
ening a great piece of wood, they pierce the horse's abdomen and draw it out of
the mouth, and so erect it on a tree or in some elevated spot. 5
The m y s t e r y that s u r r o u n d s the funerals of Chinggis K h a n a n d other of

the great leaders h a s persisted to the p r e s e n t d a y a n d is liable to e n d u r e
for as long as the burial sites r e m a i n u n d i s c o v e r e d . The Secret History of
the Mongols makes no mention of Chinggis's funeral. Rashid al-Din states
that the Great K h a n o r d e r e d that his d e a t h a n d funeral b e k e p t secret, w i t h
care taken lest a n y public m o u r n i n g , wailing, or a n y other signs of grief
be seen until after the rebel leaders of the Tangut h a d e m e r g e d a n d w e r e
killed. Chinggis d i d n o t w a n t n e w s of his d e a t h to interfere w i t h the final
subjugation of Tangut territory a n d people. It w a s said that every living
creature along the 1,600-kilometer procession r o u t e to the royal ordu w a s
p u t to the s w o r d . M a r c o Polo w a s a w a r e of these stories, w h i c h h e r e p e a t e d
in his o w n account of the d e a t h of royalty a m o n g the great M o n g o l s .
All the Grand Kaans, and all the descendants of Chinghis their first Lord, are car-
ried to a mountain that is called ALTAY to be interred. Wheresoever the Sovereign
may die, he is carried to his burial in that mountain with his predecessors; no mat-
ter an the place of his death were 100 days' journey distant, thither must he be car-
ried to his burial. Let me tell you a strange thing too. When they are carrying the
body of any Emperor to be buried with the others, the convoy that goes with the
body doth put to the sword all whom they fall in with on the road, saying: "Go and
wait upon your Lord in the other world!" For they do in sooth believe that all such
as they slay in this manner do go to serve their Lord in the other world. They do
the same too with horses; for when the Emperor dies, they kill all his best horses,
in order that he may have the use of them in the other world, as they believe. And
I tell you as a certain truth, that when Mongou Kaan died, more than 20,000 who
chanced to meet the body on its way, were slain in the manner I have told. 6
H u l e g u Khan, w h o died in 1265 in his k i n g d o m of Persia, h a s never h a d

his burial site d i s t u r b e d as far as is k n o w n . Its exact location o n Shahi, n o w
Islami, Island in the Sea of Urumiya, Iranian Azerbaijan, has never been
determined, so a veritable fortune in fabulous treasures and wealth, as
well as the bones of six young virgins, awaits anyone who is able to find
this elusive hoard. Hamd-Allah Mustawfi, writing in 1330, states:
People became doubled over in grief at the hero's death. Everyone placed them-
selves near, with their hair unbound. According to Mongol custom, men and
women lamented, tearing their hair on his account. After the funeral preparations
had been I made, a number of chosen princes placed the shah's body on a bier
according to Mongol custom, and made the necessary ceremonies, and carried
him to the Salt Sea, and there placed him secretly in his grave. In the Sea of Salmas,
that shah found no royal throne; such is the justice of this world.7
Khwandamir, a Safavid bureaucrat and chronicler writing in the six-

teenth century, embellished his account of Hulegu's death with more
details, claiming that ministers "had an underground crypt dug for his
funeral and sent several beautiful young girls bedecked with finery into
the crypt so that the Ilkhan would not suffer from being alone." 8
Worship was a simple outdoor activity for most Mongols. Churches and
mosques were built, and Doquz Khatun, wife of Tolui Khan and later wife
of Tolui's son Hulegu, even constructed her own mobile church with bells.
However, for their native religion there were no "houses" built. Instead,
the Mongols often communed with their god by climbing a high moun-
tain. They removed their hats and slung their belts over their shoulders as
a sign of submission.
When Genghis Khan set out on his expedition to Cathay to do battle with the
Altan Khan, as was his custom he went up alone on a hill, opened his belt and
threw it over his neck, opened the ties of his tunic, dropped to his knees, and said,
"O Ancient God, you know all things from long ago. You know that the Altan
Khan initiated hostilities and began our enmity. Okin Barqaq and Hambaqai
Qa'an were abducted by the Tatars and sent before the Altan Khan who killed
them, my elders and ancestors, though they were innocent of any crime. [If you
consider me right in what I think,] I ask for vengeance and retaliation for their
blood. I want you to let men, fairies, and demons help and assist me." He prayed
thus in all humility, and afterwards he arose and departed. Through his sincer-
ity of intent, he gained victory over the Altan Khan, who was such a mighty and
splendid emperor with vast lands and impregnable fortresses without number,
and those realms came under his and his sons' control.9
Mountaintops and flowing water held spiritual significance. Taboos

regarding water and washing created great problems in their contact
with settled peoples, especially in the earlier decades. Flowing water
was not allowed to be polluted on pain of death. Washing the body,
clothes, dishes, or cooking utensils was forbidden. Ogodei Qa'an (ruled
1229-41) demonstrated the softening of these strictures in various
well-known anecdotes reported during his reign. The Muslim historian
Tian Shan Mountains, Mountains of Heaven separating Xinjiang from central

Asia. Courtesy of Xinjiang Qinshan Culture Publishing
Juwayni (died 1282), who served as a minister under Hulegu Khan, the
Mongol ruler of Iran (ruled 1256-65), recorded many stories in which
Ogodei found ways of excusing those who had inadvertently trans-
gressed the strict religious taboos of the Mongols. Finding a Muslim
washing himself in a river, Ogodei's brother Chaghetai, a strict upholder
of Mongol tradition, insisted that the man be punished. Ogodei arranged
to have some gold placed in the river and instructed the unfortunate
Muslim to claim that he had been in the water to retrieve the gold. In
this way the transgressor escaped punishment.
DIVINATION
An important part in Mongol life and an essential duty of the shaman
was divination. The shaman was the intermediary with the spirit world,
and he could intercede with the spirits and foretell what they had planned
and what the future held for the tribe. Dressed in white robes and rid-
ing a white horse, the shaman, with his insignia of staff and drum, was
charged with various duties for the tribe, including exorcism, the recital of
blessings, and prophecy. Prophecy was performed while in a self-induced
trance or through the ritual burning and interpreting of sheep's shoul-
der blades. The cracks and splits that appeared in the bones after ritual
b u r n i n g h a d special significance that only the s h a m a n could d e t e r m i n e ,

t h o u g h M o n g k e Qa'an (ruled 1251-59) w a s recorded as being able to read
t h e m by himself. William of Rubruck, very observant w h e r e matters of
religion w e r e concerned, w a s intrigued b y the sight of servants carrying
sheep's b o n e s a r o u n d the palace w i t h a certain a m o u n t of reverence.
And as we were entering a servant came out carrying some sheep's shoulder-
blades, burnt to coals, and I wondered greatly what he could do with them.
When later on I enquired about it, I learnt that he does nothing in the world
without first consulting these bones; he does not even allow a person to enter
his dwelling without first consulting them. This kind of divination is done as
follows when he wishes to do anything, he has brought him three of these
bones not previously charred, and holding one, he thinks of the thing about
which he wishes to consult it, whether he shall do it or not; and then he hands
it to a servant to burn. And there are two little buildings beside the dwelling
in which he lives, in which they burn these bones, and these bones are looked
for diligently every day through-out the whole camp. When they have been
charred black, they are brought back to him, and then he examines whether
the bones have been split by the heat throughout their length. In that case the
way is open for him to act. If, however, the bones have been cracked crosswise,
or round bits have been started out of them, then he may not act. For this bone
always splits in the fire, or there appear some cracks spreading over it. And if
out of the three he finds one satisfactory, he acts. 10
Bones w e r e not the only m e a n s for divination, a n d according to the

A r m e n i a n cleric Kirakos, all M o n g o l w o m e n h a d this gift b e s t o w e d u p o n
t h e m b y heaven.
Their women are witches and divine everything. Without a command from the
witches and sorcerers, they go on no journey; only if they permit it.11
CHRISTIANITY
With increasing contact w i t h other religions, the M o n g o l tribes often

converted or a d a p t e d the practices of other religions. B u d d h i s m increased
its influence as the M o n g o l Empire s p r e a d s o u t h w a r d across China.
N e s t o r i a n Christianity h a d converts a m o n g the Turco-Mongol tribes from
at least the eleventh century. Such powerful M o n g o l tribes as the Kereit
a n d N a i m a n were p r e d o m i n a n t l y Christian. Other M o n g o l tribes such as
the Merkits a n d Ongglit h a d m a n y Christian followers. H u l e g u Khan's
major wife, D o k u z K h a t u n w a s an active Christian, as w a s the Byzantine
wife of his son, A b a q a (ruled 1265-82). The M o n g o l s cynically exploited
their Christian credentials w h e n they s o u g h t E u r o p e a n allies in the fight
against the M u s l i m M a m l u k s of Egypt. William of R u b r u c k w a s n o t par-
ticularly i m p r e s s e d b y the M o n g o l s ' displays of Christian piety, a n d h e
d i d n o t like the fact that the N e s t o r i a n s h a d far m o r e influence t h a n other
Christians at the royal court.
Christian relics from the Yuan dynasty,

Dengsheng Chinggis Khan Mausoleum.
The Chan [Khan] had brought him our books, the Bible and the breviary,
and made careful inquiry about the pictures, and what they meant. The
Nestorians answered as they saw fit, for our interpreter had not come
with us. The first time I had been before him, I had also the Bible in my
bosom, and he had it handed him, and looked at it a great deal. Then he
went away, but the lady remained there and distributed presents to all
the Christians who were there. To the monk she gave one iascot, and to
the archdeacon of the priests another. Before us she had placed a nasic,
which is a piece of stuff as broad as a coverlid and about as long, and a
buccaran; but as I would not accept them, they were sent to the inter-
preter, who took them for himself. The nasic he carried all the way to
Cyprus, where he sold it for eighty bezants of Cyprus, though it had been
greatly damaged on the journey. Then drink was brought, rice mead and
red wine, like wine of La Rochelle, and cosmos. Then the lady, holding a
full cup in her hand, knelt and asked a blessing, and the priests all sang
with a loud voice, and she drank it all. Likewise, I and my companion
had to sing when she wanted to drink another time. When they were all
nearly drunk, food was brought consisting of mutton, which was at once
devoured, and after that large fish which are called carp, but without salt
or bread; of these I ate. And so they passed the day till evening. And when
the lady was already tipsy, she got on her cart; the priests singing and
howling, and she went her way. The next Sunday, when we read: "Nuptie
fade sunt in Ghana," came the daughter of the Chan [Mongke Khan],
whose mother was a Christian, and she did likewise, though with not so
much ceremony; for she made no presents, but only gave the priests to
drink till they were drunk, and also parched millet to eat.12
THE M O N G O L S A N D THE A R M E N I A N S
Both William of Rubruck and Het'um, the king of Armenian Cilicia, had
firsthand knowledge of the relationship between Armenian clerics and the
Mongols. The Armenians of Cilicia became staunch allies of the Mongols in
their war against the Mamluks of Egypt, and they sometimes had intimate
contact with the Mongol court. William of Rubruck found Armenian priests
at every major stop on his travels during 1253-55. In Constantinople before
setting out into Mongol territory, he spoke with Armenian merchants and
clerics resident in the city. In Sarai on the River Volga, the effective capital
of the Golden Horde, he was a guest of Sartaq Khan, son of Batu Khan,
in whose court he encountered Armenian priests who knew Turkish and
Arabic and were employed as translators, a role he subsequently discov-
ered that they carried out in Qaraqorum as well. In the Mongol capital the
Armenians were represented by a "swarthy and lank" Armenian cleric who
ran their small chapel. William of Rubruck dismissed him as an imposter
who had "lied, for he had taken no [religious] orders, and did not know
a single letter, but was a cloth weaver, as I found out in his own country,
which I went through on my way back." The papal envoy explained that
he had been a hermit in the country of Jerusalem, and that God had appeared
to him three times, enjoining on him to go to the Prince of the Tartars. But as he
neglected going, God threatened him the third time, striking him down to the
ground, and saying that he should die if he did not go; and that he should say
to Mongke-Khan that if he would become a Christian, all the world would come
under his rule, and that the great Pope would obey him.13
Rubruck was suspicious of the Armenians and uneasy at their obvious

closeness to the Mongols. Their numbers were large, as is indicated by
Nestorian Stele, Xi'an Museum of Steles. Courtesy of Lan Tien Lang Publications
Rubruck's reference to the Armenian Easter procession to the Great Khan's

palace, which could only have taken place if there had been a sizable com-
munity in the capital. In his address to the pope, Rubruck expressed these
fears, and in particular he was anxious that the pope's words and his own
conversations might be erroneously reported to the Mongol leaders by the
often Armenian translators.
I feared that as those who had interpreted your letters were Armenians from
Greater Armenia—great haters of the Saracens—they had perhaps through hatred
and for the discomfiture of the Saracens, gratuitously translated as had suited
their fancy.14
Armenian petitioners were welcomed at the Great Khan's court, and

their pleas were usually received sympathetically. While in Qaraqorum,
William encountered an aristocratic petitioner to Mongke Khan who has
been identified as the Armenian noble Smbat Orbelean.
A certain Armenian who had come with the monk had brought this said cross
from Jerusalem, as he said, and it was of silver, weighing perhaps four marks, and
had four gems in the angles and one in the center; and it did not have the image
of the Savior, for the Armenians and Nestorians are ashamed to show the Christ
fixed to the Cross. And they had presented it to Mongke-Khan, and Mongke asked
him what he wanted. Then he said he was the son of an Armenian priest, whose
church had been destroyed by the Saracens, and he asked his help to restore this
church. Then [Mongke] asked him with how much it could be rebuilt, and he said
two hundred iascot — that is two thousand marks. And he ordered that he should
be given letters to him who receives the tribute in Persia and Greater Armenia, to
pay him this sum of silver.15
The Flower of Histories of the East by the historian Hetoum verifies

William of Rubruck's suspicions that indeed the Cilician Armenians
had a strong and positive relationship with the Mongol Khans. Much
of Hetoum's information is fanciful and some wishful thinking, but
that Armenian Christians enjoyed considerable influence with different
khans is undeniable. For the Mongols the Armenians were a useful if
minor ally on the front line with the hostile forces of Mamluk Egypt.
For the Armenians the Mongols were a lifeline and their only support
against aggressive and threatening neighbors on all sides. They played
up their contacts and friendship with their friends in the east as a matter
of life and death. They used these contacts as a tactic of defense, and it
was important for them that their enemies and their potential friends in
Europe saw their alliance with the Mongols as rock solid and unbreak-
able. According to Hetoum, when King Het'um of Cilicia visited Mongke
Khan in the early 1250s:
First he urged the Khan to convert to Christianity and to accept baptism together
with his people; second, that eternal peace and friendship be established between
Christians and Tatars; third, that it be possible to construct Christian churches in
all of the Tatar countries and that the Armenians be freed from taxes and other
burdens; fourth, that the Holy Land and the Holy Sepulcher be wrested from the
Turks and given to the Christians; fifth, that the caliph in Baghdad, the head of
the [Muslim] religion, be done away with When the Tatar Khan had consulted
with his princes and grandees, he replied to the king of Armenia: "I accept your
requests. I shall accept baptism and adopt the Christian religion and show concern
that all my subjects do likewise."16
Hetoum wrote his Flower of Histories of the East in order to encourage

his European audience to join an alliance with the Cilician Armenians
and the Mongols against the Mamluks of Egypt. It was for this reason
that he overplayed the Christian sympathies of the Tatar khans. There is
no convincing evidence that Mongke Khan or any other Great Khan ever
converted to Christianity or underwent baptism. However, Hetoum (circa
1245-1315), a noble and high official, hoped to convince his papal friends
that the Mongols were good Christians.
Now after Mongke had accepted the requests of the Armenian king with chari-
table munificence, he had himself baptised by the chancellor of the Armenian
kingdom, who was a bishop. With him [were baptized] his house and numerous
other esteemed and grand men and women.17
The Mongols were good Christians, and the Cilician Armenians were
exemplary defenders of the faith, if the words of Hetoum are to be taken
literally. His king, Lewon III son of Het'um I (1269-89), is portrayed as
defender of Christianity who on a visit to Abaqa's court
beseeched him regarding freeing the Holy Land from the infidels. And Abaqa so
promised, simultaneously advising the Armenian king to send emissaries to the
Pope and to the orthodox kings [regarding this matter].18
The whole question of Christianity used as a link between the Mongols

and Europe is explored in a new study by Professor Peter Jackson, The
Mongols and the West, 1221-1410, and he examines how seriously both
sides viewed the potential for an alliance. The tantalizing vision of what
might have happened if those links had been forged remains an intriguing
indulgence. By 1242 the Mongols had the military capacity, and fired by
Tenggerism they had the will to continue their march of conquest into the
heartlands of Europe. After Ain Jalut in 1261 and the ignoble failure of the
invasions of Japan in 1274 and 1281, the chastened Mongols were more
open to compromise than in the past. But their cynical use of the Christian
card with their willingness to clothe themselves in a Christian mantle
alerted the suspicions of the papal court. Tenggerism did not exclude the
superficial adoption of the rites and practices of other religions. Ghazan
could proclaim his kingdom a Muslim state, but he would never subjugate
the yasa. The diplomatic correspondence of the Il-Khans and other Mongol
lords could adorn itself in the filigree of Christian niceties, but underneath
the certainties of Tenggerism could not be diluted.
ISLAM
Islam increasingly gained ground among the Mongols as they moved
westward. The Turks of central Asia had long had contact with Islam,
but with the conquest of Persia and the forcible movement of the subject
peoples eastward to man the bureaucracy of the empire, Islam began to
take root. Berke Khan (1257-67) of the Golden Horde, which ruled Russia
and the western steppe lands, was a Muslim. Many of the Mongols in
Iran converted to Islam before the Mongol state itself, the Il-Khanate,
became officially Muslim in 1295. The close cultural, trade, and political
links between Iran and China in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries
ensured that Islam became entrenched throughout the empire.
The first Mongol khan in Iran to convert to Islam, Ahmad Tegudar
(1282-84), has often been overshadowed by the conversion of his neph-
ew's son, Ghazan Khan (1295-1304). One reason has doubtless been the
rather unorthodox strain of Islam that Ahmad adopted that scandalized
the more conservative Persian members of the Il-Khanate court, an estab-
lishment that would have viewed some of Ahmad's Islamic practices with
extreme disquiet and some of the Sufis who guided him in his religious
Phoenix Temple (thirteenth-century mosque), Hangzhou. Courtesy of Lan Tien

Lang Publications
duties with extreme distaste. Il-Khan Ahmad surrounded himself with

qalandars, members of an extreme antinomian strain of Sufism whose wan-
dering adherents dotted the medieval landscape of greater Iran, central
Asia, and Eurasia.
One influential figure, Hasan Mangoli, is mentioned in particular. Hasan
Mangoli advocated a Sufi order that permitted and encouraged indul-
gence in hashish, and Sultan Ahmad was much taken by his company.
Together they became involved in "blasphemy and corruption," and the
sultan began to mix socially with qalandars and other such "unclean" per-
sons that Hasan Mangoli collected around him. Mangoli attempted to use
his position at court to further his own ends. He saw the revered sheikh
and representative of the more respectable and socially acceptable form of
Sufism, Sheikh Zahid Gilani and his son Jamal al-Din CAH, as impediments
to his own advancement, which of course they were, and he set about poi-
soning the sultan's mind against the two respected holy men. However,
events outside MangolTs control overtook his nefarious schemes, and
his patron, Sultan Ahmad, was deposed in a family coup by his nephew
Arghun Khan. The new Il-Khan, Arghun Khan (1284-91) had his uncle,
Ahmad Tegudar, dispatched in the traditional Mongol fashion reserved
for royalty. He was wrapped in felt and kicked to death. The felt or carpet
was there to prevent any royal blood seeping into the earth, something the
Mongols believed would bring calamity and disaster. Hasan Mangoli was
also seized, though he was not dispatched in such a regal fashion. He was
cast into a cauldron of oil and boiled alive.
QALANDARS
The qalandars were a very distinctive group seen on the medieval land-
scape of the Mongol Empire, and they became particularly prominent
Phoenix Temple, Hangzhou. Courtesy of Lan Tien Lang Publications
in the later thirteenth century in the Il-Khanate of Mongol Persia. They

affected a characteristic coiffure, the so-called four blows (chahar zarb),
by shaving head, beard, moustache, and eyebrows, though such groups
as the Haydaris grew their moustaches excessively long. Their dress was
sometimes completely absent, sometimes restricted to a simple loin-
cloth, though often they dressed in more traditional Sufi garb, though
the woolen or felt cloak was colored black or white rather than the usual
Sufi blue. Others wore simple sacks. When they wore headgear it was
invariably distinctive. Almost universally these qalandars went barefoot.
Apart from their strange appearance qalandars could also be recognized
as such by the paraphernalia they carried with them. The traditional black
begging bowl and wooden club were ever present, but other equipment
such as iron rings, collars, bracelets, belts, anklets, chains, hatchets, ankle-
bones, leather pouches, and large wooden spoons distinguished these
wandering qalandars. Most noticeable perhaps were the rings, which were
sometimes pierced through the penis to enforce sexual abstinence. This
deliberately provocative external appearance was further exaggerated by
their eccentric and scandalous behavior, which itself was encouraged by
their well-attested use of intoxicants and hallucinogenic drugs, cannabis
in particular. 19
The qalandars justified their outrageous behavior with clever, no doubt
hashish-strengthened, logic, for they defiantly maintained their adher-
ence to Islam and the teachings of the Prophet. They were, they would
earnestly insist, engaged on the quest for God and enlightenment, and
this of course entailed the suppression of self and selfishness. Too many,
they claimed, were the Sufis who trod the path of self-denial and asceti-
cism and yet who were ultimately defeated and seduced by the demon of
self-aggrandizement. Too often these same ascetics took secret satisfaction
and pleasure from the acclaim and admiration they elicited from their dis-
ciples and admirers and relished the fame that their hardship engendered.
Their egos increased in proportion to the miseries they endured, and their
public acclaim defeated the worldly self-denial they cultivated. The qalan-
dars rejected such courting of public esteem and considered false this pub-
licly paraded saintliness and piety. For them such public honor would
undermine their attempts at self-abasement and true denial. It was there-
fore to avoid the pitfalls of public respect that they sought the opposite,
namely public contempt and disgrace. They actively sought disapproval
not only from the establishment but also from the public in general, and
in this way they considered themselves freer to follow their spiritual path
toward truth.
It was with this aim that the qalandars adopted their distinctive dress
and practices, and it was with this as their justification that they took up
with relish the consumption of, in particular, hashish, though it should be
mentioned that alcohol, music, and various forms of less common sexual
practices were also indulged in for the same pure reasons as mentioned
above. Therefore, the qalandars were indulging in these excesses of sex,
drugs, and trance-inducing music merely to throw people off their trail
and to avoid the sin of vanity. They were not really hedonistic libertines
but closet ascetics willing to endure public scorn and disgrace in the ser-
vice of true humility.
The appearance of the qalandars was associated with the invaders
from the east by the Arabs and by Muslims from the unconquered west-
ern reaches of the Islamic world. The Mongols and the Persians, who
administered their kingdom, became the obvious targets of blame for
the moral and material ills that beset the Islamic world in the second
half of the thirteenth century, a decline exemplified by these wandering,
hashish-partaking, foreign qalandars. Ibn Taymiyah (died 1328) was in
no doubt that it was the Mongols who were responsible for introducing
the evils of cannabis to the Islamic world. "It was with the Tatars that it
[Hashish] originated among the people." "About the time of the appear-
ance of the Tatars, hashish went forth, and with it, there went forth the
sword of the Tatars." 20 His intention was to suggest not only that the
Mongols introduced this vice to the people but that they did so with
the intention of using it as a weapon to weaken resistance to their con-
quest. This belief was put forward by subsequent chroniclers, including
al-Dhahabi and al-Zarkashi. Al-Zarkashi quoted an unnamed source
when he claimed that the use of cannabis "was an evil restricted to
Persia, until the Tatars gained control over its inhabitants. Then it moved
on to Baghdad when the evil effect it had upon its people was already
known." The thirteenth-century Spanish historian Ibn Sa^d remarked
Ceiling inside prayer room of the Phoenix Temple. Courtesy of Lan Tien Lang
Publications
disapprovingly on the use of hashish in Egypt, which he claimed was

unknown in his native Islamic Spain. However, his remarks are sig-
nificant when considered beside the verses, written in 1360, of Lisan
al-Din ibn al-Khatib, who drew attention to the appearance of wide-
spread hashish use among both the low and upper classes of Granada
in the fourteenth century.21 Other than Sultan Ahmad, hashish use among
the Mongols has not been recorded. They were heavy-drinking men and, as
the poets of the time were fond of saying, the two drugs did not mix well.
Their hashish covers the respectable person with ignominy

So that you meet him like a killer acting with premeditation
It produces upon his cheeks something like its own greenish colour . . . .
Our own wine covers the lowly person with respectability
And dignity so that you find every master beneath him. . . .
It appears—and his secret appears and gladdens him.
He resembles its colour with a rosy cheek.22
With the Turkish and Mongol population movements, there came west-
ward a large influx of religious figures from Khorasan and central Asia,
among whom were many dervishes loosely associated with the qalandars
and their associated groups such as the Haydariyya. 23 These groups were
Inside prayer room of the Phoenix Temple. Courtesy of Lan

in no way so-called shamans in turbans, and any similarity between the

behavior and outward appearance of the Sufis and shamans was superfi-
cial. Shamanism was not generally practiced as a transcendental religion
and did not include such practices as fand (annihilation in God) and
Gnosticism. 24 However, a distinction should be made between the many
wandering often antinomian dervishes, the larger establishment Khanqahs,
and other more select centers where more ascetic, less flamboyant Sufis
might gather. Sultan Ahmad's Mangoli must surely represent one of the
first class of Sufi, the wandering antinomian dervishes, though it should
be remembered that this is a very unsatisfactory generalization because
the qalandars were hardly uniform in their practices, their social, religious,
or educational backgrounds, nor indeed in the depth of their spiritual
integrity.
An interesting anecdote is told about Hulegu that would suggest that
the Mongols were not responsible for encouraging the westward spread
of qalandars and that they were probably a purely Persian creation. Asked
by Hulegu in about 1260 to explain a group of qalandars that the Il-Khan
had encountered on the plain of Harran, Tusi answered that they were
"the uncountered [surplus] of the world," leading Hulegu to immediately
order the unfortunate dervishes' execution. Elaborating, presumably after
the slaughter, Tusi expounded to his master that mankind was divided
into four categories: rulers, traders, craftsmen, and agriculturalists. Those
who did not fall within these categories "were a burden [on the people]" 25
Though the details of this story are probably apocryphal, the message
seems to be that Hulegu had not encountered such groups as the qalandars
before.
M A R C O POLO'S VIEWS O N RELIGION A N D THE

MONGOLS
If the Mongols were becoming involved with heterodox forms of Islam
in the west, in the east they were able to maintain more traditional prac-
tices. Marco Polo, who served the Yiian dynasty for nearly three decades,
provided various glimpses of the Mongols' spiritual life. In the following
extract from his journal he summarizes their beliefs at the end of the thir-
teenth century.
CONCERNING THE RELIGION OF THE CATHAYANS, THEIR

VIEWS AS TO THE SOUL, AND THEIR CUSTOMS26
As we have said before, these people are Idolaters, and as regards their
gods, each has a tablet fixed high up on the wall of his chamber, on which
is inscribed a name which represents the Most High and Heavenly God;
and before this they pay daily worship, offering incense from a thurible,
raising their hands aloft, and gnashing their teeth three times, praying
Him to grant them health of mind and body; but of Him they ask nought
else. And below on the ground there is a figure which they call Natigai,
which is the god of things terrestrial. To him they give a wife and children,
and they worship him in the same manner, with incense, and gnashing of
teeth, and lifting up of hands; and of him they ask seasonable weather,
and the fruits of the earth, children, and so forth.
Their view of the immortality of the soul is after this fashion. They
believe that as soon as a man dies, his soul enters into another body, going
from a good to a better, or from a bad to a worse, according as he hath
conducted himself well or ill. That is to say, a poor man, if he have passed
through life good and sober, shall be born again of a gentlewoman, and
shall be a gentleman; and on a second occasion shall be born of a princess

and shall be a prince, and so on, always rising, till he be absorbed into the
Deity. But if he have borne himself ill, he who was the son of a gentleman
shall be reborn as the son of a boor, and from a boor shall become a dog,
always going down lower and lower.
The people have an ornate style of speech; they salute each other with
a cheerful countenance, and with great politeness; they behave like gen-
tlemen, and eat with great propriety. They show great respect to their
parents; and should there be any son who offends his parents, or fails to
minister to their necessities, there is a public office which has no other
charge but that of punishing unnatural children, who are proved to have
acted with ingratitude towards their parents.
Criminals of sundry kinds who have been imprisoned, are released
at a time fixed by the Great Kaan (which occurs every three years),
but on leaving prison they are branded on one cheek that they may be
recognized.
The Great Kaan hath prohibited all gambling and sharping, things
more prevalent there than in any other part of the world. In doing this,
he said: "I have conquered you by force of arms, and all that you have
is mine; if, therefore, you gamble away your property, it is in fact my
property that you are gambling away." Not that he took anything from
them however.
I must not omit to tell you of the orderly way in which the Kaan's
Barons and others conduct themselves in coming to his presence. In the
first place, within a half mile of the place where he is, out of reverence for
his exalted majesty, everybody preserves a mien of the greatest meekness
and quiet, so that no noise of shrill voices or loud talk shall be heard. And
every one of the chiefs and nobles carries always with him a handsome
little vessel to spit in whilst he remain in the Hall of Audience—for no one
dares spit on the floor of the hall,—and when he hath spitten he covers
it u p and puts it aside. So also they all have certain handsome buskins of
white leather, which they carry with them, and, when summoned by the
sovereign, on arriving at the entrance to the hall, they put on these white
buskins, and give their others in charge to the servants, in order that they
may not foul the fine carpets of silk and gold and divers colours.
RELIGIOUS DEVELOPMENT A N D TENGGERISM
W i t h a tradition of s h a m a n i s m , the M o n g o l s w e r e very o p e n to the m o r e

sophisticated religious s y s t e m s that they e n c o u n t e r e d as they s p r e a d
their p o w e r bases o u t w a r d . Often they a d a p t e d rather t h a n a d o p t e d the
beliefs that they e n c o u n t e r e d , b u t as their o w n culture d r e w a w a y from
its n o m a d i c roots so, too, d i d their religious practices lose their anchor-
age in the s t e p p e a n d the m o u n t a i n t o p . They n e e d e d a religion to sus-
tain t h e m as w o r l d imperialists. They n e e d e d a religion to u n d e r p i n their
globalization of trade and culture, and they needed a religion that could
accommodate the various creeds that their expanding empire encom-
passed. The scholar Sh. Bira identified the emergence of Tenggerism,
or Heavenism, as the Mongols assumed the mantle of world emperors.
Shamanism envisages Tenggeri as a kind of supreme masculine being
with dominion over all natural and social phenomena on earth. The femi-
nine element is represented by Itiigen, the Earth itself. Hence the expres-
sions etsege Tenggeri (Father Tenggeri) and eke gajar (Mother Earth). Basic
to their beliefs was the divine origin of the Qa'anship, which in the Secret
History of the Mongols is expressed in the claim that Chinggis Khan ulti-
mately originated from a divine blue wolf. However, in addition to this
blue wolf, his ancestral mother, Alan-q'ao, divinely conceived three of
her sons, the youngest of whom is considered the progenitor of Chinggis
Khan's Golden clan (Altan urug).
Every night a shining yellow man slipped into the tent through the light of the
smoke hole and the gap at the top of the door. He caressed my belly and his light
seemed to sink into me My sons are the children of heaven born to be lords of
the land.27
This same story was told by the Armenian Kirakos, who heard it from a
leading noyan.
They say that their king is a relative of God. God took heaven as his portion and
gave earth to the Khan, for they say that Chingiz-Khan, the [grand] father of the
[present] Khan was not born from the seed of man but that a light came from the
unseen, entered through a skylight in the home, and announced to his mother:
"Conceive and you will bear a son who will be ruler of the world." And they say
that [Chinggis Khan] was born from that.28
The idea of immaculate conception is hardly original, and this concept

is not alone in reflecting the influence of other ideas, myths, and beliefs
that would have been stirring in the Mongol collective psyche as they
swept across the globe in an unprecedented relentless tide. The convic-
tion that their conquests and victories must have been ordained and sanc-
tioned from above would have been unavoidable, and the Mongols were
not alone in seeing the hand of God at work on his divine intent. As their
ordus became ever larger and steadily more cosmopolitan, the emerg-
ing generation of Mongol princes were steeped in the learning, wisdom,
and mythology of their Chinese, Persian, Turkish, Armenian, Tibetan,
and Arab peers. The simple steppe lore of Tenggeri was interpreted and
reinterpreted in the light of the more sophisticated and developed ide-
ologies of those they were assimilating within the new and expanding
world empire. As the young Mongols attempted to come to terms with
the reality of their new world they tried to understand their position in
the universe according to their God, Tenggeri, whose omnipotence was
self-evident. Even if i n d i v i d u a l k h a n s a d o p t e d the t r a p p i n g s of the local

religion, such as the Il-Khan Ghazan's conversion to Islam in 1295, it w a s
rare that the s u p r e m a c y of the yasa w a s ever denied. G h a z a n m a d e Islam
the state religion, b u t h e also m a d e it plain that he believed that h e a n d
his G o l d e n clan h a d b e e n divinely a p p o i n t e d a n d e n t r u s t e d w i t h a divine
mission to rule over w h e r e v e r Blue H e a v e n [Koke Tenggeri] covered, for
all eternity [Mongke Tenggeri]. Writing to Pope Boniface VIII in 1302 a b o u t
a joint assault on the M u s l i m M a m l u k s of Egypt, G h a z a n twice u r g e d
p r a y e r to Tenggeri for help.
At the moment we are doing exactly what we should be doing. You have to mobil-
ise your troops and send them to the sultans of different peoples. Do not be late
for the date we agreed! Praying to Tenggeri and understanding the significance
of the great deed, let us complete it! Herewith we send to you as envoys Sedadm,
Sananadm and Samsadin. Pray to Tenggeri, and have your troops prepared! 29
The M o n g o l s ' d e v e l o p i n g v i e w of their status can be tracked t h r o u g h

their official d o c u m e n t s a n d from their c o r r e s p o n d e n c e w i t h foreign states
a n d rulers. The titles they a w a r d e d themselves reflected their actual a n d
their perceived power. "By the p o w e r of eternal heaven, b y the protection
of the khan's c h a r i s m a " is the s t a n d a r d o p e n i n g of official d o c u m e n t s a n d
declarations. It expresses the d u a l n a t u r e of the g o d h e a d w i t h Tenggeri in
h e a v e n a n d the k h a n o n Earth. The k h a n e m b o d i e s Tenggeri's p o w e r on
Earth a n d enjoys his favor a n d protection. W h e n the k h a n speaks, it "is
the w o r d of the son of God, w h i c h is a d d r e s s e d to you." In a letter sent to
Pope Innocent IV w i t h the spy Carpini, d a t e d N o v e m b e r 1246, the Great
K h a n Giiyiik (1246-48) explained the raids on E u r o p e a n states a n d the
massacres of the pope's Christian subjects.
The eternal God has slain and annihilated these lands and peoples because they
have neither adhered to Chinggis Khan, nor to the Khagan, both of whom have
been sent to make known God's command, nor to the command of G o d . . . all the
lands have been made subject to me. Who could do this contrary to the command
of God? If you do not observe God's command and if you ignore my command,
I shall know you as my enemy.... If you do otherwise, God knows what I know. 30
M o n g k e Khan echoed the same sentiments eight years later w h e n he sent

