Redefining The Vernacular in The Hybrid Architecture of Malaysia

Redefining the Vernacular in the Hybrid Architecture of Malaysia
A thesis
submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of
Master of Architecture
Victoria University of Wellington
June 2010
by
Stefanie Sim
Under the supervision of

Christine McCarthy
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Abstract
The objective of the thesis is to view the presence of vernacular architecture as a strong sub current
of modern praxis in Malaysia. Vernacular architecture has played a pivotal role in shaping
architecture and in defining perceptions of modernity. It is the vernacular interaction and
negotiation with regional and global influences that has generated the complex and hybrid nature of
Malaysian architecture.
The notion of the ‘vernacular’ has a negative and pejorative connotation and is commonly described
as simplistic, unrefined and undeveloped. Contrary to that, the thesis reveals the complex cultural,
social, intellectual and functional identities of Malaysian vernacular structures. The term ‘vernacular’
is constantly evolving and is not limited to the past but lives on in contemporary architecture. The
thesis suggests that the presence of vernacular concepts do not dissipate as a result of hybrid
interactions between different cultures but rather evolve during this creative process.
Significant events that transpire throughout the history of the country play a crucial role in shaping
and altering vernacular architecture. Colonisation and migration contribute to the complex
architectural identity of Malaysia as diverse cultural influences are introduced and imposed onto
native traditions. Change is inevitable in a living society. However, change can be seen as either
disruptive or as part of a continuum. Through critical comparisons and case studies, the thesis
argues that the vernacular is continually evolving as a product of cultural regeneration. It is from the
parallels drawn between the vernacular and architecture introduced by foreigners that allow for the
comprehension of these new building types as well as the acceptance of alternate lifestyle.
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Table of Contents
Abstract .............................................................................................................................. 1
Table of Contents .............................................................................................................. 2
Introduction ....................................................................................................................... 4
Chapter 1: Malaysian Vernacular Architecture Part I (16th century) ................................. 17

Origins of the traditional Malay Houses......................................................................................... 17
Common Characteristics ................................................................................................................ 18
Regional Variations......................................................................................................................... 24
Changes in Building Materials ........................................................................................................ 25
Chapter Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 26
Chapter 2: Malaysian Vernacular Architecture Part II (16th century) ................................. 28

Origins of the Longhouses of the indigenous people of Sarawak ................................................. 29
Common Characteristics ................................................................................................................ 29
Types of Longhouses ...................................................................................................................... 32
Rebuilding and Abandoning the Longhouse .................................................................................. 40
Chapter 3: Foreign Influenced Architecture Part I (1511-1957) ........................................ 46

Architecture of the Immigrants - The Chinese Community .......................................................... 46
Colonial architecture of the Portuguese, Dutch and the British .................................................... 57
Chapter 4: Foreign Influenced Architecture Part II (1795-1957) ........................................ 78

The Emergence of Detached Houses ............................................................................................. 78
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Chapter 5: Contemporary Malaysian Architecture (1957-present) ................................... 87

Education ....................................................................................................................................... 87
International Modernism .............................................................................................................. 92
National Identity ............................................................................................................................. 93
Chapter Conclusion ....................................................................................................................... 101
Conclusion ..................................................................................................................... 103
References ..................................................................................................................... 106
List of Illustrations and Credit ........................................................................................ 112
Glossary ......................................................................................................................... 119

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Introduction
Architecture is not always pure in form and isolated in its origin and may develop from different
sources at different times. The complex nature of Malaysian architecture arises from the creative
process of intercultural exchanges and localization of imported models. As so much of what is
described as ‘Malaysian vernacular architecture’ doesn’t originate from the region but is foreign and
imported, the definition of ‘vernacular’ invites further exploration. The thesis suggests that the
synthesis of old and new, as well as local and foreign, generated intercultural exchanges in
architecture, and was paralleled throughout with the continual evolution of the vernacular in
response to these forces of changes. The thesis supports the notion that vernacular architecture is
not limited to signify the past but instead is a dynamic process of development over time by the
collective actions of individuals.1 Recurrent themes which will be explored in the thesis include:
- the conventional manifestations of power and status

- social and spatial organization
- architectural strategies to achieve culturally and environmentally appropriate design
solutions
Malaysia is the perfect place for this study as the country yields numerous examples of multicultural
and colonial architecture. In Malaysia, architectural hybridization was not so much the exception but
the norm. It is a melting pot of diverse cultures, religion and nationalities. According to a recent
census conducted by the Statistics Department, Malaysia is home to approximately 27 million
people. The population comprises of 50.91% Malays, 24.46% Chinese, 11% non-Muslim indigenous
people, 7.22% Indians, 7.11% others (non Malaysian citizens and citizens of a difference race). 2
Under the law of Malaysia, indigenous people are categorised under the heading ‘Bumiputera’ which
literally translates as ‘son of the earth'.3 There are also many other significant cultural groups
including the indigenous groups of Sabah and the Malay Peninsula, immigrant groups such as the
Indian and Arab, and of neighbouring countries such as Thailand and Indonesia. Due to the
limitations of the Master’s thesis, this thesis is a selective rather than a comprehensive analysis of
1
Heath Vernacular Architecture and Regional Design xiv
2
Ismail Houses in Malaysia. Fusion of the East and the West p10
3
Tettoni and Ong Sarawak Style p17
All the indigenous people are categorised as “Bumiputera” under the Malaysian law. The definition of “indigenous people”
includes ethnic Malays (Muslim) as well as ethnic communities (Non-Muslim)- the main groups being the Iban, Bidayuh ,
Melanau and the Orang Ulu which more commonly reside in the Island of Borneo. Colonial historians used the term
“Dayaks” to denote all non-Muslim indigenous people, although today the name “Iban” replaces the word “Sea Dayak: and
“Bidayuh” instead of “Land Dayak”. Orang Ulu means "upriver people" and covers a host of smaller ethnic tribes such as
the Kayan, Kenyah, Punan, Kajang, Kejaman, Kelabit and Lun Bawang.
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Malaysian architecture. It does not include the architecture of all the indigenous groups and foreign
influences of Malaysia as this would go beyond the physical scope of the thesis4 and it is for this
pragmatic reason, rather than any other, that the thesis has focussed on the architecture of the
largest cultural groups in Malaysia. This omission is unfortunate as the other cultural groups have
played major roles in shaping Malaysian architecture as we know it.
Malaysia’s climate is categorised as equatorial, with high temperatures, high humidity and heavy
rainfall throughout the year. The temperature usually ranges between 22-32°C and annual rainfall
exceeds 2000mm a year. Malaysia has two seasons which are the wet and dry seasons. These
seasons are related to the Monsoon winds. The Southwest Monsoon prevails from late May to
September, and the Northeast Monsoon prevails from November to March. The houses in Malaysia
are forced to take into consideration the constant hot, humid and wet climate to achieve
comfortable living. Climate control strategies include adequate ventilation for cooling and reducing
the effects of humidity, the application of building materials with low thermal capacity, controlling
the direction of solar radiation, providing protection from rain and ensuring adequate vegetation in
the surroundings to provide a cooler micro climate.5
Malaysia is located in South East Asia and comprises two distinct parts: the Malay Peninsula (West
Malaysia) and Sabah, Sarawak and the Federal Territory of Labuan, which are situated on the island
of Borneo (East Malaysia). The country shares international borders with Indonesia, Singapore,
Brunei and Thailand.
Malaysia’s geographical location made it a vital route during the spice trade. Specifically, Melaka6 is
positioned at the convergence of major sea routes which meant that it was established as an
important seaport for trade between the East and West at the end of the fourteenth century.
Melaka came into contact with India, China, Africa and Europe, later embracing Islam, the religion
spread by the Arab and Indian Muslim traders.7
4
Other limitations to approach- a number of built configurations discussed in the thesis, particularly the ones pertaining to
immigrant and colonial architecture, heavily depended on second hand sources and whose descriptions have only skimmed
the surface. Therefore, implications of foreign influences can be further explored within other sources to determine
accuracy.
5
6
Melaka, is the alternate spelling to Malacca
7
Fig0.1 Map of Malaysia showing frequently mentioned states
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From the fifteenth century, the Chinese permanently settled in Melaka as traders and merchants,
bringing their cultures and customs, leading to an architectural style described as the Straits
Eclectic.8 These Chinese settlers brought about urban building types such as shophouses and
townhouses. They also introduced elements such as courtyards and masonry staircases to
vernacular Malay houses.
In 1511, the Portuguese, seeking to dominate this trade route, captured Melaka and controlled the
city-port’s economic and political affairs. During the Portuguese colonization of Melaka, the
architectural style of Manueline Gothic was introduced for the first time in the East.9 Stone
construction was introduced and laterite became a popular building material. The style was the last
phase of Gothic architecture in Portugal and is characterized by square-shaped, barn-like
structures.10 To safeguard their conquests, the Portuguese constructed a great fortress named A.
Famosa in 1512, which was on the site of the Malay fort and royal compound on the hill. The
Portuguese also erected churches and other religious monuments to fulfill their intentions of
spreading Roman Catholicism. Early religious buildings in Melaka included the Jesuit College of St
Paul (1548) and St Paul’s Church (1521). The Portuguese did not make a significant impact on local
architecture. They established several residential settlements that contained houses made out of
timber and roof tiles but these were isolated from the local population.11
The Dutch, who also wanted to control trade in the Peninsula, besieged Melaka over one hundred
years later in 1641. This occupation left a unique architectural impression in the form of three-storey
Stadthuys (town hall), brick townhouses or ‘row houses’, palaces, mansions and churches. These
buildings exhibit Dutch architectural features such as thick masonry walls, Dutch-style gables,
double-sash windows and decorative elements on the facades and window copings of shophouses.
The following century, in 1795, the British occupied the Malay Peninsula and set up the Straits
Settlements of Penang, Melaka and Singapore with the aim of exploiting natural resources.12 The
other Malay states remained essentially self-governing kingdoms under their local rulers with the
British taking little interest in their affairs.13 This situation resulted in little development and
construction of buildings. The primary aim of the colonial administration was essentially to exploit
the natural resources of the land. As a method of managing the different cultures, the ethnic groups
8
Yeang The Architecture of Malaysia p27
9
Chen ‘Architecture’ The Encyclopaedia of Malaysia p8
10
11
12
13
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were segregated. The British encouraged the Chinese to work in the tin mines, the Indians to work in
rubber plantations and road building, while the Malay peasantry worked on small holdings and
providing rice. This “divide and rule policy” resulted in minimal inter-racial activities and culturally
isolated buildings.14 Each ethnic group retained their original cultural tradition but lived in different
places: the Malays in their villages, the Chinese near the tin mines, or town centers, and the Indians
in their rubber plantations.15
The British administration initially resided in timber structures resembling the Malay houses but
these houses gradually transformed to include elements of the Chinese and of England.16 Chinese
roofing tiles replaced the thatch roof which was subsequently replaced by the design of the ‘jack-
roof’, where the roof was divided into two sections, with the higher section overlapping the lower
one.17 In an attempt to enhance the houses’ prestige, western elements and ornamentation were
adopted.18 These included Doric columns, Greek and Roman motifs, and other elements reminiscent
of the Palladian Neo-Classicism which was a prevailing trend in England from the sixteenth to the
nineteenth century.19 This blend of foreign and indigenous elements produced a style known as the
Anglo-Straits Eclectic Style.
Meanwhile, over in the East, Sarawak was ruled by a dynasty of White Rajahs, the Brookes, which
transformed Kuching into a modern town. The British rule was briefly disrupted by the invasion of
the Japanese in December 1941 during the Second World War. The Japanese military occupation
was short lived and left no substantial monuments as the Japanese only built temporary shelters
during their occupation of Malaya.20 The British regained power in 1945. On August 1957 the
Independence of the Federation of Malaya was proclaimed with Sabah, Sarawak and Singapore
integrating with the Malay Peninsula to form Malaysia later in 1963,21 however in 1965, Singapore
split from Malaysia to become an independent city-state.
Malaysian architectural history, as seen above, is complex and has involved many peoples and many
cultural interactions. These cultural exchanges have formed the development of Malaysian
vernacular architecture.
14
Choong Multiculturalism : the roots of Malaysian architecture and identity p17
15
Choong Multiculturalism : the roots of Malaysian architecture and identity p19
16
17
18
19
20
21
The term ‘Malaya’ denominated the Malay Peninusla and is usually meant to include the island of Singapore. Malaysia
was formed in 1963 as a federation of the states of the Malay peninsula and the states of Sabah and Sarawak in Borneo.
Singapore seceded in 1965 to become an independent republic.
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Malaysian Vernacular Architecture

The term ‘vernacular’ derives from the Latin vernaculus, meaning native, and is most widely used to
denote indigenous, tribal, folk, peasant and traditional architecture.22 According to Chen, vernacular
house forms evolved according to different cultural settings and are the results of long-term
modification, adaptations, shared experiences and innovations.23 The terms ‘vernacular’,
‘traditional’, ‘indigenous’, and ‘regional’ are often used interchangeably.
Rudofsky defines the vernacular as ‘nearly immutable and without the need for improvements since
it serves its purpose to perfection’.24 The thesis, however, agrees with Rapoport’s perspective of the
vernacular as a process, of how it comes to be, or as a product - a resulting environment having
certain characteristics. He states that vernacular design is achieved through the application of a
system of shared rules and is best defined as being based on the use of a model with variation and
differing from primitive design in the extent of the variations.25 The thesis also supports Vellinga’s
argument that the vernacular should not be regarded as an architectural category consisting of static
buildings that need to be carefully safeguarded but as a concept which identifies dynamic building
traditions that continuously evolve while remaining distinctive to a specific place.26
Vernacular architecture has been linked to the ‘primitive’ human and the ‘savage’ states of society.27
Politicians and the populace of Malaysia alike perceive the vernacular as representing of a backward
past, opposing their modern aspirations.28 Vernacular architecture is commonly seen as villages of
simplistic mud huts located in the middle of tropical forests.29 Contrary to popular belief, the
vernacular architecture of Malaysia is one of monumental and complex structures. The distinctions
between the uses of spaces are blurred as these buildings are multipurpose and several activities
and rituals occur under one roof. As a result of this, the thesis does not only focus on domestic
buildings but covers a spectrum of building types which include civic, administrative, and commercial
buildings, as well as recreational spaces.
The terms ‘New vernacular’ and ‘Contemporary Vernacular Architecture” are starting to emerge in
architectural theories and may sound like oxymorons. However, Heath has used the term ‘new
22
Encyclopedia of Vernacular Architecture of the World pxxi
23
24
Lim and Tan The New Asian Architecture. Vernacular Traditions and Contemporary Style p22
25
Rapoport “Vernacular architecture and the cultural determinants of form” p286
26
Asquith and Vellinga “Introduction” p9
27
Encyclopedia of Vernacular Architecture of the World pxxiii
28
Encyclopedia of Vernacular Architecture of the World pxxiii
29
Beswick “Comments: Diary from Africa” unpaginated
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vernacular’ to describe the end product of a collective and cohesive framing of ideas processed over
time through a different regional filter.30 The new filter is the result of social, political, economic,
technological and/or environmental influx affecting the locale.31 Lim and Tan define the notion of
‘contemporary vernacular’ as ‘a self conscious commitment to uncover a particular tradition’s
unique responses to place and climate, and thereafter to exteriorize these formal and symbolic
identities into creative new forms through an artist’s eye that is very much in touch with
contemporary realities and lasting human values.’32
Hybridization and intercultural exchanges play a major role in the evolution of the vernacular as the
vernacular is constantly exposed to external influences and foreign cultures. Architects such as
Robert Venturi speak of hybrid elements. Chris Abel uses the term ‘hybrid architecture’ in his
writings and describes it as a process whereby different architectural styles interact to produce
something new.33 The definition of ‘hybrid architecture’ in my thesis best resembles Abel’s
interpretation which describes such architecture as ‘the product of the encounter between local
cultures and the international system of exchange.’34 Paul Oliver has written that cross cultural
exchanges can only take place between two cultures which share enough common ground. 35 If the
two societies have entirely different world views, he argues, one set of ideologies would eventually
overpower the other. This theory is apparent in the cultural interactions in Malaysian architecture
because even though new cultures are introduced, the local cultural identities are not stripped away
completely, but instead they go through a series of transformations and changes. Change is an
important part of vernacular architecture because it is not a frozen notion of architecture.
Changes to the vernacular form

In this thesis I not only attempt to elucidate the process and progression of intercultural exchanges
between vernacular architecture in Malaysia and the architecture of foreign cultures, but to also
identify the responses and lifestyle changes these exchanges have generated. With the influx of
foreigners and immigrants, and also the opportunity to travel overseas, we are exposed to places,
cultures and ideas that are so very different from our own. The gift of travel has allowed us to
discover unimaginable wonders. From the influences of these foreign cultures, we absorb aspects of
their design and incorporate them into our own design vocabulary, applying these diverse principles
30
Heath Vernacular Architecture and Regional Design p13
31
Heath Vernacular Architecture and Regional Design p13
32
33
Abel Architecture and Identity Responses to Cultural and Technological Change p159
34
Abel “Built Sources of Malaysian Identity” p40
35
Encyclopedia of Vernacular Architecture of the World p72
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to the canvases of our own homes.36 These influences presented the local inhabitants of Malaysia
with opportunities of an alternate lifestyle and prompted changes that would alter the vernacular
house form. These changes have included: spatial and social organisation, the adoption of furniture
and decoration and the abandoning of the traditional house.
1) Spatial and Social Organisation

In many Western and industrialized countries, activities such as sleeping, eating and/or
cooking and bathing are appropriately differentiated by spaces that are used at particular
times of the day.37 As seen in the traditional Malay house and the longhouses of Sarawak,
spaces are defined through changes in level rather than partitions and walls. Most of
these spaces are multi-purpose and not confined to one specific usage.
The wall is an essential element of built form by Western standards. Pieris wrote that the
concept of the house as an individuated unit within a fenced compound and property
ownership by a nuclear family, suggested affluence and colonial habits, where communal
priorities were abandoned for a more private value system.38 Western families are
accustomed to maximum privacy even among members of the same household therefore
placing great importance on the division of private and public spaces. In contrast, the
vernacular models reflect the importance of the nuclear family and are in favour of the
intimacy of the community.39 The Malay and indigenous forms of dwelling retained
communal sleeping and living and also lack in subdivisions such as fences and gates.
The introduction of walls in vernacular architecture increased proportions of private and

personal space. These barriers generate the formation of new living traditions and social
behaviours which result in the introversion of family life.
2) Adoption of Furniture and Decoration