a n u l t i m a t u m to Louis IX, king of France. M o n g k e a p p e a r e d to view the
Christian church as a rival ideology to this n e w divine force that Tengger-
ism w a s coming to represent. The Mongols justified their w o r l d w i d e con-
quests as being divinely inspired a n d guided. The proof w a s their success.
It is the decree of eternal God, which we have made known to you. When you have
heard and believed it, if you wish to obey us, send your envoys to us. In this way,
we shall know for sure whether you wish to be at peace or war with us. When by
the power of eternal God the whole world from the rising of the sun to the going
down thereof shall be at one in joy and peace, then it will be made clear what we
are going to do. If, when you hear and understand the decree of eternal God, you
are unwilling to pay attention and believe it, saying "Our country is far away, our
mountains are mighty, our sea is vast," and in this confidence you bring an army
against us, we know what we can do: He who made what was difficult easy and
what was far away near, eternal God, He knows.31
The Mongols now saw themselves as God's chosen people and Chinggis
as his messenger. They were spreading the gospel of the Great Yasa, and
they saw their conquests as a jihad, or crusade, legitimized by Tenggeri.
Those who opposed them, therefore, were defying not only the Mongol-led
armies but also the forces of good and God and the divine right of the
Chinggisid Mongols to rule. In fact they were more successful in estab-
lishing themselves in this role in name rather than in practice, and for
generations to come a claimed linkage to the Chinggisid Golden clan legit-
imized rulers as diverse as the Moguls of India and Turkoman dynasties
of western Iran.
The Mongols did not see themselves as a state competing with, con-
quering, or challenging other states but more as a world empire enforcing
its dominion on its resistant vassals. Other states were, first and foremost,
expected to recognize the dominance and superiority of their Mongol
overlords. For ideologies such as Christianity and Islam, this presented
immediate deep-rooted problems. Some states, including Georgia, came
to terms with the new world order painlessly, and coins struck in 1252
illustrate their acceptance of this reality. The inscription struck in Persian,
reads, "By the Might of Heaven/By the Good Fortune of the Emperor of
the World, Mungu Qa'an."
When Chinggis struck out from the steppe in 1206 as a nomad emperor
his aims were conquest for the sake of plunder and power. When he thun-
dered westward in pursuit of the ill-fated Khwarazmshah, he did so in
the spirit of revenge and destruction. But by the time his grandsons were
negotiating submission and viewing new horizons of conquest, the philos-
ophy of the conquerors had changed, and the transformation was positive
and welcomed by those at the receiving end. The Mongols had become
evangelical, and their message was one of spiritual, cultural, mercantile,
and economic globalization.
NOTES
1. Rashid al-Din, Jdmi' al-Tavdrikh, eds., Mohammad Roushan and Mustafah
Musavi (Tehran: Nashr albaraz, 1994), 516.
2. J. A. Boyle, The Mongol World Empire 1206-1370 (London: Variorum Reprints,
1977), 158.
3. Ala-ad-Din 'Ata-Malik Juvaini, The History of the World Conqueror, trans. John
Press, 1997), 39.
4. W.W. Rockhill, The Journey of William of Rubruck to the Eastern Parts of the
World, 1253-55, as Narrated by Himself with Tzvo Accounts of the Earlier Journey of
by William Woodville Rockhill (London: Hakluyt Society, 1900).
5. Ganjaks'i Kirakos, Kirakos Ganjaks'i's History of the Armenians, trans. Robert
Bedrosian, Sources for the Armenian Tradition, 1986, available at: http://rbedrosian.
com/kgl.htm.
6. Marco Polo and Rustichello of Pisa, The Project Gutenberg EBook of the Travels
of Marco Polo, available at: http://www.gutenberg.net.
7. Hamd-Allah Mustawfi, Nuzhat al-Qidub, trans. G. Le Strange (Leiden, Neth-
erlands: Brill & Luzac, 1919), 211.
8. Khwandamir, Habib's-Siyar: The Reign of the Mongol and the Turk Genghis
Khan, Amir Temur, trans. W.M. Thackston, vol. 3 (Cambridge, Mass.: Department
of Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations, Harvard University, 1994), 58.
9. Rashid al-Din, Jdmi' al-Tavdrikh, 587.
10. Rockhill, The Journey of William of Rubruck.
11. Kirakos, Kirakos Ganjaks'i's History of the Armenians.
12. Rockhill, The Journey of William of Rubruck.
13. Ibid.
14. Ibid.
15. Ibid.
16. Hetoum, Flower of Histories of the East.
17. Ibid.
18. Ibid.
19. Ahmet Karamustafa, God's Unruly Friends (Salt Lake City: University of
Utah Press, 1994), 21.
20. Franz Rosenthal, The Herb: Hashish versus Mediaeval Muslim Society (Leiden:
E.J. Brill 1971), 48-51.
21. M o h a m m a d al- c Abbadi, ed., Lisan al-Din ibn al-Khat ib, Nufdd at al-jirdb
(Cairo, 1968), 20, 183; Rosenthal, The Herb, 55.
22. Rosenthal, The Herb, 165.
23. For a contemporary picture of a Haydari Qalandar, see Pur-i Baha',
"Kar-nameh Awqaf," 11-13, 17. See also Ahmet Karamustafa, God's Unruly
Friends (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1994), 52-53, 57-58, 67-70.
24. Reuven Amitai-Preiss, "Sufis and Shamans," JESHO (1999): 38-39.
25. Ibn al-Fuwat, Kamal al-Din Abu al-Fazl, al-Hawddith al-Jdmi'a wa'l-Tajdrib
al-ndfi'a fi'l-mi'a al-sdbi'a (Baghdad: Carmel Press, 1932), 343.
of Marco Polo.
27. Urgunge Onon, trans., The History and Life of Chinggis Khan (The Secret
History of the Mongols) (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 1990), 3.
28. Kirakos, Kirakos Ganjaks'i's History of the Armenians.
29. A. Mostaert and F.W. Cleaves, "Trois documents Mongols des Archives
Secretes Vaticanes," Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 52 (1952).
30. Christopher Dawson, ed., The Mongol Mission, trans, by a nun of Stanbrook
Abbey (London: Sheed & Ward, 1955), 85-86.
31. Ibid., 203-4.
10
LAW AND M O N G O L R U L E
T H E YASA
The term yasa is a Mongol word meaning "law, order, decree, judgment."
As a verb it implied the death sentence as in "some were delivered to the
yasa," usually meaning that an official execution had been carried out. It
was once generally accepted that Chinggis Khan had laid down a basic
legal code called the Great Yasa during the Great Quriltai of 1206 and writ-
ten copies of his decrees were kept by the Mongol princes in their treasuries
for future consultation. This code, the so-called Great Yasa, was to be bind-
ing throughout the lands where Mongol rule prevailed, though strangely
the actual texts of the code were to remain taboo in the same way the text
of the Altan Debter (an official Mongol chronicle accessible only to Mongol
nobles) was treated. This restriction on access to the text explains the fact
that no copies of the Great Yasa have ever actually been recorded. Though
in reality it never existed in any formal physical sense, in later years many
assumed that these collected Mongol edicts known as the Great Yasa had
been compiled by Chinggis Khan.
The Great Yasa became a body of laws governing the social and legal
behavior of the Mongol tribes and the peoples of those lands that came
under their control. Initially it was based on Mongol traditions, custom-
ary law, and precedent, but it was never rigid, and it was always open to
very flexible and liberal interpretation and quite able to adapt, adopt, and
absorb other legal systems. Speaking of the yasas, the Muslim Juwayni
(died 1282), historian and governor of Baghdad under the Mongol Il-Khans,
was able to declare, "There are many of these ordinances that are in con-
formity with the Shari'at [Islamic law]." 1 The Great Yasa must therefore be
viewed as an evolving body of customs and decrees that began long before
Chinggis Khan's quriltai of 1206. His son Chaghatai was known to adhere
strictly to the unwritten Mongol customary law, and many of his strictures
and rulings would have been incorporated into the evolving body of law.
Many of the rulings that appear to be part of this Great Yasa are based
on quotations and biligs (maxims) of Chinggis Khan that are known to
have been recorded. Another source of the laws that made up the Great
Yasa is the Tatar Shigi-Qutuqu, Chinggis Khan's adopted brother, who
was entrusted with judicial authority during the 1206 quriltai. He estab-
lished the Mongol practice of recording in writing the various decisions
he arrived at as head yarghuchi (judge). His decisions were recorded in the
Uyghur script in a blue book (kdk'6 debter) and were considered binding,
thus creating an ad hoc body of case histories. However, this in itself did
not represent the Great Yasa of Chinggis Khan, and it must be assumed
that such a document never existed, even though in the years to come the
existence of just such a document became a widespread belief.
I M P O S I T I O N OF LAW
With or without the existence of a written Great Yasa, the Mongols, espe-
cially under Chinggis Khan, had a strict set of rules and laws to which they
adhered, and their discipline was everywhere remarked on and admired.
An intelligence report prepared by Franciscan friars led by Friar Giovanni
DiPlano Carpini, who visited Mongolia in the 1240s, commented as follows:
Among themselves, however, they are peaceable, fornication and adultery are
very rare, and their women excel those of other nations in chastity, except that
they often use shameless words when jesting. Theft is unusual among them, and
therefore their dwellings and all their property are not put under lock and key. If
horses or oxen or other animal stock are found straying, they are either allowed
to go free or are led back to their own masters Rebellion is rarely raised among
them, and it is no wonder if such is their way, for, as I have said above, transgres-
sors are punished without mercy.2
Even the Muslim historian Juzjani (died 1260) does not hold back.
Chinggis Khan moreover in [the administration of] justice was such, that, through-
out his whole camp, it was impossible for any person to take up a fallen whip from
the ground except he were the owner of it; and, throughout his whole army, no one
could give indication of [the existence of] lying and theft.3
Nor does Juzjani refrain from treating Chinggis Khan's son and suc-
cessor, Ogodei Qa'an, who was generally credited with having shown
Law and Mongol Rule 207
c o m p a s s i o n a n d great s y m p a t h y for his M u s l i m subjects, w i t h respect a n d

positive t r e a t m e n t .
Religious tolerance b e c a m e e n s h r i n e d in the yasa, t h o u g h s o m e w o u l d
say that the M o n g o l s w e r e just p l a y i n g safe b y s a f e g u a r d i n g religious
leaders of all faiths. Priests a n d religious institutions w e r e all e x e m p t e d
from taxation. Water w a s treated w i t h great respect, a n d it w a s strictly
forbidden to w a s h or u r i n a t e in r u n n i n g water, streams a n d rivers b e i n g
considered as living entities. Execution w a s the r e w a r d for spying, treason,
desertion, theft, a d u l t e r y a n d persistent b a n k r u p t c y in the case of mer-
chants. Execution could take o n various horrific forms a n d one particu-
larly g r u e s o m e e x a m p l e h a s b e e n r e c o r d e d b y Rashid al-Din (died 1318), a
p r i m e minister of Iran d u r i n g the M o n g o l Il-Khanid period. A rash K u r d -
ish w a r l o r d h a d a t t e m p t e d to double-cross H u l e g u Khan. H e w a s a p p r e -
h e n d e d a n d received this fate.
He [Hulegu] ordered that he [Malik Salih] be covered with sheep fat, trussed with
felt and rope, and left in the summer sun. After a week, the fat got maggoty, and
they started devouring the poor man. He died of that torture within a month.
He had a three-year-old son who was sent to Mosul, where he was cut in two on
the banks of the Tigris and hung as an example on two sides of the city until his
remains rotted away to nothing. 4
Reflecting the M o n g o l s ' respect for a n d superstitious fear of aristocracy,

they w e r e fearful of s h e d d i n g the b l o o d of the h i g h b o r n u p o n the earth.
They therefore reserved a special form of execution for kings a n d the par-
ticularly mighty. Such nobles, in recognition of their status, w e r e w r a p p e d
in carpets a n d kicked to death.
Often p o r t r a y e d as barbarians, the M o n g o l s are not often credited w i t h
the discipline a n d law-abiding n a t u r e of their society. T h o u g h a n a r c h y
often followed in their wake, once established, serious m e a s u r e s w e r e
invariably enacted to e n s u r e that the rule of law g o v e r n e d every aspect of
life a n d all m e m b e r s of their society. Even in the north, far from the i m p e -
rial cities that w o u l d e m e r g e as the Il-Khanid a n d Yiian dynasties b e c a m e
established, the rule of law prevailed, as even the censorious eye of William
of R u b r u c k conceded.
As to their justice you must know that when two men fight together no
one dares interfere, even a father dare not aid a son; but he who has the
worse of it may appeal to the court of the lord, and if anyone touches
him after the appeal, he is put to death. But action must be taken at once
without any delay, and the injured one must lead him (who has offended)
as a captive. They inflict capital punishment on no one unless he be taken
in the act or confesses. When one is accused by a number of persons,
they torture him so that he confesses. They punish homicide with capital
punishment, and also co-habiting with a woman not one's own. By not
one's own, mean not his wife or bondwoman, for with one's slaves one
may do as one pleases. They also punish with death grand larceny, but
as for petty thefts, such as that of a sheep, so long as one has not repeat-
edly been taken in the act, they beat him cruelly, and if they administer
an hundred blows they must use an hundred sticks: I speak of the case of
those beaten under order of authority. In like manner false envoys, that is
to say persons who pass themselves off as ambassadors but who are not,
are put to death. Likewise sorcerers, of whom I shall however tell you
more, for such they consider to be witche.
When anyone dies, they lament with loud wailing, then they are free,
for they pay no taxes for the year. And if anyone is present at the death
of an adult, he may not enter the dwelling even of Mangu Chan for the
year. If it be a child who dies, he may not enter it for a month. Beside the
tomb of the dead they always leave a tent if he be one of the nobles, that
is of the family of Chingis, who was their first father and lord. Of him
who is dead the burying place is not known. And always around these
places where they bury their nobles there is a camp with men watching
the tombs. I did not understand that they bury treasure with their dead.
The Comans raise a great tumulus over the dead, and set up a statue
to him, its face to the east, and holding a cup in its hand at the height
of the navel. They make also pyramids to the rich, that is to say, little
pointed structures, and in some places I saw great tiled covered towers,
and in others stone houses, though there were no stones thereabout. Over
a person recently dead I saw hung on long poles the skins of xvi horses,
four facing each quarter of the world; and they had placed also cosmos
for him to drink, and meat for him to eat, and for all that they said of
him that he had been baptized. Farther east I saw other tombs in shape
like great yards covered with big flat stones, some round, some square,
and four high vertical stones at the corners facing the four quarters of
the world. When anyone sickens he lies on his couch, and places a sign
over his dwelling that there is a sick person therein, and that no one shall
enter. So no one visits a sick person, save him who serves him. And when
anyone from the great ordu is ill, they place guards all round the ordu,
who permit no one to pass those bounds. For they fear lest an evil spirit
or some wind should come with those who enter. They call, however,
their priests, who are these same soothsayers. 5
M O N G O L LAW IN C H I N A
In b o t h China a n d Iran a complex legal system evolved a n d d e v e l o p e d

i n c o r p o r a t i n g the existing b o d y of laws already in practice. This w a s espe-
cially true in China, w h i c h h a d a centuries-old tradition of legal codes
a n d a complex legal system. Paul H e n g - c h a o Ch'en h a s written an excel-
lent a s s e s s m e n t of this subject in his b o o k Chinese Legal Tradition under
the Mongols: The Code of 1291 as Reconstructed and explains how those tra-
ditional codes and practices were adapted and incorporated into Mongol
jurisprudence. In this slim tome he includes a reconstruction and transla-
tion into English of one of the key codes, the Chih-yiian hsin-ko, compiled
in 1291.
After centuries of war the Liao, the Chin, and the Song were united
under the Yiian dynasty, and Chinese legal institutions had to be adapted
to reflect this fact as well as the reality of new nomadic rulers. Traditional
historians, when recounting Chinese legal history, often jump straight
from the Song to the Ming dynasties, omitting the Yiian period as a kind
of black hole best ignored. However, this is an unjustified omission,
and the evidence supports the view that the Yiian rulers adopted a new
and substantial legal system that retained elements of Chinese legal tradi-
tion while incorporating laws to reflect the new realities. In 1291 a new
legal code was promulgated, Chih-yiian New Code, and this code became
the foundation for the later compilations of the Ta Yuan t'ung-chih (Compre-
hensive Institutions of the Great Yiian), and the Yuan tien-chang (Institutions
of the Yiian Dynasty).
The yasa had been the principle source of legal rulings in the first years
of Mongol domination but as this haphazard source of customary law
increasingly proved deficient to meet the needs of Chinese society, the
need for a unified Yiian code became obvious. The T'ang code had been
standard in many parts of China since its drafting under the T'ang dynasty
in 653. The articles of the T'ang code were grouped under 12 sections and
covered most legal instances. The T'ai-ho Hi (T'ai-ho Statutes) of the Chin
dynasty, essentially a copy of the T'ang code, was used extensively, but
when Qubilai Khan officially proclaimed the establishment of the Yiian
dynasty in 1271 to formalize and legitimize Mongol rule in China, the
T'ai-ho was officially annulled. The name Yuan was taken from the ancient
book of Chinese divinity, the I Ching (Book of Changes), and suggested the
"primal force of the Creative" or the "origin of the Universe," but its sig-
nificance was its Chinese rather than Mongolian roots.
Y U A N LEGAL C O D E S
Yiian officials were reluctant to simply adopt the staid and rigid dic-
tates of the T'ang code and favored codes of a more casuistic nature and
less unified theme. Laws based on precedent were preferred, and collec-
tions of cases and the courts' rulings and decisions were compiled, and
these in addition to various legal codes were employed in drawing up a
national legal practice. The result was a compromise between the tradi-
tional Chinese reliance on codification and the flexibility of legal authority
derived from precedent law. Though the yasa became effectively null and
void, many of its laws, customs, and practices entered the new legal system
through adoption into the codes or by their occurrence as precedents.
It was in this way that Qubilai Khan and his advisers were able to com-
bine harmoniously Chinese legal tradition, Mongol customary law, and
the new social and political realities that accompanied the establishment
of the Yiian dynasty. From 1271 until 1320, changes in the legal system
were initiated either to restore or create those Chinese institutions that
would be necessary for the administration to function. From 1320 until the
demise of the Yuan government, Mongol traditions were fully integrated
within the Chinese institutions, and new codes were established. Not all
were happy, and the words of one Confucian scholar were not an uncom-
mon criticism.
All that is recorded [in the Yuan tien-chang] is, however, in the style of bureaucratic
documents and, among them, seven- to eight-tenths are also mixed with collo-
quial language, common sayings, and vulgar expressions distorting the important
essence. Its form is furthermore tangled and is loose without trace or order.6
This criticism of a Yiian legal code was a veiled reference to transla-

tions from Mongolian and the influence of Mongol and foreign overlords
and administrators contained within the document. An eminent scholar
from the Ch'ing era, Yao Nai (1731-1815) was more forthright in his criti-
cism and prejudice, contemptuously condemning the Yuan tien-chang for
its minute, rustic, and confusing use of expressions. Despite these short-
comings the Yiian leaders persevered in their work of codification. In 1324
copies of these new compilations were distributed to officials, and in 1328
Qa'an Toq Temiir (ruled 1328-32) ordered the compilation of the Ching-shih
ta-tien (Great Institutions of Statecraft). The Yiian ruler considered himself a
man of letters and had a great respect and love of Chinese arts and culture.
It was Toq Temiir who in 1329 established the Academy of the Kui-chang
Pavilion to accommodate not only his scholars but his splendid collections
of books, paintings, calligraphy, and curios.
The Ching-shih ta-tien documentary compilation was completed in 1331
and involved close collaboration between Mongol and Chinese officials in
expediting numerous documents covering an array of institutions. This sur-
vey followed the style of Chinese collections from the T'ang and Sung dynas-
ties and demonstrated a further growing acceptance of Chinese culture by
the Mongol ruling elite. The section on judicial institutions, the Hsien-tien,
comprised 22 subsections of all then-current regulations and an appendix
containing all outdated legal material. Subsections included "Administra-
tive Regulations," "Imperial Guards and Prohibitions," "Terms and General
Principals," "Ordinances of Sacrifices," "Regulations of Study," "Family
and Marriage," "Theft and Violence," "Food and Goods," "Complaints
and Suits," "Homicides and Injuries," "Amnesties," "Grand Abomina-
tions," "Conflict and Battery," "Empty Prisons," "Evilness and Misdeeds,"
"Leniency of Punishments," and so on.
Various Chinese officials petitioned the Qa'an to pursue updates and
modifications to these legal codes, arguing that the needs of a changing
Law and Mongol Ride 211
society demanded it. However, the relentless predominance of Chinese
influence in these compilations suggests the bureaucrats had ulterior
motives. The Qa'an Toq Temiir was content to encourage this cultural
trend with the Academy of the Hslian-wen-ko (formerly Kui-chang)
Pavilion expanding its literary activities. In 1334 he issued an edict order-
ing Mongols and central Asians resident in China to observe mourning of
their parents. In 1343 he ordered the compilation of the "Three Histories,"
completed in 1345, which traced the histories of the Liao, Chin, and Sung
dynasties with the implication of the continuity the Yiian represented. It
was stressed that the study of these histories was necessary for scholars
and officials to properly understand the present and to perform better in
government.
The final major legal code of the Yiian dynasty was officially promul-
gated in 1346. This was the Chih-cheng t'iao-ko. which contained 150 decrees,
1,700 articles, and 1,050 precedents. Challenges to this code continued, but
there is evidence that it continued to be used and consulted right up to the
end. This follows the pattern established from the onset of Mongol domi-
nation of both Chinese and Mongol officials namely challenging, modify-
ing, revising, and adding to the codes and legal compilations produced
during the Yiian era. Chinese scholars continued to be apprehensive of
their Mongol masters, often believing them incapable of the refined and
sophisticated thought necessary to appreciate Chinese culture and Chinese
legal systems. This was a demonstrably false impression of the Mongol
elite as the cultural achievements of the Yiian government and of the
brotherly state to the west, the Il-Khanate, clearly illustrate. In the field of
Confucian studies and other intellectual pursuits, later, widely respected
Chinese scholars have accepted that the record of the Yiian dynasty com-
pares favorably with the records of other eras.
The Mongol rulers initially showed interest in Chinese legal codes and
practices in respect to their new Chinese subjects, but as their knowledge
of these codes grew and their acquaintance with Chinese culture devel-
oped, so too did their involvement in the Chinese institutions until those
very institutions, suitably modified by exposure to Mongol sensitivities,
became an integral part of the Yiian government. As the Mongols became
increasingly familiar with Chinese ways, their initial mistrust decreased
and their antagonism dissipated. After 1320 it was clear that Mongolian
customs were becoming accommodated and integrated with the increas-
ingly dominant Chinese institutions.
THE PENAL C O D E
The penal code also underwent modification and change under the
Yiian decades, and some of these changes became entrenched in the sys-
tems of later Chinese dynasties. For a people who have almost become
synonymous with bloodshed and barbarity, it comes as a surprise to
examine their record for legally sanctioned capital punishment under the
Yiian government. The number of offences, recorded at 135, as listed in
the Yuan-shih that carried the death penalty was less than the 293, 963,
and 1,397 recorded under the T'ang (618-907), Sung (960-1260), and Ming
(1368-1644) dynasties' codes, respectively. The number of executions car-
ried out between 1260 and 1307 was 2,743, which, considering the huge
population of China even then, is not a large figure. This figure was prob-
ably higher than the reality because many of these death sentences were
commuted to life imprisonment at the last moment, but the record of an
execution remained. In fact the Yiian rulers had a reputation for leniency,
a fact that has often been overlooked by both Chinese and foreign histo-
rians unwilling to dispel the myth of the barbarian interlopers and the
picture of the uncouth marauding hooligans trampling Chinese culture
and sophistication underfoot.
The Yiian century saw a great expansion of Chinese urban society and
accompanying commercial activity. With this expansion went the legal
developments detailed previously, and to accommodate these new legal
codes and institutions the penal system was reviewed and adapted. The
rationale underpinning the penal system remained revenge, intimidation,
prohibition, and rehabilitation. The traditional five penalties, the Wu-hsing,
remained, but significant changes to form and content were implemented.
Some of these changes died with the dynasty, but some outlived the
Mongols and were adopted by the Ming and even the Ch'ing. In addi-
tion to the Wu-hsing, some supplementary financial and physical penalties
were awarded on top of those five traditional punishments. These supple-
mentary penalties reflect influence of the Mongol Great Yasa, and some of
these characteristically Mongol punishments survived into the Ming and
Ch'ing dynasties.
PUNISHMENTS
The standard form of the Wu-hsing, or five punishments, which goes
back at least to the Sui dynasty (589-618 C.E.) code of 581-83, consisted of
the following modes of punishment in descending degrees of severity:
death by strangulation or decapitation; life exile with distances specified at
3,000 li (approximately 3 // = 1 mile), 2,500 li, and 2,000 li; imprisonment,
with five periods between one and three years; beating with strokes of the
heavy stick, awarded in units of 10 between 60 to 100; and beating with a
light stick, in units of 10 between 10 to 50 blows.
The Yuan legislators introduced their own unique modification of the
death penalty. Strangulation was generally replaced with ling-ch'ih, or
slow slicing, which proved so popular that it was retained by both the
Ming and the Ch'ing rulers. Ling-ch'ih was considered the severest form
of punishment and was meted out for crimes such as treason. Cuts were
applied to face, hands (2), feet (2), breast, stomach, and head, and these
8 cuts could be increased to 24, 36, or 120. The intention of the punishment
was to prolong the death process to maximize suffering and pain. Stran-
gulation was considered an easy option because the head was not sepa-
rated from the body, and, according to Chinese belief, passage to the next
world was not hindered. The Mongols abolished strangulation because
they did not hold these beliefs and could not see its value as an alternative
form of capital execution.
The leniency of the Yiian penal system was established from the outset
by the strict edicts of Qubilai Qa'an, who ordered that any case resulting
in the death sentence must be thoroughly reviewed before the sentence
could be carried out. As early as 1260 it is recorded that he would per-
sonally review cases involving the death sentence and would commonly
commute these to life sentences. The Yuan-shih records that in 1287, 190
people under sentence of death were reprieved at the last moment by
Qubilai Qa'an, who exclaimed, "Prisoners are not a mere flock of sheep.
How can they suddenly be executed? It is proper that they instead be
enslaved and assigned to pan gold with a sieve." The Mongols did not
invent the amnesty, but the granting of amnesties was common under
Yiian rule, especially for Buddhist and Lamaist monks. The frequency of
these amnesties provoked criticism from leading Chinese officials, with
one senior official, Chang Yang-hao even suggesting that penalties should
be more severe and amnesties greatly reduced. 7
Once the death sentence was decided upon, however, leniency disap-
peared. For those for whom slicing was too lenient, other treatment was
meted out. Political offenders might be pickled or chopped up into small
pieces. Royalty whose blood could not be allowed to seep into the earth
were wrapped in carpets and kicked to death, as the Abbasid caliph of
Baghdad discovered in 1258.
Because the Mongols were a nomadic people, the idea of exile did not
strike them as punishment in itself, and for this reason they added to
the basic system in which prisoners were sent stipulated distances from
their homes. Under the Yiian government, southern Chinese were exiled
to Liao-yang and other northern districts, and northerners were exiled to
Hunan and Hubei in the south. Koreans and Jurchen prisoners were also
sent to exile stations in Hunan and Hubei. At the exile stations prisoners
served at the postal relay posts or were set to work on the land. Banish-
ment to a new land was not considered punishment, and therefore pain
or slave labor was added to the sentence. In addition to the exile stations
established to process exiles, the Yiian also introduced compulsory mili-
tary service (ch'u-chiin) and a measure (ch'ien-hsi) to deal with social unde-
sirables that involved simply removing them from their village to some
distant part of the empire.
Prison service was not considered enough unless accompanied by cor-
poral punishment. A one-year sentence also included 67 blows from a
heavy stick; 18 months, 77 blows; 2 years, 87 blows; and so on to the
three-year maximum, which came with 107 blows with a heavy stick.
Prison was not a cell but a mine or some such similar establishment. Here
the prisoners were fettered and assigned heavy work for the day, a record
of which would be kept.
The final forms of the Wu-hsing, or five punishments, were simple beat-
ings with either a light stick or a heavy rod. Blows of 7, 17, 27, 37, 47,
and 57 for the light stick and 67, 77, 87, 97, 107 for the heavy stick fol-
low the Mongol tradition of using odd numbers, as has been noted by the
Persian official and historian Wassaf of Shiraz (died circa 1328). Marco
Polo reports that these blows were often so severe that death resulted
from the beatings. 8 The use of units of seven did not exist before 1260,
and one of the earliest examples of the use of seven was the issuance of a
decree in 1264 against walking in the capital after a certain time at night.
The mandatory sentence for breaking this prohibition was 27 blows from
a light stick. In fact a law also stipulated that the diameter of the light
stick used for the chastisement be 0.27 Chinese inches at one end and 0.17
at the other.
WU-HSING SUPPLEMENTS
The supplementary financial and physical punishments imposed on
top of the Wu-hsing were seen as a form of redemption. People who
could not face physical punishment, such as children under 15 years,
old people more than 70, cripples or severely injured people, or the very
sick, were given the option to recompense the victim financially. Two
types of formal compensation became common under the Yiian, namely
shao-mai-yin (funeral expenses) and nourishment expenses, which meant,
essentially, medical expenses. These practices were of Mongol origin
and were designed to meet the demands of justice and avoid calls for
revenge. The Great Yasa stated that in order to avoid capital punishment
for murder, the culprit could pay, in the case of a Muslim victim, 40 balish
(gold coins) or, in the case of a Chinese, one donkey. The shao-mai-yin, or
payment of funeral expenses of the victim, became an important element
in Chinese law, and it has often been forgotten that the origins of this
practice are Mongolian customary law. The Yuan-shih stated unequivocally
the nature of this law.
Any person who murders shall be executed. [The authorities] shall also exact from
the person's relatives fifty Hang of the shao-mai-yin for the [victim's family]. In cases
of no silver, ten ting [ingots] of Chung-t'ung notes shall be exacted instead. If the
person be pardoned by amnesty, [the sum] shall be doubled.9
The shao-mai-yin was generally fixed at 50 tad (between 1 and 2.5

ounces) of silver, and if the relatives were unable to pay they would be
expected to perform manual services in lieu of payment. It has even been
recorded that a family member was forced to work as a slave to pay oft
the shao-mai-yin.
The Yuan-shih also explained the practice of nourishment expenses,
which covered the costs of medicine and medical care.
Any person who injures with an instrument another person and makes [the vic-
tim] crippled or seriously sick shall be punished 77 blows by beating with a
heavy stick. [The authorities] shall also obtain [from the wrongdoer] ten ting of
Chung-t'ung notes to give the injured person as "nourishment expenses."10
This penalty compares favorably with both the T'ang code, which speci-
fied that the offender receive three years' jail, and the Ming code, which
demanded 100 blows from a heavy stick as well as the three years' impris-
onment. Other examples reinforce the impression of the relative leniency
of the Yiian penal system. As punishment for beating a sister-in-law to
death, the Yiian code imposed a sentence of shao-mai-yin plus 107 heavy
blows. In contrast the T'ang, Ming, and Ch'ing codes decreed strangula-
tion as the appropriate penalty. The Yiian system, in other words, found a
balance between the traditional Chinese practice of state-imposed punish-
ment and the Mongolian custom of accepting redemption.
Another area in which Mongol law left its mark on Chinese laws and
institutions was in provisions covering the crimes committed by slaves
and servants.
In the case of a male or female slave or servant who has stolen a person's ox or
horse and has been convicted and punished, [the slave or the servant] shall be
given to the owner [of the stolen item]. If the master wishes to make redemption,
let him do so.11
The option therefore existed for the master to surrender the slave or
pay compensation. This option could be stretched to cover wives as well,
and Mongol Oirat regulations stated that in the case of a wife murder-
ing another's wife, the penalty fell on the husband, and he was given the
choice of paying a heavy fine to the relatives of the victim or cutting oft the
ears of his homicidal wife and giving her away in marriage to the victim's
family.12
Slaves were considered part of the family unit and, therefore, were
regarded as legal relatives. As such they were viewed as being partners
in a special relationship, and, therefore, the penalties imposed on them
were comparatively lenient. From a traditional Chinese perspective,
theft among relatives should be treated less seriously than ordinary theft
because family members all had a moral obligation to support and aid
each other financially. For the family unit, harmony and solidarity had to
be maintained.
Bureaucrats and officials were usually granted the option of redemp-
tion, forfeiture of salary, demotion, or dismissal from the civil service for
all but the most serious crimes. One development of these redemption
options was the emergence of the nine-fold fine. This fine, calculated at
nine times the value of the stolen item, was a feature of the Great Yasa of
Chinggis Khan and was readily adopted for formal Chinese legal practice.
The Yuan-shih states, "Any person who steals a camel, horse, ox, ass, or
mule shall, for each one [stolen], compensate with nine." In the decrees of
the yasa the law is equally clear. "The man in whose possession a stolen
horse is found must return it to the owner and add nine horses of the same
kind." This stipulation goes on to state that should the culprit be unable
to pay in horses, his own children must be handed over instead, and "if
he has no children, he himself shall then be slaughtered like a sheep." 13
Marco Polo also noted the nine-fold practice for the theft of cattle and
sheep, the most serious of crimes for nomadic people. For other forms of
theft, the two-fold fine was often considered sufficient.
In addition to these supplementary financial penalties, Yiian legal prac-
tice also developed some supplementary physical punishments. These
penalties comprised forms of retaliatory punishment, which in essence
amounted to the biblical practice of "an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth,"
according to the legal principle of talion. Though found in ancient Chinese
practice by the time the T'ang codes were compiled, Chinese legal prac-
tices had moved far beyond such primitive concepts. One form of talion
that was retained by the T'ang and passed into Yiian practice was the
punishment for false accusation, which saw the false accuser suffer the
penalty that might have been meted out to the object of his slander. "Any
person who falsely accuses shall himself atone for the crime and suffer
retribution." 14 The Yiian saw talion practiced in other cases, such as when
religious figures were the object of attack. "He who beats a Lama monk
shall have his handfs] cut off; he who curses [a lama] shall have his tongue
cut out." 15 The observant Marco Polo commented on this practice of retal-
iatory amputation. "If a man strikes with steel or with a sword, whether
he hits or not, or threatens one, he loses his hand. He who wounds must
receive a like wound from the wounded." 16
Another supplementary penalty awarded either in addition to or instead
of the five punishments was tz'u-tzu, which involved tattooing with a sty-
lus or branding, and became institutionalized under the Yiian law makers.
Tattoos branding the criminal were placed on the arms or neck instead of
the forehead, as had previously been done under the Sung. In addition,
the person so branded was also expected to act as a ching-chi-jen, a police
informer, to alert the police to other social undesirables. This auxiliary
police force of ching-chi-jen, or informers, became an integral part of the
law-enforcement system, with various rewards allowed to enhance and
extend the system. A ching-chi-jen could have his sentence reduced for
diligence and supplying information that led to an arrest. Conversely, if
a ching-chi-jen reoffended, he could be forced to serve as a ching-chi-jen for
life. Three measures were enacted to ensure effective functioning of the
ching-chi-jen institution. First, after the original sentence had been served,
the criminal was sent back to his hometown to work as a ching-chi-jen and
report and uncover local crime and criminals. Second, the name and offence
of the ching-chi-jen was written in red paint on the wall outside his place of
residence in order to subject him to local discrimination and surveillance,
though this would seem self-defeating because it would surely hamper the
criminal's undercover work as a ching-chi-jen. Third, the ching-chi-jen had to
report regularly to the local authorities and account for his activities dur-
ing this time. This twice-monthly visit had to be accompanied by reports
from his neighbors and village headman attesting to his continued good
behavior. Infringements of any conditions on his liberty, failure to report at
the appointed time, or any additional criminal activity would result in not
only punitive measures being taken against the culprit but also against the
villagers charged with monitoring his behavior.
An edict specifying in detail the methods for tattooing was issued in
1302 on January 25 under the "General Precedents Concerning Robber
and Thief."
Any thief shall be tattooed for the first offense by placing characters on the left arm.
(This refers to the person who has already obtained goods by stealing.) For the sec-
ond offense, he shall be tattooed on the right arm; and for the third offense, the neck.
A robber shall be tattooed for the first offense on the neck. [Both of them] shall also
serve as ching-chi-jen. The authorities shall examine and inspect [them] in accordance
with the old methods [i.e., methods prescribed in the decree of 1264]. If a Mongol
shall commit [such a crime] or a woman shall commit [it], the offender is not to be
dealt with pursuant to the regulations concerning branding by tattooing.17
IMPLEMENTATION
The major challenge for the Yiian administrators, after having com-
piled their codes and established their complex system of laws and pun-
ishments, was the enforcement and execution of those laws over such a
vast swathe of land and such a diverse patchwork of ethnic groups and
communities, each with their own religious, social, and economic customs
and traditions. The development of legal professionalism in formal trials
and arbitration as well as informal settlements and legal understandings
stands as testament to Yiian success and pride. The volumes of legal judg-
ments, interpretations, rulings, cases, and other judicial material ensured
that the law was open and accessible to all who could read and who might
be interested in the administration of justice.
The basic hierarchy of legal administration was headed by the Secretarial
Council, the Chung-shu-sheng, of the central government under which 10
Hsing Chung-shu-sheng or Hsing-sheng acted as provincial governments.
The Hsing-sheng were split into four administrative divisions: lu, fu, chou,
and hsien. Two further divisions, the army and the Bureau of Pacification,
came under military control. The hsien became the basic judicial unit that
could refer cases to the other divisions, and the hsien in turn was ranked
upper, medium, or lower. By way of example, the following were officials of
the upper hsien: magistrates (hsien-yin), assistant magistrate (hsien-ch'eng),
record-keeper (chu-pu), police commissioner (hsien-wei), and regional over-
seer (daru'chi). The police commissioner was entrusted with law enforce-
ment and would patrol the area under his control with the authority to
arrest suspects. To assist him in his duties he was assigned a team of archers
(kung-shou) who acted as the police force. These archers were responsible
for apprehending thieves and robbers, and failure to do so would result in
their own punishment. Failure to arrest a thief or robber within a month was
punished with 7 or 17 blows from a light stick, respectively; for two months
17 or 27 blows, respectively; for three months 27 or 37, respectively. How-
ever, the archer would receive an award for capturing the criminal before
the deadline. The archers often relied on the ching-chi-jen for local intelli-
gence. Once apprehended, the accused was handed over to the hsien-yin,
the magistrate, for trial and sentencing.
Once the suspect entered the judicial system, he was confronted with a
complicated and well-ordered organization. A complicated hierarchy of
courts and a regulated setup of jails was headed by a commissioner of
jails, the ssu-yii. The Yiian jailing system differed from other dynasties'
systems because the Yiian jails were viewed more as holding jails utilized
while the accused was going through the system. Because the emphasis
of punishment was on forced labor rather than the deprivation of free-
dom, the cells were employed during those periods when the accused was
awaiting or undergoing trial.
The prison commissioner (ssu-yii), was responsible for four main
areas: ensuring that the jails were clean and maintained; providing reg-
ular food and clothing for inmates; personally checking sick detainees;
and reporting to the higher authorities any complaints, accusations, and
problems concerning the prisoners. To prevent inmates from escaping,
many prisoners were fettered. More serious offenders were forced to wear
the cumbersome cangue, a kind of highly restrictive and heavy wooden
collar. The weight of the cangue varied according to the crime. Murderers
were obliged to wear wooden handcuffs. Chains and fetters of different
weights and lengths were also employed. Torture was permitted but regu-
lated and only allowed if other evidence existed pointing to the guilt of
the accused. Torture had to be authorized and was theoretically restricted
to beating. However, despite its prohibition, other more imaginative and
cruel forms of torture existed. It was clearly stated that torture was not to
be used unless clear evidence of guilt existed. Torture was deemed neces-
sary because of the importance put on confessions.
In general, the judicial system of courts and jails was extremely well
staffed by a complicated hierarchy of officials with a built-in system of
checks and balances to counter irregularities and abuse of the system. The
system ensured the accused legal rights and a system of appeal and redress
for any perceived injustices. Verdicts and decisions often had to be signed
by the accused, and a system of fingerprints was used to guard against
forgery. Ink was smeared on the tip of the index finger and the back of the
second and third joints and an impression made underneath the accused's
name. This impression of three spots was apparently impossible to forge,
and each person's impression was unique. This signature was necessary,
and if it were not obtained the case had to be reviewed.
Until 1271 the judicial structure of the Yiian government was divided
into three branches. These were the Fa-ssu (Bureau of Law), the Hsing-pu
(Board of Punishments), and the Tu-sheng (the capital city's Secretarial
Council). The Fa-ssu was dissolved in 1271, leaving the Hsing-pu and the
Tu-sheng powerful institutions throughout the period of Yiian govern-
ment. The Hsing-pu in particular became an important body, and even
though final modifications were the preserve of the Tu-sheng, its decisions
were rarely questioned.
The functions and structure of the judicial institutions were considered
so well defined and transparent that no one could claim ignorance or
confusion of the procedures in order to excuse bypassing the chain of
command. Those who did were subject to punishment; however, those
who found fault with the procedures or operation of justice were encour-
aged to air their grievances and seek recompense. The clear delegation
of authority at all levels limited the potential for abuse or manipulation
of the system. For cases of particular injustice it was possible to seek the
intervention of the emperor himself. For this eventuality a drum was set
up outside the imperial palace, and citizens were allowed to beat this
drum in order to attract the attention of the emperor to their plight. The
Yiian system of justice awarded more effective protection for its citizens
against abuse of power, corruption, and the system itself than did earlier
and later judicial systems under other dynasties.
E T H N I C DIFFERENCES A N D LAW
With the vast expanses of land under Yiian government authority, the
question of how to apply the law justly to the different ethnic groups
became a potentially explosive situation. The Chinese had always har-
bored an innate sense of superiority to their various neighbors and
believed that their Confucian ideals of culture and morality were suitable
for all. Such attitudes were no longer sustainable, and the Chinese advi-
sors to the Mongol rulers early realized that the judicial system would
have to reflect the new reality. Four ethnic groups were recognized:
Mongols, central Asians, northern Chinese, and southern Chinese; but
where possible one court was convened to deal with a particular case
with appropriate representation from the ethnic group of the defendant.
The Yiian judiciary developed a system of joint representation in which
the special interests of the different parties could be considered. A further

development of these special courts convened to deal with ethnic con-
flicts of interest was the appearance of courts to deal with people who
had special status, such as soldiers or members of certain professions or
professional institutions.
IRAN
While the Yiian government was busy establishing the rule of law in
China, in the west the Il-Khanate government of Iran was also trying to
establish a stable legal framework in which to operate. However, in the
Islamic lands the sharia law remained inviolable, and Mongol law and
custom coexisted and adapted itself to Islamic practice. Juwayni, historian
and governor of Baghdad under Hulegu, famously claimed that the yasa
and sharia law were often compatible. 18 This might have been an attempt
at desperate self-delusion on Juwayni's part more than a considered assess-
ment of the two judicial systems. However, his statement does express a
desire and willingness to reconcile Islamic teaching with the infidel rule.
After the fall of Baghdad in 1258, Hulegu sought afatwa (Islamic ruling)
from Baghdad's 'ulama to legitimize his rule. The fatwa would resolve the
question, "Who is preferable, an infidel ruler who is righteous, or a Muslim
ruler who is unjust?" Ibn Tawus, a leading Shi'ite cleric from the holy city
of Nejaf, found in his favor, declaring that a just infidel ruler was prefer-
able to an unjust Muslim ruler.19
Prior to Hulegu's arrival circa 1255, the military government of Bayju
Noyan had been essentially separate from the Iranian population, and
the distinction between 'urfi (customary law) and sharia jurisdiction was
clear. With the establishment of the Il-Khanate and Mongol government,
the distinction became increasingly blurred. The judicial system in Iran at
this time was not as complex nor so bureaucratic as the system existing in
China, nor were its workings committed to paper in such painstaking
detail as has been found in the Yiian documents. However, the rule of law
was enforced, and all were subject to its dictates.
The court of interrogation known as the yarghu was a fixed fea-
Yarghu ture in the main cities but was also a mobile body, and yarghuchi,
as its officers were known, traveled around the kingdom sum-
moning those it wished to question. An amir yarghu presided over the
court and was helped by umard-yi yarghu (emirs of the yarghu court) and
the yarghuchis (lesser officials). The yarghu courts were present from the
earliest appearance of the Mongols in Iran, and many examples exist of
the yarghu being employed by the early military governors of this western
province. However, details of procedure and the rules and regulations
governing this institution are difficult to find in the sources. What was
initially an extension of military rule developed into a respected and effec-
tive instrument of justice utilized by Mongol and non-Mongol alike with
enough examples of its rulings against the Mongol governing class in

favor of the subject people to demonstrate its impartiality. Whereas in the
early decades its decisions were based on Chinggis Khan's yasa, in later
years the sharia and local laws were increasingly used to arrive at final
judgments.
In the decades before the establishment of the Il-Khanate in 1258, most
cases that came before the yarghu courts concerned state affairs, Mongol
officials and disputes between Mongols, and torture and beatings were
commonly employed to elicit the all important confessions. The remark-
able Arghun Aqa, a leading Mongol administrator in Iran, survived many
yarghu hearings and lived to die a peaceful, natural death in 1273. Not
so fortunate were other officials such as Korgiiz, a rags-to-riches Uyghur
governor who, after being shunted through a series of yarghu tribunals,
insulted the wrong person and was killed. Juwayni, who recounted the
story of Korgiiz, stated that at this time in pre-Hlilegli Iran four points
should be noted as regards the yarghu. First, procedures for the yarghu
were not set down or formalized, and it was concerned not only with pass-
ing judgments but also with effecting reconciliation. Second, the various
Mongol principalities exercised a degree of autonomy in the administra-
tion of justice. Third, those found guilty by the yarghu court might well be
handed over to a third party for punishment. Finally, it should be noted
that the long arm of the yarghu court could stretch across the empire, as
Arghun Aqa found. He was summoned back to Qaraqorum and else-
where from Iran on a couple of occasions, as were other administrators of
the western province.
The earliest recorded case of a yarghu convened by Hlilegii occurred
on the march to Baghdad and concerned an official's failure to secure the
submission of the fortress of Irbil in northern Iraq. The court found the
official, the Kurd Taj al-Din bin Salaya Irbili, guilty, but his fate was not
specified. In the reign of Ghazan, even though the government was now
officially Muslim and therefore subject to Islamic law, the yarghu courts
continued their work, and even top officials sought redress from their
decisions. One case involved the chief accountant, or mustawfi, of Fars
province suing the Sheikh al-Islam, who was also an immensely rich busi-
nessman, of embezzlement. Al-Tibi, the venerated sheikh, demanded that
Ghazan himself conduct the yarghu hearing, and on November 8, 1296,
the court sat to consider its verdict. The ruling went against al-Tibi, and he
was summarily executed the following day.20
Why this case is noteworthy is that it demonstrates the confidence that
the leading 'ulama retained in this system of law and the fact that they rec-
ognized its validity and were prepared to use it in their personal disputes.
Generally speaking, the yarghu proceedings were protracted and complex,
but in cases in which the head of state was involved, matters were dealt
with summarily. The historian and government accountant (mustawfi)
Wassaf, writing from Shiraz over the first three decades of the fourteenth
century, recounted another case heard before the Il-Khanid Sultan Oljeitu
(ruled 1304-16) in which Tal al-Din Gur Surkhi accused the grand vizier,
Rashid al-Din, of embezzlement. The case went against the plaintiff, and
Rashid al-DIn's name was cleared. Tal al-DIn was executed, and some of
his fellow plaintiffs were bastinadoed. Again, however, what is significant
about this case is that the plaintiff obviously had enough faith in the sys-
tem to risk his life bringing serious charges against one of the most power-
ful figures in the state. In this case also both plaintiff and defendant were
Persians, not Mongols, though Wassaf cast doubt on whether Tal al-DIn
was Muslim, despite the honorific al-Din.
More light is cast on the nature of the yarghu courts during the later
Il-Khanid period by the accountant and historian Mohammad ibn
Hindushah Nakhchivani in his report on the internal affairs and work-
ings of the Il-Khanid government, Dastur al-Katib, completed circa 1366.
Nakhchivani stated that the Chinggisid innovators of the yarghu system
had been scrupulous in ensuring that its decrees be based on truth (rasti),
and that justice and equity ('add va en$af) would reach the utmost degree
(moddrij, maratib).21 The Mongols created their own sharia, according to
Hindushah Nakhchivani, based on the yasa of Chinggis Khan and on the
precedent of former yarghu decrees and yarghuchis. One clear influence
from the early years of the yasa and the emerging yarghu courts was the
idea of reconciliation. Judgments were passed, and a yarghu-ndmeh was
issued to the party deemed by the court to be in the right. There mat-
ters stood unless the other party caused further trouble, in which case the
aggrieved party was able to appeal to the court again to force the other
party to pay the penalty specified in the yarghu-ndmeh.
Though the sharia courts had lost all preeminence, there was
Qadis no attempt to abolish them, and tax concessions were granted
to the leaders of the religious communities. Because there were
not enough qualified officials to administer the emerging new legal sys-
tem, the old courts and their cadre could still be employed. Qadis (Islamic
judges) were still appointed by the central government, and the chief
qadi, the qadi al-qudat, remained an important figure with considerable
influence. During the reign of the Il-Khan Geikhatu (ruled 1991-95) the
post was held by the brother of the prime minister. The appointment of
a joint leadership of two leading clerics was not uncommon, and there is
evidence that the position was farmed out to the highest bidder. Rashid
al-DIn claimed that the position of qadi al-qudat was secured through
bribery and flattery during the tenure of Geikhatu's sahib diwan, Sadr al-
Dm KhalidI, though the idea of corruption among the leading clergy was
hardly a new idea. The 'ulama had long been viewed with considerable
skepticism by various contemporary observers and commentators, and
this view continued under the Il-Khanate. The noted Sufi and acclaimed
poet and thinker Daya, Najm al-DIn RazI, complained of the moral decline
among the 'ulama of his day.
With Ghazan's conversion to Islam in 1295 and the adoption of Islam
as the state religion, the legal world was neither traumatized nor radical-
ized, and other than cosmetic changes little was different. A yarligh (edict)
issued by Ghazan stated that a provincial qadi must be accorded the privi-
leges and exemptions laid down in the great yarligh of Chinggis Khan.
The yasa of Chinggis Khan, elusive though its reality might be, remained
paramount. The question of the nature of Ghazan's conversion and how
profound it was has long been a controversial question and a subject of
debate. From the legal point of view its impact was cosmetic and qadis
remained state appointed and subject to state control.
The regulations that regulated the practices of the qadis under Ghazan
were strict and designed to prevent corruption and financial abuse or
exploitation. Rashid al-DIn predictably painted a very unflattering pic-
ture of the behavior of qadis before the implementation of his reforms. His
reforms forbade them from accepting payments from plaintiffs or for writ-
ing legal documents. Scribes received payment for drawing up legal docu-
ments according to a strict scale. Their powers were curbed by a strangely
ambiguous piece of legislation. Ghazan issued a yarligh stating that all pro-
vincial rulers, such as maliks, basqaqs, and governors, must refer all matters
pertaining to sharia affairs to the local qadis. However, it is also made clear
that these same government appointees, the basqaqs, maliks, and governors,
must summon the qadis to their courts and obtain a written undertaking
that the qadi would abide by the terms of all yarlighs issued by Ghazan.
TITLE D E E D S
One yarligh issued by Ghazan through his chief minister, Rashid al-
DIn, concerned land title deeds and stipulated that cases that had not
been preferred for 30 years were to be proclaimed null and void and the
deeds physically destroyed. In order to prevent the circulation of false
or invalid documents, all sharia courts were to have tds-ic adl (bowls of
justice) installed. Documents to be annulled were soaked in these bowls
of water, and the ink was washed away permanently. New documents
were then drawn up. Officials and ledgers were ordered installed in all
courts, though provincial courts had to coordinate their work with the
court officials in the capital cities where records could be checked and
a master ledger maintained. Rashid al-DIn wrote in detail about these
reforms, about the problems of implementation, and recorded a wealth of
anecdotal records. He notes that qadis were forbidden to hear cases while
supporters of the plaintiff were present in court. Punishments (taczir)
laid down for contravening these new regulations could be bizarre. One
penalty involved the guilty party having his beard shaved off and being
paraded around the town on a donkey.
A diwdn-i-mazdlim, a court of grievances against government officials,
was held two days a month in the Friday mosque and was presided over
by the shahna, malik, bitikchi, qadi, or 'ulama. Cases involving a Mongol and
a Muslim, government officials, or that were generally considered difficult
to resolve were heard by the mazalim court. In practice, according to the
Dastiir al-Katib of Hindushah, the mazalim court was usually headed by an
amir ulus, a military governor of a province.
A famous case in which the yasa was cited as justification of expropriation
of land and the sharia invoked to resist these claims involved the powerful
Mongol Emir Chopan. During Oljeitli's reign (1304-16) Emir Chopan laid
claim to all the property belonging to a lady, Naz Khatun, on the grounds
that her father had been captured during the siege of Baghdad in 1258 and
had been declared war booty along with all his considerable landhold-
ings. Chopan, claiming ownership of this war booty, attempted to eject
many landowners from their estates because the titles to their lands fell
under the title ownership of Naz Khatun. Under sharia law this would
not be allowed. Oljeitli's minister Taj al-DIn cAli Shah resolved the matter
by granting Chopan ownership of a province in Anatolia in return for his
renunciation of any rights to the lands of Naz Khatun.
A document referred to in the Dastur al-Katib allowed for the establish-
ment of a new court that would reconcile the ambiguities and conflicts
between the yarghu courts and the sharia courts. The office of arbitrator of
the empire was created to decide cases according to custom, sharia, and
justice (ma'dalat). All cases involving disputes between a governor and the
peasants or ordinary citizens were heard by a court convened by this arbi-
trator of the empire. His salary was paid by the central government, and
the plaintiff was also expected to contribute something if possible. It is not
certain whether this court ever actually sat, but the fact that the need for
such an institution was felt is indicative of the problems with the existing
situation.
Village qadis had very restricted powers, and they were primarily con-
cerned with marriage documentation and the issuance of bonds connected
with inheritance, hujjatha-ye-furud. They were also responsible for ensur-
ing that the khutba be read out in the right name and the right order. They
were not authorized to issue title deeds or decisions without specific per-
mission, and any such legal work that might be undertaken had to be care-
fully written down and submitted to a higher authority. Reliable clerks
were appointed for such bookkeeping, and a daily record, a ruz-nameh,
had to be kept up-to-date at all times, especially in matters pertaining to
property.
Through the offices of Rashid al-DIn, Ghazan issued draft copies of various
legal documents with the idea of creating a uniform legal system through-
out his lands. Drafts of these documents are still extant because copies were
included in Rashid al-DIn's Compendium of Chronicles. Very few actual legal
documents have survived from the Il-Khanid years, however, which might
suggest that many of Ghazan's reforms and legal edicts remained purely
theoretical and were never implemented.
During the Il-Khanid period, therefore, both the sharia and the yarghu
courts existed and functioned and often complemented each other.
Whereas the sharia remained unchanged but generally subservient
to the yarghu, the yarghu courts were in a state of permanent develop-
ment and change and adapted themselves to the changing social mores
and conditions. The legal institutions in Iran under the Il-Khans never
reached the sophistication and elaborate complexity of the Yiian judi-
ciary, but this may partly be because, with the widespread recognition
and use of sharia rulings and precedents, there was no need for new
codes.
NOTES
1. Ala-ad-Din 'Ata-Malik Juvaini, The History of the World Conqueror, trans. John
Press, 1997), 25.
2. R. A. Skelton, T.E. Marston, and George D. Painter, The Vinland Map and the
Tartar Relation (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1995), 97-98.
3. Maulana Juzjani, Minhaj-ud-Din Abu 'Umar-i-Usman, Tabakat-i-Nasiri:
A General History of the Muhammadan Dynasties of Asia; from 810-1260 A.D. And The
Irruption of the Infidel Mughals into Islam, trans. H.G. Raverty (reprint, Calcutta:
Asiatic Society, 1995), 1078-79.
4. Rashid al-Din, Rashiduddin Fazlullah Jami 'u' t-Tawarikh: Compendium of
Chronicles, trans. W.M. Thackston (Cambridge, Mass.: Sources of Oriental Lan-
guages & Literature 45, Central Asian Sources, Harvard University, 1998), 510-11.
5. W. W. Rockhill, ed. and trans., The Journey of William of Rubruck to the
Eastern Parts of the World, 1253-55, as Narrated by Himself, with Two Accounts of the
Earlier Journey of John of Plan de Carpine (London: Hakluyt Society, 1900), Internet
version.
6. Ssu-k'u ch'uan-shu tsung-mu t'i-yao, 83:2b cited in Paul Heng-chao Ch'en,
Chinese Legal Tradition under the Mongols: The Code of 1291 as Reconstructed
(Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1979), 32.
7. Ch'en, Chinese Legal Tradition, 46.
8. Marco Polo, The Travels of Marco Polo, trans. Teresa Waugh (London: Sidge-
wick and Jackson, 1994), 131.
10. Ibid., 54.
11. Ibid., 55.
12. Ibid., 56.
13. Ibid., 58.
14. Ibid., 62.
15. Ibid.
of Marco Polo, available at: http://www.gutenberg.net.
Press, 1997), 25.
19. Ibn al-Tiqtaqa, cited by Etan Kohlberg, A Mediaeval Muslim Scholar at Work:
Ibn Tawwus and his Library (Leiden: Brill, 1992), 10; A.K.S. Lambton, Continuity
and Change in Medieval Persia: Aspects of Administrative, Economic, Social History in
llth-14th Century Persia (London: Taurus, 1988), 249, n. 119.
20. Lambton, Continuity and Change, 335; Wassaf, 268.
21. Nakhchavani, Dastilr al-Katib, 30.
11
WOMEN AND T H E M O N G O L S
T R A D I T I O N A L ROLES
Women's role in Turco-Mongol society was ambiguous. On the one hand
they often held considerable power both within the family and the com-
munity, but on the other hand they would appear to have sometimes been
treated as just another commodity for barter or exchange. Men acquired
wives as they might horses or cattle, and the richer and more powerful
the man the more wives he would have. For the average Mongol herds-
man, however, one wife was all he could afford, and the small nuclear
family was the norm. Even among the rich and powerful there would be
a chief wife whose sons would continue the bloodline, and her status was
assured and greatly respected. The other wives would be subservient to
her, though often the different wives, especially among the elite, would
have their own ordus and retinues. Only the sons of Chinggis's chief wife,
Borte, were considered for succession. On the death of the husband the
lesser wives would be inherited by the sons, and another husband would
be sought for the chief wife. Hulegu Khan (died 1265), ruler of Mongol
Iran, inherited his chief and favorite wife, Dokuz Khatun, from his father,
Tolui, youngest son of Chinggis Khan. However, it was not unknown for a
wife to remain unattached after the death of her husband, as the example
of the many powerful Mongol women demonstrates.
It is also often forgotten that though women were sometimes treated
as chattel, men were not necessarily treated any better. Life could be very
hard on women, but generally men fared no better, and there was often
equality in hardship.
FAMILY M A K E U P
The average Mongol family would not consist of more than two genera-
tions of adults, and the norm would be the two parents and their unmar-
ried children. Common to many Eurasian families, the youngest son
would continue to live with the family after his marriage because it was
the youngest son who would inherit the homestead.
For the most part the women of the Mongol empire led a hard life, shar-
ing most of the hardships but few of the pleasures with their men folk.
Mongol women had the right to own property and to divorce, but full
equality was far from a reality. In fact Mongol society was obviously a soci-
ety in which some women were more equal than others, as a mission of
Franciscan friars observed on a journey to the Mongol Empire in 1245-47.
[The Mongols] have as many wives as they can afford, and generally buy them,
so that except for women of noble birth they are mere chattels. They marry anyone
they please, except their mother, daughter, and sister from the same mother. When
their father dies, they marry their step-mother, and a younger brother or cousin
marries his brother's widow. The wives do all the work, and make shoes, leather
garments, and so on, while the men make nothing but arrows, and practice shoot-
ing with bows. They compel even boys three or four years old to the same exercise,
and even some of the women, especially the maidens, practice archery and ride as
a rule like men. If people are taken in adultery and fornication, man and woman
alike are slain.1
The friars were no apologists for the Mongols, and other reports sug-
gest that women generally enjoyed more equitable treatment within the
tribe. After Chinggis Khan's first wife, Borte, was kidnapped, Chinggis
spared no effort to get her back, and once safely within his ordu (camp),
she resumed her position of chief wife, and her unborn child, Chinggis's
firstborn, Jochi, was later awarded the respect due to the firstborn son of
the Great Khan despite his questionable parentage.
W O M E N ' S WORK
Though women participated in all aspects of Mongol life, there were tasks
in particular that were assigned exclusively to them. They were generally
expected to drive the large wagons, so essential for these nomadic tribes,
on which the family placed all their tents, dwellings, and household goods.
William of Rubruck, the cleric who traveled among the Mongols between
1253 and 1255, claimed that one woman would drive as many as 30 con-
nected wagons. One noble's dwelling could demand 200 wagons, and one
noble with many wives could possess many dwellings. Because the terrain
was relatively flat many wagons could be lashed together in sequence. The
woman driver would sit on the front ox- or camel-driven wagon, and the
rest would follow. If the terrain became difficult, the animals with their
Women and the Mongols 229
i n d i v i d u a l w a g o n s could quite easily be separated a n d led one at a time.

W o m e n w o u l d also load a n d u n l o a d the w a g o n s themselves.
W h e n c a m p w a s struck, it w a s the w o m a n ' s d u t y to s a d d l e the h o r s e s
a n d a p p o r t i o n the packs a n d loads to the camels a n d horses. W h e n a suit-
able site for a c a m p w a s decided, it w a s the w o m e n w h o w e r e expected to
erect the tents a n d dwellings. The dwellings w e r e pitched w i t h the door-
w a y facing south, the m a s t e r ' s couch at the far e n d of the tent or yurt, a n d
his wife's o n the east side to her h u s b a n d ' s left. The wife w o u l d place her
o w n doll-like felt effigy o n the wall over her h e a d . By the entrance to the
dwelling o n the w o m a n ' s side w a s placed a n o t h e r effigy. This effigy u s e d a
cow's u d d e r a n d w a s considered protection for the w o m a n , the cow milker.
O n the m a n ' s side of the d o o r there w a s placed a mare's u d d e r because this
r e p r e s e n t e d men's responsibilities for m a k i n g k o u m i s s (fermented mare's
milk). Each wife w o u l d h a v e her o w n residence, called curia, w h i c h m i g h t
include a smaller dwelling, placed b e h i n d , for her m a i d s . The chief wife
w o u l d pitch h e r curia at the w e s t e r n m o s t end, a n d the others w o u l d t h e n
position their o w n dwellings accordingly, "a space of one stone's t h r o w
b e t w e e n [them]," 2 until the last wife w o u l d h a v e her o w n tent or y u r t
at the eastern e n d of the c a m p . William of R u b r u c k is n o t alone w h e n
h e stated that these family units r e s e m b l e d small cities w h e n they w e r e
finally assembled, t h o u g h h e a d d s that a n absence of m e n w a s noticeable
w i t h i n their confines.
It is the duty of the women to drive the carts, get the dwellings on and off
them, milk the cows, make butter and gruit, and to dress and sew skins,
which they do with a thread made of tendons. They divide the tendons
into fine shreds, and then twist them into one long thread. They also sew
the boots, the socks and the clothing. They never wash clothes, for they
say that God would be angered thereat, and that it would thunder if they
hung them up to dry. They will even beat those they find washing them.
Thunder they fear extraordinarily; and when it thunders they will turn
out of their dwellings all strangers, wrap themselves in black felt, and thus
hide themselves till it has passed away. Furthermore, they never wash their
bowls, but when the meat is cooked they rinse out the dish in which they are
about to put it with some of the boiling broth from the kettle, which they
pour back into it. They also make the felt and cover the house.
The men make bows and arrows, manufacture stirrups and bits, make
saddles, do the carpentering on (the framework of) their dwellings and
the carts; they take care of the horses, milk the mares, churn the cosmos
or mare's milk, make the skins in which it is put; they also look after the
camels and load them. Both sexes look after the sheep and goats, some-
times the men, other times the women, milking them.
They dress skins with a thick mixture of sour ewe's milk and salt.
When they want to wash their hands or head, they fill their mouths with
water, which they let trickle on to their hands, and in this way they also
wet their hair and wash their head.
As to their marriages, you must know that no one among them has
a wife unless he buys her; so it sometimes happens that girls are well
past marriageable age before they marry, for their parents always keep
them until they sell them. They observe the first and second degrees of
consanguinity, but no degree of affinity ; thus (one person) will have at
the same time or successively two sisters. Among them no widow mar-
ries, for the following reason : they believe that all who serve them in
this life shall serve them in the next, so as regards a widow they believe
that she will always return to her first husband after death. Hence this
shameful custom prevails among them, that sometimes a son takes to
wife all his father's wives, except his own mother; for the ordu of the
father and mother always belongs to the youngest son, so it is he who
must provide for all his father's wives who come to him with the paternal
household, and if he wishes it he uses them as wives, for he esteems not
himself injured if they return to his father after death. When then anyone
has made a bargain with another to take his daughter, the father of the
girl gives a feast, and the girl flees to her relatives and hides there. Then
the father says: "Here, my daughter is yours: take her wheresoever you
find her." Then he searches for her with his friends till he finds her, and
he must take her by force and carry her off with a semblance of violence
to his house.
Milking the cows, though not the koumiss-yielding mares, was consid-
ered women's work as well as making butter and curds. Both men and
women tended the sheep and goats and both would on occasion milk these
animals. Skin curing and leather preparation was a task left to the women
as was shoemaking and the stitching and manufacture of all leather gar-
ments. Women also made other clothes such as socks and jerkins.
STATUS
Women generally enjoyed a high status in Mongol society and were
involved in most aspects of life, including battle, along with their men
folk. This is apparent when even a cursory look at the genealogical tables
of the Mongol Great Khans reveals extended periods when women effec-
tively ruled over the whole empire. Between 1241 and 1246 the Great
Khan Ogodei's widow, Toregene, ruled as regent, and between 1248 and
1251 the Great Khan Giiyuk's widow, Oghul Ghaymish, became regent
until Mongke was installed as the new Great Khan. After Chinggis Khan's
youngest son, Tolui, died (1231-32), his formidable wife Sorghaghtani
Beki resisted attempts to remarry her to Ogodei's son Gliylik. Instead she
ruled her late husband's domains herself, and eventually she was able
to successfully promote her own sons as heirs to the Mongol throne. In
Mongol women's traditional dress, Hohhut Museum.

Turkistan (central Asia) the Chaghataid homelands were long ruled by the
widow of Chinggis's second son, Chaghatai.
The high status women enjoyed in Mongol society found reflection in
the lands under their control, and both the Iranian provinces of Shiraz
and Kirman experienced extended periods of rule by powerful women.
Qutlugh Terkan Khatun (ruled 1257-83) of Kirman maintained close
personal, political, and cultural links with her Mongol overlords in the
Iranian Mongol capital of Maragheh during her two decades of rule over
this southern Persian province. The period she resided over as queen is
considered a golden age in Kirman's history. Her namesake in the neigh-
boring province of Shiraz, though not as illustrious nor so well regarded
nor indeed so long-serving, was a powerful female monarch and reflected
the Mongol influence on the society of the time.
The women whose biographies are examined later in this chapter are
of course not typical, but their names, details of their lives, and their
achievements would have been known and discussed by women in more
mundane circumstances. These women would have inspired, and if they
were not role models they were dream models for more ordinary women.
Though the women examined led extraordinary lives, their lives illustrate
attitudes to women and the potential allowed to women in an essentially
patriarchal society. There are many aspects of Mongol society that con-
trasted with the sedentary societies on its borders. One of these is the role
and status of women. In both China and Persia women faced far more
oppression and lack of basic freedom than their sisters on the steppe.
Women on the steppe endured a hard and at times harsh existence, but
they shared this hardship with their men, and they faced their problems
together on an equal footing. This was not the case in the urbanized soci-
eties outside the Eurasian steppe, and when the Mongol hordes swept
southward and westward this contrast between the status of the women
in the two societies came to the fore. This medieval clash of civilizations
was not as dramatic as might have been expected, however. Prior to the
irruption of the Mongols, cultural exchange and integration had already
been taking place. In city-states such as existed in Kirman, the ruling fam-
ily were Persianized Turks only one generation from the steppe. Turanian
women had already settled into an Iranian court. Within two generations
a Turkish queen had exchanged the saddle for a throne and the golden age
of Kirman was presided over by a woman.
The women whose lives are now to be presented are Mongol and
Turco-Mongol women who achieved greatness and gave hope, pride, and
encouragement to the women who toiled over the pots, babies, and horses
back in the ordu. Though a woman could not formally become Great Khan,
women effectively achieved the highest office not infrequently at the local,
regional, and highest imperial level.
These periods when women acted as regents, ruling the vast Mongol
Empire, have often been dismissed merely as interludes in the main march
of male-dominated Mongol history, but a closer examination of their reigns
and the role these women played along with the influence they wielded
suggests otherwise. Both Temujin's mother and first wife were strong-
willed, independent-minded women.
HO'ELUN
Ho'ellin entered the Borjigin clan and became Yesligei's wife in true
Mongol fashion. During a falconry trip with his two brothers, Yesligei
returned with more than the usual hunting trophies. He kidnapped and
returned home to his yurt with a young woman from the Ongirrat tribe,
part of the larger Merkit confederacy. Though she was already married to
a Merkit man, Chiledu, whom she dearly loved, Yesligei made Ho'elun his
Mongol Khatun on the shores of Lake Sayram, north

of Yingin in the Heavenly Mountains, Tian Shan.
wife, and she eventually bore him four sons. She was a fortunate choice
because when the family was still young, Temujin's father died, believed
poisoned by his archrivals and enemies the Tatars. Following traditional
Mongol custom, Temujin himself had been named after a slain Tatar chief
whom his father had killed in battle. The Tatars exacted their revenge and
Ho'ellin soon found herself abandoned by family from both sides with five
small children to rear. "The deep waters have dried up, the sparkling stone
has shattered." Temujin was too young to lead the clan, and for reasons
yet to be explained the Borjigin tribe in which Yesligei had been a leading
chieftain deprived the stricken family of most of their possessions and cast
them out on the steppe in the area around the source of the Onon River.
In addition to this, eight of their nine horses were stolen by thieves just as
they were about to begin their sorry exile. The children became proficient
in hunting and fishing from necessity. One of Temujin's first prizes was the
retrieval of those rustled horses, which with a lifelong friend, Bogorju, he
hunted down and reclaimed.
It was Ho'ellin's tenacity and perseverance that held the family together
through those hard and, for Temujin, formative years. His mother had a
profound influence on her son, and her admirable qualities and character
had long been recognized by friend and foe alike. The Secret History of the
Mongols depicts her grubbing for fruit and roots in the forests that flanked
the Burkhan Khaldun range, a sharpened juniper stick to hand, or fishing
along the banks of the Onon, her skirts hoisted around her waist, but all
the while with her aristocrat's hat planted firmly and proudly on her head.
During those lean years Temujin would have tasted poverty and smelled
destitution.
With wild onions and garlic

The sons of the noble mother were nourished
Until they became rulers.
The sons of the patient noble mother
Were reared on elm-seeds,
And became wise men and law-givers.
The Secret History of the Mongols, translated by Urgunge Onon
BORTE FUJIN
There is no evidence of any romantic love between Chinggis and his
chief wife, Borte, though he afforded her the greatest respect and lis-
tened to her advice throughout their lives. It was believed that she pos-
sessed special skills in magic and witchcraft, an art the Mongols believed
resided within women in general. It was her lively face and flashing eyes
that had first attracted the attention of Temujin's father, and he decided
that she would be a suitable partner for his young son even though she
was a year older than Temujin. Borte was a member of the Boskur, a
subtribe of the leading Onggirat clan who pastured east of Lake Buir.
The condition for the marriage was that Temujin should live with his
in-laws, a widespread practice among the nomadic tribes at that time.
Because the boy was only eight at the time of his betrothal, however, this
condition was for a future date. Unfortunately it was after concluding
the marriage negotiations that Yesligei made that fateful trip home dur-
ing which he encountered the Tatars who secretly and fatally poisoned
his drink.
The marriage was consummated some seven years later when Temujin
was 15. Borte brought a black sable cloak as her dowry, which she pre-
sented to her mother-in-law, Ho'eliin. When news spread over the steppe
that Temujin had brought home a new bride, however, the Merkits decided
that the time was ripe to exact revenge for the abduction many years
before of Temujin's mother, Ho'eliin. When 300 Merkit horsemen attacked
his camp, Temujin made provision for most of his family to escape, but
because they were short of horses he decided that his new bride, Borte,
was expendable, and he abandoned her hidden beneath a cart. This inci-
dent has never been conclusively explained and would appear to paint
Temujin in an extremely negative light as very selfish or coldly calculating.
If at this early stage he already felt the heavy hand of history on his shoul-
ders, as has been suggested, then saving himself had to take precedence
over everything else. He more probably calculated that if a confrontation
had been forced and a battle had been entered into then all would have
perished. If Borte had shared a horse, she would have handicapped one
of their party and ensured that they were pursued by the Merkit raiders.
However, by leaving her behind, he and his followers, including Ho'eliin,
were able to escape, and Borte served as a decoy and distraction and the
Merkits were unlikely to kill her. He would get his own revenge and res-
cue his wife at a later date.
The outcome of this story was to have long and deep repercussions that
were to reverberate down through the rest of the turbulent history of the
Mongol Empire. Borte was eventually rescued and restored to her former
position of honor as Temujin's chief wife. However, not long after she was
snatched back from the Merkits, circa 1184, she gave birth to Temujin's
firstborn son, Jochi, and questions about his parentage have persisted from
that time hence. Rashid al-DIn, as court historian of the House of Tolui,
staunch allies of the House of Jochi, made up some implausible story about
the abduction to silence any doubts that might be cast on Jochi's origins
and to preserve Borte's honor. The Secret History of the Mongols recorded
matter of factly that Borte was given as a wife to Chilger-boko, younger
brother of the deceased Chiledu from whom Ho'eliin had been taken. That
there were doubts about Jochi's paternity is indisputable even though the
sources are either silent or circumspect about the matter, and because of
this the rulers of the House of Jochi remained kingmakers rather than
kings themselves, and the throne of the Great Khan was forever beyond
their powerful reach. Chinggis Khan never alluded to these doubts con-
cerning his firstborn, and there is no evidence that he was treated any
differently from Chinggis's other sons as would accord with Mongol
custom. However, some have read significance into Jochi's name, which
means "visitor" or "guest" in Mongolian, a point others have explained
by the fact that the family were at the time all guests at the ordu of Jamuka,
Temujin's anda (blood brother).
Chinggis Khan defended his wife's honor and reputation until the end,
as is evinced in the Secret History's account of the fierce fight between
Jochi and his brother Chaghatai over the succession. When Chaghatai
voiced doubts over Jochi's paternity, screaming out at one stage, "How
could we let ourselves be governed by a Merkit foundling?," their father
implored his sons to consider their mother, reminding them that she had
been forced to go with the Merkits, and warning them that they would
"harden the heart of butter" of their "wise mother" and "sour her heart of
milk." He admonished them and emphasized that they had been born of
the same "hot womb" and again warned them that if their "mother who
had borne [them] from her heart has cause to be ashamed her love will
cool," and should they "try to soothe her it will not work." 3 Borte died
between 1219 and 1224 on the beautiful Avarga steppe in the vicinity of
the Kherlen River.
TOREGENE K H A T U N
According to Rashid al-DIn, Toregene, Ogodei's widow, was "no great
beauty but of a very masterful nature," whereas Juwayni, no great fan
of the lady, described her as a "shrewd and capable" woman who had
acquired power through "finesse and cunning." Both men, Muslim and
Persian, reluctantly acknowledged her authority and status. Bar Hebraeus
(died 1286), the Christian cleric, scholar, and historian, described her as
"exceedingly wise and discreet." As early as 1240 her authorization as
Yeke Khatun (Great Lady), along with the seal of Ogodei, appears on
an edict ordering the printing of Taoist texts, reflecting her interest in
religion and education as well as her ability and determination to exer-
cise power.
This determination to achieve her own ends regardless of the views
of others was made brutally clear through her maneuvers to have her
quarrelsome and arrogant son Gliylik proclaimed Great Khan. This was
against the wishes of her dead husband, Ogodei, and of the many who
feared and hated Gliylik. Immediately following Ogodei's death, Rashid
al-DIn reported that Toregene Khatun,
making full use of all the arts of diplomacy, seized possession of the kingdom
without consulting aqa and ini [family] and wooed the hearts of kinsfolk and emirs
with all manner of gifts and presents until they all inclined toward her and came
under her control.4
Her immediate aim was to install Gliylik instead of her husband's

choice, his grandson Shiremiin. Even though there was a general consen-
sus that Shiremiin was too young to take up the reins of office, Gliylik
was unpopular, and the requisite numbers of nobles and princes from
the Golden family for a quorum at the quriltai summoned by Toregene
failed to materialize. Thwarted but undaunted, Toregene as unopposed
regent began to accrue authority and power. She was not Ogodei's senior
wife, but none opposed her assumption of the throne because she was the
mother of the eldest son. Once installed she lost no time in securing her
position and replaced senior ministers and administrators with "a crowd
of fools" whose loyalty she could depend upon. "Make haste, for time
is a trenchant sword" as Juwayni commented. Those who had slighted
her during her husband's reign now paid the price for their indiscretion.
Rashid al-DIn claims that "she resolved, now that she was absolute ruler,
to wreak vengeance upon each of those persons."
To help her in her new position Toregene appointed a woman whose
end was as gruesome as her reputation. Fatima Khatun had established
herself as a procuress in the bazaar at Qaraqorum where she excelled "in
the arts of shrewdness and cunning" so much so that "the wily Delilah
could have been her pupil." 5 The prudish implication seems to be that
Fatimah supplied the rich and idle with concubines, doxies, and rent boys.
She doubtless soon became privy to much scandal and court gossip, all of
which would have made her very valuable to one seeking to extend her
power and influence at the top. She insinuated herself into the royal circles
of the capital and eventually into Toregene's ordu where she quickly made
herself indispensable. She became "the sharer of intimate confidences
and the depository of hidden secrets" and also exercised political muscle
being "free to issue commands and prohibitions," whereas older "minis-
ters were debarred from executing business." As a result she aroused the
intense hatred of those surrounding Toregene.
One of Fatimah Khatun's first targets was the legendary Mahmud
Yalavach whom Ogodei had appointed sahib diwan (first minister), a man of
immense power and prestige. She replaced Yalavach with a man of dubious
ability and reputation, Abd al-Rahman, and ordered his arrest. However,
Yalavach had been informed of events and was prepared when the envoys
arrived with instructions to bind him. He welcomed the envoys with great
civility, honor, and hospitality, generously plying them with food and
particularly drink. When they were thoroughly relaxed and beginning to
enjoy themselves, the eminent Yalavach slipped away and sought refuge
at the court of Koten, another son of Toregene. He found there another
refugee, Chinqai, also a chief minister of Ogodei, who had earned the ire
of Toregene and her nefarious confidant Fatimah. Koten defied his mother
and refused to surrender his guests. His terse reply relayed to his mother:
The kite that takes refuge in a thicket from the talons of the falcon is safe from its
fury. These too have sought sanctuary with us and touched the skirt of our author-
ity To send them back is forbidden by the code of magnanimity and humanity and
is remote from the practice of generosity and liberality.6
As news of this crackdown spread, others also took flight, including