Furniture is an integral part of the Western lifestyle. Acknowledged as a display of status
and economic well being, traditional Malaysian houses gradually included furniture.40 Now
it is not an unfamiliar sight to see lavish settees and dining tables in the traditional Malay
house. This however does upset the ergonomics of the traditional house as the low
36
Waller and Bradbury Fusion Interiors p1
37
38
London, Houses for the 21st Century p42
39
40
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headroom was intentionally built to suit people eating and sitting on the floor. The use of
modern furniture has led to the shifts in houseforms such as the bumbung lima and
bumbung perak which have higher headroom.41 It has also changed the traditional
characteristics of a Malay house which were known for their large open and uncluttered
interiors.42 It is also becoming gradually more common to find a range of contemporary
consumer products such as television sets and other household appliances tucked in the
inner apartments of the longhouses.
Some modern Malay houses have also introduced the use of coloured linoleum tiles to
cover the floor. This tampers with air flowing through the slits of the flooring boards.43
3) Abandoning the Traditional House

The term “traditional” usually carries with it connotations of backwardness; of being
limited by history and precedents.44 “Vernacular architecture” is often dismissed as being
crude and unrefined construction. The negative connotations of the word ‘traditional’
diminish the status of such vernacular houses. As Ismail has pointed out, the Malaysian
mindset is that these wooden houses are fit for only poor people living in villages.
Wooden houses are linked to poverty and the lower class society while modern concrete
houses are linked to prestige and suited to people with a higher standard of living. 45 The
act of moving to the urban areas and abandoning the traditional house becomes
recognition of financial and social success.
The vernacular architecture of Malaysia was based on certain degrees of communal living.
Although the Malay house is a detached form, the Malays traditionally were in favour of
intimacy at the level of community as reflected by the open settlement plan of the village.
The indigenous people of Sarawak, for example, found safety in numbers as part of a
survival tactic from enemy attacks or the difficult environment.46 Upon adapting to their
new environment, the European settlers such as government official, merchants and
planters resided in detached models such as bungalows and villas, to duplicate the
suburban lifestyles of their homeland.
41
Lim The Malay House p135
42
43
44
45
46
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As Kent has noted, the physical and psychological opportunities for privacy increase as a
society moves from ‘primitive’ to ‘modern’.47 Eventually, the local inhabitants followed
suit shifting from communal dwelling and constructing mansions and villas of their own.
Success and prosperity compelled the Chinese to move out of their shophouses into
detached bungalows. In the late nineteenth century, a significant number of Chinese
undertook this unknown private lifestyle and lived in mansions which designs were
essentially inspired by European classical forms and traditional Chinese house plans.
When talking about change, it is important to distinguish between change as continuity and change
as disruption.
Chapter Summaries
The thesis examines these issues in five chapters which provide an historical account of three stages
of Malaysian vernacular architectural history: pre-C16th vernacular architecture, mid-C16th-mid-C20th
architecture, and post independence architecture (mid-C20th-present day). The aim of these
chapters is to provide an understanding of the complex inter-cultural exchanges which has occurred
in all three stages of Malaysian architectural history.
Chapter 1: Malaysian Vernacular Architecture Part I (pre-16th century)

The first chapter provides a detailed description on the origins and common characteristics of the
traditional Malay house. The thesis recognises that the Malay house, although considered vernacular
to the region, is not ‘pure’ in its origins and has characteristics similar to dwellings found throughout
Southeast Asia. The process of hybridization is a prevailing concept as the structures that are
considered vernacular to the region have been exposed to layer upon layer of imported cultures
which had been localized over time.
The lack of walls and partitions in the Malay house did not mean that the distinctions between
public and private domains do not exist but rather, barriers are marked through behavior and
mutual understanding among the inhabitants. The daily routinized behaviour of individuals also
provides them with an understanding of what activities take place in spaces during specific times of
the day and night as the spaces within the houses are not defined and confined to one specific use.
47
Kent Domestic architecture and the use of space p50
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The chapter discusses the social and spatial organisations of each of the traditional houses and the
ways in which status and hierarchy is demonstrated within the community. Indicators of status and
prosperity included the increase in size, ornamentation, material possessions and the use of modern
building materials. In understanding the vernacular, we are able to be conscious of how the theories
of modernity and the traditional are in flux.
Chapter 2: Malaysian Vernacular Architecture Part II (pre-16th century)

The second chapter, a continuation of the first, introduces the longhouse of the indigenous groups
of Sarawak (which includes the Iban, Melanau, Bidayuh and Orang Ulu). Although longhouses are the
archetypical form of Borneo domicile, this form of dwelling exists in other parts of the world.48 This
indicates that the longhouse could also be a product of intercultural exchanges, contributing to the
notion that the definition of vernacular architecture is continually evolving and part of an ongoing
process of relocation, transformation and adaption.
The spatial and social organization of the longhouse is not as straightforward and simple as it
appears to be. As longhouses are considered to be multi family dwelling, it may seem that there is a
lack of regard toward privacy within the confinement of the single roof structure. However, the
organization of time, space and people interrelates with deeper concepts of social value concerning
gender, age and status as well as more abstract values of privacy and community. 49 The chapter will
also discuss the ways in which power and hierarchy is manifested within the longhouses.
The studies of both these vernacular building types reveal cultural ideas, meanings and implications
as well as establishing the complex identities of these monumental structures.
Chapter 3: Foreign Influenced Architecture Part I (1511-1957)

The third chapter identifies the cultural exchanges that occurred as a result of the arrival of the
Chinese community and the Colonial regimes, during which diverse cultures and lifestyles were
introduced to the country. Upon their arrival in Malaya, the Chinese immigrants, as well as the
Portuguese, Dutch and British rulers, brought with them their homeland traditions which were
reflected in their administrative buildings and domestic architecture.
The Chinese make up one of the major immigrant groups in Malaysia, permanently settling in
Melaka in the seventeenth century. The settlers who were mainly shopkeepers, craftsmen and
48
Alexander “The Lahanan Longhouse” p31
49
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farmers, brought with them building types, such as shophouses, townhouses, temples and the
kongsi (clan house), and architectural influences which led to the development of the Straits Eclectic
style. The Straits Eclectic style is the fusion of Chinese, European and Malay architecture and is
mostly evident in the façade of shophouses and terrace houses.50 The Chinese building types were
multifunctional, combining residential and commercial spaces in the form of the shophouses and the
clan house.
The colonial regime erected monumental structures, intended to impose dominance over the local
inhabitants. In colonial cities, the relationships between the dominator and the dominated are
clear.51 Power is displayed through scale, complexity in design, use of imported building materials
and the introduction of building types that had no local parallel.
The chapter questions the definition of the term vernacular and the role it plays within the context
of foreign influenced architecture. The chapter also explores the similar and conventional concepts
imbued within vernacular architecture that allow for new building types to be easily comprehended.
This included the ways in which power and hierarchy is manifested.
Chapter 4: Foreign Influenced Architecture Part II (1795-1957)

The fourth chapter investigates the buildings of British colonial period and their response to the
regional dynamics and cultural exchanges. The British Empire introduced various architectural styles
to the region, which included Moorish influences, Tudor Revival, Neo- Classical and the Neo Gothic
style. The English lived in detached residences such as colonial bungalows and villas. However,
distinctions can be made between the colonist who abided by their traditions, representing power
and exerting authority, and the settlers who retained some loyal values but also sought a new life
and new opportunities.52 The foreign settlers to the country were also willing to converge,
compromise and adapt to their new environments, particularly to the tropical climate.
The process of adaptation to the tropical climate and the other contextual needs involved significant
cross-cultural exchanges, resulting in hybrid architecture. The chapter identifies the architectural
strategies and devices adopted by these foreigners in combining local and foreign architectural
50
Ho, Hasan, and Noordin “An Influence Of Colonial Architecture To Building Styles And Motifs In Colonial Cities In
Malaysia” unpaginated
51
AlSayyad Forms of Dominance p5
52
Oliver Built to meet needs. Cultural Issues in Vernacular Architecture p169
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ideas. It also examines the changes to the role and form of the vernacular throughout these
processes of relocation, transformation and modification.
Chapter 5: Contemporary Malaysian Architecture (1957-present)

The final chapter investigates the spread as well as the consequences of the arrival of the
International Style on Malaysia’s contemporary buildings. Initiatives such as the Colombo Plan
contributed to the spread of modernism in the country as the scholars returned from abroad and
demonstrated philosophies of architecture which were largely oriented towards a Western
perspective. The education which taught the values of external cultures had a significant influence
on attitudes towards indigenous culture.53
Western architecture has set many precedents in design and technological innovation in the
country. The 1950s and 1960s was a period of re-evaluating the fundamental principles of the
International Style.54 Local architects started to question the validity of international models in the
country.
The chapter states that while the characteristics of the European models of Modernism do not
exemplify the concepts of the vernacular, it is the hybridisation of the international and local forms
that generates a ‘new vernacular’. The chapter will identify the architectural strategies employed by
local architects in an attempt to revive and capture the qualities of traditional architecture and
retain a national identity.
Conclusion
The thesis concludes that Malaysia’s complex architectural identity lies in a creative process of
cultural cross-fertilization and localization of imported models, rather than of purified identities. The
presence of the vernacular lingers within the evolving cross cultural narrative of Malaysian
architecture. No longer does the term only speak of the past and the primitive, but instead is
accepted as an ongoing process which changes over the course of time to reflect choices people
have made in response to new regional realities.
53
54
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The Malay house is the traditional house form of the Malay race in Malaysia and is most commonly
found in West Malaysia. The distinctions between the public and private domains as well as the
purpose of spaces in the Malay house may not appear to be obvious as there is little emphasis on
elements such as walls and doors to signal this social organization.
This chapter will cover issues regarding social and spatial organization as well as vernacular
expressions of power and status. Closer inspection of the social and spatial organisation of these
vernacular dwellings suggests similarities between traditional and Western characteristics of society.
The chapter also leads to a discussion on the definition of vernacular as a hybrid product of
intercultural exchanges.
Origins of the Traditional Malay House
Fig 1.1 The traditional Malay house
Malaysia’s vernacular houses are post and beam structures raised on stilts with gabled roofs. The
house type is ubiquitous as many other houses throughout South East Asia share similar features
such as the saddle roof, gable horns and raised floor with timber posts. The Malay house is said to
have originated in various islands of the Malay Archipelago (now known as Indonesia) and share
recurrent features which are similar to dwellings found throughout Southeast Asia and as far as
Micronesia and Madagascar.55
55
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Variations of Malay houses found in Malaysia illustrate similar roof styles to houses in neighbouring
countries such as Thailand, Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos and Indonesia. This contributes to the theory
that these vernacular houses share a common origin.56
Fig. 1.2 The roof style of the Minangkabau-style house in Negeri Sembilan (left) is believed to be influenced by
the Sumatran house in Indonesia (right).
Common Characteristics
Malay houses are usually constructed by local carpenters or craftsmen and sometimes the owners
themselves. These houses are placed in village-like settlements known as the kampung which have
few landmarks and may look haphazard to foreign observers upon first encounter. The houses found
in paddy lowlands are scattered in clusters and are usually demarcated by coconut trees, fruit
plantations and vegetation, which shade the house from direct solar radiation. The linear settlement
patterns usually form along rivers, roads and sandbanks. The external environment is communal and
as untouched as possible. There are no physical boundaries to define trespassing and only gravel
paths lead the way from house to house and from house to public buildings. This preference for
community intimacy over personal privacy led to stronger and closer ties in the village. The Malay
nuclear family, consisting of husband, wife and dependent children, make up the social grouping of
the house. However, in cases where people cannot afford to construct individual houses, or if land is
scarce, the Malay house accommodates the elaborate extended family which includes parents,
grandchildren and other relatives.57
The traditional Malay house is organized in a hierarchical order, expressed in the arrangement of
spaces, height and volume. The most space and highest level of the house is dedicated to the more
important spaces while the less important spaces are smaller in size and lower in level. The changes
56
57
P a g e | 19
in level also define spaces rather than partitions and walls. The areas in the Malay house are not
named by a specific use e.g. living room, dining room, bedroom, etc. as the same spaces are used for
multiple purposes during different times of the day and year. The orientation of the site is not
determined by the presence of basic infrastructure such as water, roads and electricity supply.
Instead, the selection of a house site is always done according to observations and religious rituals.
This is to ensure that wandering spirits are appeased and the house occupants will lead a
harmonious life.58 This is determined by a religious ceremony based on an elaborate code of rules.
When a site complies with favourable conditions, construction begins and the tiang seri (main
column) is erected. The tiang seri represents the centre of the house and is blessed by prayers
The leader of the Malay village is the penghulu (village headman). The penghulu was also the
intermediary between the people of the village and the higher authority of the land such as the
colonists.59 The headman’s house is not isolated from the other houses in the village but differs in
size and detail as McNair describes:
But it is the building of a chief’s house that the best efforts are put forth; and very picturesque
are some of the efforts in this way, with their neat thatching, matted windows and elegantly-
woven sides, gracefully shadowed by the beautiful growth of palms; though there are irreverent
Englishmen found ready to make comparisons between these jungle palaces and their barns of
their native land.60
Fig. 1.3 The headman’s house in a village in

Kedah
The Malay house is primarily a timber post

and lintel structure and raised on stilts and
resting on concrete or stone footings. The
components are prefabricated and later
assembled on site. The materials for the
building are usually found in the immediate
surroundings and have low thermal capacity. The main structure (the posts, crossbeams, tie beams
and roof structure) are made of hardwood such as cengal (Neobalanocarpus heimii), belian
(Eusideroxylon zwagerii), merbau (Intsia palembanica) or resak (Vatica spp) while the secondary
58
59
The Politics of Civic Space in Asia: Building Urban Communities p97
60
Waterson The Architecture of South-East Asia through Travellers’ Eyes p204
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structure (the rafters, floor joists, wall studs, window frames and door frames) and other non-
structural members are made of moderately hard timber such as meranti (Shorea spp.) and jelutong
(Dyera costulata).61 These are assembled with detachable components such as timber dowels and
wedges instead of nails and bolts.
The design of the Malay house provides a direct response to the vagaries of the local climate.
Numerous voids, provided by the raised stilts, full length windows, grilles and panels, ensure
adequate ventilation in the interior of the house, which is the most important relief to climatic stress
in Malaysia.62 Low windows shaded by large overhangs reduce glare from the skies. Grilles and
wooden panels also control the occurrence of glare by dispersing large bright areas into tiny ones.63
One of the most distinctive features of the Malay house is its high-pitched and gabled roof to
facilitate water drainage during rainfall and to provide a large ventilated roof space below which
allows warm air to dissipate and cool.64 This lightweight roof is made of various types of thatch such
as nipah (palm), rumbia (sago plant) and bertam palm tree.65 Thatch strips, measuring approximately
6 feet long and 16 inches wide, are tied to a bamboo or wood spine, which is then tied to the rafters
to form the roof.66 Now more houses use galvanized iron or zinc sheets for roofing because of their
durability, although the traditional roof form has been retained.
The Malay house comprises a back and front portion which revolve around the rumah ibu (core
house) and the dapur (kitchen) respectively. Stairs at the entrance lead up to the entrance anjung
(porch) which serves as an important transition point between public and private domains. 67 This is
where unfamiliar visitors to the house are initially greeted and house occupants lounge and observe
passers-by. Once the occupants are warmed up to the visitors, they are invited to enter the serambi
gantung (verandah) which connects the front porch and the core house. The floor level is raised
about 7 inches moving into the core house, which is the highest, largest and most active space of the
house. Praying, sleeping, sewing, ironing, studying and feasting are activities that commonly take
place in the core house. On the other side of the core house, a closed serambi samanaik (verandah)
connects to the selang (walkway). The closed verandah is used for praying, sleeping and resting. 68
The selang is generally the domain where women socialize. A staircase leading up to a secondary
61
62
63
64
Kamal, Kamarul Syahril and Wahab, Lilawati Ab. “Adaptation Design of Traditional Malay House to Meet the
Requirements of Comfort Living in Modern Houses” unpaginated
65
66
67
68
P a g e | 21
side entrance is also located here. The kitchen is located at the back of the house and is mainly the
women’s territory where women congregate, prepare food and cook, and where the family dines.
The cooking area consists of a simple wooden firebox.69 A pelantar (platform) attached to the
kitchen, is used for washing clothes, vegetables and cooking utensils.70 The floor of the platform is
made out of tree trunk halves and laid in slits in between to allow water to drain through to the
ground beneath. Some Malay houses, particularly in Melaka, have courtyards which are an intimate,
private interior open space between the core house and the kitchen. 71 Women do their washing,
drying and sometimes the entertaining of guests here.
However, customary laws restrict male-female relationships for younger people, and women and
men are separated in all formal social interactions.72 This is marked by the clear domains formed
within the Malay house. The male domain usually consists of the front part of the house while the
back portion is usually occupied by the women. Young women are usually kept away from the public
domain of the house. The Malay house corresponds to this tradition by including a side entrance
that allows the women direct access to the back of the house without passing through the male
domain.
Fig. 1.4 Diagram illustrating the use of interior spaces in the Malay house
69
70
71
72
P a g e | 22
The roof spaces of the houses are usually left exposed. Sometimes the roof space is converted into a
loceng (attic). The attic was once used as a sleeping place for the younger women but is now utilized
as storage space.73 The wooden floors are nailed to the floor joints and are spaced to leave gaps to
allow for water and dirt to fall through to the ground. The doors are simple wooden swing doors
that are beautifully adorned with carvings. The windows are closed by railings and are full length,
dropping down to the floor level to provide good cross ventilation and unobstructed exterior views.
The Malay house is subtle and functional, with the only apparent aesthetic considerations given to
the wood carvings and other embellishments of the house. Sleeping, sitting and resting are carried
out on the floor. Occasionally, a small bed of bamboo or wood is made for pregnant women. Iron
bedsteads are also traditionally used by newly married couples.74 Food is served on mats laid out on
the floors with people sitting around the food. Curtains are sometimes used to create partitions.
Water services, for bathing and toilet activities, are located outside the house.
Fig. 1.5 Diagram showing common addition sequences of the traditional Malay house
The design of the Malay house allows for the flexible expansion of the house when the family grows
in size and prosperity or when there is a desire for a more comprehensive dwelling space. These
extensions follow a sophisticated system of principles that integrate and grow with the core house.75
During the extension process, there is minimum demolition and maximum utilization of materials
and resources such as wall panels, doors and windows.76
73
74
75
76
P a g e | 23
Fig. 1.6 Diagram illustrating front elevation, section and plan of the Malay house
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Regional Variations
There are distinct regional variations of the Malay house found in different parts of Peninsular
Malaysia. Each of these houses reflects the qualities of the cultural groups which came to settle in
different parts of the mainland and have evolved to include features which were sometimes
influenced by immigrants to Malaya.
Fig. 1.7 The Malay house of the village

headman in Merlimau, Melaka.
The Malay house in Merlimau, Melaka

(fig) was built in 1900 by two local
carpenters and a carpenter from
Kelantan. The house was constructed
for village headman, Abdul Ghani. As
the village headhouse, the house was
extensively decorated.77 The design,
embellishments and decorations of the
house are heavily influenced by Chinese immigrants.78 These ‘hybrid’ Malay houses feature
distinctive ornamental glazed ceramic tiled stairways at their entrances. These colourful tiles are
imported from Europe or China and are also found on the facades and interior of Melakan
townhouses.79 These stairs are either located at the front or lead to the courtyard. The arrangement
of courtyards and the high-ceilinged rooms reveals the Portuguese influence on the Melakan Malay
house.
Other regional variations of the Malay houses have also developed through foreign influences. The
basic form, plan and construction methods are similar but the houses can be differentiated by their
roof shapes. The bumbung lima and bumbung perak houses appear to show foreign qualities that
are identified as Dutch and British. The bumbung lima, or “five ridged roof” is influenced by
European house styles of the colonial period.80 This variation of the Malay house included concrete
77
78
79
80
P a g e | 25
staircases, masonry columns, full length louvred shutters as well as the roof types that have higher
headroom which allowed for the introduction of furniture.81
Fig. 1.8 Diagram showing the various types of Malay house-bumbung panjang (top left), bumbung lima (top
right), bumbung perak (bottom left) and bumbung meru 2-tingkat or 2-teired pyramidical roof (bottom right).
Changes in building materials