Mahmud Yalavach's son, the emir Mas c ud Beg, governor of Turkistan and
Transoxiana, who fled to the court of Batu Khan of the Golden Horde. Oth-
ers, like the Ogodei-appointed Uighur governor of Khorasan, Korgiiz, a
Muslim converted from Buddhism from the Christian town of Besh Baligh
(modern-day Urumqi, capital of Xinjiang Province, western China), were not
so fortunate. After his arrest Korgiiz underwent a traditional Mongol execu-
tion and had his mouth filled with stones, which resulted in a particularly
unpleasant and prolonged death.
Eventually Toregene Khatun's will prevailed, and by a mixture of threats,

charm, bribery, cajoling, intimidation, pleading, and dogged persistence
she achieved a quorum at a quriltai, and all there from the Golden family
agreed that Gliyuk of the House of Ogodei should assume the leadership
of the empire. However, in reality Toregene continued to rule as she had
before, and Gliylik "took no part in affairs of state." Her writ continued
until her death, and at least one observer has cast doubt on her having
had a natural demise. Minna] al-DIn Juzjani, a historian writing outside
the Mongol sphere of influence in Sind, hinted that others might have
hastened her departure from this world. "They sent Turakinah Khatun
to join Uktae [Ogodei] and raised his son to the throne of sovereignty;
but God knows the truth." Juzjani expressed more explicitly than Juwayni
and Rashid al-DIn the Persian hostility to an occurrence common in the
realms of Turko-Mongol dominance, of women wielding power. "[During
her rule] she displayed woman's ways, such as proceed from deficiency of
intellect and excess of sensuality." 7
When Toregene died a few months after Giiyiik's inauguration, her son
came into his own, and the first person he and many of those around him
cast the eye of revenge upon was the hated intimate, Fatimah Khatun.
Prince Koten, who had oftered protection to those fleeing the wrath of
Fatimah, had previously intimated that the woman's malignant magic
was the cause of his various physical ailments, so when he suddenly died,
suspicion conveniently fell on Fatimah Khatun. Without her royal pro-
tection and surrounded by adversaries whose loathing and hatred had
been honed by long and silent humiliation, Fatimah soon found herself
before Gliyiik charged with witchcraft and sorcery, by which means she
had brought about the sickness and death of Prince Koten. Her trial was
public and ugly. Stripped naked, she was beaten and tortured until "she
confessed to the calumny of a slanderous talebearer and avowed her false-
ness." 8 Her ending was particularly gruesome as Bar Hebraeus details in
his chronography. "They sewed up the openings in her body, the upper
and the lower, and they placed her in a cloth and cast her into the water
and she was drowned. And they also killed all her kinsfolk who had gath-
ered together about her." 9
OGHUL GHAYMISH KHATUN

Giiyiik's widow, Oghul Ghaymish Khatun (ruled 1248-51), assumed
the "throne of the world" upon her husband's death with the blessing
of the Mongol kingmaker, Batu Khan, and the other princes of the royal
household scattered over the vast empire. They endorsed her rule until
such time as a quriltai could be summoned and a new Qa'an appointed.
According to Juwayni, loyal to his rival house of Tolui and no admirer
of "uppity women," Oghul Ghaymish and her young sons busied them-
selves with intrigue and palace conniving, scheming away their future.
Juwayni quoted a tenth-century Samanid poet to describe the situation

under the last Ogodeid ruler.
Two things with which the ascetic can do nothing are the counsel of women and
the command of young men; As for women their inclination is towards passion,
and as for young men, they run with loose bridle.10
It had already been quietly decided before the quriltai had been sum-
moned that Giiyiik's successor should be Mongke Khan from the House
of Tolui rather than a son of Gliyiik from the House of Ogodei. Batu and
the formidable Sorghaghtani Beki, widow of Tolui Khan, sent messages to
Oghul Ghaymish pleading with her to attend the quriltai and to abide by
its decisions. Predictably, she did not, and the usual labels began to attach
themselves to her. The papal envoy, William of Rubruck, claimed that
Mongke Qa'an told him personally that Oghul Ghaymish was "the worst
of witches, and that with her sorcery she had destroyed her entire fam-
ily," charges that can also be found in the Chinese historical chronology
the Yuan Shih, whereas Juwayni referred to her spending most of the time
"closeted with her qan [shaman] carrying out their fantasies and absurdi-
ties." 11 She refused to recognize Mongke Khan (ruled 1251-59) and was
brought, her hands stitched in rawhide, to Mongke's mother's, Beki's, ordu
to face trial. Though stripped naked before the court, she remained defiant
and continued to claim the throne on behalf of the House of Ogodei, and
for this she was wrapped in felt and cast to her death in a river.
S O R G H A G H T A N I BEKI
The role of Beki, that is Sorghaghtani Beki (died 1252), wife of Tolui
and mother of Mongke, Qubilai, Hulegu, and Arigh Boqa, is noteworthy
in the case of Oghul Ghaymish. The unfortunate regent met her cruel end
in the ordu and under the ambitious eyes of Khatun Sorghaghtani Beki.
Sorghaghtani Beki was determined to see her sons and her family assume
the reins of imperial power, and her ruthless determination would coun-
tenance no opposition or hindrance.
Sorghaghtani Beki was born into the Kereit tribe, the youngest daugh-
ter of Ja-Gambu, who was brother of the Kereit ruler Toghril Ong-Khan,
whose support for Chinggis had been so crucial in the early years of the
Great Khan's career. After the final defeat of the Kereit, Chinggis awarded
his youngest son, Tolui, Sorghaghtani in marriage, and so began her for-
midable career, a career that earned her universal praise and admiration.
In the words of a contemporary poet, "And if all women were like unto
her, then would women be superior to men." 12 Her sister was married to
Jochi, which led to a lifetime alliance between the two houses.
With her husband, Tolui, constantly away campaigning, more than any
of the other sons of Chinggis Khan, Sorghaghtani Beki devoted her time
to her own sons, instilling in them her own passion for learning and an
appreciation for the values of sedentary society.
Thanks to her ability, when her sons were left by their father, some of them still
children, she went to great pains in their education, teaching them various accom-
plishments and good manners and never allowing the slightest sign of strife to
appear amongst them. She caused their wives also to have love in their hearts for
one another, and by her prudence and counsel [she] cherished and protected her
sons, their children and grandchildren, and the great emirs and troops that had
been left by Chingiz-Khan and Tolui Khan and were now attached to them. And
perceiving her to be extremely intelligent and able, they never swerved a hair's
breadth from her command.13
Rashid al-DIn's portrayal of Tolui as "a great winner of battles" who con-
quered more countries than any other prince might well be the ultimate
accolade for a Mongol man, but it does not suggest the perfect husband or
father. His sons grew up under the very strong influence of their mother,
especially after Tolui's premature death in 1231, brought about in true tra-
ditional Mongol fashion by excessive drinking.
After Tolui's untimely death, the Qa'an, Tolui's brother Ogodei, tried to
arrange a marriage for the widow with his son Giiylik, a union of aunt
with nephew. By this politically inspired marriage, he hoped to preempt a
power struggle following his death between the royal houses of the Ogo-
deids and the Toluids, a rivalry that was to ultimately rend the Mongols
apart. Sorghaghtani Beki diplomatically declined the gracious offer, plead-
ing that her responsibilities to the upbringing of her four sons outweighed
her natural desire to be wed with the eligible Giiylik.
Her sense of diplomacy and political sensitivity was a trait she encour-
aged in her sons. Though she was a Nestorian Christian, she patronized
both Buddhists and Taoists in order to win favor with her Chinese sub-
jects. She gave alms to poor Muslims, supported local Islamic leaders,
and contributed to the funding of mosques and madrassas, including the
Khaniyya of Bokhara. She donated 1,000 gold balish for the construction
of a khangah in the region of Bokhara at the tomb of the renowned Sufi
Sayf al-DIn Bakharzi. In the same year, 1250-51, she had the surrounding
villages bought and made into auqaf (plural waqf), a religious endowment
the charitable status of which brought various advantages to the villagers.
Her toleration of other faiths while at the same time quietly promoting
her own Christian beliefs endeared her to contemporary writers and com-
mentators throughout Eurasia and impressed her sons enough for them to
emulate her example. Bar Hebraeus, a leading Nestorian cleric, said of her
that "she was a Christian, sincere and true like [queen] Helena." 14
Sorghaghtani Beki earned her honored place in the history books because
of her work promoting her sons and ensuring the ascendancy of the House
of Tolui. She was instrumental in the "coup" of 1251 that saw her eldest son
Mongke firmly ensconced on the throne. It was her intelligence of Giiyiik's
perfidy relayed to Batu that put the kingmaker and lord of the Golden Horde
firmly in her debt. Gliylik had been an admirer and had even entrusted
Sorghaghtani with the distribution of gifts in his name, and she and her
agents had no problem gleaning intelligence from the Ogodeid camp. In
addition, with the support that she had enjoyed from the Qa'an, Ogodei,
and "in the care and supervision of her sons and in the management of their
affairs and those of the army and the ulus, [Sorghaghtani] laid the founda-
tions of such control as no turban-weaver was or could be capable of."15
Though we are largely dependant on pro-Toluid sources for the history
of this time, there can be little doubt that it was the widespread admi-
ration, trust, and support that Sorghaghtani Beki enjoyed that fueled
backing for Mongke during the vicious and bloody power struggle that
followed Giiyiik's death. Batu had called a quriltai in 1250 near Lake
Issykul in the Tian Shan (Mountains of Heaven), and Mongke was elected
Qa'an. However, this was boycotted by the Ogodeids on the grounds that
not only was it not held in Qaraqorum but it was held outside Mongolia
proper and therefore could not be deemed legitimate. It was Sorghagh-
tani Beki who devised an ingenious solution. Though she lacked access
to Qaraqorum, as widow of Chinggis Khan's youngest son, Tolui, she
controlled the heartlands of the empire where the founder of the empire
had been born, elected ruler, and was reputedly buried. No one could
refuse to attend a quriltai in such a sacred place or question the legiti-
macy of its location. A second election was duly held on July 1, 1251, and
the 43-year-old Mongke was proclaimed Qa'an. The day represented the
climax of Sorghaghtani Beki's life. Her sons and family were now des-
tined to rule over the empire. Unlike the sons of Chinggis, who had been
prone to drink and excess, her sons had had a stricter upbringing and
were trained and ready for the positions of power that awaited them.
Rashid al-DIn unequivocally recognized Sorghaghtani Beki's role in his
account of Mongke's succession.
After the death of Guyuk Khan most men were of one mind as to the entrusting of
the Khanate to her eldest son, Mongke Qa'an. And so she continued to conciliate
every side until the time when God Almighty, through the mediation of her experi-
ence, laid the bride of kingship in the bosom of Mongke Qa'an. And though she was
a follower and devotee of the religion of Jesus she made great efforts to declare the
rites of the law of Mustafa and would bestow alms and presents upon imams and
shaikhs. And the proof of this statement is that she gave 1,000 silver balish that a
madrasa might be built in Bukhara, of which the shaikh al-Islam Saif al-Din of Bakharz
(may God sanctify his noble spirit!) was to be administrator and superintendent; and
she commanded that villages should be bought, an endowment made, and teachers
and students accommodated [in the madrassa]. And always she would send alms to
all parts and dispense goods to the poor and needy of the Muslims. And she contin-
ued to tread this path until Dhu'l-Hijja of the year 649 [February-March 1252], when
she passed away. And God knows best and is most able to decide.16
In China her legacy spread indirectly though her influence on her son
Qubilai. Qubilai was born on September 23, 1215, the year his grandfa-
ther, Chinggis, seized what was to become the Yiian capital, Beijing [then
Zhongdu]. Sorghaghtani ensured that as well as the traditional Mongol

skills of riding, hunting, archery, and combat, her son was literate and edu-
cated, and to this end she recruited an Uyghur named Tolochu to teach him
Mongolian literary skills. Surprisingly, though a Chinese speaker, Qubilai
never mastered Chinese writing. Sorghaghtani had persuaded the Qa'an
Ogodei to grant her an appanage after her husband's, Tolui's, death, and
in 1236 she received lands in Chen-ting, today part of northern China's
Hebei province. In the same year Qubilai also received lands, the appa-
nage of Hsing-chou, which supported 10,000 households. His appanage
was close by the lands of his mother. His attitude was initially laissez-faire,
and he ignored the abuses by his administrators, who imposed crippling
taxes and demanded excessive labor services from the peasants and farm-
ers in the manner of any other absentee landlord. The result was a dramatic
exodus of farmers from his lands.
Qubilai's mother, Sorghaghtani, had recognized that this often brutal sup-
pression and exploitation of the peasants condoned by many of the new land-
owning Mongols was self-defeating, shortsighted, and usually disastrous for
the economy of the region. In her own appanage she encouraged the native
agrarian economy with no attempt at imposing the pastoral practices more
suited to Mongol nomads. Her wisdom was reflected in increased tax returns,
and the lesson was not lost on her son Qubilai, who as soon as he realized
the extent of the migration from his lands began taking a direct interest in
the administration of his appanage. He had many of the Mongol officials
immediately replaced with Chinese officials and dismissed his retainers,
replacing them with regular administrators who made up what he named
the an-ch'a shih, or Pacification Commission, a predominantly Chinese body.
Their first task was to draw up a system of regular taxation and the aboli-
tion of extraordinary levies with the aim of enticing the farmers back to
their lands, and by the early 1240s this policy could be seen to be working.
Sorghaghtani Beki left a more concrete form of immediate legacy in the
shape of the Parisian goldsmith Guillame Boucher and his exotic, idiosyn-
cratic works. On one of Batu's early campaigns in Europe, Prince Bochek, a
paternal half brother of Mongke, captured the French goldsmith, possibly
in Belgrade, and presented him to his father's chief wife, who resided with
her youngest son, Arigh Boqa. It was Boucher who designed and had man-
ufactured the elaborate silver drinking fountain that so amazed visitors to
the Mongol capital, including the papal envoy William of Rubruck. 17 On
Sorghaghtani's death, Arigh Boqa inherited not only his mother's estate
but also the renowned craftsman.
In the small, leafy market town of Maragheh, once capital of the Il-Khanid
state, hidden in a warren of buff, windowless backstreets in the playground
of a small girls' school can be found an ancient tomb tower still in reason-
able condition. It is known as the Tomb to the Mother of Hulegu Khan. In
fact, this obscure monument with its clear Saljuqid design features could
have been constructed as early as 1186 C.E., as the tomb tower beside it,
long before Sorghaghtani Beki's birth. However, its dedication to this illus-
trious woman is indicative of her enduring reputation and regard.
DOQUZ KHATUN
Doquz Khatun (died June 16,1265) was the last wife of Tolui Khan, who
upon her husband's death, according to Mongol tradition, passed to his
son. Hulegu inherited Doquz Khatun from his father but made her his
chief wife though not mother to his heirs. Despite having other wives who
were mothers to his heirs, her status as chief wife was never in question,
and she earned great praise and honor in her own right as well as for
being partner to the founder of the Il-Khanid dynasty of greater Iran.
Doquz Khatun was the granddaughter of Wang (Ong) Khan, leader of the
Nestorian Christian Kereit tribe whose pastures were based near present-
day Ulaanbaatar. After Wang Khan's defeat by Temujin in 1203 she was
given to the latter's youngest son, Tolui. The marriage was apparently not
consummated, and when Tolui died in 1233 she passed into the care of his
son Hulegu, who married her during his expedition to Persia in 1256-58. He
had considerable respect for her judgment, and she was able to intercede
for the Christians after the Mongol sack of Baghdad in 1258; she was also
instrumental in securing the election of Mar Denha as Nestorian catholicos
in 1265. The Great Khan Mongke, in his parting address to his brother, had
strongly advised Hulegu to heed the words and advice of Doquz Khatun
during his campaign in the west to establish stability and imperial rule
over Iran, Rum, and Syria. A mural found in a church in eastern Turkey
originally thought to depict Helen and Constantine is now thought more
likely to represent Hlilegii and the lady so beloved of the local Christians,
Doquz Khatun, complete with saintly halo. 18 A church with naqus (clap-
pers) was erected in her own ordu, and she encouraged the building of
churches throughout the realm. Naqus were used instead of bells in Eastern
Orthodox practice to summon the faithful to prayer. She survived Hulegu
by only four months; there is no evidence to support the thirteenth-century
Armenian historian Stephannos Orbelian's claim that she was poisoned by
the sahib diwan, Juwayni. 19
Although Doquz Khatun produced no children, Hulegu had offspring
from several concubines in her entourage, and her influence continued
to be felt; she helped to ensure the succession for his son Abaqa (ruled
1265-82). Indicative of her influence and the esteem in which she was
held is the frequency of references to Doquz Khatun that occur in sources.
Bar Hebraeus claims "she raised on high the horn of the Christians in all
the earth" and lamented the departure of "the believing Queen." 20 Two
Mamluk historians, certainly no apologists for the Mongols, recounted the
story of a young Ayyubid prince forced to present his father's submission
to the feared King of the World, Hulegu Khan. Also present at the audience
was Doquz Khatun who immediately attempted to put the eight-year-old
ambassador at ease. She was so taken with the young boy that she inquired
through an interpreter if the young prince would like to stay with her and
be adopted:
"I do not have a child, and this King is an old man, and no child will come from
him." AL-cAziz cUthman was silent and [then] said, "I want my mother and father."
Dokuz Khatun turned to Hulegu and spoke with him two words.21
The Armenian cleric and scholar Vardan Arewelc'i, who became the
queen's confidant and spiritual mentor, spoke of the grief of the Christians
when three months after destiny "broke the staff of the powerful, valiant,
and victorious Hulawu," the pious queen also died, leaving "the Christian
nations heart-broken with manifold distress and grief."22
The Armenian monk Grigor of Akanc, though writing around 1260-70,
based some of his history on hearsay, and some of this same hearsay can
be found in the royal Armenian historian Het'um. Both writers repeated
the fulsome praise of Hulegu's wife and recount her tireless work for the
Christians, but they went farther and make quite unfounded claims that
Doquz Khatun encouraged ill-treatment and harassment of her Muslim
subjects. Grigor claimed that pigs were taken from the Armenians as
annual tribute, and that from these, 2,000 pigs were sent to every Arab
city. These pigs were delivered with strict orders that the Muslim Arabs
were to feed them fodder every morning, almonds and dates every eve-
ning, and that every Saturday these same pigs were to be washed ready
for slaughter and eating. Every Muslim man was to eat the flesh of these
swine, with orders given that any who refused were to be decapitated.
Hetoum's claims were not so dramatic. He claimed that Doquz ordered
the rebuilding of all churches that had suffered damage at Muslim hands
and the destruction of "all the temples of the Saracens." He further claimed
that such was the oppression felt by the Muslims that they were fearful of
going outside. Though there is no evidence of any of this (in fact Mus-
lims fared well under the early Il-Khans) these reports were used by both
Christians and Muslims in subsequent centuries to promote their own
propaganda and their own interpretation of events at this time. Kirakos
reported that Doquz tried to dissuade her husband from lavishing money
and attention on magicians and soothsayers, but there are no other seri-
ous suggestions or evidence that, despite promoting her own faith, Doquz
showed any animosity to other religions.
KALMISH AQA
Kalmish Aqa was a granddaughter of Tolui through his third son,
Qutuqtu, born to his wife Linqum Khatun. She was married to and outlived
Salji'udai Gliragan (died 1301), who served in the Golden Horde, and as
such she served as a bridge between warring factions of the Golden fam-
ily. Toqta Noyan, ruler of the Golden Horde (ruled 1291-1312) held her
in high esteem, and she had the highest regard for Ghazan Khan (ruled
1295-1305) of Iran, with whom she kept in contact informing him of events
in the neighboring state. Her late husband's memory secured her posi-
tion in the court of the Golden Horde, and her Toluid blood ensured her
close ties with the Il-Khanate khans. She provided a much-needed line of
communication between the two rival houses. When Qubilai Khan's son
Nomoghan was seized by his cousins and taken prisoner to the court of
Mongke Temur (ruled 1267-80), ruler of the Golden Horde, it was Kalmish
who secured his release and ensured that he was returned with honor to
his father in China. Though she was a relatively minor figure and is rarely
mentioned in the history books, Kalmish's role in these affairs of state
reflects the importance given to women and the influence they wielded
even though it was often behind the scenes.
Q U T L U G H T E R K A N K H A T U N OF K I R M A N
Terkan Khatun, though a minor figure in the grand history of the Mon-
gol Empire, is significant for the light she throws on the Mongols' rela-
tionship to their subjects and as reflective of the status of women under
their rule. Women had always played a leading role in Mongol society,
and women from steppe societies in general enjoyed a higher status than
their cousins from the plateau lands to the south. Marriage alliances were
usually political, and remarriage was not uncommon. Terkan Khatun
effectively ruled the southern Iranian province of Kirman for 26 years,
from 1257 until 1283, and her reign is generally considered the golden age
of the rule of the Qutlugh-Khanids, rulers of the southern Iranian prov-
ince of Kirman for 85 years (1222-1307). Two generations from the steppes
of central Asia, this Turkic dynasty, especially under Terkan, bridged the
divide between the Mongol overlords and their Persian subjects.
Terkan Khatun's rise to fame is an epic story in itself. She was born into a
noble Khitai (central Asians of Turco-Mongol descent) family in Transoxiana
(modern-day Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan), but during the violent politi-
cal upheavals of the early thirteenth century, she was taken captive and sold
into slavery. She had a succession of wealthy masters who all fell in love
with her beauty and intelligence until finally she ended up with the Qut-
lugh Khan, Baraq Hajib (died 1235), the powerful ruler of Kirman. When he
died, following steppe tradition, not only his crown but also his wife went
to his son Qutb al-DIn. It was early recognized that his wife, Terkan Khatun,
held considerable influence over her husband, Qutb al-DIn, and when he
ascended the throne of Kirman in 1251 she was seen as the real power behind
the throne.
Terkan Khatun realized official power in 1257 upon the death of her hus-
band when she was proclaimed Qutlugh (an honorific meaning "fortunate
one") Terkan and regent for her young son Hajjaj Sultan. To cement her
position and spread her influence she sought political marriages both
for her son, Hajjaj, and her favorite daughter, Padeshah Khatun. Hajjaj
married the daughter of a leading member of the Mongol elite and gov-
ernor of Khorasan, Arghun Aqa, and Padeshah married the future Il-Khan
himself, Abaqa Khan, son of Hulegu Khan. Terkan Khatun ignored the
fact that her Muslim daughter was forbidden by Islamic law to marry a
non-Muslim, the Buddhist Abaqa. Qutlugh Terkan Khatun maintained
close links with the Il-Khanid court in Azerbaijan and enjoyed the Mongol
court's favor and support.
Terkan Khatun of Kirman was famed for her justice, the stability she
brought to the province, and her charitable works. Many stories are told
of her wise resolutions to the disputes that her subjects took before her. An
old man appeared before her to complain that his wealth and jewels had
gone missing from his house. When she learned that he had a young wife,
she ordered that some of her own special perfume be presented to the old
man as a gift for his young wife. She then ordered her night watchmen
to search the city and arrest anyone smelling of that distinctive perfume.
A young man was duly discovered and soon confessed to a liaison with
the wife. Threatened with punishment, he returned the old man's wealth,
the young wife was divorced and cast out with her lover, and the reputa-
tion of the Queen soared. Stories such as these and of her acts of charity
abounded and she was well regarded by all her subjects. As one contem-
porary chronicler, MunshI, expressed it:
She was a queen whose character was righteous, whose mystery was pure, whose
outer garments were modesty, whose insignia was chastity,... whose days were
resolute. She was the jeweled knot and springtime of the kings of the Qara Khita'i
of Kirman.23
PADESHAH KHATUN
Padeshah Khatun was Qutlugh Terkan's favorite daughter, and during
her upbringing she enjoyed all the comforts of Kirman's courtly life. This
life was far from the rough life of the steppe, even though for the Mon-
gol aristocracy of the second half of the thirteenth century, life in their
ordus had long since ceased to be incommodious or unpalatable. Palace
life had not eradicated a pining for her roots on the steppe, and she clearly
expressed her strong sentiments in verse, poetry being an unusual occu-
pation with which she has since become associated.
Although I am the child of a mighty Sultan

And the fruit of the garden that is the heart of the Turks,
I laugh at fate and prosperity,
But I cry at this endless exile.24
She had been promised in marriage to the new Il-Khan Abaqa (ruled
1265-82), but it was not until 1271-72 that her mother overcame her
misgivings about her beloved child becoming a minor wife in a Mongol

harem and the marriage was able to take place. Significantly, it was these
fears rather than the fact that her Muslim daughter would be marrying an
unbeliever, a union strictly forbidden in Islam, than caused her disquiet.
When a high-ranking ambassador, Qarghai Ilchi,25 arrived in Kirman from
Abaqa's ordu, Qutlugh Terkan realized that there was no alternative but to
obey the marriage request. However, she was most concerned as to how
her "delicate and sensitive," "proud and well-bred," "precious," "illustri-
ous," "exalted," "beloved" but "hot-tempered" "dainty coquette" 26 would
be able to deal with the rigors of harem life where she would have to
adapt to the dictates of Mongol customs and rules. The princess Padeshah
would invariably have to join Abaqa Khan's close relatives and older more
senior wives, to whom she would be expected to defer. One of her duties
would include presenting them with a vessel of wine and filling their
drinking goblets. Her mother was fearful that due to her hot temper and
great sensitivity she might not behave suitably submissive, and she won-
dered how such a "fragile girl" would manage to carry that demeaning
and heavy wine flagon. However, Qutlugh Terkan's fears were allayed
when her "divine guardian angels brought forth words of comfort" and
reminded her of when she had been in a similar situation in her own
troubled past and had faced a comparable dilemma and stressed that
eventually the circumstances had developed to the later benefit of both
mother and daughter. 27 In fact, these qualms proved to be unfounded
because the death of Abaqa's mother, Yisunjin Khatun, almost coincided
with Princess Padeshah's arrival at his court.28 After this venerated lady
"had been transferred from her throne in the House of Frailty to the great
sepulchre of eternity," as the Persian chronicler described her sickness
and death, the problem of how to dispose of her considerable personal
ordu, comprising estates, provinces, servants, domestics, her throne, and
crown, still remained. 29 The problem was solved when Abaqa met his new
wife and recognized in her character intelligence, royalty, and leadership
and in her actions capability and suitability. A royal charter was therefore
issued in Padeshah's name, and she was confirmed in office and the king's
mother's crown was placed on her head. Day by day and hour by hour she
gained acceptance from the other wives and the emirs and the religious
grandees who eventually acknowledged her qualities. 30 The court admin-
istrator and historian Wassaf felt that it was the special love that Abaqa felt
for Padeshah that caused him to promote her above all his other women,
and that it was the couple's inseparability that partially accounted for her
mother, Terkan Khatun's 30-odd year reign over Kirman. 31
Other than an intriguing history, Padeshah Khatun has also left behind
a small body of verse. The following are examples of translations from the
Persian of this verse:
An apple that from your hand secretly reaches me,

From that, the scent of eternal life reaches me.
From your hand and palm a goblet reaches me
At that, like a pomegranate, my heart smiles from joy.32
That day in the infinite past that they formed him,

They created him to soothe the souls of the love-sick,
Candy laid claim to his sugar-like lips,
In Egypt they put three skews in his mouth.33
Who has ever seen writing in musk on a ruby?

When has perfume ever done injustice to wine?
O my soul, the trace of a black mole on your lip,
Is darkness and the water of life together.34
Today, until my hand rests on your shoulder,

How much grief must spring from your fountain of pleasure?
In your ear I see seeds of pearl
That surely my tears must water?35
QUTULUN KHATUN
Qutulun was the daughter of the Ogodeid rebel Qaidu (1236-1303),
who came to represent and champion traditional Mongol values and vir-
tues. Qaidu, a cousin of Qubilai, espoused the morality and traditions of
the steppe over the sown (the settled, urban people) and rebelled against
what he saw as the corrupted regimes of his cousins in Iran and China.
His daughter, Qutulun, became a symbol of Turco-Mongol womanhood
and crystallized some of those values he fought for and he perceived as
now dying in the lands that the Mongols had conquered.
Qutulun was her father's pride and joy. She campaigned with him and
was considered on her own merits a warrior of the first rank. Even if some
of the stories told about her are apocryphal, they enhanced her status as
the ideal representation of Mongol womanhood. Regardless of their strict
historical accuracy, the portrayal of Qutulun is important because it pro-
vides a portrait of the aspirations of many Mongol men and maybe even
women who considered themselves Turco-Mongols.
It was said that Qutulun had vowed not to wed any man who could not
first defeat her in physical combat. The woman who Marco Polo described
as "very beautiful but also so strong and brave that in all her father's realm
there was no man who could outdo her in feats of strength" had no shortage
of suitors. Though her parents wanted her to marry, she was insistent that
the successful suitor must first prove himself superior in contests of physical
strength and endurance as well as military skills. The many shamed princes
had to pay for their "courtship" with their horses and arms. Any suitor's
challenge was accepted on condition that 100 horses and the challenger's
pride were staked on the outcome. Her stable is said to have contained
10,000 steeds. A woman who felt at home in the saddle and enjoyed time
spent as a warrior, preferring the o p e n spaces to the camp, w a s a Mongol

ideal that w a s exemplified in Qaidu's daughter. Q u t u l u n sought a partner
w h o excelled in the martial arts a n d w h o w a s proficient in the saddle rather
t h a n a scholar refined in intellectual combat w h o w a s proficient in the court.
She represented the w o r l d of the n o m a d a n d pastoral traditions, a n d her
values contrasted sharply w i t h the sedentary, agricultural, a n d u r b a n soci-
ety of the n e w generations of Mongols m o r e at h o m e w i t h their centralized
g o v e r n m e n t s a n d h o r d e s of bureaucrats.
O n e version of Rashid al-DIn's histories claimed that r u m o r m o n g e r i n g
forced Q u t u l u n into a m a r r i a g e against h e r will. Q a i d u , of w h o m she h a d
said, "I will b e c o m e y o u r wife. I w a n t n o other h u s b a n d , " w a s forced to
m a r r y her oft to a M o n g o l n a m e d A b t a q u l of the Qorolas clan, w h o m she
chose herself. After h e r father's d e a t h she h a d t w o sons w i t h Abtaqul, a n d
the family lived contentedly t w o w e e k s ' j o u r n e y east of S a m a r q a n d o n the
slopes of the Shinqorliq m o u n t a i n b e t w e e n the rivers Hi a n d C h u in w h a t
is t o d a y K a z a k h s t a n .
OF THE DAUGHTER OF KING KAIDU, HOW STRONG AND

VALIANT SHE WAS36
You must know, then, that King Kaidu had a daughter named, in the
Tartar language, Aigiarm, which means shining moon. This damsel was
so strong, that there was no young man in the whole kingdom who could
overcome her, but she vanquished them all. Her father the king wished
to marry her; but she declined, saying, that she would never take a hus-
band till she met with some gentleman who should conquer her by force,
upon which the king, her father, gave her a written promise that she
might marry at her own will. She now caused it to be proclaimed in dif-
ferent parts of the world, that if any young man would come and try his
strength with her, and should over-come her by force, she would accept
him for her husband.
This proclamation was no sooner made, than many came from all parts
to try their fortune. The trial was made with great solemnity. The king
took his place in the principal hall of the palace, with a large company
of men and women; then came the king's daughter, in a dress of cendal,
very richly adorned, into the middle of the hall; and next came the young
man, also in a dress of cendal. The agreement was, that if the young man
overcame her so as to throw her by force to the ground, he was to have
her for wife; but if, on the contrary, he should be overcome by the king's
daughter, he was to forfeit to her a hundred horses. In this manner the
damsel gained more than ten thousand horses, for she could meet with
no one able to conquer her, which was no wonder, for she was so well-
made in all her limbs, and so tall and strongly built, that she might almost
be taken for a giantess. At last, about the year 1280, there came the son of
a rich king, who was very beautiful and young; he was accompanied with
a very fine retinue, and brought with him a thousand beautiful horses.
Immediately on his arrival, he announced that he was come to try his

strength with the lady. King Kaidu received him very gladly, for he was
very desirous to have this youth for his son-in-law, knowing him to be
the son of the king of Pamar; on which account, Kaidu privately told his
daughter that he wished her on this occasion to let herself be vanquished.
But she said she would not do so for anything in the world. Thereupon
the king and queen took their places in the hall, with a great attendance
of both sexes, and the king's daughter presented herself as usual, and
also the king's son, who was remarkable no less for his beauty than for
his great strength. Now when they were brought into the hall, it was, on
account of the superior rank of the claimant, agreed as the conditions of
the trial, that if the young prince were conquered, he should forfeit the
thousand horses he had brought with him as his stake. This agreement
having been made, the wrestling began, and all who were there including
the king and queen, wished heartily that the prince must be the victor,
that he might be the husband of the princess. But, contrary to their hopes,
after much pulling and tugging the king's daughter gained the victory,
and the young prince thrown on the pavement of the Palace, and lost his
thousand horses. There was not one person in the whole hall who did
not lament his defeat. After this the king took his daughter with him into
many battles, and not a cavalier of the host displayed so much valour;
and at last the damsel rushed into the midst of the enemy, and seizing
upon a horseman carried him off to her own people.
The stories that have endured, idolizing Qutulun the daughter of Qaidu
Khan (died 1301), a great-grandson of Chinggis Khan and an upholder of
traditional Mongol values and virtues, suggest an aspirational ideal for
Mongol women and an idealized wife or daughter or even sister for Mongol
men. Qaidu fought a losing battle to retain traditional, pastoral Mongol
values, and his daughter shared this passion.
BAGHDAD KHATUN
Baghdad Khatun was the daughter of the immensely powerful emir
Chopan Suldus, who in 1307 was appointed senior emir to Ghazan Khan
(ruler of the southwestern lands of the Mongol empire) and became effec-
tive ruler of the Il-Khanate when the 11-year-old Abu Sa^d ascended the
throne in 1316. Chopan was married to Sati Beg, Abu Sard's sister, so his
children and his daughter Baghdad Khatun in particular were brought up
almost as royalty. The fate and intrigues of this influential Mongol woman
are of interest because they stand in such contrast to her contemporary
Qutulun Khatun of the house of Ogodei. Baghdad Khatun excelled at the
more common womanly guiles of seduction, charm, and stealing men's
hearts, which worked on Mongol men as much as on any other men. She
also suffered such jealousy that she was suspected of poisoning her even-
tual husband, the last Il-Khanid sultan, Abu Sa^d (died 1335).
By all accounts the 20-year-old sultan, Abu Sa'id, formed an uncontrol-
lable, all-consuming passion for the daughter of Chopan, his chief emir.
"The ruler of the world, in a corner of his palace, thought only of his
beloved." 37 Unfortunately, the daughter, Baghdad Khatun, was already
married to Shaykh Hasan-i-Buzorg (Big Hasan), a powerful notable of the
Mongol Jalayrid tribe. According to a yasa of Chinggis Khan, the sover-
eign has the right to demand the hand of any woman, married or not,
for whom he might feel an attraction. Abu Sa^d cited this yasa when he
revealed his turbulent emotional state to the lady's father, who reacted
with cold though controlled anger. His sultan ominously said nothing and
remained impassive. 38
All reports tell of the young sultan's obsession with this "moon-faced
beauty." Abu Sa^d was "at his wits end and could neither sleep nor settle
himself."39 It is said that when "his vision fell on Baghdad [Khatun] a river
flowed from his eyes like the Tigris. Love brought black misery and agony
to the Sultan and on the battlefield of love [maidan-i- eshq] his heart was soon
smitten and the kingdom of [his] heart conquered." 40 "When under the gaze
of her narcissus eyes, the heart was abandoned to intoxication—whether
king or beggar, all were lost."41 Even though the sultan heeded reports of
Chopanid intrigue and conspiracy and ended up having both her brother,
Khwaja Damashq, and father, Chopan, executed, to comply with Islamic
practice, he still insisted on her divorce from Shaykh Hasan the Great and
their subsequent marriage. Initially the fortunes of Iran reflected the hap-
piness of the love-smitten couple, and the house of the Chopanians contin-
ued to serve its sovereign though now in a different capacity.42 "The road
to the royal court, magnificence, pomp, the highest rank, was once again
open to the Chopanians." 43 The passion did not last long, and Abu Sa^d
later married Baghdad Khatun's niece, Delshad Khatun. It was anger and
jealousy for this younger woman, as well as a desire to avenge her father
and brother, that led Baghdad to conspire with Sultan Ozbek of the Golden
Horde to murder by poison the last Il-Khanid sultan. Baghdad Khatun did
not outlive her husband long, and in 1336 she was murdered in her bath on
the orders of Arpa Khan, a Mongol aspirant to the Iranian throne.
TSA CHU OPERA S I N G I N G GIRLS 4 4