Due to the increases in population and the scarcity of resources, alternatives are increasingly used in
place of the traditional building materials. During the Japanese occupation, thatch, which was the
main building material of the roof of the Malay house, was heavily exhausted to meet the temporary
building needs of the Japanese.82 When the British regained colonisation in 1945, they introduced
galvanized iron sheets to substitute for the lack of thatch. 83 The use of zinc proved unsuitable as it
has high thermal conductivity, which is undesirable in the hot climate of Malaysia.
Modern Malay houses have replaced adjustable full length wooden windows with movable glass
louvre windows fitted with iron bars. The glass windows were preferred for aesthetic reasons or to
allow views from outside while maintaining the inhabitant’s privacy and security.84 This change alters
81
82
83
84
Hashim, Rahim, Rashid and Yahaya “Visual privacy and Family Intimacy” p309
P a g e | 26
a unique characteristic of the Malay house which relied on its airy and open qualities. Some houses
have also started to replace wood with cement and bricks. These new materials allow wet areas,
such as the kitchen, to be easily cleaned and maintained. However, this change in material
significantly alters the house form with the kitchen being grounded and not raised on stilts. 85 The
modern Malay houses also integrate water and toilet services in the houses, which were traditionally
located outside of the houses. This decreases social activity, isolating women from one another as
they are no longer required to meet at public wells to gather water.86
Chapter Conclusion
Life in the Malay village, although in separate households, relies on communal lifestyles and social
interactions. The concepts of sharing and cooperation are fundamental to the Malay culture as
occasions such as weddings become a village affair rather than a household celebration. 87 Within the
structures of these traditional houses, there is a lack of internal walls and partitions to separate
spaces. It is possible to conclude that the absences of these walls might imply the absence of privacy
concerns but privacy is manifested differently in different cultures. The rules and symbols of privacy
controls influence the flow of information and communication at individual, group and social
levels.88 Conventionally, the structure of privacy is expressed by the relation between interior and
exterior spaces and by comparing barriers and boundaries. However, in the houses of the Malays
these boundaries are invisible.
Privacy is achieved through behaviour. For example, privacy can be controlled through the
communication of strict rules or by organising activities in time.89 Daily routines became a major part
of spatial and social organisation. As the interior spaces of the Malay house are not confined to one
specific use, routine controls how these spaces are used throughout the day.
Although there are no external boundaries in the village compound, it should be noted that the
Malay houses have a boundary between the interior of the home and the external environment
which serves as threshold. This is seen in the anjung (porch), where guests are initially greeted.
There are also cultural conventions that establish gender territories within the household. In both
the Malay house and the longhouses discussed in chapter 2, there is a clear distinction of space in
85
86
87
88
Kent Domestic architecture and the use of space p50
89
P a g e | 27
relation to gender. In the Malay house, the rear of the house is regarded as the domain of the
female while the front part of the house is occupied by the male.
Status and hierarchy in the village is expressed through physical forms. This includes the significant
increase in size and ornamentation, the adoption of material possessions and furniture, and the
replacement of traditional building materials with modern materials.
The traditional Malay house provides an understanding of the nature of architectural continuities.
Although it originated and evolved from diverse precedents, it has come to function in its own
respective role as Malaysian vernacular architecture.
P a g e | 28

The longhouse exists all over Borneo and is sometimes referred to as ‘an entire village under one
roof’ as it is designed to accommodate several nuclear families under a single monumental
structure.90 These houses exemplify the potential of co-operative construction and represent the
communal lifestyles of indigenous groups such as the Iban, Melanau, Bidayuh and Orang Ulu. 91 The
longhouse is usually situated within close proximity to a river and parallel to its course. The river
provides the village with the primary source of food and fresh water as well as a means of
transportation. The chapter will look at the longhouses of the four indigenous groups in separate
sections, in terms of social and spatial organization as well as ways in which power and status are
manifested.
Fig. 2.1 Diagram showing the distribution of the Iban, Melanau, Orang Ulu and Bidayuh longhouses in Sarawak
90
Winzeler The Architecture of Life and Death in Borneo p53
91
Tettoni and Ong Sarawak Style p17 The thesis focuses on the houses of the four main indigenous groups in Sarawak
which are the Iban, Bidayuh, Melanau and Orang Ulu, having the population in Sarawak of 29.6%, 8.3%, 5.8% and 5.4%
respectively.
P a g e | 29
Origins of the Longhouses of the indigenous people of Sarawak

The Longhouse is considered to be the traditional dwelling of ethnic groups such as the Iban,
Melanau, Bidayuh and Orang Ulu in Sarawak, Borneo. However, this form of dwelling is also found in
different parts of the world. Alexander has written that the large structures can be seen among the
hill tribes of Burma, Assam and the South Sea Islands of the Pacific.92 Waterson also states that this
multi-family dwelling can be found in Mentawai in Indonesia and in the highlands of Vietnam. 93 This
further contributes to the theory that no architecture is stagnant and pure in its origins.
Fig.2.2 An Uma, the traditional communal house of the Mentawai in Indonesia (left) and fig. 2.3 a Mnong
longhouse in the central highlands of Vietnam (right)
Common Characteristics
The houses of these groups of indigenous people look slightly different from one another. However,
they all possess common physical characteristics. An average longhouse is built to accommodate as
many as 40 families while some of the larger houses are built for as many as a 120 families or some
500 to 600 people.94 As the community expands, another house is constructed parallel to the first
house. The lengths of the houses are expressed in terms of the number of apartments and vary from
four to 50 apartments, with one apartment typically measuring four meters wide. The average
length of the house is about 200 yards (180m approx) although in some cases, it may span as much
92
Alexander “The Lahan Longhouse” p41
93
Waterson The Living House. An Anthropology of Architecture in South-East Asia p144
94
P a g e | 30
as 400 yards (365m approx).95 The floor width of the house ranges from 30 to 60 feet (9-18m
approx). The house is raised up to six meters off the ground on timber stilts.
Fig. 2.4 The longhouse is usually oriented to face north-south to both face the river and the rising sun to the
east
A row of family units are arranged along one side of the building (although occasionally they are
built on both sides), and divided by transverse walls to form spacious chambers. Each of these
chambers represents the private bilik (apartment) of a single family and is accessed from the gallery
through metal hinged doors. The family inhabiting each apartment typically consists of three
generations - grandparents, a son or daughter, his or her spouse and their children. The apartment is
where cooking and dining takes place.
The organization of space in the longhouse is related to gender and marital status. There is a
separation between unmarried men and women within the sleeping arrangements. The women
have a separate room in the inner apartment or sometimes sleep in the loft. The older and
unmarried sons as well as male guests, sleep in the outer or front part of the gallery. 96 The men’s
95
96
P a g e | 31
house is also an extension of such arrangement and is a separate dwelling away from the Bidayuh
longhouse. A raised platform in the men’s house, around the inside perimeter of the headhouse,
serves as a seating and sleeping area for the bachelors.97
Each family apartment is only separated by a wall that does not fully extend to the ceiling. People in
one apartment may peek through holes or cracks to inspect their neighbours without being
considered rude and banter is frequently exchanged.98 The apartments can be opened up to the
ruai (public gallery) which runs the full length of the house and is unobstructed by any walls. The
gallery is a communal space and is utilized differently by men and women. The women usually use
the gallery for work purposes such as weaving and pounding rice while the men lounge around.
However, when guests arrive at the longhouse, the gallery becomes the realm of the men. The
female will retire to the inner apartments, which are for intimate visiting, cooking and female
socializing. The gallery then becomes the arena of polite discussion, major rituals, feasting and more
casual male drinking and conversation.99
Fig. 2.5 and fig. 2.6 A face is carved at

the top of the steps, believed to
prevent evil spirits from entering the
longhouse.
The gallery is connected to the

tanju (an exposed verandah)
where the laundry, fish and crops
such as rice grain and pepper are
left to dry. A continuous wall
known as the ‘dog wall’ (it keeps
the dogs out of the private apartments) separates the gallery from the inner apartments.100 Storage
huts are located round the house. These huts are raised on piles and are used for storing grains
harvested by one family. The space under the house is where the pigs and chickens forage for food
or scraps that fall through the gaps in the split palm floor. The longhouse has entrances on its end
and is accessed by a notched log which acts as a flight of stairs. These logs are typically carved into
anthropomorphic faces or heads, believed to drive away evil spirits.
97
98
99
100
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Types of Longhouses
Although the longhouses of Sarawak all share common physical characteristics, there are certain
attributes that differentiate these longhouses from one another. The four main types of longhouses
are the Iban Longhouse, Melanau Tall House, Orang Ulu Longhouse and the Bidayuh Longhouse.
1) Iban Longhouse
Fig. 2.7 The Iban Longhouse, Sarawak
The Iban longhouses can be found

throughout the lowlands of
Sarawak. The walls of the
longhouse are made of tree bark
and the roof either of thatch or
shingles made from ironwood.101
As the community becomes more
established, the longhouse will
gradually improve and upgrade. The more prosperous longhouse is made of belian (ironwood) and
higher grades of hardwood while the roof is being constructed with zinc sheeting or ironwood
shingles.102 The principal entrance of the longhouse is its penai’, a bathing place by the river.103 As
the penai’ is regarded as the outer threshold of the community, visitors entering the longhouse by
this way must first bathe at the penai’ before being welcomed into the house by their hosts.
Each apartment is divided horizontally into an lower level (the main family apartment) and upper
level (sadau or loft). The more contemporary Iban longhouses have a wider and larger gallery and
inner apartments to accommodate extended families. The loft is accessed from the interior of the
apartment and is where bins of harvested rice are stored. Traditionally the loft was used as a
sleeping place for young women of marriageable age. The loft then became associated with the
ordinary domestic tasks performed by women namely, weaving and rice agriculture. Individuality
and personal taste is reflected in the decoration of the living area in the inner apartments with
modern pieces of furniture such as cupboards and cabinets, three-piece suites and coffee tables as
101
102
Reed “ Visiting Longhouses” unpaginated
103
P a g e | 33
well as the treatment of the room walls with carefully incised wood carving, bas-relief panelling or
coloured paintwork.104
Fig. 2.8 Diagram illustrating elevations and floor plans of the Iban Longhouse
104
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2) Melanau Tall House

The Melanau traditional dwelling is a type of a longhouse but it is best known as the rumah tinggi
(tall house) as it consists of three storeys. However, similar to the longhouse, the rumah tinggi
consists of 20 to 30 apartments. The house stands sturdy as a fortress with posts made out of solid
belian tree trunks. The first floor is regarded as a communal space and is where the kitchen is
located. The middle space is the family area, while the top floor is where the family’s valuables (such
as brassware, fishing nets and tools), are kept.105 As the house was designed to provide safety from
enemies and pirates, security measures included notched steps that were drawn up at night and
flooring which was made out of a double layer of palms trunks, making it impenetrable to sharp
weapons such as spears and knives. The walls are made of tree bark while the roof is made of palm
which is readily available from the jungle.
Fig. 2.9 The Melanau Tall house, Sarawak
105
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Fig. 2.10 Elevations, sections and floor plans of the Melanau tall house.
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3) Orang Ulu Longhouse

The Orang Ulu longhouses are located on the uneven terrain of the interior highlands and are similar
to the Iban longhouses but are frequently larger and double storied. These impressive houses are
also more ornately decorated with murals, woodcarvings and intricate detailing than the houses of
the Iban and Bidayuh. The Orang Ulu are a hierarchal society and the aristocratic status of the Kayan
and Kenyah tuai rumahs (chiefs) are represented by larger and grander apartments which are
located within the centre of the longhouse and is distinguished by its raised roof.
Fig. 2.11 The Orang Ulu longhouse
Fig. 2.12 The “Tree of Life” mural
The walls of the chief’s apartments are

adorned with decorative motifs of spirit
figures, animals and birds as well as a “tree
of life”106 mural. Traditionally, social status
was determined by a person's distance
from the chief’s apartment thus
commoners tend to live further away from
the centre of the structure.107 The Orang Ulu longhouse is constructed from hard ironwood, which
lasts for several generations.
106
Winzeler The Architecture of Life and Death in Borneo p97 The “Tree of Life” is represented differently among the tribes
but essentially the mural expresses the basic Bornean cosmological theme of sacrifice and the creation of life.
107
P a g e | 37
Fig. 2.13 Elevations, sections and floor plans of the Orang Ulu longhouse.
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4) Bidayuh Longhouse
As the Bidayuh were liable to attacks from other ethnic groups, the house is usually situated at the
rugged foothills of remote mountains, within close proximity to roads or the river. To adapt to the
uneven terrains of the foothills, the longhouse is put together as a series of terraces, gradually rising
on the hillside like steps.108
Fig. 2.14 The Bidayuh longhouse
The construction of the Bidayuh longhouse is similar to that of the Iban, but tends to be smaller and
109
built without the external verandah. The roof and the end walls are covered with palm thatch.
The houses use tree-trunks as posts and beams while the floor of the gallery is made out of bamboo
halves. The Bidayuh frequently rely on bamboo and lighter timber as main building materials
because they live in areas where bigger lumber trees are scarce and not readily available. The
comparatively flimsy manner of construction means that the Bidayuh houses are less durable and do
not have as long a lifespan as the Iban or Orang Ulu longhouses. Flaps are made in the roofs to allow
for adequate ventilation and daylight to penetrate the dark interior family apartments. Unlike in the
Iban longhouses, apartments of kin-related families are often interconnected by doorways and the
corridors are narrower.
108
109
P a g e | 39
Fig. 2.15 Front elevation, floor plans and sections of the Bidayuh longhouse and front elevations and
floor plans of the baruk (head house)
P a g e | 40
Fig. 2.16 The baruk or men’s head house
Bidayuh domestic architecture also

includes a separate dwelling for men
commonly referred to as the baruk
(head house). These houses are also
known as men’s houses and are
normally described as round or
octagonal with a conical roof
although square or irregular ones
were also noted.110 As the name suggests, the house is traditionally the customary residence of the
unmarried male adolescents, men of the village and male guests to the village. The use of the men’s
house was then reduced to a repository for the collection of skulls and for holding community
meetings, rituals and ceremonies. The structure is supported by an elaborate framing system
bounded by rattan and ropes made from tree bark. The floor is constructed of a double layer of split
bamboo, impenetrable to attacks from below.
Rebuilding and Abandoning the Longhouse

The organic material of the longhouse will inevitably undergo the consequences of rapid decay,
especially in the hot, rainy and humid equatorial climate of Borneo. Although traditional builders
were concerned about deterioration and insect attacks, they did not apply preservatives and
protective finishes on the buildings. The builders, however, did engage in various practices and
adhere to certain beliefs to ensure the longevity of their building. Bamboo and wood used in the
construction of houses are believed to last longer if soaked in water for several weeks.111 The
Bidayuh believed it was unsuitable for trees to be lumbered during the phase of a full moon. At this
time, the moon is considered to be ‘soft and crumbly’, reflecting the condition of the wood. It was
also considered not ideal to cut timber during periods of low tide as the trees would have absorbed
the remaining water of the sea and would be weaker and prone to rapid deterioration.112
Longhouses can also simply be the victims of unfortunate accidents and natural disasters. Fires are a
common catastrophe. As the longhouse is made entirely of flammable material, fires are difficult to
110
111
112
P a g e | 41
contain and capable of devouring the structure quickly and relentlessly. Longhouses are also liable to
be destroyed by floods especially during the rainy monsoon seasons. The houses can be swept away
by the strong currents as the water rises in the nearby river.
When the longhouses are destroyed or deteriorate, the community is forced to rebuild their homes.
Longhouses are also rebuilt in different locations when there is an epidemic and illness in the village,
crop failures or other misfortunes that are viewed as evidence of spiritual decline.113 If a house is
ruined by fire, no part of the materials of the old house is used in the construction of the new, for
fear of the new house rendering the same ill-fate.
The abandonment of the longhouse may be partial, complete, abrupt or gradual. The abrupt
abandonment of the longhouse may be caused by houses not being rebuilt after being destroyed in
a fire or may be the result of government demand or persuasion. The villagers may desert the
longhouse gradually as newer families build individual houses elsewhere. Although many people
have migrated to work in the cities and towns, they still maintain strong bonds with their ancestral
longhouses and return during public holidays and festivals.114 The Melanau started shifting out of
their indigenous houses as early as the nineteenth century. The shift is complete, resulting in very
few tall houses remaining presently.
An example of how Malaysian vernacular architecture engaged with ideas of power and status is
apparent in the Malay house and longhouses of Sarawak, which of course operated to support both
domestic and communal purposes. The houses were important symbols of social status and power.
Status is a contested domain, and the symbolic elaboration of houses has been an important
element of this contest.115 Through architectural design, decoration and planning, houses
symbolically express their purpose and the pertinent characteristics of their inhabitants.116 There are
numerous ways in which Malaysian vernacular architecture indicates status and prosperity. The key
themes are size and location, modern and imported materials, craft and material possessions and
furniture.
113
114
115
London The House in Southeast Asia p24.
116
London The House in Southeast Asia p16
P a g e | 42
1) Size and Location