To conclude this section on women, a tradition that started at the time
of Qubilai Khan and proved a most popular form of entertainment should
be included since it illustrates one way in which girls from humble back-
grounds could find fame and fortune or at least an escape from the drudg-
ery of the urban sprawls that were becoming a feature of the Yiian years.
The Tsa Chii opera has also been called drama since two-thirds of the
performance involves prose dialogue with only the star performer singing
his or her part. This form of stage show appeared and was popularized in
Besh Baliq in the 1260s. The show was divided into four acts, with only
one key being used for all songs included in each act. In addition, there
was a prelude called "the wedge," which consisted of one or two short
songs that were performed at the beginning of the show.
The star performer of these Tsa Chii operas was treated as a celebrity,
and the audience often attended in order to see one particular singer. In
one performance, the star of the Tsa Chii opera would be expected to sing
forty or fifty arias almost without pause (the performance broken only by
the interludes of prose dialogue by the chorus), a quite extraordinary feat.
Though male singers were also assigned the star role, women were more
common and were also sometimes expected to take on male roles.
During the Yiian period, troupes of performers were often composed of
family units with the only outsiders being sons-in-law or daughters-in-law.
If the star roles in Tsa Chii operas were usually female, men would play
women in other forms of entertainment, burlesque in particular, where
men would play such roles as the old procuress that appears in many
plays of the time. There was a law at that time stipulating that marriage
between actors and those outside the profession was illegal. In 1278, a
law enforcing this decree only applied to actors belonging to the Impe-
rial Music Academy, and the object of the law was to prevent trained and
therefore valuable actors from being taken away either as spouses or con-
cubines to positions in the provinces. In 1311, a stricter edict was passed
by the Great Khan himself. "Henceforth yiieh-jen [public entertainers] are
only to marry yiieh-jen. If any of those on close attendance upon me, or
any official, or anyone else takes a yiieh-jen as his wife, it will be accounted
a crime." 45 A certain Mongol official, Hsin Ha-erh-ti, was executed for
breaching this new law.
Much of the information that is known about the performers in Tsa
Chii opera comes from a manuscript known as the Green Bower Collection
(Ch'ing Lou Chi), which records details of the careers of one hundred sing-
ing girls involved in this kind of entertainment between the period circa
1270-1374. Many of the women whose careers are detailed in the Green
Bower Collection and who did not marry fellow actors became concubines
of well-to-do theatre proprietors. Though not a legal wife, the position
of concubine was a recognized and acceptable social position, and for
a girl from very humble origins it was a desirable position in which to
find herself. With a repertoire of songs, dances, and stories, they formed
the link between high culture and popular culture, a service traditional
to concubines throughout history. The fact that the author of the Green
Bower Collection considers this function of concubinage noteworthy sug-
gests that most of the girls were illiterate. They were not all possessed of
good looks, and examples of hunchbacks and girls with other physical
defects are recorded. What all the girls had in common were exceptionally
beautiful singing voices. It was their golden voices that were prized by
their patrons, whose positions ranged from high local officials to Mongol
generals and chief ministers, and who were mainly Mongols and Uyghur
Turks, though instances of simply well-to-do lovers of song holding minor
government posts or of private means are noted. Since the abolition of the
discriminatory examination system and its replacement in 1313 by more
straightforward, modern exams, a new, popular, vernacular culture was
supplanting the old, and this favored the Tsa Chii opera singers.
The Green Bower Collection was compiled by Hsia Po-ho in 1364. He
came from a prominent family of Sungkiang and had inherited a great
fortune, which a fortune teller warned him he would very shortly lose to
a great calamity that would beset him. With the aim of being penniless by
the time this calamity struck, he began spending lavishly and entertain-
ing on a grand scale, during the course of which he encountered many of
the Tsa Chii opera girls, many of whom he showered with his largesse.
Calamity did strike, and he was forced to flee his native town with only
his books and memories for comfort. It was then that he started writing
out the details of the many girls he had encountered in his previous life.
One girl was Chang "Harmonious Cloud" who was good at reciting
both Shih and Tz'u poetry. She was witty in conversation and was the best
singer among her contemporaries. She had a fine reputation in Da-du
(Beijing), and her portrait had been painted by the leading painters of the
day. Countless famous people had composed poems in her honor, and two
local notables gave drinking parties held in her name. A story is recounted
concerning the chief minister of state, who it is said waylaid two known
friends of Harmonious Cloud in the street. Knowing that they were on
their way to her house, he asked if he could accompany them. When they
assented, the chief minister immediately gave orders for his servants to
follow him after fetching wine and provisions, including gold goblets and
silver platters of the finest foods, and delicacies to take to the lady's home.
Harmonious Cloud was honored to receive such an illustrious guest and
sang for him. He was in turn so impressed that when it was time to leave
and his servants began to pack up the gold and silver items that they had
brought with them, the minister stopped their packing and insisted that
the items should remain in Harmonious Cloud's house just in case he
should visit her again.
Another singer mentioned is Ts'ao E-hsiu, who was also renowned in
the capital. Hsia Po-ho states that she was extremely intelligent and unri-
valed in her looks and art. A certain Po-chi gave a small party in her honor
at which a number of high-ranking officials were invited, and a story was
told that demonstrated her quick wit and confident manner.
Kao "Natural Elegance" was singularly distinguished-looking and
refined and carried a "woodland air" about her. She was particularly
famous for her portrayal of "boudoir-repining," that is, upper-class women
mourning their absent lovers. However, she also played court scenes and
"flowered" female roles. She married a famous actor and, on his death,
married the head clerk Chiao T'ai-su, after whose death she once again
became an actress. "This loss of one who ranked as a leading beauty in
good society was deeply regretted; but she continued to conduct herself
with the most scrupulous propriety." 46
Wang Golden Belt was unrivaled in beauty and in her singing. She was
taken as a concubine by a leading provincial official with whom she had a
child. However, she came to the notice of the great Boyan Noyan, Qubilai
Khan's greatest general, and he wished to enroll her in the capital's Impe-
rial Music Academy. Her lover was desperate for her to stay with him and
in despair appealed to General Boyan's wife. His appeal was successful,
and Golden Belt remained with him.
Wei Tao-tao was famed for her rendition of the Partridge Dance. She
performed it as a solo act, and so great was her performance that she had
no successor. The Partridge Dance was a Chin Tatar dance with flute and
drum accompaniment.
Mi-Li-ha was a Muslim girl who played leading female roles in dramas.
Her clear and pure voice was particularly noteworthy, and she was most
famous for her portrayal of "flowered" women, that is, women heavily
made-up with paint and cosmetics.
In all, the lives and careers of a hundred girls are told in the Green Bower
Collection as well as stories of famous musicians and performers of the
Yiian years. Arthur Waly's translation of extracts and research into the
collection's writer and the background to the Tsa Chii opera are a very
welcome addition to our understanding of the Mongol years ruling China
and the role women played.
NOTES
1. R.A. Skelton, T. E. Marston, and George D. Painter, The Vinland Map and the
Tartar Relation (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1995), 94, para. 49.
Jackson with David Morgan (London: Hakluyt Society, 1990), 74.
3. Urgunge Onon, trans., The History and Life of Chinggis Khan (The Secret His-
tory of the Mongols) (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 1990), 141-42.
v5. Ala-ad-Din Ata-Malik Juvaini, The History of the World Conqueror, trans. John
Andrew Boyle, intro. David Morgan, vols. 1 and 2 (Manchester, U.K.: Manchester
University Press, 1997), 245.
6. Ibid., 242.
7. Maulana Juzjani, Minhaj-ud-Din Abu 'Umar-i-Usman, Tabakat-i-Nasiri:
vA General History of the Muhammadan Dynasties of Asia; from 810-1260 A.D. And The
Irruption of the Infidel Mughals into Islam, trans. H.G. Raverty (Reprint, Calcutta:
Asiatic Society), 1144.
8. Ala-ad-Din Ata-Malik Juvaini, The History of the World Conqueror, 246.
9. Gregorius Bar Hebraeus, The Chronography of Gregory Abu'l-Paraj Bar

Hebraeus' Political History of the World, Part I, trans. Ernest A. Wallis-Budge (Piscat-
away, N.J.: Gorgias Press, 2003), 412.
10. Maulana Juzjani, Minhaj-ud-Din Abu 'Umar-i-Usman, Tabakat-i-Nasiri, 265.
11. Ala-ad-Din Ata-Malik Juvaini, The History of the World Conqueror, 265.
12. Ibid., 552.
14. Gregorius Bar Hebraeus, The Chronography of Gregory, 398.
16. Ibid., 200.
17. William of Rubruck, The Mission of William of Rubruck, 224; see also internet
version, http://www.locksley.com/locksley/rubruck.htm or http://depts.washington.
edu/uwch/silkroad/texts/rubruck.html.
18. J.M. Fiey, "Iconographie Syriaque Hulagu, Doquz Khatun ... six Ambons,"
Le Museon (1975), 59-64.
19. Stephannos Orbelian, Histoire de la Siounie, trans. M. Brosset (St Petersburg,
Russia: Academie imperiale des sciences, 1864), 234-35.
20. Gregorius Bar Hebraeus, The Chronography of Gregory, 419.
21. Reuven Amitai-Preiss, "Hulegu and the Ayyubid Lord of Transjordan,"
Archivum Eurasiae Medii Aevi 9 (1995-97): 14.
22. Vardan, "The Historical Compilation of Vardan Arewelc'i," trans.
R. W. Thomson, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 43 (1989): 222.
23. Nasir al-DIn Munshi, Simt, al-'uld (Tehran: intesharat Esatir 1983 / 1362), 37.
24. Munshi, Simt, al-'uld, 70; Anon, Tdrikh-i Shdhi, ed. Ibrahim Bastani (Tehran:
Intesharat Baniad Farhang, Iran 1976), 61; Mohammad Shabankara'i, Majma'-
'Ansdb, (Tehran: Intesharat Amir Kabir, 1984), 201.
25. Possibly Emir Qarakhai, mentioned in Munshi's Sim't al-cula, 47.
26. Anon, Tdrikh-i Shdhi, 139.
27. Ibid.
28. Ibid., 140; Rashid al-DIn, Jdmi' al-Tavdrikh, Mohammad Roushan and
Mustafah Musavi (Tehran: Nashr albaraz, 1994), 1055.
30. Ibid.
31. Ayati, 177-78; Wassaf 291; Hamdu'llah Mustawfi-i-Qazwini, Tarikh-i-Guzida:
The Select History, trans. Edward G. Browne, (London: Luzac, 1913), 531; Khwandamir,
Habib's-Siyar: The Reign of the Mongol and the Turk Genghis Khan, Amir Temur, trans.
W.M. Thackston, vol. 3 (Cambridge, Mass.: Department of Near Eastern Languages
and Civilizations, Harvard University, 1994), 268; Khwandamir, Habib's-Siyar, 155.
32. Munshi, 70; Tdrikh-i Shdhi, 61; Shabankara'i, 202.
33. Munshi, 70; Tdrikh-i Shah, 60; ShabankaraT, 201.
34. Khwandamir, Habib's-Siyar, 271; Ibid., 156.
36. Marco Polo, The Travels of Marco Polo, trans. Teresa Waugh (London:
Sidgewick and Jackson, 1994), ch. 49, 417-19.
37. Khwandamir, Habib's-Siyar, 119.
38. Shabankara'i, 295; Mustawfi, Zafarnameh, 1463, Ward's tr., 649.
39. Al-Razzaq Samarqandi, 92.
40. Mustawfi, Zafarnameh, 1462, tr. 648.
41. Al-Razzaq Samarqandi, 92.
42. Hamdallah Qazvmi Mustawfi, Zafarnameh of Mustawfi, trans. L.J. Ward

(PhD thesis, University of Manchester, 1983), 666.
43. Ibid., 117.
44. For more detail on this subject, see Arthur Waley, "The Green Bower Collec-
tion," in The Secret History of the Mongols, and Other Pieces (Thirsk, Yorkshire: House
of Stratus, 2002), 67-106.
45. Waley, 90.
46. Ibid., 96.
12
FOLKTALES FROM
MONGOLIA
Folktales say much about a people and much about the history of that
people. In a society with a strong oral tradition rather than a literary tradi-
tion, the folktales are all the more important. Mongol society had a strong
tradition of folk stories that served the function of entertainment, the com-
munication of wisdom, the preservation of history, and the transmission
of tradition and customs.
THE GREEDY D O G
Once upon a time, a long, long time ago, there was a greedy dog living
in the Altai Mountains.
One day while the greedy dog was walking along he found a nice bone
on the ground near a bridge. He stopped to pick up the bone and looked
across the river to the other side. He thought it looked nicer on the other
side of the river and decided to go on across the bridge. As the greedy dog
was walking across the bridge with the bone in his mouth he looked down
into the water. There in the water he saw his own reflection and thought
it was another dog with a bone. The greedy dog thought to himself, "I am
going to take that bone away from the other dog as it is bigger than the
bone I have." So the greedy dog jumped off the bridge into the water; he
splashed around for a while but never found the other dog and lost his
own bone at the same time.
THE COLT A N D THE MARE
It is said that there was a spotted mare from Choht who had a colt named
Morning Star. After she led him around for three nights, they would go to
water; after three more nights, they would go to graze. Once, while on the
way to water, they came to a bird's egg.
At this, it is said that a goose came and pleaded, "Don't step on my egg
or you'll kill it!" kowtowing to the mare. The mare responded, "Don't talk
to me about killing your egg, my throat is parched with thirst and I can
hardly walk." The mare swerved on purpose and kicked the egg, killing
it. Then they went off in the direction of water.
The goose was enraged. "On your way back I am going to kill your
Morning Star!"
When this mare and her colt came back by, the goose flew at the colt; when
pecking from the south the mare would move the colt to the north, when
pecking from the north she would move him to the south, when pecking
from the west she would move him to the east, when pecking from the
east she would move him to the west. Not letting the goose get near the colt,
it is said, the mare led him off and away from there.
The small colt noticed his mother's ears were not shifting back and forth
as usual, rather now they were sagging. His mother must be thirsty, he
thought. The colt noticed again how his mother's gait was not the usual
sound of clip-clop, rather now it was more of a dragging sound. His
mother must be tired, he thought.
The colt wondered why his mother's fur was disheveled and dirty.
He thought it was from the trek through the brush on Shabakt Peak where
the mud and dirt got caked to her fur. The colt also wondered what the
red spots were that were on his mother's body. He thought it was from
the trek over Hont Peak where the sulfur and sand got caked to her fur.
The colt also wondered what the blue spots were on his mother's body. He
thought they must be from the trek over Bingt Peak where the rocks and
pebbles stuck to her fur.
At this and after they crossed the peak, the mare stopped with tears
streaming from her eyes. She said, "My son, your dear mother is going to
die soon." Tears began to well up in the colt's eyes as he moved away from
his beloved mother.
"Where will I go, what will I do? I don't know anything from above
or below, I can't remain alone. Without your sweet milk what will I eat?
Please try and bear it my dear mother," said the little colt, tears filling his
beautiful, big, bright eyes as he began crying.
It is said that the mare wished her son well. "My son, death is a pre-
determined part of life. Behind the Baraad Peak you will find a herd of
horses a thousand strong. In that herd is your older sister, but you can't
get along together. Behind the Argalt Peak is a herd of horses ten thousand
strong. In that herd is your older brother, but you can't get along together.
Folktales from Mongolia 259
From there if you go in that direction is a herd of horses one hundred
thousand strong, in that herd is your old mother. It is there where you can
live together with her. Grass and greens will be milk for you. There will be
many friends and nieces and nephews for you there. Be good to your mas-
ter; when you are saddled, be a prized horse. If you go to far places you
will not get thin, if you go to near places you will not get tired. You will
become the best of the riding horses, a friend to the children of man. In the
herd you won't be at the head or the tail. You will eat the tender shoots of
grass and be like a son of gold to any father."
After she finished saying these things the mare died.
Poor little Morning Star colt looked at his dead mother as the tears that
filled his eyes streamed down his face. He began turning around and
around and said in remorse, "My mother has already said these things."
The Mongolian horse-headed fiddle. Courtesy of Xinjiang

Morning Star went to the herd where he found his older sister. She
kicked him when he was behind and bit him when he was in front, not let-
ting him get near her. He then went to the herd where he found his older
brother, but he would not let him get near either. Finally, he went to the
herd where he found his old mother. When she saw him she said, "A por-
tion of my flesh and bones has come!" When asked where his mother was,
he responded, "My mother has already died."
At this she said, "If this is so then you stay at my right and left sides and
don't wander. My teats are already dry, but if you try hard you may get
milk." He stayed at her right and left sides and didn't wander. After trying
and trying, he was able to get milk from her teats.
Morning Star grew up to become the head of this herd and many others,
the fastest and best of all the horses.
HUNTER-BOY
They say that, in this remote beauty spot, there is a game-wealthy

Hunter-Boy. His winter camp is in the Altai Mountains, and his summer
camp in the back tablelands. When he rides his chestnut colored pony
eastward he hunts buck and doe, after heading westward there is always
an antelope tied to his saddle, if traveling south he tracks deer, if gal-
loping to the north he kills fox and wolf. After hunting he always comes
back with something strapped to his saddle. He is never selfish with his
catch; whenever around his neighbors he shares the meat. Hunter-Boy
is a grown man, able to reach the saddle ties and put his foot into the
stirrups. Therefore, over these years, the neighboring families there have
never gone without.
One day, when Hunter-Boy was on his way to go hunting, a hawk came
flying over and swooped down to catch a thin, white snake curled up in
the tall grass near the river shore. As the hawk flew back by, the small
snake called out, "Hunter-Boy, help! Help!" Hunter-Boy, feeling sorry for
the snake, thought to himself, "Poor thing, the little creature has run into
trouble and is pleading me, how can I refuse to help!" He pulled out an
arrow and shot the hawk, and the thin, white snake fell to the ground.
"Hunter-Boy, your grace must be repaid!" said the little snake as it disap-
peared into the tall grass.
That evening, after strapping a roebuck to his saddle, Hunter-Boy
headed back along the river shore. On the way he happened upon a mul-
titude of snakes lying crisscross along the path. "Are you having a gather-
ing today?" asked Hunter-Boy out of curiosity. Then, just ahead, the thin,
white snake came out, saying to everyone, "This is Hunter-Boy, the one
who graciously saved my life." All of the snakes circled around Hunter-
Boy in a loud commotion. "Our master has invited you to visit him." Then
the small, white snake said, "I am the Dragon Master's youngest daughter.
Yesterday you saved my life, and my father wishes to show his apprecia-
tion by inviting you to visit his palace." "How can I ever get to the Dragon
Master's palace?" asked Hunter-Boy. "Close your eyes, and I will lead you
there," replied the thin, white snake.
While walking along, the thin, white snake whispered into Hunter-Boy's
ear, "My father is going to offer you precious objects of silver and gold,
but don't accept them. Instead, ask for the small, round precious stone that
my father always keeps in his mouth. Once you place it in your mouth you
will be able to understand the languages of all four-legged and winged
creatures. However, I will warn you about one thing. After you have put
the precious stone into your mouth, and can understand the language of
the flying creatures and know what they are saying, whatever you do, you
cannot tell what you have heard to any human being. If you do, your body
will immediately turn to stone. Please, don't ever forget this." Hunter-Boy,
understanding what she had said, nodded his head. After walking a ways
further, he opened his eyes only to find that they had already arrived at
the Dragon Master's palace.
The Dragon Master, wanting to express great thanks to Hunter-Boy,
opened the doors to his one hundred and eight treasure houses, saying,
"Hunter-Boy, you may choose anything from among these treasures of
mine." Hunter-Boy walked up to the door of the treasure house to peer
inside. Gold and silver glittered in his eyes, and the pearls were piled high
like mountains. Treasures to revive the dead, to bring sight to the blind, to
bring sound to deaf ears and speech to the speechless. There was enough
for a lifetime of grains, for garments that the sun and wind could not pen-
etrate; the universe would never lack from these treasures.
Hunter-Boy bowed to the Dragon Master and said, "Dragon Master,
I live as a hunter, a guardian of the remote spaces, I have need of the small,
round stone that you keep in your mouth. Please bestow that upon me."
The Dragon Master looked to the right and laughed, looked to the left
and cried, took the precious stone from his mouth and gave it to Hunter-
Boy. From that time on Hunter-Boy, able to understand the languages of
the four-legged and winged creatures, became an even more successful
hunter.
One day, as Hunter-Boy went up the mountain to go hunting, he over-
heard the mountain birds in discussion, "Tomorrow, they say that Sir
Tiger, our mountain creature king, will be celebrating his birthday. They
also say that he is going to eat the flesh of those two children who always
come up the mountain to fetch firewood The two of them don't know
that they will die tomorrow."
Hunter-Boy was very surprised to hear this and wanted to tell those two
children; however, he remembered that if he were to tell them, his own
body would turn to stone. But then, if he didn't tell them, when the two
poor children go to gather firewood and are eaten by the tiger . . . The fear
tore at him all night. Suddenly, at the break of dawn, an idea came to him.
He took his bow and arrows and headed up the mountain. He arrived at
a cliff and sat down to wait. Shortly after, the two children came up the
mountain gathering firewood and were paying no attention to what was
going on around them. All of a sudden, the fierce tiger jumped out roar-
ing, "MEAT! MEAT!" They say, just as the tiger hurled himself toward
the two children, Hunter-Boy, with a single arrow, shot the tiger through
the neck, killing him instantly. The two children bowed down in front
of Hunter-Boy, their lifesaver, thanking him. All of the mountain animals
who, time and time again, had been humiliated and taunted by the tiger
also came to show their appreciation at his deed.
As the days and nights passed, Hunter-Boy became more and more
skilled at hunting on horseback, and at the same time continued to answer
to the needs of the neighboring families. One summer day, it is said,
Hunter-Boy went to a far-off mountain behind his home to go hunting.
The Emperor and Empress of the bird kingdom were leading their sub-
jects on a long journey to a faraway place. All of the four-legged animals
were growling and quarreling; they say even the bunnies and gophers
were grouping together, fleeing in excitement. At this, Hunter-Boy, in a
state of wonderment, got down from his horse and sat in the shadow of
the trees to listen to the birds in conversation.
"Tomorrow this mountain is going to burst and create a large flood. All
creatures must take their belongings, not leaving anything behind in the
village, and head out," they exclaimed.
At that instant, Hunter-Boy jumped up and took off toward home. As
soon as he reached the village he began, "Quickly, we all have to move
away from here! Tomorrow the mountain behind us is going to burst, and
there is going to be a dangerous flood—" As he spoke, it is said, not even
one person believed his words. He moved away and thought to himself,
"I am an orphan, and these people have cared for me since my birth. They
have taught me the difference between right and wrong. How can I just
leave them with this threat of death?" He spoke up, "Hurry, get away
from here! Hurry! There is really a flood coming!" Hearing this, the people
badgered him, asking over and over, "How do you know about this flood?
Who told you?" They say not even one person was prepared to flee.
At this, very worried and excited, he thought to himself, "How can I be
afraid of turning to stone and let all of these people and animals die." Then
Hunter-Boy began by telling them about saving the thin, white snake and
the Dragon Master summoning him to visit his palace to show his gratitude,
about the precious stone that the Dragon Master kept in his mouth, and how
he begged the Dragon Master to give him the stone. How, once he placed the
stone in his own mouth, he could understand the languages of all creatures,
therefore killed the tiger and saved the two children gathering firewood. He
explained how today he overheard the mountain animals talking. He told
them that the Dragon Master's youngest daughter strictly told him not to
tell any of this to any other humans, otherwise his body would change into
stone. As he was speaking, his body slowly began to harden, and just as he
stood he turned to stone. Everyone around blinked as they watched in dis-
belief, then their eyes grew larger and larger. Only after witnessing this did
the people believe what Hunter-Boy had said. All of the sudden, as everyone
began frantically running to cind fro to get away, there was a loud noise, "Ka
boom!" The mountain behind them had really burst, and they could hear the
sound of the rushing water crashing down toward them.
The people gazed at the stone figure of Hunter-Boy from afar as it stood
firm in its place, not even the water caused it to budge. At a safe distance,
everyone sobbed and cried, saying, "Hunter-Boy turned to stone for us!"
From this time on, the people who were saved from the flood continue to
pass the memory of Hunter-Boy on from generation to generation.
There in the Altai Mountains, standing upright next to the source of a
natural spring, is a blue rock formation, and they call this spring Hunter-
Boy's Spring.
THE THREE SISTERS 1
Long ago there were three sisters who lived together with their mother
in a one-room log cabin. The older sister's name was Big Turnip, the sec-
ond sister's name was Carrot, and the third, or youngest, sister's name
was Radish.
One day the three sisters' mother went out to see their grandmother.
About halfway down the mountain road the mother ran into a Mangai.
Now a Mangai is a frightfully ugly and extremely stupid mountain mon-
ster. The Mangai asked the mother some questions, like where are you
going? How many children do you have? What are their names? Then
after asking the questions the Mangai ate the mother.
After eating the mother the Mangai put on her clothes and went back
to their home in the evening. He went up to the door and knocked, "Big
Turnip, open the door." Big Turnip heard the voice and knew it wasn't
their mother and refused to open the door. "Carrot, open the door." Car-
rot heard the voice and knew, too, that it wasn't their mother and refused
to open the door. "Radish, Open the door." Little Radish heard the voice.
"Momma's home!" she hollered and went running to the door and had it
open before the other two girls could stop her.
The Mangai walked into the house, bong bong bong, and went in to lay
down on the bed. "Big Turnip, come sleep with me." "No," said Big Turnip,
"you're not my mother!" "Carrot, come sleep with me." "No," said Carrot,
"you're not my mother!"
"I'll come sleep with you," called out little Radish as she jumped in bed
with the Mangai.
In the middle of the night the two older sisters heard some crunching.
Big turnip asked, "Momma, what are you eating?"
"I'm eating a fat radish I got from the neighbors," said the Mangai.
Then Carrot asked, "Momma, what are you eating now?"
"I'm eating a thin radish I got in the garden," said the Mangai.
"Let us have some too," the girls responded. He broke oft a thumb and
threw it to Big Turnip and threw a pinkie to Carrot. At this they knew that
the Mangai had eaten their baby sister. They whispered to each other, "We
have to get away."
The two girls stood up, and the Mangai asked, "Where are you going?"
"We are going to the outhouse," they said.
Now a Mangai is a very mean monster but also extremely stupid. He
let them go.
As the girls ran out of the house, they grabbed their mother's small,
wooden comb box. The two girls ran and ran as fast as they could. But
after a while, the Mangai knew that they had tricked him, and he went
after them.
The girls could hear him coming, bong bong bong, and even saw his
shadow behind them in the light of dawn. Big Turnip stopped and opened
up their mother's wooden box, took a comb out, "The comb used by my
mother, become a large forest," she said and she threw it over her head
toward the Mangai. The comb became a big forest and separated the girls
from the monster, but he just used his big arms to sweep the trees aside
and kept on chasing the girls.
Bong bong bong, the Mangai was catching up with the girls again. Big
Turnip stopped and took a fine-tooth comb out of the box. "The fine-tooth
comb used by my mother, become a dense forest," she said and threw
the fine-tooth comb over her head. The comb became a dense forest that
stopped the Mangai. But the monster swung his strong arms and used his
sharp teeth to cut a way through the dense forest.
Bong bong bong, the Mangai was catching up with the girls again. Big
Turnip stopped and took a small mirror out of the box. "The mirror used
by my mother, become a large lake," she said and threw the mirror over
her head. The mirror became a large lake, and the Mangai was stopped on
the other side.
The two girls looked back over the lake at the monster, and he hollered
out, "Big Turnip, Big Turnip, how did you get across to the other side?"
The Mangai is a big but dumb monster!
Big Turnip answered, "We cut open our gut and pulled out our intestines,
tied a rock to it and threw it across the lake to make a bridge." "Can I get over
that way?" asked the Mangai. "Yes," said Big Turnip, "hurry on across!"
The nails on a Mangai are razor sharp. He slashed open his gut and
pulled out his intestines, then tied a rock to it and threw it to the other side
of the lake. Just at that time a gull was flying past and saw the intestine in
the lake. He dove down and bit off a piece, cutting the intestine in two. At
that, the Mangai sank to the bottom of the lake and drowned.
The two girls, safe and sound, returned to their home and lived in peace.
The moral of the story is that a mother's love can protect and help her
children even when she is far away from them.
A STORY OF T W O F R I E N D S
Once upon a time, in a small village there lived two very special person-
alities, one was named Beseech-No-One and the other was named Help-
No-One. The two of them would never ask for help or help the other, a sort
of "you live your life and I live mine" kind of attitude.
One summer day Beseech-No-One had no firewood at his home and
took oft, pulling his cart to the nearby mountains to chop wood. Just as he
was on the way back home, one of the wooden wheels on his cart ran over
a large rock and broke, making it impossible to continue. "If I don't get the
wood home, we will have nothing to burn," he thought to himself, "but
my c a r t . . . . " After thinking about the situation for quite some time, he
finally had no other choice but to go to Help-No-One's house and borrow
a cart. Beseech-No-One went through the door to the house and with a
smile on his face said, "Hey Help-No-One, good ole buddy, we don't have
any firewood at home, and I thought maybe I could borrow your cart to
make one quick run. What do you think?"
Help-No-One, just to make things difficult, responded, "The c a r t . . . that's
not a problem, but the canvas cover and the rope are all up on the roof, and
there's no way to get them down. We don't have a ladder either, so I don't
know how I can help you out."
After hearing this, Beseech-No-One knew that Help-No-One was not
willing to let him use the cart and turned angrily to leave.
Interestingly enough, just a few days had passed when Help-No-One's
well completely dried up. He took a look at his garden, and everything
was beginning to wilt. At this, Help-No-One started to get real concerned.
After thinking about the situation for quite some time, he finally had no
other choice but to go to Beseech-No-One's house and ask to use his well
so he could water his garden. Help-No-One went through the door to the
house, and with a smile on his face said, "Hey Beseech-No-One, good
ole buddy, my well has gone dry and my garden is wilting, so I thought
maybe I could use your well to water my garden. What do you think?"
Beseech-No-One, out of spite said, "The w e l l . . . it has a lot of water,
b u t . .. the key to the well cover is hanging in the cellar, and neither of us
has a ladder, so I don't know how I can help you out."
Help-No-One didn't get the water he needed and just left.
The moral of this little story is that if people don't help each other,
humanity will not persist. Besides, there is no such person as Beseech-
No-One. People cannot separate themselves from others and survive. 2
THE R E A S O N WHY THE FIR, CEDAR, A N D RED

BILBERRY BECAME EVERGREENS
Once upon a time, there was a kindly swallow who had discovered the
spring of eternal life. He sipped a few drops and held them in his beak
and then went out searching for a worthy human being. He flew high and
low, hoping to find someone to whom he could grant eternal life and ever-
lasting youth. However, a mean-spirited bumblebee, who knew the secret
that the swallow was carrying in his bill, stung the bird in flight. The swal-
low uttered a groan from the pain, and the precious liquid spilled from its
bill. The drops of magical liquid fell down from the sky and splashed onto
the outspread leaves and branches of the fir, cedar, and red bilberry, and
as a result the leaves of these three trees became forever green.
The swallow, realizing that it would not be able to grant a human being
the gift of eternal life and youth, chased the bumblebee, and in its grief
and anger he pulled out the bumblebee's tongue. From that day forth, the
bumblebee has been unable to sing beautifully but instead is able only to
utter an ugly droning noise.
THE SWALLOW A N D THE WASP
Many, many years ago, the Garida Khan, who ruled over the world of
feathered creatures and birds, summoned a wasp and a swallow before him
in order to discover which creature possessed the tastiest and most deli-
cious meat in the world. When they arrived, the Garida Khan immediately
dispatched them on a mission around the world and told them that who-
ever discovered the answer first should report back to him immediately and
inform him which creature had the sweetest meat. The swallow and the
wasp flew away at the command of Garida Khan. On that day the weather
was very fine, the sun shone brightly, and it was very warm and hot, so the
swallow forgot the king's order and spent his day swooping in the blue sky,
singing beautifully, bathing in the sun, and enjoying himself at ease.
However, the evil and vicious wasp spent the whole day stinging all
the animals that crossed his path, and he also tasted all their hot blood
as he stung them. When the sun began to set, the two creatures returned
to the agreed meeting place and together they began their journey back
to the Garida Khan. The swallow asked the wasp if he had managed to
find out which animals' meat was the sweetest. The wasp answered that
the creature with the sweetest meat was the human being. Men had the
tastiest meat, and therefore their king, the Garida Khan, must always be
fed human meat.
The swallow was most distressed when he heard the wasp's words, and
he grieved for the fate of mankind and wondered what he could do to save
all the kind human beings that he knew.
Then he asked himself, "How shall I save those poor human beings
from disaster?" And he asked the wasp, "How could you taste the hot
blood of living man?" The wasp answered, "Oh, that is very easy. I pierced
him with my sting and tasted with my tongues," said the wasp.
Then the swallow asked, "Where is your great tongue?" And when
the wasp opened its mouth and showed its tongue, saying, "This is my
tongue . . .," the swallow pecked it out. It is from that time that the wasp
has not been able to sing beautifully and only makes a buzzing, droning
sound.
When they arrived at the King of the Feathered Creatures and Birds
court, the wasp began to complain loudly and flew around the king, buzzing
with all his might, but because he had lost his tongue, nobody could make
out what he was saying and what his problem was.
The king demanded to know what the wasp was saying and what kind
of noise he was making and angrily complained that he could understand
nothing of what the wasp was saying. In the end, he asked the swallow
to explain the outcome of their quest and to tell him what creature on the
Earth had the tastiest and most delicious meat. The swallow replied that it
was the snake that had the sweetest and tastiest meat in the world.
The King of the Feathered World believed the swallow's words, and
from that day forth he began to catch and eat snakes. Today only the hawk
remains of the descendants of the Garida Khan, and this bird loves to hunt
and eat snakes, just like the king.
THE GUESSING BOYS

Many moons ago, there were three orphan boys who between them pos-
sessed only one cow with a calf. The orphans were completely dependant
on the cow for their sustenance. They each used to suck three of the cow's
nipples, and the calf used to suck the fourth. One day, their cow went out
to pasture and did not return. They waited for a day, but the cow did not
return. They waited for a second day, but the cow did not return. A third day
passed, and the calf died of starvation. The boys searched for their cow, but
they could find no trace. Eventually they came to their noyan? The noyan was
cooking a shoulder of beef, and he offered to share it with them. When they
began to eat it, the eldest brother said, "This is our meat." Then the second
brother said, "This is a shoulder of beef." Finally, the youngest brother said,
"If it is our meat and a shoulder of beef, this then is our cow's shoulder."
Then the noyan demanded to know how they knew it was their cow's
shoulder. The brothers immediately answered, "We know, because we
guessed." To which the noyan responded, "Are you good at guessing?"
They answered, "We can guess what we can guess." And the noyan
retorted, "You will go outside, and we will see how good you are at
guessing." And after they had gone outside, he hid some things under
three china cups and turned them upside down. Then he called to the boys
and told them, "Now come in!"
When they came in, the noyan said, "Guess what is in the first cup?" The
eldest boy answered, "There is something the shape of a ball." The second
boy said, "Something pure yellow." Then the youngest boy guessed, "If
there is something the shape of a ball and it is colored pure yellow then it
has to be a sparrow's egg." When the noyan turned up the cup, there was
a sparrow's egg underneath.
Next the noyan asked what was in the middle cup. The eldest boy answered,
"There is something pure red in the cup." The second brother added, "There
is something very tasty in the cup." Then the youngest brother said trium-
phantly, "If there is something pure red and something very tasty, it must be
a red plum." And the noyan turned up the cup to reveal a red plum.
Then the noyan asked, "What is there in the last cup?" The eldest boy
said, "There is something round in that cup." The second boy answered,
"There is something that has a square hole in the middle." Then again the
youngest boy guessed, reckoning that if there were something round that
had a square hole in its middle then it must surely be a brass coin.4 Thus,
all three boys had guessed all three things in the three cups. The noyan
ordered a sheep to be killed and cooked in honor of the boys, and he com-
manded that his mares be milked and a ger be erected as a sign of respect
for the three boys, and a big feast was held.
The noyan secretly instructed his servant to listen to what the three boys
were discussing after they had been left alone and to report back his find-
ings immediately. When the servant went and listened to the boys, they
were discussing the various parts of the meal. They commented that the
airaq5 was the best that they had ever tasted but that it contained human
blood. The meat that had been served, the boys observed, had been of
excellent quality but that it had been dog's meat. Lastly they revealed that
the noyan was one of the best men, most caring of hosts, and finest of noyans
but that he was not in fact a Mongol but was in reality of Chinese descent.
The noyan was furious and immediately summoned the shepherd from
whom he had purchased the sheep for that night's feast and demanded
why he had sold him dog instead of sheep. The shepherd pleaded inno-
cence and insisted that the sheep had been of the finest quality. However,
he added that particular sheep they had eaten that night had been reared
within the shepherd's family circle, and because the sheep's mother had
died, the sheep as a lamb had been suckled at a dog's nipple.
Next the noyan went to his horse breeder and demanded to know if he
had given him human blood in place of his order for the finest airag. The
horseman then explained that when he had been out catching a horse with
a lasso, the lasso pole ripped his hand and blood had seeped out and it
had dripped into the water. It was the same water that his mares had been
drinking from, and this would explain how blood had contaminated the
mare's milk from which the airag was made.
Lastly when the noyan returned home that night, he confronted his
mother and asked her, "What man's son am I?" Then with a sigh, his
mother answered, "Your true father was a Chinese." Hearing this, the
noyan was disappointed, but he called the three orphan boys to his ger and
he apologized for having stolen and eaten the boys' cow. Then the noyan
renounced his position and appointed the eldest boy as noyan and his two
brothers as his officials, and he lived happily ever after.
H O W IT C A M E A B O U T THAT THE CAMEL TUMBLES

I N T O THE A S H E S
The Mongol 12-year calendar was assigned its animal names long ago
by the Buddha. He had no problem assigning the first 11 animals, but
he could not decide the animal who should represent the first year of the
cycle. Both the camel and the mouse had submitted their names, and the
Buddha was reluctant to chose between them for fear of upsetting one of
the two. Therefore, at the Buddha's prompting, it was decided that they
should resolve the issue between themselves. The animal who would rep-
resent the first year of the calendar cycle, they decided, would be the one
who saw the first light of the morning sun.
Whereas the camel faced the east to await the sunrise, the mouse, climb-
ing up onto the camel's hump, fixed his eyes steadily toward the west on a
mountain top. So it was that when the time came for the appearance of the
first rays of the sun and the beam fell upon the top of the western moun-
tain, the mouse cried out that he had seen the light first and was therefore
the winner. The camel became furious at losing the bet and attempted to
kill the mouse by trampling him underfoot. Fearing for his life, the mouse
scurried away and hid himself under a pile of ashes.
It is for this reason that whenever a camel sees a pile of ashes, he stamps
his feet or lies down in order to completely flatten his detested enemy, the
mouse who came to represent the first year of the calendar cycle. How-
ever, even though the camel was left out of the 12-year animal cycle, in fact
it was discovered that he was present in each of the 12 years. The camel
possesses characteristics of each of the 12 animals in individual body parts
so that the camel in this way also became present in the cycle.
These body parts that the camel possesses are as follows:
1. The ears of a mouse.