One of the most conspicuous ways of indicating superiority is through scale. When a Malay
household enjoys an increase in prosperity, they may opt to expand their house. These
extensions follow an addition system.
In the Bidayuh household, there is a dwelling for men, which is separate from the main
longhouse. It is known as the baruk (men’s house or head house). The name itself assumes the
connection between men and authority. In comparison to the longhouse, the baruk is huge in
scale and takes on a different shape (octagonal). The baruk is where young men and bachelors
reside and where community meetings, rituals and ceremonies take place. In the centre of the
room was the hearth where the head trophies117 are placed. The emphasis on size and
ornamentation (or in this case, the collection of skulls) parallels a social arrangement that
relies on prestige and influence for leadership.118
Size is also a strategy used to assert dominance. In hierarchal societies, such as the indigenous
tribes of the Kayan and the Kenyah, the aristocratic status of chiefs is represented by
significantly larger apartments and higher roofs. Social status was determined by a person's
distance from the chief’s apartment which is located within the centre of the longhouse, thus
commoners tend to live further away from the centre of the structure.119
2) Modern and Imported Materials

Perceptions of architecture started to change after the 1950s.120 It became an ongoing trend
in Southeast Asia for people to demonstrate their wealth by employing materials and styles
that were thought to portray modernity. Western-styled house forms and building materials
have been glorified, posing a threat to the survival of wooden houses. The use of traditional
building materials, such as wood and bamboo, are considered to be outdated and symbolising
a low status. This is a similar case to mud which is thought of in the same way, although it
serves as a main building material for shelters for more than half the population in developing
countries across Asia, Africa and America.
117
Headhunting was a spiritual excursion and the skulls hanging in the longhouse serves as trophies won during battles fought
against marauding pirates and dissenting war faring tribes along the river systems.
118
Crouch and Johnson Traditions in Architecture p105
119
120
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Modern materials, however aesthetically and functionally unsuitable, are desired because of
their purchase cost and durability. For example, zinc or asbestos-cement sheets are
commonly used to replace thatched roofs of the Malay house.121 Zinc is inappropriate as it
possesses high thermal conductivity, creating sweltering hot interiors during the day and chilly
interiors at night. Heavy downpours produce deafening clatters on a zinc roof but this was to
be tolerated.
Highly decorated wooden structures on piles are increasingly being replaced by houses built of
brick and mortar.122 For Rapoport, the entire modern movement can be seen as an attack on
users’ meanings; the attack on ornaments, on ‘whatnots’ in dwellings and ‘thingamabobs’ in
the garden, as well as the process of incorporating these elements into the environment . 123
Like the Malays, the more modern dwellings of the indigenous Bidayuh people reflect Western
urban influences and vary in both materials and design. There are wooden houses and there
are brick or concrete block and stucco houses, or a combination of the two materials. Cost and
prestige is a significant factor in the decision to build in wood, brick or block stucco. An
affluent village dweller will build in a modern-style stucco house; those less well off will also
be influenced by the relative cost of materials as well as the greater prestige, and, it is
believed, the durability of brick and cement block.124
3) Craft
One of the magnificent features of some colonial buildings is the displays of intricate detailing,
the efforts of skilled craftspeople. The economic standards of the Malay house owner were
also reflected in the attention to the detail and decoration of their houses. The richer they
were, the more elaborate the wooden carvings and other detailing.125 The use of fine details
required the skills and artistry of craftsmen which were expensive and only afforded by people
with a high income.
4) Material Possessions and Furniture

In the past, the concept of life among Malay society was not based on ostentatious living or
the need to strive for excessive possessions. A common characteristic of the traditional Malay
house is its bareness and lack of furniture, relying on the rudimentary and functional nature of
121
Lim The Malay House. Rediscovering Malaysia’s Indigenous Shelter System p134
122
London The House in Southeast Asia p24.
123
Waterson The Living House. An Anthropology of Architecture in South-East Asia xvi
124
125
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the house and its fittings. There has been a tendency towards floor living: sitting on the floor
to eat, talk and entertain.126 As Waterson has noted:
Winstedt (1909) evocatively wrote on his account of the Malay house and
observed that the feature that strikes the casual observer on entering a Malay
house is the absence of what the European conceives to be furniture; and should
he be interested further and discover that the words for “chair” and “book rest”
are Arabic, the words for “towel”, “table” and “cupboard” Portuguese, the words
for “curtain”, “bedstead” and “box” Tamil, then he will certainly imagine that
there is no such thing as native Malay furniture.127
Malay households have gradually absorbed modern consumer culture and the present day
adoption of Western-style furnishing and equipment in the interior is considered to be
evidence of a household’s prosperity.
Chapter Conclusion
The tradition of longhouse dwelling is a multi family living arrangement historically favoured among
the tribes in Sarawak. People relied on this living arrangement for protection from other tribal
attacks and for support in order to survive the harsh environment. In the village compound, there
are no markers to demarcate external territories.
It may seem that there is a lack of regard towards privacy within the confinement of the single roof
structure. Distinctions between public and private domains as well as the understanding of what
activities take place in the spaces during specific times of the day and night are marked through
behavior and mutual understanding among the inhabitants. The organization of time, space and
people relates to deeper concepts of social value concerning gender, age and status as well as more
abstract values of privacy and community.128
Just like the houses of the Malays, status and hierarchy in the village is expressed in conventional
ways such as in the increase in size and ornamentation, the adoption of material possessions and
furniture, and the replacement of traditional building materials with modern materials. The
aristocratic status of the tuai rumahs (chiefs) in the Orang Ulu longhouse are represented by larger
and grander apartments which are located within the centre of the longhouse and is distinguished
126
Waller and Bradbury Fusion Interiors p61
127
128
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by its raised roof and the display of decorative murals. It is only in the Bidayuh longhouse that
hierarchical differences are shown as a separate dwelling. The baruk, a congregation space for
important village meetings, rituals and ceremonies, is significantly different in shape and size. It also
houses a repository for the collection of skulls, which serves as trophies of war and displays of
leadership and prestige.
Cultural conventions also demarcate gender spaces. The intimate interior spaces of the longhouse,
such as the kitchen, loft and inner apartment, are occupied by the women while the outer spaces,
such as the front part of the gallery, becomes the male domain. In the Bidayuh longhouse, the men’s
house, as implied by its name, is also just exclusive to men.
The longhouses of Sarawak are not pure in its origins but are the product of many generations of
cultural exchanges. It derives from a firm understanding of local climatic and environmental
conditions to establish itself as ‘Malaysian vernacular architecture’.
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Chapter 3: Foreign Influenced Architecture Part 1 (1511-1957)

Malaysia’s complex architectural heritage is the result of centuries of interaction with numerous
cultures. To understand the development of vernacular architecture in Malaysia, it is important to
be conscious of the historic events that occurred in the country. The Chinese immigrants and the
Portuguese, Dutch and British rulers brought with them their homeland traditions which were
reflected in their administrative buildings and domestic architecture. The chapter questions the
definition of vernacular by analyzing the architectural strategies adopted by these foreigners in
producing hybrid architecture.
Paul Oliver states that cross cultural exchanges can only take place between two cultures which
share enough common ground.129 The chapter investigates this theory by making cross sectional
comparisons to identify the vernacular parallels of building types introduced by the colonial rulers
and the Chinese immigrants to the country. The chapter will also question the definition of
vernacular by analyzing the architectural strategies adopted by these foreigners in producing hybrid
architecture.
Architecture of the Immigrants - The Chinese Community

The Chinese are considered to be one of the major immigrant groups in Malaysia. When
shopkeepers, craftsmen and farmers from Southern China permanently settled in Melaka in the
seventeenth century, they brought with them a new style known as the Straits Eclectic style, which is
the fusion of Chinese, European and Malay architectural styles. The Chinese maintained many of
their own homeland traditions as is reflected in their domestic architecture evident throughout
Malaysia. Chinese architecture can be classified into three groups: residential (such as traditional
shophouse and the townhouse), religious (such as the Buddhist temple), and public (such as clan or
association building).130
Residential
1) The Chinese Shophouse
The Chinese shophouse is one of Malaysia’s vernacular architectural buildings. This urban building
type emerged with the influx of Chinese immigrants.131 The construction techniques were Chinese
influenced but based on locally available materials.
129
130
Ahmad “Southern Chinese Architecture” unpaginated
131
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Fig. 3.1 A row of early timber shophouses in Penang.
The pre-war shophouses were basic in their

construction and were made out of wooden
posts supporting an attap roof. They were
usually six to seven meters wide, thirty meters
deep and built in rows with uniform facades
and were exposed to the street where the
shop’s wares were displayed.132 As the name
suggests, the shophouse accommodates both
the residential and economic activities of a family. The earlier shophouses were single storied with
the commercial area in the front and the living area at the rear.
In the 1880s, building regulations dictated that buildings had to be constructed in durable materials
such as brick and tiles.133 The ‘five foot way’ ruling was also imposed by the British colonial
administration, specifying that all shophouses had to include a minimum five foot wide verandah on
the ground floor.134 This was to shelter the arcade from the extremities of the sun and rain as well as
to ensure that the ground floor was pedestrian friendly. With the implementation of such
regulations, combined with Western design principles, the shophouse eventually developed into two
storeys. The business area was located in the front section of the shophouse on the ground floor,
while the living areas were situated at the upper storey of the house and were often partitioned into
cubicles and sublet to tenants.135 There is a central airwell that functions as an internal courtyard
which helps ventilate the houses and allows light to penetrate the rear sections of the shophouse.
Although its origins can be traced from the southern coastal provinces of China, the shophouse
gradually transformed to include European architectural traditions and to adhere to foreign
regulations. The Chinese characteristics such as curved gable ends, glazed ornamental tiles and
stucco decoration gave way to European features such as Venetian arches, pediments, festoons and
consoles.136 The nouveau riche from developing Malaysian towns and treaty ports of Southern China
found European architecture appealing hence the emergence of various stylistic interpretations of
the shophouse.
132
133
134
135
136
Fig. 3.2 A row of Chinese shophouses
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Fig. 3.3 The transition of shophouse façade design.
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The styles of the shophouses have been categorized into three principal varieties by Ho, Hasan, and
Noordin (fig. 3.3): Utilitarian or Transitional (1880s-1900s), Neo Classical (1900s-1930s) and Art Deco
(1930s-1940s).137 The Utilitarian style consists of heavy pillars that supported large single wooden
beams. There was minimal decoration and the first floor had a single opening that was covered with
simple wooden shutters. The Neo Classical shophouses were normally three storeys high with more
elaborate facades of Neo-gothic, Baroque, Palladian or Renaissance designs, which featured
parapets, open balustrades and flamboyant gables.138 The windows were framed by Classical
columns with foliated capitals while the fanlights above the shutters were decorated with Malay
inspired carved grilles or Venetian glass.139 The shophouse was then integrated into a single block
facade by the use of horizontal cornices, string courses, colonnades and arcades that provided a
regular rhythm on both lower and upper storeys.140
During the late nineteenth and twentieth century, prosperous owners started to build taller
shophouses with stucco figures, ceramic decorations, and glass added to the front composition of
shutter and grill.141 The structural pilasters at the front walkway also grew in height and more
decorative plasterwork appeared.
2) The townhouse
The townhouse, also sometimes refer to as the rowhouse, is a style of medium-density housing
which is a variation of the shophouse and is similar in its construction, detailing and ventilation.142
The townhouse was the prototype house of the urban Chinese from the seventeenth century. These
urban buildings were constructed with brick, plaster, concrete and timber as the major building
materials.
The typical Melakan townhouses (fig. 3.4) have a narrow frontage measuring approximately ten
metres but they stretch back about 68 metres. The recessed porch opens to the reception hall which
is separated from the private areas of the house by a decorative carved screen.
137
Ho, Hasan, and Noordin “An Influence of Colonial Architecture to Building Styles And Motifs in Colonial Cities in
138
Ho, Hasan, and Noordin “An Influence of Colonial Architecture to Building Styles And Motifs in Colonial Cities in
139
140
141
Fels “Conserving the Shophouse City” p6
142
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Fig. 3.4 Melakan townhouse ground floor and first floor plan
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Fig. 3.5 A Melakan townhouse (left) and fig. 3.6 the side view showing the length of a typical Melakan
townhouse (right)
The interior organisation of the traditional Chinese townhouse is arranged into areas for shelter,
private worship, work and interactions of a domestic, public and ceremonious nature. 143 Public areas
such as the living room and dining room are located on the ground floor while the bedrooms are
situated on the first floor. Ismail noted that it was unusual to see houses built in narrow building
sites considering there was abundant land in Melaka and that this was probably a straightforward
example of the Chinese duplicating houses in their homeland.144
Nineteenth century variations of the townhouse do not have a projecting first floor but a lower
secondary roof in front to shelter the walkway from sun and rain. 145 The townhouse is the
antecedent of the contemporary terrace house or linear linkhouses which became increasingly in
demand from the 1950s onwards to accommodate the growing urban populace.
143
144
145
P a g e | 53
Religious
3) Chinese Temples
The Chinese immigrants who came to Malaysia embraced their religion by building temples
dedicated to deities of Taoist, Buddhist and folk beliefs, as well as ancestor worship. The oldest
temple in Malaysia, the Cheng Hoon Teng in Melaka is believed to date to as far back as 1645.146
Fig. 3.7 The Cheng Hoon Teng is the oldest Buddhist temple located in Melaka, Malaysia.
The design of the Chinese temple consists of a central building containing the altar facing a
courtyard and two side buildings.147 The design of a typical Chinese temple is elaborate in its
decoration and served as a testimony to the carpentry skills of master builders.
One of the dominant features of a Chinese temple is the ridgeline of the roof which is either
horizontal or curved, and decorated with flowers, auspicious animals like dragons, phoenix and
religious figures made out of colourful ceramic pieces. These ornaments were meant to symbolized
strength, justice and power.148 Another distinctive feature includes the exposed structural elements
which allows for proper ventilation of halls that are often filled with smoke from burning joss sticks.
146
147
148
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Public
4) Clan houses/Kongsis
Upon arriving on unfamiliar territory, the Chinese immigrants formed several clan associations
comprising of fellow countrymen who shared a common background or who came from the same
ancestral village.149 These Chinese clan houses are also known as kongsi which translates as ‘to
share’ or ‘a shared company’.150 The kongsi house was treated as a second home by the Chinese in
Malaya, serving as temporary accommodation for members in need, employment agencies, meeting
places, banks and social welfare sources. The kongsi members attached great importance to
academic achievements, honouring high achievers by inscribing their names on wall plaques.
A typical Chinese clan house consists of only one or two storeys and is usually attached to a temple
and a prayer hall. Common features of the clan house include an ornamented clay-tile roof similar to
the ones on the Buddhist temples, a big entrance door, a front porch with typically large metal bars
that cover the windows which have both louvered panels and canopies.
The Leong San Teong Khoo Kongsi Building, also known as the Khoo Kongsi Building, is one of the
most notable examples of clan house architecture in Malaysia. The complex no doubt functions as a
typical Chinese clan complex. However, the architecture of the Khoo Kongsi Building is that of a
colonial hybrid, an amalgamation of Eastern and Western architectures.
Fig. 3.8 The Khoo Kongsi Building located in Cannon Square, Penang is one of Malaysia’s grandest clan
complex.
149
150
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Located in Cannon Square, Penang, the extravagant building was built in the 1830s by the
descendants of Khoo Chean Kong who migrated to Penang in the late eighteenth century. The initial
building was consumed by a mysterious fire just weeks after its completion. It was rebuilt as a
scaled-down version but the building was still a masterpiece, nonetheless.
Fig. 3.9 The Khoo Kongsi complex.
The Khoo Kongsi complex consists of the clanhouse Leong San Tong, an administrative building with
a meeting hall and offices, an opera stage, and 62 units of terrace houses and shophouses.151 The
kongsi boasts intricately ornamented walls, pillars and roof. Leong San Tong displays the most
spectacular ridge decorations. Stucco sculptures, curved surfaces and wing-shaped ridges with cut-
and-paste decoration seen on the rooftops of the main hall and the prayer pavilion are features of
Southern Fujian architecture. The roof truss consists of the "three cross-beams, five queen-posts"
wooden structure, while the side wing and gable wall, which serve as the load-bearing wall, are
made of bricks and stones. 152
151
Leong San Tong Khoo Kongsi “The tour” unpaginated
152
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The ground floor of the kongsi temple is uplifted on piers making the three halls of worship
accessible by two flights of stairs.153 The locals regarded this feature as mimicking the structure and
style of a Chinese imperial palace. However, in the construction of a Chinese palace, the uplifted
ground floor is solid with clay tamped layer upon layer.154 This uplifted feature is more likely adapted
from the construction of the vernacular Malay house which was raised on stilts to facilitate adequate
ventilation.155 It could also be to protect the building from flooding.
Western influences are also evident in the architecture of the Khoo Kongsi building. There is a
custom made English wrought iron fence with floral motifs at the upper floor verandah of the main
hall. There is a trapezium ceiling in Hock Teik Soo and the Ee Kong Tong halls, a characteristic that is
not typical of a Southern Fujian building.156 The louvered windows and balusters at the rear
verandah, the capital of pilaster on the ground floor of the main hall and the moulding on the grand
staircase leading to the main hall are also Western inspired decorations.157
Fig. 3.10 The façade of the administrative

building of the Khoo Kongsi is clearly
British inspired.
The administrative building of the

Khoo Kongsi complex consists of two
adjoining double-storey bungalows
and displays evidence of the
influence of British colonial
architecture. One bungalow stands with a parapet on the rooftop whilst the other with a tiled roof.
Although the shophouse, townhouses, temples and kongsis were brought by the Chinese settlers,
these building types gradually conform to its new surroundings. Builders developed ingenious
methods to manage the tropical climate which included the verandahway that sheltered the
walkways as well as provide shade to the front rooms, thick brick walls to insulate, a series of
lightwells to bring light and air into the interiors and elaborate shutters, grills, and cast iron lattices
that ensure ventilation while providing privacy.158 The constantly evolving façade compositions of
153
154
Lim “Khoo Kongsi Clanhouse and Community: Transformation of Social and Spatial Relationships” p9
155
156
157
158
P a g e | 57
the shophouse and the townhouse are a testament to the changes brought about by social, political,
cultural and economic conditions.
The construction of the shophouse slowed down during the 1930s depression up until World War II
but in the 1960s and 1970s, the shophouse received a new lease of life. The shophouse typology has
existed in the country since the nineteenth century but has established itself as a vernacular model
and is still considered a favourite building type in the country. The modern shophouse often consists
of an amalgamation of shop lots and three to five storeys of office blocks as a result of rising land
values.159
The shophouse and rowhouse underwent constant development and proliferation and evolved into
a form of housing known as the terrace houses or linear linkhouses. In the beginning of the
twentieth century, this mass residential housing form became ubiquitous and the most recognizable
residential building type in Malaysia.160
Colonial Architecture of the Portuguese, Dutch and the British

Upon their arrival to Malaya, the European colonist, like previous immigrants, brought with them
their "world view" as well as European architectural influences. Colonial buildings were designed as
clear symbols of imperialism and functioned to confront the local population with the inscription of
power and discipline. The colonial rulers erected monumental structures, intended to impress the
local inhabitants with their sheer size, permanence and excellence.161 European colonialism stressed
power through: scale, complexity in design, use of imported materials and imposition of a foreign
culture and lifestyle on local people. Although these buildings were new, unfamiliar and considered
alien imports, the local inhabitants understood what they were meant to symbolise because, as seen
in Malaysian vernacular architecture (as discussed in chapter 1), power and status were understood
and expressed in similar ways particularly through the size and location of houses, modern and
imported materials, craft and material possessions and furniture.
Administrators were counting on these traditional status-hierarchies to buttress their own

superimposed colonial order.162 However, although the colonial rulers brought with them a different
paradigm, they did not completely reject the existing culture. Vernacular architecture’s success as a
dwelling place results from superbly rational responses to locally available materials, climate and
159
160
161
Crouch and Johnson Traditions in Architecture p180
162
Bernad “The Architecture of Colonial Presence” unpaginated
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requirements of use. It comes as no surprise then, that in adapting to the tropical climate, the
colonial architecture transformed to include elements of the vernacular house forms. The colonists
learnt from these cultures by their use of available materials and the building of climatically
appropriate structures.163
Colonial architecture is the re-creation of familiar environments in alien locations.164 During the
process of dislocation and relocation, the colonial buildings went through transformations to adapt
to the new environment while retaining part of their original architectural identity. The colonial
occupation also brought about the introduction of new building materials and sophisticated
technology as well as the implementation of building legislations and planning controls. These
important ordinances paved the way for better infrastructure, town planning and prompted
economic growth and the architectural development of the country. This chapter will examine the
colonial architecture built in Malaysia by the Portuguese, Dutch and British. This leads to an
investigation of architectural strategies employed by the colonial rulers to achieve a hybrid fusion
between the vernacular and their culture.
Portuguese (1511-1641)
The period of European colonialism began when the Portuguese seized Melaka in 1511 in an effort
to conquer the new spice route. The economic and political affairs of Melaka were controlled by the
Portuguese for 130 years.
Fig. 3.11 Porta de Santiago, A Famosa fortress or ‘The Famous’ in Portuguese, Melaka
163
Oliver Built to meet needs. Cultural Issues in Vernacular Architecture p169
164
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The significance of the Portuguese architecture in Malaysia is mainly evident in the construction of
fortifications and religious buildings rather than residential houses. One of the most notable remains
of the Portuguese colonialism is A Famosa, a fortress built by Alfonso d'Albuquerque. The fortress
was completed in 1512 and once consisted of long ramparts and four major towers. One tower was
a four-storey keep while the others served as an ammunitions storage room, captains’ residences
and offices’ quarters.165 The masonry wall encircled the entire hill and was 60 feet high and 15 feet
thick. Nine bastions equipped with underground quarters, stores and stables, were strategically
built around the walls.166 Dutch besiegers destroyed the fortress in 1641 and all that is spared of the
nearly annihilated fortress is a tiny gate called the Porta de Santiago, which can still been seen in
Melaka.
The rule of the Portuguese not only introduced European architecture to the country but also
popularised the use of stone and locally available laterite (red clay) as building materials. They also
initiated the manufacture and use of roofing tiles as a precaution against fire which altered the
Malay houses.167 It was also during this period that Melaka developed a form of town planning and
drainage system.168 The Portuguese taxed buildings based on frontage width. This policy accounts for
the construction of deceptively narrow facades to deep shops along the streets which were typical
of Chinese shophouses. A building with a facade no more than twelve feet across can easily extend
backwards 200 feet.
There were a number of suburbs outside the fortified town where the Portuguese resided.
Tranqueira, located one kilometre northwest of Melaka was one of the most important suburbs and
the main residential quarters of the city. The name ‘Tranqueira’ derived from the presence of
earthern rampart of the fortress.169 The suburb was rectangular in shape with a northern walled
boundary. The houses in Tranqueira, now better known as Tengkera, were made of timber but
roofed with tiles.170 The other suburbs were Hilir and Sabbac. Hilir consisted of timber houses with
attap roofs while Sabbac comprised timber houses that were raised on stilts over the river.171 Based
on these descriptions, these houses presumably took on the form, or a variation, of the Malay
traditional house.
165
‘A Famosa Fortress’ Salkow, Howard “Australian experience builds global perspective” unpaginated
166
167
168
169
170
171
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Many Portuguese soldiers married local women and settled permanently in Melaka. The
descendents of the Portuguese still live in settlements such as Praya Lane and Bandar Hilir.172 The
homes of the Portuguese settlement could easily be mistaken for a typical Malay dwelling. However,
upon closer look, telling them apart from the houses of the local Muslims were the displays of
Catholic motifs such as an altar and religious portraits perched high on their walls.173
Fig. 3.12 A house restored by the Melaka Museum Corporation which showcases traditional Portuguese house
in Melaka (left) and fig. 3.13 a Portuguese dwelling displaying Catholic motifs on the wall (right)
Significant structures such as the A Famosa fortress were built for defensive purpose while the
Portuguese settlements were contained within the constraints of masonry walls. The houses within
these suburbs took on descriptions that resembled the Malay houses (timber houses built on stilts
with thatched roofs), suggesting that the Portuguese did not introduce new domestic building types
and instead conformed to the traditional forms of dwelling.
Apart from establishing trade monopolies, the Portuguese intended to spread Roman Catholicism,
erecting religious buildings such as the Jesuit College of St Paul (1548) and St Paul’s Church (1521).
As these defensive and religious buildings were built to serve the individual purposes of the colonial
rulers, they did not contribute to vernacular forms, but instead are merely transplanted forms.
These forms maintained the original set of ideas that governed them prior to entering the region and
responded little to their new surroundings.174
172
Tye “Portuguese Settlement, Kampung Hilir, Malacca“ unpaginated
173
Tye “Portuguese Settlement, Kampung Hilir, Malacca“ unpaginated
174
Heath Vernacular Architecture and Regional Design: Cultural Process and Environmental Response p9
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Dutch (1641-1795)
With the assistance of the state of Johor, the Dutch East India Company successfully defeated the
Portuguese in January 1641 in order to gain control over Melaka. The Dutch occupation brought
about a wider range of buildings, constructing residential brick houses and a large townhall known
as the Stadhuys which served as the residence of the Dutch Governor and accommodated the Dutch
civil administration.175
Fig. 3.14 The Stadthuys, Melaka
The buildings display thick masonry walls and fine Dutch hardwood carvings that have been carefully
preserved. The gable designs, louvered windows and heavy solid timber door, set into archways, are
also common features of the Dutch style.176 According to De Witt, the Stadthuys of Melaka is a
reproduction of the former Stadhuis (town hall) of the Frisian town of Hoorn in the Netherlands and
was described as an excellent representation of the now demolished Frisian building.177 The
distinctly red coloured building was renovated and converted into a state museum in 1982.
175
176
177
De Witt “The Stadthuys of Malacca” unpaginated
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Fig. 3.15 The Christ Church (centre) stands alongside the Stadthuys (right), Melaka
The Christ Church, built in 1753, sits between the General Post Office and the Stadhuys. The building
is 82 feet long (25m approx), 40 feet wide (12m approx) and 42 feet high (13m approx).178 The
façade consists of a symmetrical half circle topped by a small bell arch. The church followed a robust
rectangular plan without aisles and exhibits massive walls, red granite plinths, and Dutch roof tiles.
The Dutch applied their superior architectural skills in building with bricks, which the local builders
were not familiar with. The beams of the church were expertly constructed by using a single tree
trunk and have no joints.179
The Dutch introduced a methodical approach to the urban planning in Melaka. They standardised
the use of bricks, defined building lines, inspected party walls and drain construction and
implemented industrial zoning.180 This can be seen in Dutch settlements in Melaka where the Dutch
rulers built houses to accommodate their government officers and the elite groups of their
society.181
178
179
180
Arch Net “Malacca” unpaginated
181
Kamal “Heritage Cities of Malaysia: The Penang Chapter, Penang, Malaysia” unpaginated
P a g e | 63
Fig. 3.16 Early townhouses on Heeren Street built before and during mid eighteenth century (left) and fig. 3.17
newer townhouses on Heeren Street built after the mid eighteenth century (right)
Many Dutch-styled townhouses can be found along Jalan Tun Tan Cheng Lock, also commonly
known as Heeren Street, and Jalan Hang Jebat, known as Jonker Street. Heeren Street derived from
the Dutch word ‘Heerenstraat’ which translates as Gentlemen’s Street while Jonker Street derived
from the word ‘Jonkerstraat’ which literally translates as Young Noblemen’s Street.182 The
townhouses along this street were built during the Dutch Colonial period and were of residential
houses built prior to and during the mid eighteenth century as well as houses constructed after the
mid eighteenth century. The townhouses were variations of the Chinese shophouses and were
owned by wealthy Chinese merchants for business or residential purposes.
The building façades are symmetrical with one centralized door and two side windows. The main
building materials are brick (walls) and timber (roof) while the original wall surface materials were
lime plaster and lime wash.183 The interior plan is centred on an open courtyard or lightwell to
provide light and ventilation. The window designs are European, Chinese or Malay influenced, while
the columns and pilasters are Classical (Doric or Corinthian). The roof tiles and rounded gable ends
were features originating from China. The planning principles of the townhouses were essentially
Chinese, but the characteristics of these townhouses that were distinctively Dutch include:
- the deep plan and narrow frontage

- the front door that has a upper and lower half, reminiscent of Dutch stable doors
- the brickwork of the drainage system
182
Kamal “Heritage Cities of Malaysia: The Penang Chapter, Penang, Malaysia” unpaginated
183
U.S. Embassy Malaysia and Badan Warisan (Heritage Trust) Malaysia “Malacca“unpaginated
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- the materials used for the steps at the main entrance, and at the doorway of the passage
leading to the air well which indicated the social status of the owner
- the hoods above the kitchen which were made out of wood and similar to that found in the
kitchen in the Stadhuys.
Fig. 3.18 and fig. 3.19 Two old houses on Heeren Street showing lime plaster walls and doors reminiscent of
Dutch stable doors.
The townhouses built after the mid eighteenth century have undergone transitions of styles,
materials and designs. The upper floors extended beyond the walkway and two to three storeys
higher. The houses were considered to be earlier models of low-rise, mixed use and high density
living.184
Similar to the structures left by the Portuguese, the Stadthuys and the Christ Church are also
considered to be transplanted forms that responded little to contextual settings. These buildings are
reproductions of building types found in their homeland and were relocated during the colonial
conquests. While these building types were categorised as replicas, the Dutch styled townhouse that
emerged in Melaka, however, are considered to be vernacular forms that responded to regional
dynamics. These houses demonstrated vernacular tendencies as they underwent a hybrid fusion
between European, Chinese or Malay architectural styles.
184
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British (1795-1941) and (1945-1957)

The British occupied the Malay Peninsula in the late eighteenth century. Their reign was briefly
disrupted by the invasion of the Japanese in December 1941, but they reoccupied the region in
1945. The British occupation in Malaysia brought about significant changes to the local architectural
scene as a large number of buildings were built during the British colonial administration
In most British colonial countries, the Public Works Department (PWD) was entrusted to design and
construct the public sector buildings such as government offices, court buildings, schools, station
buildings, quarters or human resources and plantations.185 The PWD was formed in 1872. Most of
the architects of the PWD were expatriates although some draughtsmen and technicians were
locals.186 Three men can be identified as having significant roles in the construction of the colonial
architecture left by the British. They were Arthur Charles Norman (1858-1944), Charles Edwin
Spooner (1853-1909) and Arthur Benison Hubback (1871–1948). They all had spent time in India,
which contributed to the prevailing Oriental elements in some of the buildings they designed.
During the British colonial period, new building legislations were implemented in order to improve
the city. Frank Swettenham, a British administrator, introduced a policy in 1884 which stated that
attap hut settlements had to be rebuilt in more durable materials such as bricks and tiles.187 This
building regulation was implemented as a result of several major blazes which caused severe
damaged to wooden structures in towns. In 1882, the British also introduced the ‘five foot way’
which is a sheltered footpath along shophouses to protect pedestrians from sun and rain. 188 The five
foot way design is still a common characteristic of the present day shophouses.
The Architectural Styles of the British