2. The stomach of a cow..
3. The paws of a tiger.
4. The nose of a hare.
5. The body of a dragon.
6. The eyes of a snake.
7. The mane of a horse (the long hair under his neck).

8. The wool of a sheep.
9. The hump of an ape.
10. The head crest of a chicken.
11. The legs of a dog.
12. The tail of a pig.
ARSLANTAI MERGEN K H A N
Many years ago there lived a khan called Arslantai Mergen. This khan's
kingdom held the belief that correct practice insisted that all horses be
herded together and grouped on low ground. Among his many fine
horses there were some special steeds, among them a wild chestnut horse.
One day, when the khan came out to check on his horses, he found to his
astonishment that they were not together in a herd on the low ground. He
could not understand this because he personally checked the horses every
night. His guess was that three wolves must have eaten some of his horses.
So without further ado, he prepared to hunt those three wolves and bring
back their heads as trophies. He chose, as his special mount for this special
hunting trip, his chestnut horse, which was born of a chestnut mare.
News of the khan's expedition soon reached the ears of the three wolves,
and they began to discuss strategy.
"Arslantai Mergen Khan intends to kill us by hunting us on his chestnut
horse, the foal of a chestnut mare. Since it is also the foal of a young mare,
we shall have to try to escape, first up to the top of a mountain, and then
we should change direction quickly and run away down the mountain-
side, so that he can not catch up with us." The other wolves quickly agreed
with him.
Next day, Arslantai Mergen Khan found the scent of the wolves and
quickly gave chase after them. The wolves, as they had agreed, fled first
up to the top of a mountain, and then they turned swiftly down the moun-
tainside, and Arslantai Mergen Khan could not catch up with them.
Arslantai Mergen Khan decided to continue the hunt for the three
wolves using instead his foal of a chestnut mare with a blaze of white
down its nose, so he went back home to prepare for the hunt.
The wolves learned of this and said to themselves, "Arslantai Mergen
Khan is getting ready to pursue us on the foal of a chestnut mare with a blaze
of white down its nose. However, this foal is the foal of an old mare, so we
can make good our escape by turning swiftly down the mountainside and
then turning quickly up to the top of the mountain each time he tries to
reach us. Then he will never be able to catch up with us, and we will escape
his clutches forever." The other two wolves agreed that this plan would
allow them to escape from the khan.
The next day, once again Arslantai Mergen Khan galloped after the
wolves, riding on his blazed chestnut horse, which was the offspring of
a blazed chestnut mare, but he was unable to catch up with the wolves
because, just as they had agreed, after running away down the mountain-
side they abruptly turned and sped back up to the top of the mountain.
Again Arslantai Mergen Khan went home to devise a better strategy
to ensnare these scheming predatory wolves. This time, he decided to
hunt them with his lean and bony wild chestnut horse. Again, the three
cocky wolves heard of the khan's plans, and they laughed derisively at the
thought of being chased by this old, skinny horse. They sneered at Arslan-
tai Mergen Khan's audacity in coming after them on such a "steed." That
night the wolf said to its companions, "Let's feast on that bony chestnut
horse from among the herd of Arslantai Mergen Khan!" The other two
wolves replied, "It would be bad for our digestion if we ate such a lean
and skinny horse. Let us choose a filly mare with more flesh," but they
could not agree among themselves which horse they would honor that
night with their hungry teeth.
Finally, the chief wolf said to the others, "Listen, we can decide this mat-
ter later. Let us first agree where to meet. Now listen to me. First, we will
meet on the shady back-top of the Altai Khangai mountain! Second, we
will meet on the backside of that wild and chestnut horse! And third," the
wolf continued, laughing and sneering with contempt, "we will meet on
the shoulders of the Arslantai Mergen Khan!"
The next morning Arslantai Mergen Khan pursued the three wolves on
his wild chestnut horse. It was not long before he caught up with them
and swiftly killed all three of them. He had caught and killed them all on
the back-top of the Altai mountain. Having killed the wolves, he put their
skins on the back of his lean and wild chestnut horse and then returned
home. At home, Arslantai Mergen Khan fashioned a jacket for himself
from the wolf-skins. From that day forth, both the khan and his steed wore
their coats made from the skins of the three wolves.
So it came to pass that those three wolves had in fact spoken the truth
and had correctly foreseen the future. For they truly met each other on
the three occasions they had mentioned, namely, on the back of the Altai
mountain, on the rump of the poor wild chestnut horse, and around the
shoulders of Arslantai Mergen Khan!
NOTES
1. "The Three Sisters" is a story from the Daur minority. The storyteller was
Audeng, and told in 1996 at Hohhot, Inner Mongolia.
2. The stories quoted previously have been translated by Todd Cornell for Cul-
tureE volution (http://www.ezlink.com/~culturev/CulturMythology.htm). Permission
was sought but no reply received. However the stories appear on other sites without
restrictions: http://www.gwinnett.kl2.ga.us/PinckneyvilleMS/Media/B_MG_E_G/
MediafestivalHOME.htm and http://drlee.Org/mongolia/mythology.html#center.
3. A noyan is a lord, noble, general.
4. Thirteenth-century Mongolian coins were round with a square central hole.
5. Airaq is the finest distilled kumiss.
272 Daily life in the Mongol Empire
APPENDIX A
Years According to the Animal Cycle: 1168-1371

RAT 1168 1180 1192 1204 1216 1228 1240 1252
OX 1169 1181 1193 1205 1217 1229 1241 1253
TIGER 1170 1182 1194 1206 1218 1230 1242 1254
HARE 1171 1183 1195 1207 1219 1231 1243 1255
DRAGON 1172 1184 1196 1208 1220 1232 1244 1256
SNAKE 1173 1185 1197 1209 1221 1231 1245 1257
HORSE 1174 1186 1198 1210 1222 1234 1246 1258
SHEEP 1175 1187 1199 1211 1223 1235 1247 1259
MONKEY 1176 1188 1200 1212 1224 1236 1248 1260
HEN 1177 1189 1201 1213 1225 1237 1249 1261
DOG 1178 1190 1202 1214 1226 1238 1250 1262
PIG 1179 1191 1203 1215 1227 1239 1251 1263
KA1 1264 1276 1288 1300 1312 1324 1336 1348 1360
OX 1265 1271 1289 1301 1313 1325 1337 1349 1361
TIGER 1266 1278 1290 1302 1314 1326 1338 1350 1362
HARE 1267 1279 1291 1303 1315 1327 1339 1351 1363
DRAGON 1268 1280 1292 1304 1316 1328 1340 1352 1364
SNAKE 1269 1281 1293 1305 1317 1329 1341 1353 1365
HORSE 1270 1282 1294 1306 1318 1330 1342 1354 1366
SHEEP 1271 1283 1295 1307 1319 1331 1343 1255 1367
MONKEY 1272 1284 1296 1308 1320 1332 1344 1356 1368
HEN 1273 1285 1297 1309 1321 1333 1345 1357 1369
DOG 1274 1286 1298 1310 1322 1334 1346 1358 1370
PIG 1275 1287 1299 1311 1323 1235 1247 1259 1371
APPENDIX: PERSONAGES
Abish Khatun r.1263-82 Ruled Shiraz; married Mongke Temiir son of

Hulegu
Abu Sa^Id r.1316-35 Last Il-Khan of Iran; son of Ghazan
Ahmad Tegudar, r.1282-84 Son of Hulegu; third Il-Khan of Iran
Sultan
Alans Persian speaking semi-nomadic people from
the north Caucasus, ancestors of Ossetians
Arghun Aqa d.1273 Mongol administrator of Iran; governor of
Khorasan
Arghun Khan r.1284-91 Il-Khan of Iran, son of Abaqa, grandson of
Hulegu
Arigh Boqa d.1266 Youngest son of Mongke Khan; rival of Qubilai
Khan
Ascelin, Lombard 1247-48 Dominican envoy who encounted Baiju
Baidu d.1295 Il-Khan for six chaotic months, killed by
Ghazan
Baiju/ Baichu 1228-1259 Military commander of western Asia for Batu
Bar Hebraeus 1226-86 Christian historian from Syria/Anatolia
Batu Khan d.1255 Founder & ruler of Golden Horde
Baybars, Sultan d.1277 Mamluk Sultan of Egypt; with Qutuz victor of
Ayn Jalut [1260]
Berke Khan r.1256-66 Brother of Batu, ruler of Golden Horde
(Continued)
Bolad Aqa c.1240-1313 Mongol administrator, envoy; ambassador to
Iran from China. Married former concubine of
Abaqa
Borte First wife of Temujin, mother of Batu etc.
Bujir 1206-1260 Mongol Successor administrator to Mahmud
Yalavac
Carpini, Giovanni 1245-47 Papal emissary to the Mongols
de Piano
Ch'ang-Ch'un 1148-1227 Spiritual advisor to Chinggis Khan
Chin Jurchen dynasty ruling northern China
defeated by Chinggis c.1215
Cumans/ Turkic people from western Eurasian steppes
Pecheneg/Qipchaq
Dokuz Khatun d.1265 Wife of Tolui Khan, then primary wife of
Hulegu Khan
Ghazan Khan r.1295^1304 Proclaimed Mongol Iran, Muslim.
Gog and Magog Biblical enemies of God; in Ezekiel Gog is
the ruler of the land of Magog, while in
Revelations Gog and Magog are nations that
are under Satan's rule. Mongols thought to
be their emissaries.
Grigor of Akanc' d. circa Armenian cleric and Historian
1275
Gliylik Khan r.1246-49 3 rd Great Khan, son of Ogodei
Het'um, King 1224-68 King of Armenian Cilicia, Lesser Armenia,
staunch ally of the Mongols
Ho'eliin Chinggis's mother
Hsi-hsia aka Originally Tibetan semi-nomadic trading tribe.
Tangut Victims of Chinggis's last campaign.
Hu Szu-hui Presented Author of Yin-shan cheng-yao [Proper and
book, 1330 Essential Things for the Emperor's Food and Drink]
Ibn Batutta 1304-69 Traveller from Tangiers, journeys 1325-54
Jebe Noyan d.1224 One of four 'Hounds of War'. 1221-4 epic
reconnaissance trip.
Juwayni, c Ata d.1282 Historian, Ilkhanid governor of Baghdad
Malik
Juwayni, Shams d.1280 Grand Vizier under Hulegu and Abaqa Khan
al-Din
Juzjani, Minhaj d.1260 Anti-Mongol historian from Delhi Sultanate
al-DIn
Kart, Shams al-Din d.1278 Founder of Kart dynasty of Herat; 1245-1389
(Continued)
274
Kereits Turco-Mongol tribe among whom were many
Nestorian Christians.
Ket-Buqa d.1260 Mongol general, Nestorian, killed by Mamluks
after defeat at Ayn Jalut.
Khwarazmshah, d.1231 [?] Killed murdered for his clothes by Kurdish
Jalal al-DIn bandits who did not realise who he was.
Mingbirdi
Khwarazmshah, d.1221 Hunted by the Noyens Jebe and Subodei, he
Sultan died of pleurisy on the island of Abeskum
Mohammad
Kirakos 1200-72 Armenian historian and cleric
Mahmud Yalavac d.1254 Merchant and top administrator for Mongols
Mamluks 1250-1517 Rulers of Egypt and Syria
Marco Polo 1254-1324 VenetianTraveller and official of the Yuan
dynasty under Qubilai.
Mar Yaballaha 1245-1317 Nestorian monk who travelled from China to
Europe, later Patriarch of Nestorian Church in
Tabriz [1281-1317]
Mas'ud Beg d.1289 Son of Mahmud Yalavac. Top administrator
Merkits Turco-Mongol tribe
Mongke Khan r.1251-1258 4th Great Khan, son of Tolui
Mongke Temiir 1256-82 Son of Hulegu; ruled Shiraz with Abish Khatun
Musta'sim, Caliph r.1242-58 Caliph in Baghdad until executed by Hulegu.
Mustawfi 1282-1344 historian, geographer, government tax official,
Qazvini, and notable
Hamdallah
Naiman Turco-Mongol tribe
Nestorians Eastern Christians, who follow the teachings of
Nestorius, archbishop of Constantinople.
Noghai Khan d.1300 Rival of Toqta fror Golden Horde; founded
Noghai Khanate in Dubrudja
Oderic of 1286-1331 Cleric, traveller in Far East 1316-1330
Pordenone, Friar
Oghul-Qaimish r. 1248-51 Ruled empire as Giiyiik's widow
Khatun
Ogodei Khan, r. 1227-41 Successor to father Chinggis Khan
Qaqan
Ong Khan/ d.1203 Ruler of Kereyit tribe, early ally, anda of Yisugei
Toghril
Orda d.1206 Batu Khan's elder brother, khan of White Horde
(Continued)
275
Padeshah Khatun r.1292-95 Queen of Kirman, wife of Abaqa Khan.
Paris, Matthew 1200?-1259 English chronicler and monk.
Qaidu Khan 1236-1303 Mongol traditionalist, ruled Turkistan for
Ogodeids until his death.
Qara-Khitai Descendants of semi-nomadic Turko-Mongol
Khitans from northern China who settled in
Turkistan from 1120 until advent of the Mongols
Qipchaq/ Turkic people from western Eurasian steppes
Kipchak/
Cumans/
Pecheneg
Qubilai Khan r.1260-1294
Qutulun bint After 1303 Daughter of Qaidu Khan, famous for her
Qaidu military prowess.
Qutuz, Sultan d.1260 Mamluk Sultan of Egypt; victor of Ayn Jalut
Rabban Sauma 1225-94 Chinese Nestorian who travelled to Europe
Rashid al-DIn d.1318 Historian, Ilkhanid prime minister
Rumi, Jalal al-Din 1207-1273 Sufi poet from Turkistan who settled in
Anatolia [Rum].
Shiremiin d.1258 Grandson of Ogodei, executed by Qubilai
Sorghaghtani d.1252 Chief wife of Tolui, mother of Mongke Khan
Beki
Subodai Bahadur 1176-1248 One of four 'Hounds of War'. 1221-4 epic
Noyan reconnaissance trip.
Suldus Turco-Mongol tribe, sheltered Temujin from
Tayichi'ut
Sung/Song Chinese dynasty ruling southern China until
final defeat by Qubilai in 1279. Capital in
Hangzhou.
Suqunjaq Noyan d.1290 General from the Suldus tribe, governor of
Shiraz in 1280s
Tangut aka Originally Tibetan semi-nomadic trading tribe.
Hsi-hsia Victims of Chinggis's last campaign.
Tatars Turco-Mongol tribe, killers of Temujin's father.
Tayichi'ut Turco-Mongol tribe, early enemy of Temujin
Teb Tenggeri d.c.1206 Chief shaman, killed after challenging
Chinggis.
Tegudar Ahmad, r.1282-84 Son of Hulegu; third Il-Khan of Iran
Sultan
Temujin 1167-1227 Became Chinggis Khan in 1206
(Continued)
276
Temiir Oljeitu r. 1294-1307 Yuan Great Khan, grandson of Qubilai
Tenggeri Heaven, Mongols' sky God
Terkan Khatun of r.1257-1283 Queen of Kirman, titled 'Qutlugh'
Kerman,
Terkan Khatun of d.1283 Would-be ruler of Shiraz, murdered by her
Shiraz husband
Tode Mongke r. 1280-87 Ruler of Golden Horde when Turkish officially
replaced Mongolian.
Toghrul aka d.1203 Leader of Kereits and Temujin's powerful
Ong-Khan or protector
Wang-Khan
Tolui Khan d.1232 Youngest son of Chinggis and Borte
Toqta Khan r.1291-1312 Khan of the Golden Horde
Toregene Khatun d.1246 Wife of Ogodei; regent 1241-46
Tusi, Nasir al-DIn 1201-74 Philosopher, scientist, advisor to Hulegu
Uyghurs Turkic people today living in Xinjiang
Province of western China. Early allies of
Mongols active in administration.
Vanakan d.1251 Armenian cleric and historian
Wassaf d. (circa) Historian, administrator in Shiraz, history
1330 covers 1257-1328
William of d.1266? Papal emissary to Mongols 1253-55
Rubruck
Yesligei d.1174 Father of Chinggis Khan, poisoned by Tatars.
277
GLOSSARY
c
Abbasids A dynasty of Islamic sultans ruling from Iraq and Baghdad,
750-1258 (1517, in Cairo).
Abu, Abu "Father of ...," often used as main form of address. Compare
bin, ibn (son of ...).
Alamut Headquarters of Nizari IsmaTlis, north of Qazvin. This castle was
destroyed by Hulegu in 1256.
c
Alids Followers of the Imam All; Shi'ites.
anda "Brother-by-oath," sealed with blood. A strong pact made between
Mongol friends vowing loyalty and support.
appanage Land or other provision granted by a king for the support of a
member of the royal family.
aqa Elder brother with the connotation of senior prince. Aqa and ini, all the
family including elder and younger brothers or, by implication, princes.
aqa Title for noble (e.g., Arghun Aqa).
arbans Ten men.
atabeg Local ruler. Originally this term denoted the personal tutor and
guardian of a royal prince.
autarkic Economic self-sufficiency.
Ayyubids Kurdish sultans who ruled in Syria and Iraq and who domi-
nated the Islamic world between 1169 and 1260. Saladin (Salah al-DIn, d.
1193) is the most famous of the Ayyubids for his seizure of Jerusalem and
his final defeat of the Fatimids as well as his justice and wisdom.
280 Glossary
Bahadur Hero, brave warrior; often given as a title.

baksi Lama, Buddhist priest, sage.
basqaq Overseer appointed by the Great Khan, or Il-Khan, to oversee
the provincial administrations. Basqaq (Turkish), also darugha, darughachi
(Mongol), shahna (Arabo-Persian).
bdtin Esoteric interpretation of Islam.
B.C.E. Before the common era; a religiously neutral alternative to B.C, now
growing in usage, especially in academic publications.
beg Tribal leader, prince (Turkish), lord.
bilig Saying, maxim; especially, biligs of Chinggis Khan.
bin, ibn, b "Son of ...," often written b.
bint, bt "Daughter of ...," often written bt. (e.g., Abish Khatun bint Terkan
Khatun).
bocca/boghta Large headdress worn by Mongol ladies.
boge Shaman.
boka'iil Court taster, officer in charge of army provisions.
bulqaq Disturbance, chaos, confusion.
C.E. Common era; a religiously neutral alternative to A.D., now growing in
usage, especially in academic publications.
cangue Wooden implement of punishment and restraint that traps the
hands and head in a vice.
catholicos Head of the Nestorian Church.
ch'ao Chinese paper money used also in Il-Khanate in 1290s.
ching-chi-jen Branded police informer.
Chinggisid Related to the House of Chinggis Khan and his descen-
dants.
Chung-shu-sheng—Secretarial council under the Yuan dynasty.
danishmand—Learned scholar, though often used to mean Muslim
cleric.
Dar al-Harb "Abode of war." All territory not under Islamic law.
Dar al-Islam "Abode of Islam." All lands under Islamic law.
darugha, darughachi See basqaq.
Diwan, Dargah The royal court (Persian).
elchi, ilchi Envoy, ambassador, representative.
emir, amir Noble, lord, or prince. A title of Arabic and Persian origin.
emir/amir al-umara Commander in chief.
farr Persian term meaning "majesty," "nobility."
farsang, parsang, farsakh 6.42 kilometers.
fatwa Islamic legal ruling.
fida'i Islamic warrior, holy warrior, ghazi.
ger Yurt; tent made with cloth and a wooden frame as support.
Glossary 281
ghazi Fida'i, holy Islamic warrior, fighter who has declared war on
infidels.
ghuldm Slave. See Mamluk.
Ghurids Afghan dynasty ruling central and eastern Afghanistan, Ghur,
from 1011 to 1215.
Gog and Magog Devils who at the end of time will wage war on the Chris-
tian church but who will finally be destroyed by the forces of God (Revela-
tion 20:8-10); a prince and the land from which he comes to attack Israel
(Ezekiel 38).
Golden Horde The Mongol ulus founded by Batu, based in Russia,
Ukraine, Eastern Europe.
Great Saljuqs Turkish dynasty ruling in Persia.
gurkhan Title, leader of a clan or tribe.
harban Ten men.
haran Commoners.
hsien Basic judicial unit.
hsien-yin Magistrate.
Hsing Chung-shu-sheng Regional secretarial council under the Yiian
dynasty.
il, el Turco-Mongol for "friendly," "at peace," "submissive," as opposed to
bulgha, "at war," "rebellious."
Ilchi Messenger, representative.
Il-Khanate, Il-Khan The Mongol kingdom in western Asia comprising
Iran, Afghanistan, Iraq, eastern Turkey, and the southern Caucasus. The
kings were called Il-Khans. Founded by Hulegu circa 1258.
ini Younger brother or prince. Aqa and ini, all the family including elder
and younger brothers or, by implication, princes.
inju Mongol crown lands.
iqta Assignment of land or its revenue.
Iran/Persia These terms are often used interchangeably. The Persian
Empire, centered traditionally in Fars/Pars province with its capital in the
vicinity of modern Shiraz, has in its history encompassed Afghanistan,
central Asia, Anatolia, Mesopotamia, and modern Iran. Iran, or more cor-
rectly Iranzamin, usually referred to the lands of the Iranian plateau and
Afghanistan, that is, those lands south of the Oxus River facing Turan, the
land of the Turk.
Isma c ili Sevener Shi'ites, Fatimids of North Africa, Assassins of Iran and
Syria. Also known as 7ers.
Itiigen Earth; the earth goddess.
jagun One hundred men.
jihad, jihadist Jihad means "holy war" and is understood to be either the
great jihad, in which evil is confronted within the believer's heart, or the
lesser jihad, war against those who would oppress Muslims or occupy
their lands. Jihadists are those who believe in perpetual holy war against
282 Glossary
the infidel. It is a term adapted by followers of militant Islam, such as

Osama bin Laden.
Jochids Supporters and descendants of Jochi, eldest son of Chinggis Khan,
and Batu, who founded the Golden Horde.
Jurchen Seminomadic tribe that founded the Chin (gold) dynasty of
northern China.
keshig Imperial guard.
Kereits Turco-Mongol tribe, many of whom were Nestorian Christians of
Turkic origin.
Khan, the Great Khan, Qa'an Lord, noble, also a title (e.g., Chinggis
Khan). The Great Khan, or Qa'an, was the ruling khan, or emperor, of the
Mongol Empire.
khdnaqdh, khdngdh Hospices, retreats, or monasteries for Sufis, some-
times open to the public.
khatun Lady; title given to a woman of noble birth.
khilcat Robe of Honor.
Khorasan Province of northeastern Greater Iran.
khutba The Friday sermon given by the head Imam of the mosque. It was
very important because blessings were traditionally invoked for the cur-
rent ruler, thus any changes in regime or dynasty would be announced in
the Friday khutba.
koumiss, kumiss, qumis, airag. Alcoholic drink fermented from mare's
milk, very popular with the Mongols.
kung-shou Archers, that is, Yiian police officers.
malik Local king or ruler.
Mamluk (ghuldm) A slave soldier. Mamluks were often captured as chil-
dren during battles or raids on central Asian, Caucasian, Anatolian, and
African territory and brought up in military camps as Muslims and sol-
diers. The Mamluks were the ruling elite of Egypt from 1250 to 1517. Their
armies defeated the Mongols in 1261 at Ain Jalut.
mangonel War engine used to throw stones and rocks; giant catapult.
Manichaeans Mani was born in 216 C.E. St. Augustine was a follower before
his conversion. From his home in southeastern Iran, Mani traveled exten-
sively and gained many followers. He considered the quest for truth the
essence of all religion and saw the universe as a cosmic battlefield between
good and evil. He recognized the role of all the great religious figures.
maphrian Armenian patriarch, elder of the Church.
Merkits Powerful Mongol tribe, and early enemies of Temujin; lived south
of Lake Baikal. Hunters and fishermen.
minbar Pulpit for the reading of the Friday khutba, or sermon.
minghan One thousand men.
Moguls Descendants of Timurlane, who claimed Mongol heritage. They
ruled India until the advent of the British.
Glossary 283
mustawf T Revenue accountant.

naccara Mongol war drums.
Naimans Turco-Mongol tribe of steppe nomads, mainly Buddhist but also
Nestorian Christians.
nasij Gold and silk brocade and embroidery.
nerge The elaborate hunt of the Mongols that served also as military train-
ing.
Nestorian Christianity Eastern Christian church with followers in China,
central Asia, and among the Mongols. Followers believed that Christ was
two distinct persons, divine and human, implying a denial that the Virgin
Mary was the mother of God.
noker, noker, nokhod (pi.) Ally, close friend; later it came to imply
follower. Used in Mongolian, Turkish, and Persian, hence the variety of
spellings.
noyan Mongol general or noble.
nur/nuur Lake (Turco-Mongol).
oghul Turkish for "son," applied as a title to Mongol princes of the
blood.
Oirats Forest Turco-Mongol tribe of hunters and fishermen; shamanists.
ongghot Images of family ancestors retained within the tent home for wor-
ship.
ordu Mongol camp.
ortaq Merchant in partnership with a prince or high official and operating
with the latter's money.
padeshah Persian king.
paiza Chinese p'ai tzu, a kind of laissez-passer, Marco Polo's "tablet of
authority"; facilitated travel and ensured favorable treatment.
parsang/'farsang 6.42 kilometers, a league less 3 miles.
paykdn Relay runners.
Pervana Mongol appointed governor of Sultanate of Rum.
Prester John A legend that grew among the crusader states of an eastern
Christian king who would come from the east and defeat the Muslim sul-
tanates on the way to rescue the besieged crusader states of Palestine.
Qa'an The Great Khan; often used alone with reference to Ogodei.
qadi Islamic judge.
qalandar Wandering dervish.
qanat Underground canal system still operating in Iran and Afghanistan.
Qipchaqs (Kipchaks), Cumans, Polovtsy A loosely organized Turkic
tribal confederation that by the mid-eleventh century occupied a vast,
sprawling territory in the Eurasian steppe, stretching from north of the
Aral Sea westward to the region north of the Black Sea.
q'ishlaqs Winter camps.
284 Glossary
qubchur Mongol all-purpose tax, poll-tax.

qumis, koumiss Alcoholic drink fermented from mare's milk, very popu-
lar with the Mongols.
quriltai A Mongol assembly of khans, princes, and nobles.
Rasadkhana The observatory at Maragheh, northwestern Iran, built by
Hulegu for Tusi.
Rum Anatolia, modern-day Turkey.
sahib diwan Chief minister, prime minister, grand vizier.
Saladin (Salah al-DIn) Born Ayyub (1137-93); retook Jerusalem from the
crusader armies in 1187 C.E.
Saljuqs Turkish dynasties ruling in Rum, Iran, and central Asia, from 1055.
Samanids Persian dynasty ruling eastern Persia, 819-1005.
Saracen Term commonly used in Christian sources to mean Muslim.
shahna Overseer; also basqaq (Turkish), darugha (Mongol), shahna (Arabo-
Persian).
shaman Steppe holy man and divinator; boge.
shao mai yin Funeral expenses.
Shi'ism, Shi'a, Shi'ite A major branch of Islam that recognizes 12 holy
Imams descending from CAH and the Prophet's daughter Fatima. Also
called 12ers.
Sinicize To manifest the influence and infiltration of Chinese culture.
ssu-yii Police commissioner.
steppe and sown, or settled A term used to contrast nomads from the
steppe lands with their settled, urbanized, or agriculturalist neighbors.
Sufi, Sufism Sufism is the mystical branch of Islam that blossomed under
the Il-Khans in particular.
Sunnism, Sunni, Sunnite The branch of Islam practiced by the majority
of the world's Muslims.
supratribal polity An amalgamation or federation of tribes working
toward a common objective.
talio, talion The system or legal principle of making the punishment cor-
respond to the crime (Latin); retaliation.
al-tamgha A vermillion seal of authentication attached to documents by
the Mongols.
tamma system An army of contingents allotted from the total available
Mongol manpower whose aim was to maintain and extend Mongol rule
in conquered territory.
tangsuq Novelty, rarity, precious object (Turco-Mongolian).
tanistry System of succession whereby the leadership goes to the most
powerful.
Taoism, Daoism Teachings based on Dao De Jing and Zhuang Zi (circa
300 B.C.E.), celebrating the merits of inaction and mysticism and contem-
plation.
Glossary 285
taqiyya Dissimulation, or the option to deny their religion and true beliefs
should they feel themselves in danger.
Tatar, Tartar Strictly speaking the Tatars are one of the Mongol tribes. How-
ever, Tatar, meaning Mongol, has been commonly used in European and
western Asian sources since the founding of Chinggis Khan's empire.
Ta-tu Beijing; "Great Capital" in Chinese, Khanbaliq (City of the Khan) in
Turkish, and Daidu/Dadu for the Mongols.
Tenggeri Heaven; the universal sky god.
Tenggerism or Heavenism Development of the Mongols' basic religious
beliefs.
tigishmishi Ceremony of presenting gifts to the ruler.
tulughma Military tactic of encirclement and frontal, shielded attack.
Toluid Supporters and descendants of Tului, youngest son of Chinggis
Khan.
tiimen Ten thousand.
Turan Traditionally the lands of Turkistan north of the Oxus River (Amu
Darya) facing Iran, the lands of Persia south of this once mighty river.
Turkistan The lands of central Asia including Xinjiang Province in western
China, most of whose people speak Turkic languages.
tz'u-tzu Tattooing with a stylus; branding.
Uighur/Uygur A Turkic tribe from the area of Turkistan today known
as Xinjiang in the far west of China. Mainly Muslim, the Uighur were
early allies of the Mongols and held important administrative positions
throughout the empire. The Uighur script was used to write Mongolian.
culamd' (sing, cdlim) Religious classes, Islamic scholars.
ultimogeniture/primogeniture Rights of the last born/first born.
ulus Allotment of people and tribes granted to Mongol princes.
'urfi Customary law.
waqf Islamic endowment.
wazir, vizier Government minister, top adviser.
wu hsing Five traditional forms of Chinese punishment: strangulation or
decapitation, life exile, imprisonment, beating with a heavy stick, beating
with a light stick.
yam The Mongol postal system, comprising relay stations equipped with
food, accommodation, and horses.
yarghu, yarghuchi Mongol court of interrogation and its officials.
yarligh Mongol edict, legal ruling.
yasa Traditional Mongol laws.
yaylaqs Summer camps.
yurt. Ger; tent made with material, often felt, with a wooden frame
support.
PRIMARY SOURCES AND
THOSE AVAILABLE IN
TRANSLATION
Altangerei, Damdinsurengyn, trans., Choi Luvsanjav and Robert Travers, eds.