The British introduced a range of new building forms for civic, residential, administrative and
recreational buildings. The British colonists and settlers resided in detached forms of houses such as
the bungalows and villas, and established clubhouses reminiscent of architecture of their homeland.
The British colonial architecture itself is essentially a hybrid consisting of several architectural styles
including Moorish, Tudor Revival, Neo-Classical and Neo-Gothic.189
185
Ho, Hasan, and Noordin “An Influence of Colonial Architecture to Building Styles and Motifs in Colonial Cities in
186
Yeang The Architecture of Malaysia p154 The definition for towkay is sir or master and is used as a form of an address.
The word is of a Chinese origin.
187
188
189
Ahmad “The Architectural Styles of The British Colonial Buildings In Malaysia” unpaginated
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1) Moorish
The Moorish style was evident in many public buildings in Kuala Lumpur built during the British
Colonial period such as the Court of Appeals, the old Kuala Lumpur High Court, Kuala Lumpur
Railway Station and the Sultan Abdul Samad Building.
Fig. 3.20 The Sultan Abdul Samad building, Kuala Lumpur
The Sultan Abdul Samad Building is one of Kuala Lumpur’s first architectural landmarks as it stands
grand in scale and dramatic in style. The initial purpose of the building was to house the colonial
State Government of Selangor but upon completion it housed the entire Federated Malay States
(FMS) administration.190 Construction of the building commenced in 1893 and was completed in
1896. The initial plan was drawn up by architect Arthur Charles Norman191, a senior government
architect of the PWD in Malaya, in the Classical Renaissance style. The State Engineer and Director of
the PWD, Charles Edwin Spooner192, approved the general layout of the plan but deemed the style
inappropriate for the climate and environment. Having had work experience in Ceylon, he suggested
190
National Library of Malaysia “Sultan Abdul Samad Building” unpaginated
191
Arthur Charles Alfred Norman was a senior government architect of the Public Works Department (PWD) in Malaya
between 1883 and 1903. Norman was born in Plymouth, England, and received his professional education from his
architect father before embarking to Selangor to work as an architect in 1883. Norman was the architect responsible for
many of Malaysia’s historical buildings such as Sultan Abdul Samad Building (1894-97), St. Mary's Church (1894), Selangor
Club Building (1890), JKR 92 Memorial Library and Museum, formerly known as the Government Printing Office (1907-09)
and others including the Victoria Institution (1894) and Carcosa (1897).
192
Charles Edwin Spooner was born in Wales. He received his education and engineering training at Trinity College Dublin.
He worked for the PWD in Ceylon from 1876 to 1891. In 1891 he was appointed State Engineer for Selangor and in 1901
General Manager of the Federated Malay States Railways.
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an ‘Oriental’ style which would be more responsive to climate and was considered well suited to the
tropical and cultural environment.193 The plan of the Sultan Abdul Samad Building was an
asymmetrical F-shape but the exterior of the building adopted the ‘Moorish’ style which was a
mixture of European function and Islamic form.194 Both Norman and Spooner’s knowledge, styles
and ideas which they absorbed from northern India, led to the use of Moorish architecture in the
building's design.195 The style not only accommodated the tropical climate, but it also became an
acknowledgement of its cultural and social environment. Perhaps, as Abel suggested, the
architecture of the British administrative reflected Islamic architecture as a way to ‘sweeten the
imperial pill’, relying on the assumption that it was in keeping with the local religion.196
The building is two storeys high, with a 143 feet high central clock tower. It stretches 400 feet along
Jalan Raja and at the time of its completion, possessed a commanding presence over smaller shops
and townhouses around it. A three and a half metre wide arcaded verandahway skirts around both
floors. Several forms of arches were used, such as pointed arch, ogee arch, horse-shoe arch, multifoil
arch and the Tudor arch.197 The building consists of three towers which have Middle Eastern inspired
onion-shaped domes with copper coverings.198 The building is constructed of red brick with imitation
stone dressing with a tiled roof. The floor finish consists of Indian patent stone adorned with Islamic
geometrical patterns.199
2) Neo-Classical
The Neo Classical style was an architectural style produced by the Neo-Classical movement that
began in the mid-eighteenth century. In the late nineteenth and twentieth century, many of the
public buildings in Malaysia commissioned emulated this Classical Revival style that was so prevalent
in England at the time.
The building that best exemplified this style is the Ipoh Railway Station. As there were no precedent
railway stations at the time, British colonists had to import new building types. The station, dubbed
‘the Taj Mahal’ was built from 1914 to 1917 and designed by architect, Arthur Benison Hubback.200
193
194
195
196
197
198
199
200
Chen ‘Architecture’ The Encyclopaedia of Malaysia p80 Brigadier General Arthur Benison Hubback worked as a senior
architect in the Public Works Department in Calcutta, India prior to working in Malaya. His work experience in India
equipped him with considerable knowledge in building for the tropics, evident in his workmanship.
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At the time, railway stations were the ultimate symbol of modernisation in the main towns of the
Peninsular Malaysia. The imposing scale and extravagance of this style was suitable for the design of
the station as it signified status, power and prestige.
Fig. 3.21 The Ipoh Railway Station, Perak
The station was heavily decorated with Neo Classical elements such as keystones, Corinthian
columns, pilasters, half globed domes, and arches.201 Hubback made allowances to adapt to the
tropical climate by introducing deep continuous arcade loggias on the ground floor that ran 183
metres along the entire length of the station’s frontage and provided shelter and shade.202 He also
designed broad verandahs on the upper floors to allow for adequate ventilation. The interior of
building conveyed a tropical ambience, with high ceilings and airy verandahs.
Although there may not seem to be a conceivable local parallel, similarities can be drawn between
the role of the railway station and the longhouse as civic buildings that integrate transportation
services. A longhouse is built more or less equidistant to the river as the river was the main source of
water and an important means of travel and transportation. The longhouses were usually built with
203
their longitudinal axis parallel to the river. Being able to watch the river to see who comes and
goes was important to people who live along it, as a matter of security and interest.204
Similar to the railway station, the longhouse serves as a terminal or ‘terminus’, the point at which
boats depart and arrive. In some longhouses, there is usually a parapet along the front of the gallery
which bears resemblance to train platforms in front of railway tracks. The parapet is made of only a
201
202
203
204
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few horizontally placed planks which allowed the occupants to sit on the floor or low benches and
look over the river.205
Fig. 3.22 Common arrangement of Iban longhouses on a main river (left) and side streams and fig. 3.23 the
KTMB Railway map (right)
Fig. 3.24 Plan of a Kenyah (part of the Orang Ulu group) longhouse on the upper Baram River
205
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3) Tudor Revival
At the turn of the twentieth century, many designs of recreational buildings in Malaysia sought to
emulate the Tudor style, mimicking the revivalist romantic movement in Britain at the time. 206 A
notable example of the Tudor style can be seen in public buildings such as the Royal Selangor Club.
The Selangor Club is a Tudor-styled structure which catered to the social and recreational needs
(cricket and other sporting events) of the expanding expatriate community in Kuala Lumpur.
However, membership to this elite club was primarily determined by high educational and social
standards, rather than race or citizenship.
Fig. 3.25 The older portion of the Royal Selangor Club building (left and center) and the latest addition
completed in 1979 (right)
The Kuala Lumpur based elite club, established in 1884, was initially a timber structure with a thatch
roof and consisted of a clubhouse and a pavilion.207 The main club house is fondly known as ‘The
Spotted Dog’, a nickname derived from the two Dalmatians owned by the wife of the
Superintendant of the Selangor Police.208
In 1890, the building was replaced by a bigger two-storey timber structure designed by A.C. Norman.
The redesign portrayed a mock Tudor style. The character-defining features of the style, evident in
the Royal Selangor Club, include the steeply-pitched and multi-gabled roofs with prominent front-
facing gables and decorative elements, such as: half-timbering, arches, textured wall surfaces, and
tall narrow windows usually in clusters.209
206
207
208
Royal Selangor Club “RSC Since 1884 the Humble Beginning” unpaginated
209
City of Glendale California “Tudor Style” unpaginated
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Fig. 3.26 The earlier Royal Selangor Club building (date unknown)
The timber posts were painted black and stood on concrete plinths to prevent rotting and termite
attacks. The area was prone to flooding, prompting the newer building to be constructed six steps
above ground level. The idea of elevating the building could very well be inspired by the
construction of Malay houses, which are raised on stilts to provide protection from floods during the
rainy season. The original building is said to be based on the configuration of an Anglo-Indian
colonial bungalow which is an indigenous form of Bengal architecture.210 Bengal architecture was
introduced to England by expatriates returning from India, and Yeang has speculated that Norman
studied this style prior to his Malaya visit.211
In 1910, the club expanded to included extensions with a design similar to mock-Tudor houses and
the removal of the second storey of the original building. The redesign was done by architect, Arthur
Benison Hubback. More additions were made in 1922, keeping with the same designs. These two
renovations gradually changed the shape of the building closer to a British Tudor gentry’s house.212
In the late 1960s another extension was added. In 1970 the main section of the club was razed in a
fire, prompting the most recent addition which was completed in 1979. The addition style was
designed by local architect Fong Ying Leong.
210
211
212
In the late 1960 another extension was added. In 1970 the main section of the club was razed in a fire, prompting the most
recent addition which was completed in 1979. The style was designed by architect Fong Ying Leong.
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The colonial strategies included constructing full blown replicas of English houses to recreate the
ambiance of a familiar and comforting place.213 The Royal Selangor Club might have been built in a
Tudor style to capture the atmosphere, as well as convey the social connotations, of the elite Tudor
country houses seen in Britain at the time. Tudor Revival country houses such as Ascott House in
Birmingham, built eight years prior to its Selangor counterpart, could very well have served as a
design precedent. Coincidentally, Ascott house was also known for holding cricket matches with the
first match being played on the 28th August 1880, four years before the Royal Selangor Club was
established.214
Fig. 3.27 The garden front of the Ascott House in Buckinghamshire, England.
Ascott House was originally a Jacobean half timbered farmhouse built in 1606 but it underwent
numerous changes.215 The farmhouse was replaced by the gabled, mock-Tudor ranges added by the
architect, George Devey.216 This expansion and extensive remodeling took place in 1876, when the
house was purchased by Leopold de Rothschild, the great grandson of Baron Mayer de Rothschild.
Grand Tudor country houses were inspired by a competitive determination to give visible proof of
the owners’ prosperity and social standing.217 The Tudor country house or manor house is
historically associated with wealthy nobles and aristocrats.
The Royal Selangor Club is an elite club whose membership is based on wealth and status. This
resembles the domestic architecture of the indigenous longhouses where membership to the
213
214
Ascott House “Cricket at Ascott” unpaginated
215
Tour UK “Ascott House” unpaginated
216
Tour UK “Ascott House” unpaginated
217
Airs The Tudor and Jacobean Country House. A Building History p6
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community implied the acceptance of the decrees of the headman.218 A portion of the club also
assumed similar functions of a men’s house where entry was off limits to women. This gender
segregation is also reminiscent of the organisation of the vernacular houses where certain spaces
were primarily the men’s domain (e.g the baruk). Women and children are still not allowed entry to
the bar of the Royal Selangor Club to this day.219
Fig. 3.28 The plaque shown on the entrance to the Long bar
4) Neo Gothic
The Neo Gothic style is demonstrated in religious buildings such as St. Mary’s Cathedral (1894) and
St. Andrew’s Presbyterian Church (1902), both built during the British colonial period. This
architectural style is also evident in residential buildings such as the Carcosa mansion. The name
‘Carcosa’ or ‘dear object’ is believed to have derived from a book entitled The King in Yellow by
Robert Chambers.220 ‘Carcosa’ was the setting for this fictional drama.
Fig. 3.29 St. Mary’s Cathedral (1894) (left) and fig. 3.30 St. Andrew’s Presbyterian Church (1902) (right)
218
Oliver Dwellings p164
219
Chan “So closely linked to birth of a nation” unpaginated
220
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Fig. 3.31 The Carcosa

mansion (1987), Kuala
Lumpur
The Carcosa mansion was

completed in 1897 and
served as the official
residence of Sir Frank
Athelstane Swettenham
upon his appointment as
Resident General of the
Federal Malay States. The building was designed by A. C. Norman and under the supervision of the
State Engineer of Selangor Charles Edwin Spooner.221
The mansion is situated on top of a hill, and was described as eclectic fusion of Neo-Gothic and
Tudor styles.222 The residence consists of more than eight bedrooms and eleven bathrooms with all
the bathrooms overlooking a balcony. The top floor consists of a small private sitting room and
study, dressing rooms connecting to the master bedroom and a sitting room attached to a main
guest room.223 The mansion is surrounded by 40 acres of meticulously manicured English gardens.
Fig. 3.32–3.34 The porch (left), verandah (centre) and drawing room (right)
221
222
Malaysia Builder “Carcosa Seri Negara” unpaginated
223
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In 1904, a guest palace was built adjacent to the site. The building, called the ‘King’s House’, housed
the Governor of the Straits Settlements as well as other illustrious guests of the Malay Federation. 224
The British government vacated the premises and handed the Carcosa over to the Malaysian
Government in 1987. At present, the two buildings are known as the Carcosa Seri Negara, a luxury
hotel and a historic heritage landmark.
Although the design of the Carcosa mansion was influenced by Neo-Gothic and Tudor styles, it is
evident that the architect had taken cues from the traditional Malay house form. The features
include broad verandahs, high ceilings and full length windows with balustrades. Concessions to the
tropical climate are also demonstrated through the introduction of a front porch to provide shelter
and shade from the weather and verandahs, which surround both floors of the house, to ensure
adequate ventilation. The emergence of detached residential buildings such as the Carcosa mansion
in the country presented the local inhabitants with an alternate lifestyle which was more private and
isolated from communal dwellings.
Chapter Conclusion
Heath has created a structural model (fig 3.35) that illustrates the dynamics that shape vernacular
form in order to understand the local in global terms. Regional filters are a range of forces that act
on a particular society, prompting regional building patterns, spatial adjustments and meaning.225
These forces include climatic, cultural, social, racial, historical, political, economic and religious
factors, etc. Connecting the spheres of cultural conventions and influences to regional factors on the
chart is the individual as conveyor of knowledge and as an agent of change. This overlapping
produces either idiosyncratic, vernacular or transplanted forms. Idiosyncratic forms are buildings
within a particular locale that is limited to a personal gesture or belief, often considered eccentric
works by visionaries.226 Buildings that are conceived as vernacular forms are regionally distinct and
are culturally syncretic.227 Transplanted forms are buildings that respond little to pronounced
regional dynamics except in minor ways that are inevitable and remain the original set of ideas that
governed them prior to their arrival in the region.228
224
Saujana Hotels & Resorts “Carcosa Seri Negara” unpaginated
225
226
227
228
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Fig. 3.35 A three dimensional exchange model, ‘Dynamics that shape vernacular form’
The architecture of the Chinese immigrants falls in the category of vernacular forms. Although they
found comfort in maintaining many of their own homeland traditions, as reflected in their domestic
architecture, they embraced the architectural changes that were introduced either subtlety or
drastically by external influences. The combination of local and imported materials as well as
traditional and foreign forms generated new architectural styles such as the Straits Eclectic Style and
the Anglo-Straits Eclectic Style.
While these changes may initially cause conflict with traditional practices, eventually they are likely
to be embraced as traditions themselves. This is evidently true as reflected in the architecture of the
Chinese which writers, such as Fels229, have established and labeled part of Malaysia’s vernacular
229
Fels “Conserving the Shophouse City” p6 Patricia Tusa Fels is an architect, historic preservationist and writer who had a
particular interest in vernacular buildings and historic enclaves in Penang. In her paper entitled “Conserving the
Shophouse City”, she described the Malaysian shophouse as a marvel of vernacular architecture.
P a g e | 77
architecture. Buildings such as the shophouse are still presently being constructed and remain an
integral way of life in Malaysia, housing small-scale workplaces, businesses, shops, hotels, cafes and
residences.230
However, this is different in the case of some colonial structures which are seen as transplanted
forms. Colonial rulers constructed replicas of buildings reminiscent of the ones found in their
homeland in order to impress local inhabitants with their foreign culture and lifestyle. Structures
such as the Portuguese’s A Famosa fort, Dutch’s Stadhuys and the Christ Church do not demonstrate
many attempts to engage with their new context. These building types were reproductions and
constructed to serve the main intentions of the colonial rulers (forts as defensive purposes, Stadhuys
to house administrators and churches to spread religion).
The British colonial rule led to the introduction of new architectural styles as well as building types
such as the railway stations, recreational clubs and monumental administrative buildings. The
examples presented in the chapter demonstrated the gradual responses to regional dynamics as the
buildings incorporate the synthesis between foreign and traditional ideas.
Although it seemed that there was no conceivable local parallel to such new building types, this can
only be referred to their physical forms. Glassie states that in mixing of the old and new, all buildings
are to some extent vernacular.231 No matter how revolutionary the creation, no building can be
described as entirely new. There must be some hint of the common and traditional, otherwise a
building would be deemed incomprehensible.232 As Oliver described:
The vernacular is local and distinctive, and in its distinctiveness, it is congruent with place. This
quality of the vernacular allows the local population to identify themselves in relation to a place
and to the history of the place. For the vernacular in its epistemological aspects transmit
knowledge of a type of local history, the history of the human interaction with a particular
environment.233
These new building types created new forms of spatial arrangement and social order but have an
existing parallel that assisted the local inhabitants in understanding their use and purpose. When the
people within a region embrace aspects of a unique building response, in a collective and consistent
manner, the building becomes culturally syncretic. It becomes vernacular.
230
231
Glassie Material Culture p275
232
Schneider-John Vernacularisation in Architecture p65
233
Huppauf and Umbach Vernacular Modernism p176
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The previous chapter investigated the shift between colonial buildings that expressed the colonial
ruler’s individual ideas and had little regard for contextual issues. It was during the rule of the British
Empire that colonial buildings started to respond to regional dynamics.
The British colonial rule made the most significant impact on Malaysian architecture, than the Dutch
and the Portuguese. Various architectural styles were introduced to the region, which included
Moorish influences, Tudor Revival, Neo- Classical and the Neo Gothic style, as well as detached
building types, like the colonial bungalows and villas. Although they brought their homeland
traditions, the British settlers to the country were also willing to converge, compromise and adapt,
particularly to suit the tropical climate. This chapter focuses on the architecture of the detached
residences that emerged during the British colonial rule, which underwent relocation,
transformations and modifications as well as cultural exchanges to adapt to the new environment.
The Emergence of Detached Houses

Earlier British administrators resided in Malay house replicas, described as timber constructed
buildings on piles with a steep thatched roof and a covered verandah in front and sometimes around
the house.234 Chinese roofing tiles were then introduced to replace the flammable thatch. As these
tiles could not keep the house as cool as the former material, the Chinese developed the ‘jack-roof’
to increase wind circulation and improve ventilation in the house. This design consists of the roof
being divided into two sections, with the higher section overlapping the lower one.235
The transformation of the simple Malay house extended to include the change of building materials
to brick, tiles and stucco as well as the insertion of classical elements such as Roman columns and
other western ornamentation. During the British administration, Malaya reflected the Palladian
style of Georgian architecture which was a prevailing trend in England from the sixteenth to
nineteenth centuries.236 This style utilized symmetrical planning, harmonious proportions, and Greek
and Roman motifs.237 This style, intended to symbolise distinction, grandeur and authority, was
widely imitated by colonial architects for the design of country houses, government and
administrative buildings. However, as there was a shortage of experienced architects in Malaya,
these models were reproduced as best as they could to resemble their originals.
234
235
236
237
Chan Post-Merdeka Architecture Malaysia 1957-1987 p15
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A less conscious consequence of foreign influences was the awareness and introduction of an
alternative and more appealing lifestyle. Lifestyle changes led to the shift from communal dwellings
to detached houses such as the bungalow, villas and mansions, the increased importance of privacy,
as well as the adoption of material belongings to express status and wealth. Throughout the colonial
period, these foreign inspired buildings were commissioned and owned by local and wealthy
businessmen. As houses articulated relationships between social groups, more often than not, these
men sought to emulate Western architecture with the impression that these foreign styles were the
ultimate representations of the elite.
The Bungalow
The word ‘bungalow’ originated in seventeenth century Bengal, and derived from the word bangala
or indigenous hut.238 This peasant dwelling was a mud-walled structure raised a foot or two above
the ground, enclosed by a verandah and with a roof curved at the ridge.239 When the idea and term
were transferred from India to England in the second half of the nineteenth century, the bungalow
adopted a different definition. The European definition bore no relationship to the conception and
construction of the original bangglo term, describing instead the bungalow as “a separate or
detached dwelling, sometimes with a verandah, generally occupied by one household or family and
located on its own plot.” 240
Throughout the nineteenth century, the emergence of the bungalow flourished on the outskirts of
Malaysia’s towns.241 There are two main types of hybrid bungalows in Malaysia, the Anglo-Indian
bungalow and the Anglo-Straits Eclectic Style bungalow. The Anglo-Straits Eclectic Style comprises
the architectural styles of the Anglo-Indian, Straits Eclectic and Malay.
The Anglo-Indian Bungalow

In Malaysia, the bungalow typology was popularized by the British. The Anglo-Indian bungalow
house style is a fusion of European and Asian building traditions and was introduced by European
settlers in the eighteenth century. Colonial administrators, British merchants and planters
transported this house style to Malaysia at the time when Penang was established as an outpost of
the East India Company in 1786.242
238
Ahmad, A. Ghafar “The Architectural Style of The Peranakan Cina” unpaginated
239
Ahmad, A. Ghafar “The Architectural Style of The Peranakan Cina” unpaginated
240
King The Bungalow The Production of a Global Culture p2
241
242
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Fig. 4.1 A bungalow in India, constructed by the British in the 1860s, with a raised central hall and windows at
ceiling height which acknowledged the tropical climate
Fig. 4.2 Suffolk House, Penang built in 1790 and restored to its former glory in 2000
Suffolk house (1790) (fig. 4.2) is one of the few remaining Anglo-Indian bungalows in Malaysia. The
house, located in Georgetown, Penang, was originally the residence of Captain Francis Light, the
founder of the British Settlement of Penang. Suffolk House has undergone many transformations,
evolving from a simple colonnaded Anglo-Indian garden house to a detached double-storey building
of grand proportions. The house, an example of classic Georgian architecture, stands as a surviving
hybrid model of the local Malay house and the colonial Anglo-Indian mansion. The building was
symmetrically planned, which is typical of a late Georgian house, a style prevalent during the reigns
of English kings, George I, II and III (1718-1820).243 The design of Suffolk House took into
consideration the local climate by adopting verandahs, deep eaves, large hipped high roof and full
length windows with balustrades. The original house had a flat roof made of Indian floor tiles
243
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bordered by a low parapet but it was replaced by a hipped pan-tile roof in the nineteenth century as
it was more suitable to the climate.244
The building is held up by a total of 78 columns that run along the verandah and the front and rear
of the interiors. The ground floor is surrounded by walls with a series of arched openings, and is
primarily supported by the outer and inner walls of the building. Wooden beams support the first
floor and roof.
Anglo-Straits Eclectic Style Bungalows