1988. How Did the Great Bear Originate? Folktales from Mongolia. Ulaanbaatar,
Mongolia: State Publishing House.
Anonymous. 1976. Tdrikh-i Shdhi, ed. Ibrahim Bastani. Tehran: Intesharat Baniad
Farhang, Iran.
Ayati, Abdul Mohammad, ed. 1993. Tahrir-e Tdrikh-i Wassaf. Tehran: Ministry of
Culture and Education. This is an abridged and edited version of Wassaf's
virtually unreadable history. Even Iranians find Wassaf extremely difficult
to read. This excellent book makes Wassaf accessible to those with a reason-
able level of Persian.
Bar Hebraeus, Gregorius. 2003. The Chronography of Gregory Abu'l-Paraj Bar
Hebraeus' Political History of the World, Part I, trans. Ernest A. Wallis-Budge.
Piscataway, N.J.: Gorgias Press.
. 1932. The Chronography of Gregory Abu'l-Paraj Bar Hebraeus' Political History of
the World, Part I, trans. Ernest A. Wallis-Budge. London: Oxford University
Press.
This Christian bishop had access to Nasir al-DIn Tusi's remarkable library
in Maragheh and was witness to many of the events that took place in east-
ern Turkey, Syria, and Iranian Azerbaijan. In many ways his history is a
relatively impartial account of his times.
288 Primary Sources and those Available in Translation
. [1897] 1976. The Laughable Stories, trans. E.A. Wallis-Budge. 1897. Reprint,
New York: AMS Press. Bar Hebraeus collected stories, anecdotes, and max-
ims from all over the Mongol empire and beyond. Having access to the
libraries and the international scholars who flocked to the Mongol capital,
he was in a unique position to amass this intriguing collection of tales. They
give a vivid picture of the medieval world.
Bar Hebraeus, Gregory. 1993. Ethicon, trans. Herman Teule. Vol. 2. Louvain, Belgium:
E. Peeters. This book reveals another, spiritual side to Bar Hebraeus.
Bedrosian, Robert, (n.d.). Sources for the Armenian Tradition. Available at: http://
rbedrosian.com/kgl.htm. Robert Bedrosian studied medieval Armenian
history at university in the 1970s and was awarded a doctorate for his study
of the lords of Armenia and their relationship with invaders from the east,
namely the Turks and the Mongols. Since gaining his doctorate, Bedrosian
has veered sharply away from history and entered more lucrative waters.
However, in recent years, much to the enduring gratitude of medieval
scholars of the Middle East and the Mongols in particular, he has resumed
his interest in history and has made available in hard copy and on the Inter-
net his translations of medieval Armenian texts. These include Kirakos's
history, Grigor of Akanc's History of the Nation of Archers, Het'um's Flowers
of History, Sabeos's history, T'ovma Metsobets'i's History of Tamerlane and His
Successors, The Chronicle ofSmbat Sparapet, The Georgian Chronicle, and other
early texts covering the period before the Mongol invasion. Though he does
not claim his translations attain the highest standard of scholarship, they
are very readable and immensely valuable contributions to our field of aca-
demic research. For many years these Armenian texts have been virtually
inaccessible to most scholars interested in the Mongol period because few
had mastered Armenian, let alone medieval Armenian, and the only trans-
lations available were long out of print and available in very few libraries.
Robert Bedrosian fully deserves the gratitude that so many scholars have
expressed for making freely available the fruit of so many years of hard
work and research on the Internet for anyone to easily browse and enjoy
at no cost.
Bretschneider, E. [1910] 1967. Mediaeval Researches from Eastern Asiatic Sources.
Vol. 2. Reprint, London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. This provides the English
reader access to many valuable primary sources from China and East Asia
that would otherwise be completely unavailable. It includes extracts from
the Yuan Shih.
Brosset, Marie, trans. 1969. Histoire de la Georgie [The Georgian Chronicle],
St. Petersburg: Academie des Sciences 1849-58. This is a French translation
of another important Caucasian text, and it contains firsthand descriptions
of the events and relations between the Mongols and the Georgians and
Armenians.
Buell, Paul D., and Eugene N. Anderson. 2000. A Soup for the Qan. London: Kegan
Paul. This is an absorbing, fascinating, and practical guide to the culinary
practices and delights of Mongol cuisine during the Yiian period. As well
as translating the medieval text of the Uyghur cook Hu Szu-hui, Buell and
Anderson have provided a scholarly analysis of the text and provided a
wealth of background material about the Mongols and their empire. This is
a book not to be missed.
Carpini, Giovanni DiPlano. 1996. The Story of the Mongols Whom We Call the Tartars:
Historia Mongalorum, trans. Erik Hildinger. Boston: Branden. This is a new
translation of the journey of the thirteenth-century mission to the Mongols
undertaken by the papal envoy, though some would say spy, Friar Giovanni
DiPlano Carpini. It provides a vivid, firsthand account of the Mongols in
Russia and of the court of the Great Khan Giiylik. The longer quotations
in this book are taken from an earlier edition translated and annotated by
W.W. Rockhill. The Journey of William of Rubruck to the Eastern Parts of the
World, 1235-55, as narrated by himself, with two accounts of the earlier journey of
John of Plan de Carpine (London: Hakluyt Society, 1900).
Cleaves, Francis Woodman, trans. 1956. "The Biography of Bayan of the Barin in
the Yuan Shih." Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 19 (3/4): 185-303.
Clavijo, Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo. 1928. Clavijo. Embassy to Tamerlane 1403-1406, trans
Guy Le Strange. New York and London: Harper. Available on the Internet
http://depts.washington.edu/uwch/silkroad/texts/clavijo/cltxtl .html. This is
a fascinating and vivid description by a European envoy of the lands of
the Middle East and the Far East after the Mongols had fallen from power.
However, it is revealing in that it reports people's attitudes to the Mongols
with the hindsight of history.
Dawson, Christopher, ed. 1955. The Mongol Mission, trans, by a nun of Stanbrook
Abbey. London: Sheed & Ward. This collection contains an older transla-
tion of the journey of the thirteenth-century mission to the Mongols under-
taken by the papal envoy, though some would say spy, Friar Giovanni
DiPlano Carpini. It provides a vivid, firsthand account of the Mongols
in Russia and of the court of the Great Khan Giiylik. Also included are
William of Rubruck's account and other narratives and letters of the
Franciscan missionaries in Mongolia and China in the thirteenth and
fourteenth centuries.
Daya, Najm al-Din Razi. 1982. The Path of God's Bondsmen from Origin to Return, trans.
Hamid Algar. Delmar, NY.: Caravan Books. Daya was an Iranian Sufi poet
who witnessed the initial occupation of Iran and eastern Anatolia by the
Mongols and the anarchy that prevailed until the advent of Hulegu Khan
in 1254.
de Somogyi, Joseph. 1933-35. "A Qasida on the Destruction of Baghdad." Bulletin
of the School of Oriental and African Studies 2: 41-48 This poem is a thirteenth-
century description of the destruction of Baghdad by someone not very
sympathetic to the Mongol cause.
Fakhru'd-Din Iraqi. 1939. The Song of Lovers: 'Ushshaq-nama, trans. Arthur Arberry.
Islamic Research Association, no. 8. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Iraqi
was a Sufi poet of the Il-Khanid period and a friend of the Juwaynis and
other powerful figures of the time.
Gold, Milton, trans. 1976. Malik al-Shu'ara' Bihar: The Tarikh-e Sistan. Persian Heri-
tage Series. Tehran, Iran: Istituto Italiano Per II Medio Ed Estremo Oriente
and The Royal Institute of Translation and Publication of Iran. This history
of Sistan (S. E. Iran) is an example of a local history composed by contem-
poraries. It includes the Mongol period.
Grigor of Akanc'. 1954. History of the Nation of Archers, trans. R. Blake and R. Frye.
Cambridge: Harvard University Press. The Armenian cleric Grigor gives
a vivid and fascinating picture of the Mongols (the Archers), much of it
from firsthand knowledge. His history extends to the rule of Abaqa Khan
(1265-82).
Hamdallah Mustawfi Qazvlni. 1919. Nuzhat al-Qulub, trans. G. Le Strange. Leiden,
Netherlands: Brill & Luzac. (see also under Mustawfi) Mustawfi, a govern-
ment financial administrator, lived toward the end of the Il-Khanid period.
This geographical account of Iran, Afghanistan, and northeastern Turkey is
rich in detail and economic, social, and commercial data.
. 2000. Nuzhat al-Qulub, eds. M. Dablrsyaghl and Nashr Hadis. Qazvin:
al-Hadl Publishers. This is a new edition with an up-to-date introduction in
Persian. It does not contain the chapters dealing with the countries outside
of Iran and the Arab world.
. 1913. Tarikh-i-Guzida: The Select History, trans. Edward G. Browne. London:
Luzac. Printed for the trustees of the E.J.W. Gibb Memorial. This translation
is an abridged, summarized version of the original text.
Hetoum. 1988. A Eytell Cronycle, ed. Glenn Burger, trans. R. Bedrosian. Toronto:
University of Toronto Press. Available at: History of the Tartars (The Flower of
Histories of the East), http://rbedrosian.com/hetumint.htm. Another Armenian
text, here translated into medieval English. Hetoum was very much pro-
Mongol, and his account gives a different view of the Mongol conquests.
Hu Szu-hui. 2000. Yin-shan cheng-yao [Proper and essential things for the emperor's
food and drink] trans. Paul D. Buell and Eugene N. Anderson. A "Soup for
the Qan" See under Buell.
Ibn Abd al-Zahir, al-Qadi Muhi al-Din, ed. 1956. Baybars I of Egypt: al-Rawd al-Zahir
fi Sirat al-Malik al-Zahir, trans. Syedah Fatima Sadeque. Dacca, East Pakistan:
Paramount Press. This biography of the Mamluk leader, who was the only
serious challenge to the Mongols in the thirteenth century, gives a unique
view of the Mongols from Egypt.
Ibn Battuta. 1983. Travels in Asia and Africa 1325-1354, London: Routledge & Kegan
Paul.
. 1999. The Travels of Ibn Battuta A.D. 1325-1354, trans. H.A.R. Gibb. Vols. 1-3.
New Delhi: Munsharim. Born in Tangier in 1304, Ibn Battuta traveled from
North Africa to the Middle East, where he performed the hajj, and on to
Turkey, Iran, and through central Asia to China. He is estimated to have
covered some 75,000 miles between 1324 and 1354 and left the world a
remarkable account of his adventures in the medieval world.
Ibn al-Fuwati, Kamal al-DIn Abu al-Fazl. 1932. al-Hawddith al-Jami'a wa'l-Tajarib
al-nafi'a fi'l-mVa al-sabi'a. Baghdad: Carmel Press.
Ibn Isfandiyar. 1905. Ibn Isfandiyar's History of Tabaristan, trans. Edward G. Browne.
Leiden, Netherlands: E.J.W. Gibb Memorial Trust, E.J. Brill. Another local
history that includes events in the Caspian regions of Iran during the Mon-
gol years.
Iraqi, Fakhruddin. 1982. Fakhruddin 'Iraqi Divine Flashes, trans. William Chittick
and Peter Lamborn. London: SPCK, Holy Trinity Church. This is a transla-
tion of the well-know Persian Sufi poet Iraqi, who wrote in Mongol Iran and
enjoyed the patronage of top officials.
Juvaini (Juwayni), Ala-ad-Din Ata-Malik. 1997. The History of the World Conqueror,
trans. John Andrew Boyle, intro. David Morgan. Vols. 1 and 2. Manches-
ter, U.K.: Manchester University Press. The historian and later governor
of Baghdad, Ata Malik Juwayni (Juvaini) served at the Mongol court from
childhood. He witnessed many of the events firsthand and traveled exten-
sively throughout the empire. He served Hulegu in a personal capacity
until he was appointed governor of Baghdad circa 1260. His history is a
major source for information about the Mongols. Juwayni concludes his
history after the destruction of the Isma c ilis at Alamut but before the fall of
Baghdad.
. 1912,1916,1937, Tdrikh-i Jahdn Gushd, ed. Mohammad Qazvini. Vols. 1,2, and
3. London: E. J. Brill. This early edition printed in London contains a lengthy
and extremely useful introduction in English by E.G. Browne, including a
paraphrased translation of Juwayni's autobiography of the troubles which
beset him towards the end of his life.
Juzjani, Maulana, Minhaj-ud-Din Abu 'Umar-i-Usman. [1881] 1995. Tabakat-i-Nasiri:
A General History of the Muhammadan Dynasties of Asia; from 810-1260 A.D.
And The Irruption of the Infidel Mughals into Islam, trans. H.G. Raverty.
Reprint, Calcutta: Asiatic Society. Writing at approximately the same time
as his fellow Persian, Juwayni, the histories of Juzjani are particularly
interesting because they were written from outside the sphere of Mon-
gol domination and are, therefore, virulently anti-Mongol in character.
For this reason they provide a contrast and counterweight to Juwayni.
However, what is interesting is that both historians agree on most of the
major facts and chronology of events even though there was no chance of
collusion between the two. Juzjani's history covers all the Muslim dynas-
ties of the Indian subcontinent from 864 C.E. and the Mongol invasions to
1260 C.E.
Khusraw, Nasir-i. 2001. Book of Travels, trans. Wheeler M. Thackston. Costa Mesa:
Mazda Publications. Though this book was written before the age of the
Mongols, I am including it because it gives a vivid picture of the Medieval
Islamic world into which the Mongols irrupted. In fact Nasir-i-Khusraw
lived at the time of the first great irruption of Turks, the Saljuqs, into the
Islamic world, and historians frequently compare and contrast the coming
of the Saljuq Turks and the Mongols nearly two hundred years later. How-
ever, the world that Nasir-i-Khusraw describes would not have been so dif-
ferent from the world which the Mongols would have encountered.
Khwandamir. 1994. Habib's-Siyar: The Reign of the Mongol and the Turk Genghis Khan,
Amir Temur, trans. W.M. Thackston. Vol. 3. Cambridge, Mass.: Department
of Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations, Harvard University. This
sixteenth-century history provides a comprehensive account of the Mongol
period and draws on many local sources, now lost.
Kirakos Ganjaks'i. 1986. Kirakos Ganjaks'i's History of the Armenians, trans. Robert
Bedrosian. Sources for the Armenian Tradition. Available at: http://rbedrosian.
com/kgl.htm. The Armenian cleric Kirakos lived in the thirteenth century
and witnessed the coming of the Mongols and life under the Il-Khans.
He was imprisoned and then employed by the Mongols, and his histories
reflect his ambivalent attitude.
Lewis, Bernard, ed. and trans. 1974. Islam. Vol. 1, Politics and War. London:
Macmillan.
. ed. and trans. 1987. Islam. Vol. 2, Religion and Society. New York: Oxford
University Press. Two excellent books of various medieval primary sources
in English translation.
Meyvaert, Paul, ed. 1980. "An Unknown Letter of Hulegu, Il-Khan of Persia, to
King Louis IX of France (10 April 1262)." Viator 11: 245-59. This is an early
example of the style of letter written to persuade the Europeans to join
forces with the Mongols to defeat the Muslim Egyptians.
Michell, R., and Nevill Forbes. 1914. The Chronicle of Novgorod 1016-1471. Camden
Third Series, vol. 25. London: Offices of the Society. These early Russian
texts contain harrowing accounts of the first appearances of the Mongols
in Europe. It is these early accounts that gave rise to much alarm in the rest
of Europe.
Mostaert, A., and F.W. Cleaves. 1952. "Trois documents Mongols des Archives
Secretes Vaticanes." Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 52: 419-506-Important
primary source material.
Munshi, Nasir al-Din. 1983. Simt al-'uld. Tehran: Intesharat Esatir.
Mustawfi, Hamdallah Qazvini. 1983. Zafarnameh of Mustawfi, trans. L.J. Ward, PhD
thesis, University of Manchester. (See also under Hamdallah). Facsimile
copy, 1999. Tehran: Iran University Press. Written at the end of the Ilkhanid
era, this little-known history was written by a courtier at the heart of the
Mongol government of Iran. Mustawfi's other works are far better known
but this work equals them in historical importance. (See under Hamdallah).
. 1983. Tdrikh-i Guzideh. Tehran: Entasharat Amir Kabir.
. 1999. Zafarnameh. Tehran: Publication of the University of Iran.
Nakhchavani, Mohammad bin Hindushah. 1964. Dastur al-Kdtebfi ta'yin al-mardtib,
ed. Abdul Karim Alizadeh. 3 vols. Moscow: Asia Institute.
Oderic, Friar Oderic of Pordenone. 2002. The Travels of Friar Oderic of Pordenone,
trans. Sir Henry Yule. Grand Falls, Michigan: William E. Eerdmans Publish-
ing Company. This is a reprint of the original Yule translation published in
Cathay and the Way Thither, detailed below.
Onon, Urgunge, trans. 1990. The History and Life of Chinggis Khan (The Secret History
of the Mongols). Leiden, Netherlands: Brill. This is an insider's account of
the rise of Chinggis Khan and the rule of his son and successor, Ogodei, the
Qa'an. It is the only Mongolian primary source still extant.
Orbelian, Stephannos. 1864. Histoire de la Siounie, trans. M. Brosset. St Petersburg,
Russia: Academie imperiale des sciences. The Orbelian family were
Armenian nobles who established close relations with the Mongols and
were loyal servants of the Il-Khans. This French translation from the
Armenian gives valuable insight into the relationship between the rulers
and the ruled during the Mongol period in western Asia.
Polo, Marco. 1985. The Travels of Marco Polo, trans. Teresa Waugh. London: Sidgewick
and Jackson. A modern translation but a beautifully and lavishly illustrated
edition. Many editions of the travels of Marco Polo are available in vary-
ing degrees of erudition including the Everyman Edition, 1983. In addition,
the travels are available online in extracts and in their entirety. Marco Polo
remains one of the most important sources for the Mongols and the Yiian
dynasty. Quotations in the text are taken from the freely accessible online
Complete Yule-Cordier Edition of Marco Polo's travels by Marco Polo and
Rustichello of Pisa, The Project Gutenberg EBook of the Travels of Marco Polo,
vols. 1 and 2, available at: http://www.gutenberg.net.
Pur-i-Baha' (Taj al-Din Nasa'I). 1960 (1339). "Karnameh-ye Awqaf." Farhang-e Iran
Zamin. Vol.8. Tehran.
. 1956. "Mongol Ode" and "Pur-i-Baha' and his Poems." In V. Minorsky.
Iranica: Twenty Articles. Tehran: Publications of Tehran University, 1960.
Pur-i-Baha' was a satirical poet during the time that the Juwayni family was
at the height of its power in thirteenth-century Iran. The fact that Pur-i-Baha'
felt free to write such biting satire against the government of the time is
indicative of the freedom of expression which prevailed in Ilkhanid Iran.
His most famous poem, the Mongol Ode, demonstrates just how many Mon-
golian and Turkish idioms, phrases, and words were in current usage in the
Persian of the thirteenth century. Other translations of his poetry appear in
E.G. Browne's Literary History of Persia.
Rashid al-DIn. 1968. Histoire des Mongols de la Perse, trans. Etienne Quatremere.
Amsterdam: Oriental Press. This is a French translation, extremely well
annotated, of Rashid al-DIn's history of Hulegu, taken from the Compen-
dium of Chronicles. It provides details of Hulegu's wives and sons and of
his establishment of the Il-Khanate, up until his death in 1265.
. 1971. The Successors of Genghis Khan, trans. John Andrew Boyle. New York:
Columbia University Press. Another scholarly translation from Rashid
al-DIn's Compendium of Chronicles, this section covers the rule of the Great
Khans until Temiir Qa'an (d. 1307).
. 1998/9. Rashiduddin Fazlullah Jami 'u' t-Tawarikh: Compendium of Chronicles,
trans. W.M. Thackston. 3 vols. Cambridge, Mass.: Sources of Oriental
Languages & Literature 45, Central Asian Sources, Harvard University.
Thackston's translation of the great statesman and historian Rashid al-DIn's
epic Compendium of Chronicles is an admirable achievement. This work is
considered the world's first universal history. Rashid al-DIn was able to
draw on a great variety of sources both Eastern and Western, and he had
the full cooperation of the Mongol courts in his endeavors. This is by far the
most important translated text for the study of the Mongols.
. 1994. Jami' al-Tavdrikh, eds. Mohammad Roushan and Mustafah Musavi.
Tehran: Nashr albaraz. This is the latest four-volume edition of this impor-
tant work. It contains two volumes of indexes, glossaries, notes, and black
and white illustrations.
. 1972. Tanksuq-nameh yd tibb ahl-i-Khitd, ed. Mujtaba Minuvi. University of
Tehran. Facsimile edition with some wonderful illustrations.
al-Razzaq Samarqandi, Abdul. 1993. Matla' al-Sa'dayn, ed. M. Shafi'. 2 vols. Teh-
ran: Institute for Humanities and Cultural Studies.
Redhouse, James. 1976. Legends of the Sufis: Selections from Menaqibu' I'Arifin, trans,
and preface by Idries Shah, Shams al-Din Ahmad, el-Eflaki. London: Theo-
sophical Publishing House. Aflaki was a follower of the Sufi order founded
by Rumi. These stories, both mythical and factual, provide valuable infor-
mation about the life and teaching of the great Sufi poet Jalal al-DIn Rumi.
Reynold Nicholson, trans. Selected Poems from the Divdn-i-Shams-i-Tabriz. Rich-
mond, U.K.: Curzon. This is a literal translation with accompanying Persian
text. For lovers of Rumi this is an indispensable volume. See also under
Shams-i-Tabrizi.
Riley-Smith, J.S.C., U. Lyons, and M.C. Lyons. 1971. Ayyubids, Mamlukes, and Crusad-
ers: Selections from Tarikh al-Duwal wa'l-Muluk. Cambridge, U.K.: Heffer. These
are selected translations from the Arabic and provide a view of the events in
western Asia and of the Mongols from an Egyptian, Mamluk perspective.
Rumi, Jalal al-Din. 1993. The Discourses of Rumi, trans. A. J. Arberry. London: Curzon
Press. This is a translation of Rumi's speeches and public addresses, including
his views on his Mongol masters. A new translation by Wheeler Thackston,
Signs of the Unseen (London: Shambhala, 1999), is also available.
Reynold Nicholson, trans. 1926. The Mathnawi. London: Gibb Memorial Trust. This
is Rumi's greatest work and various translations are available. It is a literal
translation and more suited to the Persian speaker. Arberry's Tales from the
Mathnavi (London: Curzon, 1993) would be more suited to the nonspecial-
ist reader.
Sa'di Shirazi. 1975. Morals Pointed and Tales Adorned: The Bustan of Sa'di, trans.
G. M. Wickens. Leiden, Netherlands: Brill. Sa'di wrote for the Salghurid
rulers of Shiraz. The Salghurids were for the main part faithful servants
of their Mongol masters. Sa'di's words of wisdom and advice reflect the
society and customs of his time but also have a timeless relevance quite
applicable to modern times.
Shabankara'i, Mohammad. 1984. Majma' al'ansdb. Tehran: Intesharat Amir Kabir.
This Persian history was written in the fifteenth century and covers the rul-
ers of Iran from the Saffarids to the end of the Ilkhanid period. The writer
was a poet as well as a historian. He was Kurdish and therefore he presents
the history of the times from a local perspective.
Shams-i-TabrlzI. 2004. Me and Rumi: an Autobiography of Shams-i-Tabrizi, trans
William C. Chittick. Louisville, Kentucky: Fons Vitae. This is an extremely
welcome translation of an extremely important though little-known docu-
ment. Shams-i-Tabrizi was the wandering dervish that made such an impact
on the Sufi poet, Jalal al-DIn Rumi. It was rumored that Rumi's family had
Shams-i-Tabrizi murdered so fearful were they of his influence on and hold
over Jalal al-DIn, who had changed from a sober, rather austere and serious
cleric to a wild, ecstatic poet who held evenings of dance and music in place
of prayer and Quranic readings.
Shirley, Janet, trans. 1999. Crusader Syria in the 13th Century: The Rothelin Continua-
tion with Part of the Eracles or Acre Text. Aldershot, U.K.: Ashgate. These are
crusader chronicles, but they cover the period of Mongol engagement.
Simon de Saint Quentin. 1965. Histoire des Tartars, ed. Jean Richard. Paris: Libraire
orientaliste.
Smpad. 1959. "The Armenian Chronicles of Constable Smpad, or The Royal Histo-
rian," trans. S. Der Nersessian. Dumbarton Oaks Papers 13:141-68. Constable
Smpad (1208-76) was a high-ranking official at the Armenian court of Cili-
cia and brother of King Het'um. The Armenians of Cilicia made a pact with
the Mongols in the 1240s and became allies. Smpad had firsthand knowl-
edge of the Mongols, the court in Mongolia, and the Il-Khans.
Skelton, R.A., T.E. Marston, and George D. Painter. 1995. The Vinland Map and the
Tartar Relation. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press. This account of
the Franciscans' journey to the Mongol court was written by a member of
Carpini's party. It contains additional details and facts not found in Carpi-
ni's version of the journey.
Tusi, Nasir al-Din. 1950. Tasawwurat or Rawdatu't-Taslim, trans. W. Ivanow. Leiden,
Netherlands: Ismaili Society, Brill. Another example of Tusi's philosophical
and religious works.
. 1963. "The Longer Introduction to the Zij al-Ilkhani of Nasir-al-Din Tusi,"
trans, and intro. John Andrew Boyle. Journal of Semitic Studies 8. This is a
technical piece of work written for Hulegu by Tusi.
. 1964. "Nasir al-DIn on Finance," trans. M. Minovi and V Minorsky. Iranica
775: 64-85.
. 1964. The Nasirean Ethics, trans. G.M. Wickens. London: George Allen and
Unwin. This is Tusi's most famous work. It is in the tradition of Mirror for
Princes and gives moral and political advice to rulers.
. 1971. "The Death of the Last Abbasid Caliph: A Contemporary Muslim
Account," trans. John Andrew Boyle. Journal of Semitic Studies 6.
Boyle, J. A., 1977. The Mongol World Empire 1206-1370. London: Variorum Reprints.
Tusi wrote this account of the destruction of Baghdad, an event in which
he played a leading role, and amended it to Juwaynl's History of the World
Conqueror. In the Persian editions of Juwaynl's history, Tusi's amendment is
usually included.
. 1998. Contemplation and Action: The Spiritual Autobiography of a Muslim Scholar,
trans. S. J. Badakhchani. London: Tauris and The Institute of Isma'ili Stud-
ies. This is the spiritual autobiography of Tusi, who became a close adviser
to Hulegu. It was for Tusi that Hulegu built the observatory and library, the
Rasadkhaneh, in Maragheh, northwestern Iran, in about 1260.
Vardan. 1989. "The Historical Compilation of Vardan Arewelc'i," trans.
R.W. Thomson. Dumbarton Oaks Papers 43: 125-226. The Armenian cleric
wrote this general history, which continues to the reign of Abaqa Khan
(d. 1282). Vardan was particularly close to Hulegu's wife, Dokuz Khatun.
Wallis-Budge, E. A., trans. 1928. The Monks of Kublai Khan, Emperor of China. London:
Religious Tract Society. This is the account of the embassy of the Nestorian
(eastern Christian) patriarch, Yaballaha III, and his vicar, Bar Sauma, from
Qubilai Khan to the courts of Europe at the end of the thirteenth century.
This is now available online.
Wassaf, Shihab al-DIn Abdallah Sharaf Shirazi. 1959. Tdrikh-i Wassaf Tehran:
Ketabkhaneh Ibn Sina.
Wiley, Arthur, trans. 1991. The Travels of an Alchemist. Taipei, Taiwan: SMC Publish-
ing. This account of Chinggis Khan's spiritual advisor, who accompanied
the Great Khan in his final years, has recently been republished. It is an
account of the travels of Ch'ang Ch'un, summoned to central Asia by the
Great Khan, whom he then accompanied southward across Afghanistan
into Sind and then back again to central Asia. The story is recounted by the
holy man's disciple, Li Chih Ch'ang, and provides important insights into
the personality of Chinggis Khan.
William of Rubruck. 1990. The Mission of Friar William of Rubruck, trans, and ed.
Peter Jackson with David Morgan. London: Hakluyt Society. This account
of the journey of the Franciscan missionary, William of Rubruck, to the
court of Mongke Khan is an invaluable source of information and descrip-
tions of the Mongols and the lands under their domination. Quotations
used in the present text are taken from W. W. Rockhill, ed. and trans., The
Journey of William of Rubruck to the Eastern Parts of the World, 1253-55, as
Narrated by Himself, with Two Accounts of the Earlier Journey of John of Plan de
Carpine (London: Hakluyt Society, 1900), available at: http://www.locksley.
com/locksley/rubruck.htm or http://depts.washington.edu/uwch/silkroad/
texts/rubruck.html.
Yule, Henry. [1914] 1967. Cathay and the Way Thither. 3 vols. Reprint, Millwood,
N.Y: Kraus Reprint. This three-volume set is a wonderful collection of early
source material, much of it unavailable elsewhere. In particular, it contains
the travels of friar Oderic of Pordenone, who traveled extensively in the Far
East between 1316 and 1330, and his observations of life under the Yiian
administration form a useful comparison with Marco Polo's reports. Also
found in this collection are letters and reports of other missionary friars and
medieval travelers to the Orient, such as Pegolotti (1330-40) and Marignolli
(1338-53), and a letter to the pope in Avignon from the Great Khan.
Yunlnl, al-. 1998. Early Mamluk Syrian Historiography: al-Yunini's Dhayl Mir'
at al-zaman, trans, and ed. Li Guo. Leiden, Netherlands: Brill. Li Guo
provides a scholarly translation and a detailed introduction to an impor-
tant Mamluk text written in Arabic covering the period 1256 to 1311. This
period deals with Egypt and Syria under the rule of Ayyubid princes, the
crusaders, the Bahri Mamluks, and the Mongols. Al-Yunini was born into
a family of scholars and was a wide traveler in this volatile region and a
close observer of events. This is an important source on Mongol history
written in Arabic rather than Persian. The Persian sources tend to dominate
Mongol history and were often written from within the regime. Al-Yunini
wrote from outside the Mongol Empire, from lands under the control of the
Mamluks, enemies of the Mongols.
SECONDARY SOURCES:
ANNOTATED
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Adams, Robert. 1965. Land behind Baghdad. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
This is a description of Baghdad and its hinterland during the decades
before the Mongol invasion that demonstrates that the decline in this city's
fortunes had begun long before the arrival of Hulegu.
Allsen, Thomas. 1987. Mongol Imperialism: The Policies of the Grand Qan Mongke
1251-1259. Los Angeles: University of California Press. This is an important
analysis of the split in the Mongol ruling family and the development of the
Tuluids under Mongke.
. 1989. "Mongolian Princes and Their Merchant Partners 1200-1260." Asia
Major 2: 82-126 Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press. Allsen investi-
gates the relationship between merchants and their royal financial backers
and demonstrates the close links between the Mongols and international
commerce.
. 1997. Commodity and Exchange in the Mongol Empire: A Cultural History of
Islamic Textiles. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. This important
study shows the crucial role that precious fabrics, and gold cloth in particu-
lar, played in the expansion and development of the Mongol Empire.
. 2001. Culture and Conquest in Mongol Eurasia. Cambridge: Cambridge Uni-
versity Press. Allsen's study of Iran and China focuses on the roles of the
Mongol Yiian official Bolad Aqa and the Persian Il-Khanid minister Rashid
al-DIn. He demonstrates just how involved the Mongols became in the
298 Secondary Sources: Annotated Bibliography
transfer of culture between the different parts of their empire and shows
that their role was very much proactive and directional at all levels of the
administration and government. Allsen is able to draw on his knowledge
of both western Asian and eastern Asian languages to investigate much pri-
mary source material never before so intimately compared. A review of this
book in the Bulletin of the School of Oriental & African Studies states, "Any
new publication by Thomas T. Allsen is justly followed by ripples of excite-
ment A new book excites those ripples to tidal proportions" (George
Lane, "Culture and Conquest in Mongol Eurasia," Bulletin of the School of
Oriental & African Studies 65 [2002]: 411-12).
Amitai, Reuven, and Michal Biran, eds. 2005. Mongols, Turks, and Others: Eurasian
Nomads and the Sedentary World. Leiden, Netherlands: Brill. This is an excel-
lent collection of articles from many of the big names in the world of Mon-
gol studies, including Morgan, Jackson, Endicott, Khazanov, Manz, and
others.
Amitai-Preiss, Reuven. 1995. Mongols and Mamluks: The Mamluk-Ilkhanid War 1260-
1281. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Amitai-Preiss gives a detailed
breakdown of the wars between the Mamluks of Egypt, who stopped
the Mongols' conquest of the whole Islamic world, and the Il-Khanids, or
Mongols, of Iran.
. "The Conversion of Teglider Ilkhan to Islam." 2001. Jerusalem Studies in Ara-
bic and Islam 25:15-43. Tegudar was the first of the Iranian Mongols to con-
vert to Islam, although the rest of his court did not follow his example. This
is a very interesting and informative study of Tegudar's short reign.
. 1995-97. "Hulegu and the Ayyubid Lord of Transjordan." Archivum Eurasiae
Medii Aevi 9.
. 1999. "Sufis and Shamans." Journal of Economic and Social History of the Orient
17 (1): 27-47.
Ball, Warwick. 1976. "Two Aspects of Iranian Buddhism." Bulletin of the Asian
Institute ofPahlavi University 1-4.
. 1979. "The Imamzadeh Ma'sum at Vardjovi: A Rock-cut Il-Khanid Complex
Near Maragheh." Archaeologische Mitteilungen aus Iran 12.
Barthold, V. V., trans., and T. Minorsky. 1968. Turkestan down to the Mongol Invasion.
London: Luzac. This study is a classic and explores in depth the historical
development of the Turkish steppe people and Central Asia. Its central
subject is the land of Turkestan before and after the Mongol invasions.
Bedrosian, Robert. 1979. The Turco-Mongol Invasions and the Lords of Armenia in
the 13th-14th Centuries. Long Branch, N.J.: Sources of the Armenian Tradi-
tion. Available at: http://rbedrosian.com/hsrces.html. Robert Bedrosian has
made his doctoral dissertation available on the Internet as well as in hard
copy and provides the most welcome translation of the medieval Armenian
sources. His dissertation contains many translations of sources unavailable
elsewhere.
Biran, Michal. 2005. The Empire of the Qara Khitai in Eurasian History. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press. This extremely important book is the defini-
tive account of the precursors of the Mongols, the Qara Khitai. It has some-
times been said that the coming of the Qara Khitai from Northern China to
Central Asia circa 1125-30 was the first Mongol invasion. It differed from
the invasion of the Chinggisids in that it was relatively peaceful and that
the Qara Khitai established strong and peaceful relations with the Muslims
of the region. With the publication of this scholarly study, the Qara Khitai
should enter the consciousness of the more general reading public.
. 2000. A Fight between the Mongols: The Battle of Herat (1270). Jerusalem: Insti-
tute of Advanced Studies, Hebrew University of Jerusalem. This short
paper is an excellent model for students interested in probing deeper into
the details of Mongol history.
. 1997. Qaidu and the Rise of the Independent Mongol State in Central Asia.
Richmond, U.K.: Curzon Press. A useful and readable portrait of a little-
known figure and an analysis of an under-studied area of Mongol history,
Michal Biran's book would be welcomed by students wanting new, rela-
tively untouched territory to further their studies.
Boase, T.S.R., ed. 1978. The Cilician Kingdom of Armenia. Edinburgh: Scottish Aca-
demic Press. The Armenians of Cilicia were early and willing allies of
the approaching Mongols. The Armenians are a good example of a small
kingdom that opted to cooperate rather than oppose the invaders, and
they even tried to recruit their fellow Christians in Europe and in Palestine
to join them.
Bosworth, C.E. 1996. The New Islamic Dynasties. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University
Press. This reference book is a must for any student interested in Islamic
political history.
Bowman, John, and J. A. Thompson. 1966. "The Monastry-church of Bar Hebraeus
at Maragheh in West Azerbaijan." Abr-Nahrain 5. Department of Semitic
Studies, University of Melbourne.
Boyle, J. A. 1968. The Cambridge History of Iran. Vol. 5. Cambridge: Cambridge Uni-
versity Press. This work contains the standard studies of the Mongol period
in Western Asia.
. 1977. The Mongol World Empire 1206-1370. Aldershot, U.K.: Variorum
Reprints. This book collects various papers of the late John Boyle from Man-
chester University and covers all aspects of Mongol society and politics.
Boyle is most famous for his linguistic expertise and his translations from
various Asian languages.
Browne, Edward G. 1915. A Literary History of Persia. Vol. 2, From Firdawsi to Sacdi.
London: Unwin.
. 1920. A Literary History of Persia. Vol. 3, Persian Literature under Tartar Domi-
nation 1265-1502. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Both of these
volumes by Browne, two from a four-volume work, provide a wonderful
introduction to the Mongol period. Though no Mongol apologist, Browne
gives an entirely different perspective on the Mongol period in his transla-
tions from the Persian. At one stage, Persian was almost the lingua franca
of the Mongol Empire, and Iranians held important positions in admin-
istration, commerce, and cultural life throughout the empire. Browne has
put together an excellent collection of translations and extracts from a wide
variety of sources. These books have recently been reprinted.
Bruijn, J.T.P. de. 1997. Persian Sufi Poetry: An Introduction to the Mystical Use of
Classical Poems. Richmond, U.K.: Curzon Press. The Mongol period saw
an upsurge in the popularity of Sufism in western Asia, central Asia, and
beyond. For those interested in this aspect of Mongol rule, this book is a
valuable introduction.
Burman, Edward. 1987. The Assassins: Holy Killers of Islam. London: Crucible.
Another contribution to the study of this medieval sect.
Cahen, Claude. 1968. Pre-Ottoman Turkey, trans. J. Jones-Williams. London:
Sidgwick & Jackson.
. 2001. The Formation of Turkey, trans, and ed. P.M. Holt. London: Longman.
These two books by Cahen provide a vivid picture of Anatolia (Turkey)
before the coming of the Ottomans. The second book concentrates more on
the Mongol period.
Chambers, James. 1979. The Devil's Horsemen. London: Book Club Associates. This
classic is a very readable study of the Mongol invasion of Eastern Europe
and Russia. It paints a vivid picture of the early Mongol invaders and gives
a balanced account of their impact on Russia and its neighbors. This is an
excellent introduction to the history of the Mongols.
Chaudhuri, K. N. 1985. Trade and Civilisation in the Indian Ocean: An Economic History
from the Rise of Islam to 1750. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Trade
in the Indian Ocean is often seen as peripheral to the study of the Mongols.
This study proves otherwise and puts the events of the thirteenth century
into context.
Ch'en, Paul Heng-chao. 1979. Chinese Legal Tradition under the Mongols: The Code of
1291 as Reconstructed. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press. A detailed
study of Mongol law as practiced under the Yiian administration.
Ch'en Yiian. 1966. Western and Central Asians in China under the Mongols, trans, and
annotated by Ch'ien Hsing-hai. Monumenta Serica Monograph, no. 15. Los
Angeles: University of California Press. The Yiian dynasty attracted visitors
from Europe and western Asia to its fabulous courts. This is a book written
from a Chinese perspective.
Cleaves, Francis Woodman. 1954. "A Medical Practice of the Mongols in the Thir-
teenth Century." Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 17 (3A December): 428-44
Cramer, Marc. 2003. Imperial Mongolian Cooking: Recipes from the kingdoms of Geng-
his Khan. New York: Hippocrene Books. This little book contains a wide
range of dishes from the four main ulus of the Mongol Empire. The recipes
have been adapted to modern times so the ingredients should all be easily
accessible.
Dabashi, Hamid. 1996. "The Philosopher/Vizier: Khwaja Nasir al-DIn Tusi and
the Isma c ills." In Mediaeval IsmdTli History and Thought, ed. F. Daftary, 231-
246 Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. This is an interesting and
thought-provoking study of Tusi.
Daftary, Farhad. 1966. Mediaeval Ismdcili History and Thought. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
. 1990. The Ismdcilis: Their History and Doctrines. Cambridge: Cambridge Uni-
versity Press. Daftary has written the definitive study of this Muslim sect.
. 1994. The Assassin Legends: The Myths of the Ismdcilis. London: Taurus. Daf-
tary's study clears up many of the misconceptions and myths about the
medieval IsmacIlis. He explains why they became known as the Assassins.
DeWeese, Devin. 1994. Islamization and Native Religion in the Golden Horde. Univer-
sity Park: Pennsylvania State University Press. This book is interesting for
its study of the process of Islamization and its research into the nature of
religion in the Golden Horde.
Eboo Jamal, Nadia. 2002. Surviving the Mongols. London: Institute of Ismaili Stud-
ies, LB. Tauris. This is an interesting account of the survival of the Ismaili
community in Mongol-ruled Iran. Though it is rather cliched and dated in
its portrayal of the Mongols, the book contains some valuable insights into
life in Mongol Iran and how the secretive Ismaili community managed to
survive and prosper against considerable odds.
Endicott-West, Elizabeth. 1986. "Imperial Governance in Yiian Times." Harvard
Journal of Asiatic Studies 46 (2): 523-49. For serious students of the Mongols
in China, Endicott-West is indispensable.
Fischel, Walter J. 1937. Jews in the Economic and Political Life of Mediaeval Islam.
London: Royal Asiatic Society Press. The Jews were far more active and
influential in western Asia during the medieval period than they are given
credit for.
Fletcher, Joseph. 1986. "The Mongols: Ecological and Social Perspectives." Harvard
Journal of Asiatic Studies 46 (1): 11-50. This paper has now become an oft-
quoted classic. Lucidly and simply explained, it puts the Mongols in his-
torical, political, and even anthropological context. This is a must for all
students of the Mongols.
Foltz, Richard. 1999. "Ecumenical mischief under the Mongols." Central Asiatic
Journal 43: 42-69.
Fiey, J.M. 1975. Chrdiens Syriaques sous les Mongols. Louvain: Secretariat du
Corpus SCO
. 1975, "Iconographie Syriaque Hulagu, Doquz Khatun . . . six Ambons," Le
Museon 88.
Franke, Herbert. 1978. From Tribal Chieftain to Universal Emperor and God: The Legit-
imation of the Yiian Dynasty. Munich: Verlag der Bayerischen Akademie
der Wissenschaften. Herbert Frank has written widely on the Mongols
and is a recognized expert. In this book he discusses the question of legiti-
macy.
Galstyan, A.G. 1975. "The Conquest of Armenia by the Mongol Armies," trans.
R. Bedrosian. The Armenian Review 27: 4-108.
. 1976. "The First Armeno-Mongol Negotiations." The Armenian Review 29:
1-113. These studies examine the relationship of both the Caucasian and
Cilician Armenians with the Mongols.
Gibb, H.A.R., J. H. Kramer, J. Schacht, and F. Levi-Provencal, eds. 1960. The Ency-
clopaedia of Islam. New ed. Leiden, Netherlands: Luzac and Brill. This is a
comprehensive and useful reference work.
Gibbons, Edward. 1910. Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. London: Everyman's
Library. 6 vols.
Golden, Peter B. 1992. An Introduction to the History of the Turkic Peoples. Wiesbaden,
Germany: Otto Harrassowitz.
. 2003. Nomads and Their Neighbours in the Russian Steppe. Aldershot, U.K.:
Variorum Reprints, Ashgate. Peter Golden's book is an excellent starting
point for students embarking on the study of the Turkic and steppe peoples
of central Asia. The Variorum collection includes some key papers on the
people from the steppe.
Grousset, Rene. 1991. The Empire of the Steppes, trans. Naomi Walford. New Bruns-
wick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press. This book has become a modern classic
and puts the Mongol years into the perspective of steppe empires.
Gumilev, L.N. 1987. Searches for an Imaginary Kingdom: The Legend of the Kingdom of
Prester John. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. An unusual work but
full of valuable research and insights.
Halperin, Charles J. 1983. "Russia in the Mongol Empire in Comparative