The bungalows constructed in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries were a fusion of
architectural styles of the Anglo-Indian, Straits Eclectic and Malay. The Syed Alatas Mansion is a
notable example of a double storey bungalow that incorporated a hybrid fusion of European, Indian
and Malay cultural influences.
Fig. 4.3 and fig. 4.4 the Syed Alatas Mansion, Penang
The mansion belonged to Syed Mohd Alatas, a wealthy Achehnese merchant of Arab descent. It is a
masonry building of brick and lime mortar construction. The plan of the building is symmetrical and
is identical on the ground and first floors. The building is fronted by a porte cochere with a room on
top, and covered by a terra cotta pan-tile hipped roof with gable roof over the carriage porch.245 The
porte-cochere was a popular feature during the early Victorian period of the 1840s. The internal
rooms were contained by brick walls which were adorned with moulded architraves, also suggesting
a mid-Victorian influence. Its timber floors, raised on brick piers, panelled doors and full-length
shutters with fanlight are inspired by the construction of the traditional Malay house. The façade
244
245
Ahmad “Syed Alatas Mansion” unpaginated
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displays stucco arabesque embellishments, moulded architraves, cornices and pilasters formed by
lime plaster. The eaves are fringed with dentilated fascia boards.
Transplanting such bungalows from India into Malaysia’s complex colonial heritage has entailed
further evolution. The attempts to reconcile indigenous forms of the Malay house with European
and Indian influences led to hybrid designs. Colonial domestic architecture such as the bungalows
have become so common and widespread so as to constitute a regional vernacular.
The Bok House

During the late nineteenth century and beginning of the twentieth century, numerous Palladian
styled villas emerged in Malaysia. These houses were mainly owned by wealthy Chinese
businessmen who were influenced by the architectural style while spending time in Europe. This
style was widely used in English colonies, including Malaysia, and was regarded as the “epitome of
civilised society”.246
Fig. 4.5- fig 4.7 The elevation of the Bok House, Kuala Lumpur (1929) (left), dining room (centre) and the foyer
(right)
The famous Bok House (1929) (fig. 4.5), was a perfect example of an intercultural exchange between
the East and the West.247 Located on 121 Ampang Road, in the city of Kuala Lumpur, the Bok House
was commissioned by Mr Chua Cheng Bok, a successful entrepreneur.248 This distinguished landmark
246
247
The building served as the residential house of Chua Cheng Bok and his family. However, the house underwent colourful
transitions over the years of its existence. During the Japanese Occupation of Malaya, Bok House was occupied by the
Yokohama Specie Bank. After WWII, it served as boarding house. In 1958, it was known as Le Coq d'Or Restaurant, one of
the city’s finest restaurants. The restaurant operated for 48 years until it was closed in 2001.
248
Cardoza “Bok House a window into the world that was” New Straits Times, Jul 9 2006.
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was designed by Swan & MacLaren, one of the leading colonial architectural and engineering firms
at the time.249
The Bok House was celebrated for its architectural splendor and style. Chua Cheng Bok
commissioned the design of the house in the style of the civic buildings that he saw on a visit to
England.250 The building was considered to be an outstanding model of how Classical European
planning could be adapted to Malaysia’s tropical climate.251 The Bok House demonstrated the
planning design of the Palladian style of Renaissance revivalism with a hint of Baroque influence
while also accommodating the demands of the tropical climate through its arrangements of
balconies and verandahs. The balconies and verandahs skirt both floors, protecting the external
walls from direct solar heat while the interior is kept cool by the free circulation of air. 252 These are
the same principles of a Malay house which are to expose as many external surfaces as possible to
the movement of air, usually with floor to roof window apertures. The pitch of the roof is steep to
allow water drainage during rainfall while the balustrade on the roof peak hides the skylight that
allows natural sunlight to penetrate through to the hall on the upper floor.
According to Yeang, the house follows the plan of the Palladian villa, with the dominant feature
being its symmetry, abundance of columns and other classical elements.253 The subtle curves on the
portico, ornateness of the gate and grand central stairs reflect a Baroque influence.254 This
adaptation to the tropical climate of the country was a result of the interaction between imported
cultures and the vernacular architecture. This includes the projecting and covered verandah and
anjung (porte cochere), the use of a selang (walkway) which joined the rumah ibu (front house) with
the smaller family house at the rumah dapur (rear).255 The interiors were adorned with exquisite
detailing, Marseille tiles, marble flooring, panelling, chandeliers, windows, furniture and
decorations.256 European art and stained glass were displayed alongside Chinese mother-of-pearl
furniture and Peranakan tiles.
249
Ong “Swan and Maclaren” unpaginated Swan and MacLaren Architects was a British architectural firm based in
Singapore. Two engineers, Archibald Swan and Alfred Lermit, started Swan & Lermit, but the partnership ended in 1890. In
1892, another engineer, James Waddell Boy Maclaren, joined as a partner and the firm was renamed Swan & Maclaren.
250
Hamid “Message from the President” unpaginated
251
252
253
254
Hamid “Message from the President” unpaginated
255
“Bok House a window into the world that was” New Straits Times, Jul 9 2006:22
256
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In 1958, the Bok House was turned into a restaurant, named Le Coq d'Or, which was at that time
arguably Kuala Lumpur's finest restaurant.257 The rear section of the house was demolished in 1999
followed by the closing down of the restaurant in 2001. The gradually deteriorating Bok House
resulted in its complete obliteration recently in December 2006, much to the dismay of the public.
The Loke Yew Mansion
Fig. 4.8 The Loke Yew Mansion, Kuala

Lumpur
The Chinese towkay mansion was

regarded as the ultimate status
symbol because these mansions,
more often than not, tell the rags-
to-riches story of how a penniless
labourer became a wealthy master.
Wealth and ambition led them out of their shophouses and into life in detached houses. 258
Symbolising par excellence, these mansions are known for their ostentatiousness and splendor. Built
in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, these private residences usually reflect the
owners’ double allegiance to the East and West, combining European classical forms and styles with
traditional house plans and motifs.259 Chen has written that it was essentially the Anglo-Indian
detached bungalow and the decorative qualities of the late Victorian architecture in England, which
inspired the emergence of ornamental houses in the British Strait Settlement.260
The Loke Yew Mansion261 is a building that demonstrated these Western and Oriental design
principles. The mansion, built in 1862, is believed to be the first brick residence and the oldest
towkay (master) mansion in Kuala Lumpur.262 Philanthropist, Loke Yew, bought the modest house in
1892 and modified it over a period of twelve years with the help of both Chinese and European
257
258
259
260
261
The house is currently an art and antique gallery known as ‘The Artiquarium’.
262
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craftsmen.263 The result was a mansion reminiscent of a European-style villa that followed a
symmetrical design with a central entrance doorway leading to an inner two-storey courtyard.264
The front facade displays Chinese-style ventilators, Chinese door and window arrangements
juxtaposed against Greek pediments and roof-top parapets as well as two flamboyant Dutch-styled
gables. The entrance to the upper floor is located under an arcaded loggia of load-bearing Tuscan
columns.265 The exterior and interior of the mansion are decorated with Chinese murals, Chinese
figures and sculptured relief. The floors, doors and posts were made out of local Chengal timber
while the upper and lower verandahs were paved with specially imported Chinese tiles.266
The fusion of foreign and local ideas has provided Malaysia with a modified version of the Malay
house. The louvered verandah and walls replaced the ornate serambi balustrade, the squat Palladian
proportion replaced the high raised platforms and the hipped gable roof replaced the ventilation
openings.
Chapter Conclusion
Architectural forms are not immutable. There has never been a remotely ‘pure’ architecture in its
origins and all buildings owe their features and qualities to multiple sources of forms.267 Abel, for
example, drew upon the example of the Palladian villas that emerged in the suburbs of Georgetown,
Penang from the eighteenth century. These large houses often served as residences to British
colonists. The basic form of the house is unmistakably recognized as a Palladian ‘villa suburbana’, a
building type and architectural style valued by the Europeans.268 The comforting ambiance of
England was recreated and the familiar environment was duplicated. However, the exact model
could not be relocated from a temperate to a tropical climate without undergoing some alterations.
Upon closer inspection, this South East Asian model is very different from its European counterpart.
In his writing, Abel compares a particular colonial villa found in Georgetown with the Villa Cornaro in
Piombino Dese, Italy to illustrate the adaptations to a change in environment. The Villa Cornaro has
a two storey portico with open colonnades. The upper storey of the Georgetown model was
replaced with a habitable living space. A porticoed front porch was also added to encourage the
263
264
Ho, Hasan, and Noordin “An Influence of Colonial Architecture to Building Styles and Motifs in Colonial Cities in
265
266
Cooper “Loke Mansion” unpaginated
267
268
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circulation of air and to provide shelter from carriage (now automobile) to the front entrance. Abel
suggested that the colonists had taken cues from the principles of the Malay house which exposed
as many external surfaces as possible to the movement of air, opening up those surfaces as far as
possible with floor to roof window apertures.269
The English builders saw something in the Malay house of value without compromising the integrity
of the forms or sacrificing bodily comfort or aesthetic taste. Although the intention was to mimic a
particular style, these buildings were clearly different from their original and purer antecedent
models. These buildings can be categorised as vernacular forms. Heath contends that the reworking
of pre-existing elements, which have been transplanted from elsewhere and are adapted to a new
environment and new social circumstances, results in a vernacular resource.270 He compares this to
the Darwinian Theory which speaks of forms that may be culturally and/or environmentally pre-
adapted to a new setting.271
Sayyad also argues that all cultural experiences are hybridized and that all vernacular forms are
transitional.272 He contends that while hybridized cultural expressions are the norm, particularly
among colonized cultures, there are discernible patterns of human adjustment within these
hybridized identities that define regional and sub regional distinctiveness.273 These patterns of
human adjustment are clearly demonstrated through the innovative application and exploration of
foreign and local styles to produce successful hybrid architecture.
269
270
271
272
Upton “ ‘Authentic’ Anxieties” p300
273
Upton “ ‘Authentic’ Anxieties” p300
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With the advent of the International Style, the architecture of Malaysia was greatly influenced by
Modernist architects such as Le Corbusier, Frank Lloyd Wright, Mies van der Rohe, Gerrit Rietveld
and Walter Gropius.274 The return of freshly graduated scholars from their education abroad
contributed to the spread of modern architecture in the country. Western architecture had set many
precedents in design and technological innovation in the country. The anxious need to keep up with
the rapid growth of the country’s economy and population, did not allow local architects the luxury
of time to experiment. During the 1970s, Malaysian architects started to question the validity of
international models in the country.275
This chapter investigates the architectural consequences of Modernism and the International Style
upon its introduction to Malaysia and the contribution of initiatives such as the Colombo Plan.
Through case studies of contemporary buildings (e.g. Parliament House (1963) in Kuala Lumpur,
Muzium Negara (National Museum) (1963) in Kuala Lumpur, Bank Negara (National Bank) (1983) in
Kedah and Lembaga Tabung Haji (Pilgrim’s Fund) (1984) in Kuala Lumpur), the chapter identifies the
eclectic attempts, as well as more oblique approaches, to revive and capture the qualities of
traditional architecture and determine at what point a work crosses the vernacular threshold to
become regionally expressive.
Education
By the end of the 1950s, almost all architects in the country were trained in Western countries. 276
They were mainly graduates from institutions in England and Australia.277 The first higher learning
institution to offer an architectural degree in Malaysia was the Universiti Teknologi Malaysia
(Malaysian University of Technology) which was only established in 1970 in Johor.278 In his research
on Malaysian students’ perceptions of overseas study destinations, Lawley concluded that most
Malaysian students chose to study abroad in countries such as the United Kingdom, Australia,
Canada, the United States and New Zealand, because the standard and quality of education was
generally higher and better recognised by local employers.279 Initiatives such as the Colombo Plan
274
275
276
Chin “Towards a National Identity in Architecture” p21
277
278
University of Technology “About the Faculty” unpaginated
279
Lawley and Perry “Thai and Malaysian students’ perceptions of overseas study destinations: An Exploratory Study”
unpaginated
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presented local students with opportunities to live and study abroad and produced architectural
scholars who were keen on demonstrating their newly acquired skills and capabilities.
The Colombo Plan

The Colombo Plan is a regional organisation that aims to strengthen the economic and social
development of member countries in the Asia-Pacific Region. This post-colonial initiative was
conceived in January 1950 in Colombo, Sri Lanka and began operations on 1 July 1951. The original
signatories of the Colombo Plan were seven members of the British Commonwealth. They comprised
Australia, Canada, Sri Lanka (then Ceylon), India, New Zealand, Pakistan and the United Kingdom. In
1954, its membership expanded to include Burma, Cambodia, Indonesia, Japan, Laos, the
Philippines, the United States, Thailand and Malaya.280
The Colombo Plan is a partnership concept of self-help and mutual-help in development aimed at
the socio-economic progress of its member countries.281 The plan was promoted as the medium
through which Western aid would be made available to the Asian countries. The main forms of
assistance were grants and loans for national development projects; commodities including grain,
fertilizers, and consumer goods; specialized equipment including machinery, farm equipment,
transport vehicles, and laboratory equipment; services of experts and technicians; training in
advanced technology to the students of the countries of the region.282 There were no strings
attached to the money or support distributed through the Colombo Plan and there were no
expectations of a return by the donor country.283 At a time of great political and economic
uncertainty, the Colombo Plan played a crucial role in bringing together Asia and the West.
In 1950, the Colombo Plan started a process of educational engagement between Asia and Australia.
The program was championed vigorously by Australia’s then Foreign Minister Sir Percy Spender.284
The Australian Government funded an Australian Development Scholarship program to assist a
range of developing nations. Malaysia (then Malaya) was amongst the nations that were included in
the program which was instrumental in enhancing and strengthening bilateral ties, business and
educational links between Malaysia and Australia.285 Richard Casey, Australia’s then Minister for
External Affairs, saw the interaction of the Asian students with the universities as an opportunity to
280
The Hon. Alexander Downer “Launch of Australia and the Colombo Plan 1949-1957” unpaginated
281
The Colombo Plan’s Secretariat “The Colombo Plan” unpaginated
282
Malaysian Australian Alumni Council “Colombo Plan Anniversary Book” unpaginated
283
Malaysian Australian Alumni Council “Colombo Plan Anniversary Book” unpaginated
284
The Hon. Alexander Downer “Launch of Australia and the Colombo Plan 1949-1957” unpaginated
285
Australian High Commission Malaysia “What are the MACC Scholarships?” unpaginated
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break down prejudice and misunderstandings on both sides.286 From the early 1950s until the mid
1980s, an estimated 18,000 to 20,000 scholars were given the opportunity to study in Australian
universities and approximately 4000 of them were young Malaysians.287 Malaysia was one of the
plan’s largest beneficiaries with Malaysian students representing 27% of the total scholarship
recipients.288 These highly deserving Malaysian students made a significant impact both in Australia
and in their home country.
At the time, Malaya and Singapore shared a university which was located in Singapore.289 In 1959,
this branched into two autonomous divisions, one in Singapore and the other on the border
between Kuala Lumpur and Petaling Jaya.290 All the universities offered a warm welcome to the
Colombo Plan students throughout the 1950s until the mid 80s, though many students attended the
University of New South Wales and Monash University in particular. The Colombo Plan students
were under strict obligations preventing them from engaging in any form of political activity and
prohibiting them from taking any form of permanent employment in Australia.291 These scholars
were required to return to their own country after the completion of their studies.
Architect, Hijjas bin Kasturi, is one of the many prominent Malaysian architects who has achieved
success through the program. He was awarded a prestigious Colombo Plan Scholarship in 1958 to
study architecture in the University of Adelaide. He then transferred to the University of Melbourne
where he graduated with a Bachelor of Architecture in 1965.292 Kasturi has contributed significantly
to the development of Malaysia’s architecture and has received numerous awards for his iconic
building design. Kasturi formed Hijjas Kasturi Associates Sdn (HKA) in 1977, which was a time when
Malaysian cities were beginning to transform from clusters of shophouses to iconic skylines. It was a
vulnerable period that was characterized by strong nationalism and the search for a Malaysian
architectural identity.
Despite technological advances and pressure to conform to an International Style, HKA strived to
develop designs that drew from traditional ideas but still evolved towards organic form and detail to
286
Oakman “Young Asians in our homes: Colombo Plan students and White Australia”p89
287
Australian High Commission Malaysia “What are the MACC Scholarships?” unpaginated
288
Oakman “Young Asians in our homes: Colombo Plan students and White Australia”p90
289
Vaz and Tan Endeavours of excellence : over 50 years of Australian scholarships p10
The Federation of Malaysia was formally established in 1963; prior to that the country was known as Malaya
290
291
292
University of Melbourne “Award winning architect to be awarded honorary doctorate by the University of Melbourne”
unpaginated
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exploit construction systems for new solutions.293 Kasturi’s approach to architectural design in
Malaysia consists of reconciling form and function within the cultural continuity. 294 His knowledge
and approach to space and light in architecture is influenced by his education in Australia. Kasturi
has described his education as “holistic, thorough and wholesome” and has acknowledged that it
has taught him about life, philosophy and humanity.295 He also credits the late Australian architect,
Harry Siedler, for spelling out to him three things: rationality, economy and aesthetics. Rationality
taught him the importance of repeatedly asking ‘why’ as there needs to be a rational reason to how
a building is built. Economy is about showing respect for the client’s budget and to not waste
resources. Aesthetics refers to the Modernist ‘rules’ of art, in that there is no room for gratuitous
decoration and visual statements that do not comply with the rules of art.296 HKA is responsible for
many of Malaysia’s contemporary buildings such as the Syariah Courthouse (1986)(fig. 5.1) and
Kuwait Embassy (1988)(fig. 5.2 ).
Fig. 5.1 Syariah Courthouse (1986) (left) and fig. 5.2 Kuwait Embassy (1988) (right).
Another Malaysian architect to emerge from the Colombo Plan is Francis Wong. Wong is the father
of Senator Penny Wong, Australia’s first Chinese-Australian woman to be elected a Labour MP. He
graduated with a Bachelor of Architecture (Hons) in 1967 and has since practiced as an architect in
Sabah, Malaysia. Wong attributes his successful architectural career to his experiences and
professional training in Australia. He considered his contact with Western culture to have enriched
his understanding of the world and its complexities.297 Since retiring in 2002, Wong has assumed the
position of the Dean of Studies at the Sabah Institute of Art, teaching architecture and interior
293
Hijjas Kasturi Assocates Sdn “Philosophy” unpaginated
294
Hijjas Kasturi Assocates Sdn “Philosophy” unpaginated
295
296
McGillick Concrete Metal Glass: Hijas Kasturi Associates: Selected Works 1977-2007 p10
297
Salkow, Howard “Australian experience builds global perspective” unpaginated
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design. Acknowledging the value of his education abroad, he intends to prepare the younger
generation of Malaysians for globalization.298 His contribution as a qualified architect in Sabah
ranges from government to public service in local councils whilst being instrumental to private
sector economic and social development.299 His architectural accomplishments included real estate
developments, the Marco Polo Hotel in Tawau and the Borneo Resthouse Hotel in Kota Kinabalu.
Fig. 5.3 Marco Polo Hotel, Tawau (left) and fig. 5.4 Borneo Resthouse Hotel, Kota Kinabalu (right)
The Colombo Plan scholarship program was at its peak during the 1960s but it ended in the 1980s.300
The initial objectives for aiding recipient nations were changed. Malaysia was no longer a
commodities-based nation but rather a country supported by a thriving industrial and manufacturing
economy.301 The homecomings of the scholars were ones of mixed reactions. Most found
themselves reluctant to leave Australia while also filled with pure excitement because the 1950s and
1960s was indeed an exciting time in Malaysia’s history.
With Malaysia adjusting to its newly independent status and the gradual phasing out of the British
Civil Service, the stage was set for the architectural pioneers of the country to apply all that they had
absorbed from their time abroad towards building their new nation.302 Education taught with the
values of external cultures can have a significant influence on attitudes towards indigenous culture
as philosophies of architecture which were largely oriented towards a foreign perspective.303
298
Salkow, Howard “Australian experience builds global perspective” unpaginated
299
Sauer The Colombo Plan for cooperative economic development in South and South East Asia 1951 – 2001 p58
300
The Malaysia Australia Colombo Plan Commemoration (MACC) Scholarships were launched in October 2001 and builds
on the spirit of the Colombo Plan in enabling Malaysian students to study in Australia.
301
302
303
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International Modernism
The spread of modern architecture in the country came about at the end of the 1950s when the
younger generations returned from their education abroad, influenced and inspired by the principles
of architect such as Le Corbusier, Alvar Aalto and Mies van der Rohe. There seemed to be a uniform
acknowledgement that modern architecture, with a pure form, emerged through the genius of a
mind uncorrupted by lessons of history, and should be followed as such.304 This style was known as
the International Modernism or the International Style. Another source responsible for the
dispersion of the style was from the media. Forms of media, such as books, magazines and
television, have played an influential role by introducing and emphasising the idea of a ‘new
architecture’ to the society.305
The International Style is considered to be the antithesis of vernacular architecture. The buildings of
this style seemed to disregard the environmental context, are disinterested in climatic conditions
(because of their hermetically sealed buildings and air-conditioning) and have no apparent cultural
references.306
Fig. 5.5 Metropolitan Cathedral (1959) in Brasilia
Oscar Niemeyer and his approach to contemporary