Perspective." Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 46 (2): 239-61. This article
examines the Mongol conquests from a Russian point of view.
. 1986. The Tatar Yoke. Columbus, Ohio: Slavica. Halperin examines the rea-
sons behind the reluctance of Russian writers to deal with the Mongol dom-
ination of Russia.
. 2000. "The Kipchak Connection: The Ilkhans, the Mamluks and Ayn Jalut."
Bulletin of the School of Oriental & African Studies 63 (pt. 2): 229-245. This
is a survey of events to the south in Iran and Syria from the view of the
Golden Horde.
de Hartog, Leo. 1989. Genghis Khan: Conqueror of the World. London: Taurus.
. 1996. Russia and the Mongol Yoke: The History of the Russian Principalities and
the Golden Horde, 1221-1502. London: British Academic Press, Taurus. De
Hartog has written two very readable accounts, though the second study
takes the traditional Russian view of the Mongol years. His book on Ching-
gis Khan is thoroughly researched, very readable, and clearly presented.
Hawting, G.R. 2005. Muslims, Mongols, and Crusades. London: RoutledgeCurzon.
This is a useful collection of articles published by SOAS [School of Oriental
and African Studies], part of the University of London, which is con-
cerned with the Mongols. The collection includes such articles as Joseph
de Somogyi's 1933 translation and analysis of an Arabic poem written as a
reaction to the destruction of Baghdad.
Heissig, W. 2000. The Religions of Mongolia. 3rd ed., trans. Geoffrey Samuel. London:
Kegan Paul. This book provides an excellent general background of religion
and the medieval Mongols.
Heywood, Colin. 1999. "Filling the Black Hole?: the Emergence of the Bithynian
Atamanates 1298-1304." Yeni Turkiye Dergisi, 1-10. Colin Heywood out-
lines his ideas concerning the origins of the Ottomans. He explains how the
collapse of the Noghai Khanate in the eastern Balkans coincided with the
appearance of an ambitious and militant tribe in western Anatolia. Vari-
ous large movements of people and tents are mentioned in various sources
and nowhere is it adequately explained what became of the ulus Noghai.
Heywood has discovered no unequivocal evidence that binds these various
events together, but his theories are convincing.
Howorth, Henry H. 1965. History of the Mongols from the 9th to the 19th Century.
4 vols. New York: Burt Francis. This four-volume work is an immense
achievement, incorporating all of the then-known primary sources: Arme-
nian, Georgian, Persian, Arabic, Mongolian, Chinese, Chaghetaid, Turkic,
and so forth. Unfortunately, Howorth is not widely acknowledged because
his research is based on translations rather than on primary sources and
because he does not offer the detailed or accurate citations in his text with
copious footnotes demanded by modern scholarship. However, he presents
in English translation large extracts from most of the contemporary histo-
ries, and his work can be utilized as a guide to the primary sources. For
researchers his monumental work is of limited value. Most academics find
his volumes extremely useful as background material, but when citations
are needed he cannot be utilized, and the sources themselves or accepted
translations must be sought. For undergraduates and the general reader,
Howorth is an excellent introduction to history based directly on primary
source material.
Humphreys, R. Stephen. 1977. From Saladin to the Mongols. Albany: State University
of New York Press. This is the Mongols as seen from an Arab perspective.
Ipsiroglu, M.S. 1967. Painting and Culture of the Mongols, trans. E.D. Philips.
London: Thames and Hudson. This book contains a large collection of
little-known artworks from the Mongol era that often depict the daily life
of ordinary Mongols.
Irwin, Robert. 1986. The Middle East in the Middle Ages: The Early Mamluk Sultanate
1250-1382. Carbondale: Southern Illinois Press.
. 1989. The Age of Calamity A.D. 1300-1400. Amsterdam: Time-Life Books. Rob-
ert Irwin's study of the Mamluks presents the Arab world at the time of the
Mongols. His chapter on Timurlane in the Time-Life book is included with
other pieces concerned with the Mongol conquests.
Jackson, Peter. 1978. "The Dissolution of the Mongol Empire." Central Asiatic
Journal 32: 186-243.
. 2000. "The State of Research: The Mongol Empire, 1986-1999." Journal of
Mediaeval History 26 (2): 189-210.
. 2005. The Mongols and the West, 1221-1410. London: Longman. Peter Jackson's
study of the breakup of the Mongol Empire is already a classic and the
basis of most other studies and research on this subject. His work cannot
be ignored. Jackson's latest book retains his distinctive eye for detail and
exhaustive investigation and will become an indispensable volume in any
library of the Mongols.
Jay, Jennifer W. 1991. A Change in Dynasties: Eoyalism in Thirteenth-Century China.
Bellingham: Western Washington. Jennifer Jay studies the Sung Chinese
loyalists and their attempts to resist cooperating with the Mongol Yiian
dynasty.
Karamustafa, Ahmet. 1994. God's Unruly Friends. Salt Lake City: University of Utah
Press. A detailed and scholarly study of the wandering dervishes, qalandars,
and other eccentrics who populated medieval Persia.
Khazanov, Anatoly M. 1994. Nomads and the Outside World. Madison: University of
Wisconsin Press. This is a collection of essays and papers concerned with
Mongol society and its interaction with its sedentary neighbors. The collection
includes work by Peter Golden, Reuven Amitai-Preiss, and Thomas Allsen.
Kohlberg, Etan. 1992. A Mediaeval Muslim Scholar at Work: Ibn Tawwus and his
Library. Leiden, Netherlands: Brill.
Komaroff, Linda, and Stefano Carboni, eds. 2002. The Eegacy of Genghis Khan:
Courtly Art and Culture in Western Asia 1256-1353. New York: Metropoli-
tan Museum of Art. This long-overdue contribution to the field of Mongol
studies is a lavishly illustrated book, rich in writing as well as pictures, that
makes the case for a serious reassessment of the Mongol epoch. It would
be difficult to view the Mongols as barbarian invaders after viewing the
wealth and diversity of their cultural contributions and their patronage of
the artistic life of their subject peoples.
Koprulu, Mehmed Fuad. 1992. The Seljuks of Anatolia. Their History and Culture
According to Local Muslim Sources, trans. Gary Leiser. Salt Lake City:
University of Utah Press.
. 1993. Islam in Anatolia after the Turkish Invasion (Prolegomena). Salt Lake City:
University of Utah Press. Both of Koprulu's books include valuable infor-
mation on Mongol influence in Anatolia.
Krader, Lawrence. 1966. Peoples of Central Asia. Bloomington: Indiana University
Press. A wide study of the cultural diversity of central Asia.
Kramarovsky, Mark G. 1991. "The Culture of the Golden Horde and the Problem
of the 'Mongol Legacy'." In Rulers from the Steppe: State Formation on the
Eurasian Periphery, ed. G. Seamans and Daniel Marks. Los Angeles: Eth-
nographies Press. An interesting study of the Mongol successor state, the
Golden Horde.
Lambton, A.K.S. 1988. Continuity and Change in Medieval Persia: Aspects of Adminis-
trative, Economic, Social History in llth-14th Century Persia. London: Taurus.
The legendary Ann Lambton is an acknowledged authority on medieval
Persia, and she was one of the first to look at the Mongol period in depth.
Another classic study.
Lane, George. 1999. "An Account of Bar Hebraeus Abu al-Faraj and His Relations
with the Mongols of Persia." Hugoye Journal of Syriac Studies 2 (2): http://
syrcom.cua.edu/Hugoye/Vol2No2/HV2N2GLane.html.
. 2000. "Arghun Aqa: Mongol Bureaucrat?" Iranian Studies 32 (4): 459-482.
. 2003. Early Mongol Rule in Thirteenth Century Iran. London: RoutledgeCurzon.
. 2004. Genghis Khan and Mongol Rule. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press.
George Lane's earlier works are primarily concerned with the Mongols in
Iran and how this whole period was one of cultural, spiritual, and economic
renewal rather than of confrontation, stagnation, and oppression, as it has
been previously characterized. The picture is of Mongol rulers rather than
Mongol conquerors. His interest in China and other parts of the Mongol
Empire is reflected in his more recent work, however.
Le Strange, Guy. 1966. The Lands of the Eastern Caliphate. London: Frank Cass. This
is a geographical survey of medieval Persia, much of it based on primary
sourcebooks.
Lewis, Bernard. 1968. The Assassins: A Radical Sect in Islam. New York: Oxford
University Press. Lewis has produced a small, concise, and very readable
account of this widely misunderstood Muslim sect. Essential reading for
students of the Mongols in western Asia.
. 1987. The Jews of Islam. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press. This is
a study of a neglected area and includes information on the Jews and the
Mongols.
. 1993. Islam in History: Ideas, Peoples, and Events in the Middle East. Chicago:
Open Court Publishing. Included in this collection is Lewis' memorable
paper on the Mongols in which he dares to suggest that Western scholar-
ship has been perhaps more unkind and unfair to their memory than they
deserve. Subsequent scholarly studies have often agreed with him.
Lewis, Franklin. 2000. Rumi: Past and Present, East and West. Oxford, U.K.: One-
world. This is the definitive book on the Sufi poet Rumi and a comprehen-
sive study that also allows insight into the medieval Mongol-dominated
world of western Asia and beyond. This very readable book provides a
view of this period of history from an angle different from the usual politi-
cal analysis but is equally valid. The book also contains a very practical and
comprehensive bibliographical survey.
Lewisohn, Leonard. 1995. Beyond Faith and Infidelity. Sufi Series. London: Curzon
Press. A detailed study of the Sufis and poets of western Asia under Mongol
domination.
Lockhart, L. 1968. "The Relations between Edward I and Edward II of England and
the Mongol Il-Khans of Persia." Iran: Journal of the British Institute of Persian
Studies 28: 22-31. This paper deals with the Mongols' approaches to the
Europeans and the English monarchs, Edward I and II in particular.
Man, John. 2004. Genghis Khan: Life, Death, and Resurrection. London: Bantam Books.
An apologist for Chinggis Khan who provides a vivid picture of the land
in which the Great Khan grew up. The author writes his book around his
quest for the final burial place of Chinggis Khan, which remains a mystery
at the close of the book.
Marshall, Robert. 1993. Storm from the East. London: BBC Books. This book accom-
panied a television series, with David Morgan as the academic advisor.
The result is a beautifully illustrated, clearly presented, simply explained
account of the Mongols' rise and rule. Unfortunately out of print, this book
is well worth the effort of a search.
Martinez, A. P. 1987-91. "Changes in Chancellery Languages and Language
Changes in General in the Middle East, with Particular Reference to Iran in
the Arab and Mongol Periods." Archivum Eurasiae Medii Aevi 7: xx-xx. This
is a thought-provoking paper that researches language change during the
Mongol period, which suggests that the Mongols were far more integrated
into the societies that they conquered than had been previously thought.
Mazzaoui, Michel M. 1972. The Origins of the Safawids. Wiesbaden, West Germany:
Franz Steiner Verlag. The Safavids, who came to power in Iran in 1500, trace
their roots and the founding of their so-called family to the Il-Khanid period
when their eponymous founder Safi al-DIn was close to the Mongol royal
family. This book casts new light on the relationships between the Mongols
and their subjects.
Melville, Charles. 1990. "Padeshah-i Islam: The Conversion of Sultan Ghazan
Khan." Pembroke Papers 1: 159-77.
. 1990. "The Itineraries of Sultan Oljeitu: 1304-16." Iran: Journal of the British
Institute of Persian Studies 28: 55-70.
. 1996. "'Sometimes by the Sword, Sometimes by the Dagger': The role of the
Isma^lis in Mamluk-Mongol relations in the 8th/14th Century." In Mediaeval
IsmaHlis History and Thought, ed. Farhad Daftery, 247-264. Cambridge: Cam-
bridge University Press. Charles Melville is an authority on the Mongols
and the later Il-Khans in particular. His work is extremely important, and
his paper on the conversion to Islam of Ghazan Khan is particularly inter-
esting.
Mills, Margaret A. 1991. Rhetoric and Politics in Afghan Traditional Storytelling.
Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Among the various inter-
views, storytelling sessions, and other oral transmissions are references to
the Mongols, suggesting that the memory of the Chinggisid era is still very
much alive in Afghanistan.
Minorsky, Vladamir. 1964. Iranica Twenty Articles. Vol. 775. Tehran: Publications of
the University of Tehran.
. 1978. The Turks, Iran and the Caucasus in the Middle Ages. London: Variorum
Reprints.
. 1982. Medieval Iran and Its Neighbours. London: Variorum Reprints. Vlad-
amir Minorsky, onetime Russian ambassador to Ottoman Turkey and later
scholar and lecturer at London University's School of Oriental and African
Studies, has written widely and knowledgeably about Iran, central Asia,
and the Mongols, and his work is still highly regarded today.
Morgan, D.O., ed. 1982. Medieval Historical Writing in the Christian Worlds. London:
School of Oriental and African Studies.
. 1986. The Mongols. Oxford, U.K.: Blackwell.
. 1988. Medieval Persia, 1040-1797. London: Longman.
. 1997. "Rashid al-DIn and Gazan Khan." Bibliotheque Iranienne 45.
. 1996. "Mongol or Persian: The Government of Il-Khan Iran." Harvard Middle
Eastern and Islamic Review 3: 1-2, 62-76. David Morgan is considered one
of the foremost authorities on the Mongols, and his book The Mongols has
been translated into many languages and has been reprinted many times.
All his work is well worth reading, and The Mongols should be the constant
companion of any student of the Mongols. His deceptively readable style
should not obscure the solid academic content. His Medieval Persia, 1040-
1797 contains a particularly useful and comprehensive bibliographical
survey of primary and secondary source material relevant to the period.
Morgan, D., and R. Amitai, eds. 1999. The Mongol Empire and Its Legacy. Leiden,
Netherlands: Brill. An important collection of papers by many of the lead-
ing experts on the Mongols.
Nebenzahl, Kenneth. 2004. Mapping the Silk Road and Beyond. London: Phaidon.
A valuable collection of medieval maps, covering the Silk Road east and
west. Each map is accompanied by an insightful text.
Nicolle, D., and V. Shpakovsky. 2001. Kalka River 1223: Genghiz Khan's Mongols
Invade Russia. Oxford: Osprey Publishing. This is a beautifully illustrated,
detailed account of the historic Mongol campaign which opened up Europe
to the storm from the East. It is well served by clear maps and diagrams.
Patton, Douglas. 1991. Badr al-Din Lulu Atabeg of Mosul 1211-1259. Seattle:
University of Washington Press. An interesting study of a Kurdish war-
lord who ruled during the Mongol period and who allied himself with
Hulegu.
Petech, Luciano. 1990. Central Tibet and the Mongols: The Yiian-Sa-skya Period of
Tibetan History. Rome: Serie Orientale Roma.
Rachewiltz, Igor de, Hok-Lam Chan, Hsiao Ch-i-Ch-ing, and Peter W. Geier, eds.
1993. In the Service of the Khan: Eminent Personalities of the Early Mongol-Yuan
Period 1200-1300. Wiesbaden, Germany: Harrassowitz Verlag. An excellent
study of officials from the Yiian dynasty, many of whom have not been
dealt with elsewhere.
Ratchnevsky, Paul. 1993. Genghis Khan: His Life and Legacy. Oxford, U.K.: Blackwell.
For the serious student of the Mongols, Ratchnevsky's book is indispens-
able. He is meticulous in his attention to detail and in his scrutiny of the
sources, especially where differences occur.
Rosenthal, Franz. 1971. The Herb: Hashish versus Mediaeval Muslim Society. Leiden:
EJ. Brill.
Rossabi, Morris. 1988. Khubilai Khan. Berkeley: University of California Press. This
is an excellent and indispensable study of the founder of the Yiian dynasty
of China.
. 1992. Voyager from Xanadu. New York: Kodansha International. This is the
story of two Christian clerics, the embassy from China on behalf of the Yiian
dynasty, through Iran to the courts of Europe.
Roxburgh, David J. 2005. The Turks. London: Royal Academy of Arts. This cata-
log was published to accompany the exhibition of the same name held in
London, and the book is worthy of what was a major and justly celebrated
show. Of great interest to those concerned with Mongol matters is the artist
Siyah Ghulam, or Black Pen, whose work is covered extensively in the cata-
log just as it was in the exhibition. Peter Golden, Filiz Cagman, and others
contributed articles.
Runciman, Steven. 1965. A History of the Crusades, 1, 2, 3. London: Penguin. The
Mongol impact on western Asia and on the crusader states is examined in
Runciman's classic study.
Smith, John Mason. 1984. " c Ayn Jalut: Mamluk Success or Mongol Failure?" Harvard
Journal of Asiatic Studies 44 (2): 307-45. A detailed study of this famous battle
that became a turning point in Mongol history. It was the first major and
decisive military confrontation that the Mongols lost, and it halted their
westward advance in Asia. Its significance is still debated today.
Smith, Paul J. 1998. "Fear of Gynarchy in an Age of Chaos: Kong Qi's Reflections
on Life in South China under Mongol Rule." Journal of Economic and Social
History of the Orient 41:1-95. This study considers the impact of foreign rule
on the indigenous culture and the dissolution of the existing world order
into apparent chaos.
Spuler, Bertold. 1972. History of the Mongols. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.
. 1994. History of the Muslim World: The Mongol Period. Princeton, N.J.: Marcus
Wiener. Bertold Spuler is considered among the foremost authorities on the
Mongols, and his books are treasure troves of details and data. Unfortu-
nately, his studies of the Golden Horde and the Il-Khanate are available
only in German.
Thorau, Peter. 1992. The Lion of Egypt: Sultan Baybars I and the Near East in the 13C, trans.
P. M. Holt. London: Longman. Baybars, the legendary leader of the Mamluks
of Egypt, successfully kept the Mongols at bay and even challenged them in
Anatolia. This is a thorough and informative study and essential reading for
an understanding of Baybar's role in medieval western Asia.
Turnbull, S.R. 2003. Genghis Khan and the Mongol Conquests, 1190-1400. Oxford:
Osprey Publishing.
Turnbull, S.R. 2003. Mongol Warrior, 1200-1350. Oxford: Osprey Publishing. This
entire series is excellent, and the artwork is accurate and detailed. All three
books by Turnbull are recommended.
Turnbull, S.R., and A. McBride. 2000. The Mongols. Men-at-Arms Series, no. 105.
Oxford, U.K.: Osprey Military.
Vernadsky, George. 1953. The Mongols and Russia. New Haven, Conn.: Yale Uni-
versity Press. This is still one of the most thorough studies of the Mongol
period in Russian history and contributes greatly to our understanding of
the dynamics of the Golden Horde.
Voegelin, Eric. 1941. "The Mongol Orders of Submission to European Powers,
1245-1255." Byzantion 15: 378-413. It is interesting to contrast these early
communiques from the Mongols to the European courts with their later,
more conciliatory correspondences.
Vryonis, Speros, Jr. 1971. The Decline of Medieval Hellenism in Asia Minor and the
Process of Islamization from 11th Century through 15th Century. Los Angeles:
University of California Press. This is a bold and searching book that traces
the changes in Anatolia brought first by the Turkish invasions and then
later by the Mongol invasions and the decline in Greek influence. This book
can be usefully read alongside the works of Claude Cahen.
Weatherford, Jack. 2004. Genghis Khan and the Making of the Modern World. New
York: Crown. Another apologist for Chinggis Khan, Weatherford writes an
interesting book because he approaches his subject primarily not as a his-
torian but as an anthropologist. A readable and challenging study of the
Great Khan.
Wiencek, Henry, and Glen D. Lowry, with Amanda Heller. 1980. Storm across Asia:
Genghis Khan and the Mongols. The Mogul Expansion. London: Cassell. A use-
ful introduction to Chinggis Khan and his successors.
INDEX
Abaqa Khan, 10, 90,145,149,188, Assassins, 9, 85, 281, 300, 304. See also
193, 243; drinking, 161-62,163; IsmacIlis
Padeshah Khatun, 246, 247; Qaidu,
127,128; Tabriz, 84 Baghdad, 10, 56, 58, 60, 85, 86, 91,107,
Abish Khatun, 273, 275, 280 110,143,146,162,182,192,196,
Abu SacId, 273 204, 213, 220, 221, 224, 243, 250,
Ahmad Tegudar, 88, 89; and 274, 275, 277, 279, 289, 290, 291,
Qalandars, 193-94,197,198 295, 297, 302; destruction, 9; library,
c
Ain Jalut, 9,10,115, 193, 282, 307 88,90
Alamut, 58, 85, 291 Baghdad Khatun, 250-51
Altan Debter, 205 Baidu Khan, 149,162, 273
Altan Khan, 186 Baiju Noyan, 273
Amir Khosrow, 34, 98, 130 Bar Hebraeus, 143,144,147, 236, 238,
Arghun Aqa, 55, 57, 58, 122, 221, 246, 240, 243, 255, 273, 277, 287-88, 299,
273, 279 304; library in Maragheh, 87, 88,
Arghun Khan, 45, 141, 273; children, 89,94
163; execution of Ahmad, 194 Baraq Hajib, 245
Ariq Buqa/Arigh Boqa, 9, 239, Baraq Khan, 128
242, 273 Batu Khan, 9, 30,152,190, 237, 273,
Armenia/Armenians, 8, 130,144,165, 274, 275; kingmaker, 8, 235, 238,
172,179, 274, 275, 277, 278, 282, 239, 240, 241, 242
288, 289, 290, 291, 292, 294, 295, Baybars (sultan), 273
298, 299, 301, 302; religion, 188, Berke Khan, 9,193, 273
190-93, 201, 204; Dokuz Khatun, Boghtalbocca, 41, 44-45, 46, 280
243, 244 Bolad (Po-lo) Aqa, 110, 274, 277;
Ascelin, Lombard, 273 medicine, 144,145,146
310 Index
Borte Fiijin, 8, 18, 227, 228, 274, 277; Harun al-Rashid (caliph), 85
life, 234-36; status, 30 Hashish, 194,195, 196-97, 306
Boucher, William (Guillame), the Het'um (king of Armenian Cilicia),
Parisian, 62,156, 242 144, 190, 192,193, 244, 274, 294
Buijir Noyan, 137 Hetoum, on war, 95-96, 130, 192, 193,
244, 288, 290
Carpini de Piano, Giovanni/John, 12, Ho'eliin, 45,171,183, 235; life, 232-34
27, 35, 44, 51, 54, 61, 92, 99, 102, Hsien, 210, 218, 281
105; on war and spies, 131-33, 149, Hulegu Khan, 4, 26, 27, 28, 57, 58,110,
151,161,171,172,173, 202, 206, 116,118,119,120,141,142,143,163,
274, 289, 294 182,187,188, 220, 221, 227, 239, 242,
Chaghatai Khan, 16, 160, 231, 235 243, 244, 246, 274, 275, 276, 277, 279;
Ch'ang Chun, 44, 274, 295 attitude toward Qalandars, 199;
Chin, 5, 6, 7, 41, 62,116,139, 209, 211, funeral, 185-186; Maragheh and
254, 274, 282 Tabriz, 53, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89; rise
Chinggis Khan, 1-7, 8, 10, 62, 96, 97, of Toluids, 8, 9,10
107, 110,116, 131,137, 146, 150, Hu Szu-Hui, 274, 288, 290; cookbook,
160,163,164,165,169,189, 201, 167-69, 173,174,175; and drink,
202, 203, 205, 206, 207, 216, 221, 155
230, 231, 234, 235, 239, 241, 251,
274, 274, 276, 277, 280; funeral, 185; Ibn al-Athir, 3,117
prays, 186; punishment of God, Ibn Battuta, 84, 91, 154, 162, 274, 290;
123; Teb-tengri, 182, 183 and drink, 158-59
Cilicia, 190,192,193, 274, 277 Ibn Taymiyah, 196
Cumans. See Qipchaq Turks Isma c ilis, 8, 9, 88, 279, 281, 305
Dokuz/Doquz Khatun, 27, 87, 142, Jebe Noyan, 5,105, 122,123; recon-
186,188, 207, 274; life, 243-44 naissance, 124-27, 274, 275, 278
Drinking fountain, 62, 156-58, 242 Jochi, 8, 30, 47, 235, 239, 228, 282
Juwayni, Ata Malik, 61, 62, 88, 95, 116,
Fatimah Khatun, 237, 238 159, 187, 205, 220, 221, 236, 238,
239, 274; nerge, 107,110,112; writ-
Genghis Khan. See Chinggis Khan ing, 55
Geikhatu Khan, 149, 162, 222 Juwayni, Shams al-DIn, 243, 274
Georgia/Georgians, 123, 125, 126, Juzjani, 206
203, 288
Gog and Magog, 14,123, 274, 281 Kamikaze winds, 3,10
Golden Horde, 8, 9,11,12, 26, 116, Karts, 10, 274
152,154,158,162,190,193, 237, Kereits, 14, 29,188, 239, 243, 275, 277,
240, 244, 245, 251, 273, 275, 277, 282
281, 282; Mongol hoof, 30 Keshig, 97-98, 282
Grigor of Akanc', 137, 244, 274; Ket-Buqa, 275. See also c Ain Jalut
description of Tatars, 33-34 Khwandamir (Safavid chronicler),
Guyuk Khan, 8,12,18, 46, 61,102, 186, 291
128,143, 144, 149, 184, 202, 230, Khwarazm, land, armies, empire, 5, 6,
236, 240, 241, 274, 275; and drink- 124,181,182
ing, 161; wife Ghaymish Khatun, Khwarazmshah, Jalal al-DIn
238-39 Mingbirdi, 8,124, 275
Index 311
Khwarazmshah, Mohammad, 5, 6,13, medicine, 138,141,143; and
105,116,122,123,125, 203, 275 Muslims, 186,187
Kirakos, 33,149,172,188, 201, 244, Oljeitu Khan, 55, 56, 58, 90,138,163,
275, 288, 291 222, 224
Kobra, Shaykh Najm al-DIn, 182 Onggirats, 14, 96, 232
Kokochu (Teb-tengri), 182 Onglit, 96
Kumis/koumiss, 23, 60,150-54,156, Oxus, Amu Darya, Amuya, 13, 90,
159,160,163,170,172,176, 229, 281, 285
230, 271, 282, 284; William of
Rubruck and, 151 Padeshah Khatun, 245, 246-^8, 276
Paris, Matthew, 3, 276
Mahmud Yalavach, 62, 237 Polo, Marco, 48, 54, 55,121,145,153,
Mamluks, 9,10,115,116,120,122, 155,157,173,177,185, 214, 216;
188,190,192, 202, 243, 273, 275, Hangzhou, 75, 76, 79, 80, 84; Khan
276, 282, 290, 296, 298, 303, 307; at Baliq, 65, 66, 71, 72; and religion,
war, 128-29 199-200
Mas'ud Beg, 57, 275
Merkit, 8,14,15,123,188, 232, 234, Qaidu Khan, 127-28, 248, 249, 251,
235, 275, 282 276, 299
Mongke Khan, 4,19, 35, 57, 61, 62, Qalandars, 194-99, 283, 303
85,128,143,156,159,160,183,188, Qara Khitai, 246, 276, 298-99
190,191,192, 202, 230, 239, 240, Qara Sonqur, Shams al-DIn, 90
241, 242, 243, 273, 275, 276, 295, Qaraqorum, 5, 8, 9, 35,110,127,141,
297; drinking, 161; rise of the Tolu- 156,190,191, 221, 237, 241; descrip-
ids, 8, 9 tion, 59-62, 65
Mongke Temur, 245, 273, 275 Qipchaq Turks/Cumans/Pechenegs,
Mustawfi Qazvini, Hamdallah, 85, 11,105,123,124,126,127,129, 274,
86,118,186, 204, 241, 275, 290, 292; 276, 283, 302
account of fall of Qazvin, 105-6 Qubilai Khan, 9,10, 26, 53, 57, 59, 84,
127,141,144,145,149,153,154,
Naiman, 14,15,142, 275, 283 157,163,168,169,176,177, 209,
Nasir al-DIn Tusi, 85, 87,182, 277, 287, 210, 213, 239, 241, 242, 245, 248,
294-95; and observatory, 85-89 251, 254, 273, 275, 276, 277, 295;
Nerge, 17,104,107-15,170, 283 Beijing, 62, 63, 65, 66, 69, 70, 73, 75;
Nestorians, 15, 31, 83, 89,135,145, longevity, 150
182,188,189,191, 240, 243, 275, Qutai Khatun, 88, 89
276, 280, 282, 283, 285; medicine, Qutulun, 128, 248-50, 251, 276
142-44 Qutuz/Quduz, 273, 276
Noghai Khan/ Nogai Khan, 275, 302
Novgorod, 3,123 Rashid al-DIn Tabib, 10, 37, 38, 58,
60, 62, 64, 70, 73, 76, 90,101,112,
Oderic, Friar of Pordenone, 70,155, 121,122,160,161,164,185, 203,
275, 292, 296 207, 222, 223, 224, 235, 236, 237,
Ogodei Khan (Qa'an), 7, 8,18, 30, 59, 238, 240, 241, 249, 276, 293, 297,
60,113,115,120,127,128,149,173, 306; friendship with Bolad, 110;
206, 230, 236, 237, 238, 239, 240, medicine, 138,141,145,146; on the
241, 242, 248, 250, 274, 275, 276, nerge, 113-15; Tanksuqnameh, 142
277, 283, 292; drinking, 160-61; and Rashidiya (Raba'-i-Rashidl), 58,138
312 Index
Rum, Anatolia, 2, 9, 91, 143, 174, 224, Tibet, 2, 76, 135, 139, 155, 176, 177,
243, 273, 276, 281, 282, 283, 284, 201, 274, 276, 306
289, 300, 302, 303, 307 Tode Mongke, 277
Rumi, Jalal al-DIn, 2, 276, 293, 294, 304 Toghrul, 29, 239, 275, 277
Tolui Khan, 8, 9, 10, 27, 30, 122, 127,
Secret History of the Mongols, 3, 15, 29, 128,167, 186, 207, 230, 235, 238,
31,115,171,185, 201, 204, 234, 244, 245, 275, 276, 277, 285, 297;
235, 292 and Sorghaghtani, 239-43
Shamans/shamanism, 15, 19, 135, 182, Toq Temiir, 167,210,211,
183,198, 201, 280, 298 Toregene Khatun, 18, 230, 236-38, 277
Shari'at, 206, 220, 221, 222, 223, 224, Tusi. See Nasir al-DIn
225, 290
Sorghaghtani Beki, 90, 230, 276; life, Uighurs/Uyghurs, 4, 6, 15, 39, 89,121,
239-243 135, 141,142, 143,155, 168, 206,
Subodei Noyan, 105, 275, 276; 221, 237, 242, 253, 277, 285, 288
reconnaissance trip, 122-27
Sung/Song, 8, 9, 62, 75, 76, 78, 84, 116, Vanakan, 277
127, 139,140, 168, 209, 210, 211, Vardan, 244, 295
212, 216, 253, 276, 303
Suqunjaq Noyan, 276 William of Rubruck, 12, 36, 40, 43,
51, 52, 53, 61, 62,110,141,144, 154,
Tabriz!, Shams al-DIn, 294 156,159,161,162,183,188,190,
Tanguts, 5, 6,145, 274, 276 191, 192, 207, 228, 229, 239, 242,
Taqiyya, 285 277, 289, 290, 295; and the nerge,
Tatars, 14, 33, 35, 96,102, 105, 127, 113
142,149,169,172, 186,192,196, Wu-hsing (five punishments), 212,
233, 234, 254, 276, 277, 285, 302 214-15
Teb Tengri, 182, 183, 276
Temujin (Chinggis Khan before 1206), Xixia (or Hsi-hsia), 5,123, 274, 276
1, 2, 4, 8, 29, 46, 52,123,171, 182,
183, 232, 233, 234, 235, 243, 274, Yam, 60, 102, 109,120-22, 285
276, 277, 282 Yasa, 11, 117, 129, 193, 202, 203, 205-6,
Tengri/Tenggeri, 1, 7,19, 24-25, 46, 207, 209, 212, 214, 216, 220, 221,
183, 184,193, 285; Tenggerism, 222, 223, 224, 251, 285
200-203 Yuan Shih, 76,137,138,141,145, 212,
Terkan Khatun of Kirman, Qutlugh, 213, 214, 215, 216, 239, 288, 289
231, 245-46, 247, 277, 280 Yesligei, 1,183, 232, 233, 234, 277
Terkan Khatun of Shiraz, 277 Yesun Temiir, 57, 141
About the Author
GEORGE LANE teaches in the Department of History, School of Oriental

and African Studies, University of London. Dr. Lane's focus is on Islamic
history, particularly in the Central Asia region. He has also worked on
relations between Iran and China during the 13th and 14th centuries. He
contributed to The Greenwood Encyclopedia of Daily Life (Greenwood, 2004),
and is the author of Genghis Khan and Mongol Rule (Greenwood, 2004) and
Early Mongol Rule in 13th Century Iran (2003).
The Greenwood Press "Daily Life Through History" Series
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DAILY LIFE IN

The Greenwood Press "Daily Life Through History" Series

The paper used in this book complies with the

IBN AL-ATHIR " O N THE TATARS, 1220-1221 CE": 1

Because no standardized system of transliteration exists to render foreign

1125 Liao dynasty (Khitans) driven out of north China by

1209 Mongols invade Hsi-Hsia (Xixia, Xi-Xia).

........... Wester?) Kftarstssowmg

Tributary to Mongo! stats

Chinggis Khan, Hohhut Museum. Courtesy of Xinjiang Qinshan

Early copy of the Secret History in Hohhut Museum. Courtesy of Xinjiang

Turkish Central Asia, the appellations Genghis, Hulegu, Mongke, Arghun,

Silk merchant in Kashgar bazaar. Courtesy of Xinjiang

Mongol dagoba or stupa, the White Tower in Hohhut.

Legal tender in use during the Yuan period. Courtesy of

Mongol jewelry, Hohhut Museum. Courtesy of Xinjiang Qinshan Culture

Pipes, Hohhut Museum, Inner Mongolia. Courtesy of Xinjiang Qinshan

numerous subdivisions, these groups were in no way either linguistically

Copper seal, Hohhut Museum. Courtesy of Xinjiang Qinshan Culture Publishing

confederations, such struggles could lead to the formation of new break-

Mongol paiza granting free passage to the bearer. Courtesy of Xinjiang

Mongol seal, Hohhut Museum. Courtesy of Xinjiang Qinshan Culture

Mongol paiza from Hohhut Museum. Courtesy of Xinjiang Qinshan Culture

religiously united polities. So great was Chinggis Khan's prestige and so

of exogamy, or marriage outside the clan or tribe. One of the results of

Il-Khanid d y n a s t y of Iran (1256-1335) followed an often b l o o d y m i x t u r e

Mongol horseman, Xi'an Museum. Courtesy of Lan Tien Lang

The Persian poet Amir Khosrow (1253-1324) describes several hundred

A more measured account is given by a Franciscan monk and papal

The Franciscan Friar William of Rubruck traveled to the court of the

Later, he describes the wife of a local Mongol commander, Scacatai,

Baku, early thirteenth century. Courtesy of Lan

My wives, daughters-in-law, and daughters are as colourful and radiant as red

Uyghur seamstress with traditional silk cloth, Kashgar. Courtesy of Xinjiang

their living quarters with sumptuous, delicate embroideries and brocades,

Thirteenth-century Mongol figurine, Xi'an Museum.

Traditional Mongol dress, Hohhut Museum. Courtesy of

Bactrian Camel on the shores of Lake Sayram. Courtesy of Xinjiang Qinshan

Thirteenth-century Mongol figurine, Xi'an Museum.

Thirteenth-century Mongol figurines, Xi'an Museum. Courtesy of Lan Tien Lang

THE ROBE OF HONOR: THE KHILCAT

Thirteenth-century Mongol figurines, Xi'an Museum.

Thirteenth-century Mongol figurines, Xi'an Museum. Courtesy of Lan Tien

Qubilai w i t h Ta-tu (Khan Baliq, Beijing) as its capital a n d the f o u n d i n g in

Friar Giovanni DiPlano Carpini paints a simpler picture, explaining

MOVABLE VERSUS IMMOVABLE

of permanent structures ensured that the hardware of the administra-

Royal ordu, Dengsheng. Courtesy of Lan Tien Lang Publications

wall and a pavilion to connect them. And so Qaraqorum, capital of the

At this time there were 12 idol temples of unspecified religions, two

BEIJING ( K H A N BALIQ, TA-TU, T A I D U , D A - D U ,

From the Yuan Observatory, Beijing. Courtesy of Lan Tien

The Yuan Observatory, Beijing. Courtesy of Lan Tien Lang

The Yuan Observatory, Beijing. Courtesy of Lan Tien Lang Publications

From the Yuan Observatory, Beijing. Courtesy of Lan Tien

Tiananmen Square, Beijing. Courtesy of Lan Tien Lang