Brazilian architecture became of great interest to architects
in Malaysia because Brazil has a similar equatorial and
tropical climate.307 His architectural work reflects a
compromise between the dialectics of modernism and the
Brazilian milieu. Niemeyer advanced beyond the rigid,
rectilinear geometry of the International Style to generate
a pioneering, free-form modernism that was uniquely Brazilian.308 Instead of merely following and
applying Modernist ideology, Niemeyer modified European concepts to adapt to the Brazilian
context.
304
305
306
307
308
Underwood Oscar Niemeyer and the Architecture of Brazil p15
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Niemeyer was known to create freely curving concrete edifices that steered away from lines and
rigid geometric shapes that predominate in Modernism. One of Niemeyer’s masterpieces that
demonstrates this fluid, sculptural approach includes the Metropolitan Cathedral (1959) in Brasilia
(fig. 5.5). The building consists of sixteen curved ribs that repeat in a rotational symmetry.
To adapt to the climatic requirements of Brazil, Niemeyer’s contemporary works often featured
Corbusian brise-soleil (slatted sun-screens on the external walls). These sun shading devices started
to appear in Malaysian architectural designs, indicating the return of a climatologically-conscious
architecture.
Fig. 5.6 – fig. 5.8 Concrete fins and screens (left), horizontal and vertical louvers (centre), and metal sunscreen
cladding (right)
Figures 5.6-5.8 illustrate the sunshading devices commonly used in the design of buildings in
Malaysia during the early 1960s. The use of concrete fins and screens can be seen on most
government buildings designed by the PWD.309 The horizontal and vertical louvres are reminiscent of
colonial tropical designs and hint at regional characteristics in tropical design. 310 The unusual
external metal sunscreen cladding was employed by buildings such as the American International
Assurance (AIA) building in Kuala Lumpur. 311
National Identity
A prosperous economy and the growing confidence of the nation led to local adaptations of the
International Style. One response was to accommodate to the climate, which was evident in the use
of sun-shading devices such as metal grilles or concrete blades and screens seen in the Parliament
Building and the Kuala Lumpur General Hospital.
309
310
311
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Employing local building materials was often a strategy used to modify the austerity of Functionalism
and to portray a clearer sense of national identity.312 However, as timber was a flammable material,
the vernacular was restricted to image-making, with concrete as the universal building material.
Four contemporary Malaysian buildings will be examined, which were built Post Independence (the
Parliament House (1963) in Kuala Lumpur, Muzium Negara (National Museum) (1963) in Kuala
Lumpur, Bank Negara (National Bank) (1983) in Kedah and Lembaga Urusan Tabung Haji (LUTH)
(1984) in Kuala Lumpur), as examples which demonstrate a shift towards vernacular tendencies,
expressing traditional identity through their silhouette and façade forms, as well as taking into
account climatic considerations.
The Parliament House (1963), Kuala Lumpur
Fig. 5.9 The Parliament House (1963), Kuala Lumpur
The Parliament House was a symbol of Malaysia’s newly acquired status as an independent nation.
The building is located in the capital, Kuala Lumpur, and was completed in 1963. This new national
symbol, designed by British architect, Ivor Shipley of the PWD, faced many design constraints as it
could not make any references to colonialism, be it Neo-Classical or pre-war ideas of ‘Modernism’.313
The eighteen storey building expressed the modern architectural language of the International Style,
consisting of the ubiquitous office tower block and a large three storey podium housing the Senate
312
313
King Kuala Lumpur and Putrajaya: negotiating urban space in Malaysia p100
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and the House of Representatives.314 The podium is crowned with eleven triangular concrete
pinnacles. This made references to the form of traditional roofs, alluding to the high pitched angles
of the Bugis or Melaka gable roofs (fig. 5.14)
The façade and forms of the Parliament House emulate the International Style characteristics of
grid-like patterns, repetition and the expulsion of applied ornamentation. However, the building
addresses the issues of climatic response by the use of decorative ‘armadillo shaped’ precast
cladding which functions as a sun shading device. As the Parliament building was one of the first Post
Independence experiments, the transition between the British colonial architectural styles to a more
regionally expressive identity is evident in the contrast between the tower block and the podium
roof.
Fig. 5.10-5.12 The lobby of the Parliament House exhibited classical pillars and ornate mouldings on the walls
and ceilings which contrasted the unornamented walls of the exterior.
Professor Rasdi has written of his appreciation of the echoes of socialism and non feudalistic
statements conveyed by the pristine white and grey exterior composition of the building. However,
in 2005, the building underwent renovations and Rasdi has observed that the new interiors (fig.
5.10-5.12) had reverted to the pre-colonial days of feudalism, revealing fat classical pillars and
ornate mouldings that adorn the simple walls and ceilings.315 This was in contrast to its shell which
speaks of the revolution against the ornamentalised aristocratic architecture of the Ecole de Beaux
Arts.316
314
315
Rasdi “Masterminding the Architectural Heritage in Malaysia” p28
316
Rasdi “Masterminding the Architectural Heritage in Malaysia” p28
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Fig. 5.13-5.15 The triangular concrete pinnacles of the Parliament House (left), a Malay house in Melaka (top
right) and the United States Air Force Academy chapel in Colorado(bottom right)
The design of Parliament house was perhaps one of the country’s earliest examples that made
references to the vernacular by employing abstracted forms that are evocative of traditional
imagery. These forms were possibly inspired by foreign architecture as the forms used were
comparable to other buildings abroad. For example, the eleven triangular concrete pinnacles of the
Parliament house possess a resemblance to the seventeen glass and aluminium spires of the United
States Air Force Academy chapel in Colorado (fig. 5.15). The chapel was designed by Skidmore,
Owings and Merill and was first conceived in the mid-1950s and also completed in 1963.317
The Post Independence period was a time when the architecture of statehood took the form of
expressive monuments which were meant to symbolize Malaysia’s new status as an independent
nation, technological prowess and economic strength. The design of Parliament House did not
display an eagerness to immediately shake off colonial associations but instead embraces it as its
past. The eclectic combination of colonial and regional styles is a transitional part of the dynamic
process of development to adapt to the change in its social context.
317
Stone “Parliament House, Kuala Lumpur” p11
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Muzium Negara (National Museum)(1963), Kuala Lumpur
Fig. 5.16 The National Museum (1963), Kuala Lumpur
The National Museum in Kuala Lumpur is another example that demonstrates the synthesis of
colonial and local styles. Constructed at the same time as the Parliament House, the museum was
also meant to be a showpiece for the newly independent country, becoming a landmark that
signified an important time in the country’s history.318 The design of the National Museum building
was based on the aesthetic elements of traditional Malay palace architecture.319 The government
appointed Singaporean architect, Ho Kok Hoe, to design the National Museum. Ho visited the
northern Malay states to study indigenous architecture which he deemed suitable to serve as a
model for the museum.320
Fig. 5.17 Balai Besar (Great Council

Hall) located in Alor Setar, Kedah
The chosen design was inspired by

the historic Balai Besar (Great
Council Hall) (fig. 5.17) which is
located in Alor Setar, Kedah. The
318
319
Muzium Negara “History” Muzium Negara unpaginated
320
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museum incorporated the traditional Malay architecture tripartite division of kolong (underside of a
Malay house raised on stilts), main body and pitched gable roof.321 The double-pitched roofs on the
two side wings are adapted from Melaka, Bugis and Terengganu roof forms.322 The kolong is rather
conspicuous in the design of the building as the recessed walls of the ground floor allow the
formation of a colonnade. The building is supported by 26 concrete columns that have been
modified to retain traditional Malay palace features. The combination of 13 columns in the east wing
and the other 13 in the west wing represents the 13 states that form Malaysia.323 The front façade of
the building is decorated with two murals depicting Malaysian historical events and culture in the
style of batik (traditional hand-dyed fabric) painting. Murals commonly feature on walls on
institutional buildings, a practice adopted in the immediate post-Independent Malaysia to promote
statehood.324 Climatic concerns were also addressed through the deeply shaded glass walls of the
ground floor which served to protect the administrative offices from the harsh sun.325
The design of the National Museum is a literal adaptation of the recognisable elements of the
traditional Malay house which are transposed from a small domestic scale to a monumental public
structure. This approach has been described as “balloonism”.326
Fig. 5.18 National Museum, Kuala Lumpur (1963) (left) and fig. 5.19 Natural History Museum, London (1881)
(right)
321
322
323
Muzium Negara “History” Muzium Negara unpaginated
324
325
326
King Kuala Lumpur and Putrajaya: negotiating urban space in Malaysia p105
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Similar to the Parliament House, the museum was constructed during the transition between
colonialism and adaptation to a new independent status. It has been described as ‘the first
monumental work in Malaysia that clearly departed from the Modernist vocabulary in favour of
Neo-Traditionalism’.327 However, the design of the building still holds traces of foreign influences as
it can be argued that the approach was inspired by the colonial synthesis of the monumentality of
European Classicism and Malay vernacular architecture. This is evident in the symmetrical plan of
the museum, a characteristic of Classical architecture. There is also a suggestion of ornamentation
on the column capitals.328
The Bank Negara (National Bank), Kedah (1983)
Fig. 5.20 The Bank Negara (National Bank) (1983) (left), Kedah and fig. 5.21 the detail of the external pillar
(right)
In the humid tropical climate of Malaysia, concrete quickly becomes stained by unsightly mould,
resulting in the need for diligent maintenance. The design of the Bank Negara in Kedah by HKA,
demonstrated a solution relating to sculptural form and the protection of façade from humidity and
the weather. To protect the walls, the upper floors of the building are cantilevered, freeing more of
the ground level from the building floor plate.329
The sculptural form of the curved external pillars and the zigzag trusses were inspired by the coconut
palms that used to surround the site. However, not only were there responses to the building’s
327
328
329
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environmental context, the forms signify a break from the rigid and rectangular geometry of the
International style.
The Lembaga Urusan Tabung Haji Building (LUTH) (1984), Kuala Lumpur
Fig. 5.22 Lembaga Tabung Haji (Pilgrim’s Fund) (1984) (left) in Kuala Lumpur and fig. 5.23 plan and section of
the building (right)
The Lembaga Urusan Tabung Haji Building (LUTH) is one of Kuala Lumpur’s prominent landmarks
and was designed by HKA in 1986. The tower, located along Jalan Tun Razak, represents a sculptural
model that continues the traditions of Islamic architectural forms in a modern building.330 The
building is a government-run entity which manages savings for Malaysian Muslims wanting to make
the pilgrimage to Mecca.331 The institutional occupier of the building demanded that recognizable
Islamic symbolism be incorporated in the design.332
330
331
332
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Fig. 5.24 the ribbed roof detail at the main entrance (left) and fig. 5.25 the moulded ceiling above the entrance
(right)
The cultural references embedded in the design were revealed in an oblique and metaphorical
approach. The tapered and flared form derive from the use of circular and arch geometrical
components, white vertical mullions and the five massive, bracing columns symbolize the Five Pillars
of Islam.333 The arrangement of pillars and arches provides a sturdy base for the tower as well as
acting as a climatic transition between the exterior and interior. The circular plan of the tower was
meant to provide a simple and straightforward orientation for the benefit of the rural members who
might be unfamiliar with high rise structures at the time.334 The more apparent symbols include the
Islamic inscriptions on the tower façade and a minaret for the surau (prayer room)
Chapter Conclusion
Chin acknowledges that the advantage of overseas trained architects is their open minded approach
in their appraisal of local design elements.335 For example, Kasturi’s approach to capturing tradition
in contemporary Malaysian architecture goes beyond the sentimental revival of vernacular forms.
Visual metaphors are inherent in the building’s structure and fabric allowing traditional references to
be made without compromising the building’s commitment to modernity.336
Notions of identity have always been intricately related to traditions.337 AlSayyad states that an
important lesson in the study of architecture of post-colonial societies involves the constant
evolution of national identity. If we accept hybridity as an inherent quality of national identity, then
333
NZ Islam Awareness “What are the Five Pillars of Islam?” unpaginated
The Five Pillars of Islam are the framework of the Muslim life: testimony of faith, prayer, giving zakat (support of the
needy), fasting during the month of Ramadan, and the pilgrimage to Mecca, once in a lifetime for those who are able.
334
335
Chin “Towards a National Identity in Architecture” p21
336
337
P a g e | 102
the ensuing architecture can only reflect the specific stage of transition that a particular society is
going through.338
While the characteristics of the European models of Modernism don’t conform to the definitions of
vernacular architecture, the coalescence of traditional references and foreign ideas generate a
different product. Hybridisation becomes an important part of the dynamic development of
architecture, as the vernacular is transitional and continually evolving through transformations and
innovations and exists in the recognition of finding a balance between regional and international
identities. It can be argued that these Post-Independent buildings are new manifestations of the
vernacular as it changes and adapts when necessary to variable cultural environments and the
nature of social growth. The vernacular threshold is crossed when a localized response to broad
cultural systems, historical events and environmental requirements are acknowledged.
338
AlSayyad Forms of Dominance p24
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Conclusion
The term ‘vernacular architecture’ has historically carried connotations of ‘backwardness’ in contrast
to progress and development. It is stereotyped as referring to simplistic and unrefined structures. In
reality, the vernacular comprises sophisticated and complex cultural, social, intellectual and
functional identities.
The argument central to this thesis establishes the vernacular as a dynamic process involving
building traditions that continuously evolve while remaining regionally distinctive and relevant.
Hybridisation becomes an important constituent during the process of adapting to the changing
environment, resulting in the creation of a hybrid architecture.
Chapters one and two revealed the complex nature of the Malay house and the longhouses of
Sarawak. They established that the concepts of sharing and cooperation are fundamental within
these communities. Within communities that favour such communal intimacy, it is cultural
conventions and cues that control the information linking social organisation with the built
environment. Such conventions demarcate intangible and invisible boundaries that distinguish public
and private domains, gender territories and the use of a space throughout the day. Expressions of
hierarchy and status seem to be more conventional and orthodox, expressed by means of size and
ornamentation, the adoption of material possessions and furniture, and the use of modern and
imported materials.
History has shown that architecture has never remained stagnant and attributed to a single source
of origin. It is important to acknowledge the manner in which the architectural forms of cultures and
their precedents are always linked to a series of a hybrid crosses between indigenous and imported
cultures. They have been diffused, hybridised and synergised, each becoming a potential model
capable of generating more transformations.339 These transformations are evident in Malaysian
vernacular architecture, as seen in the traditional Malay house and the longhouses of Sarawak,
which share recurrent features similar to other dwellings found throughout Southeast Asia. This
emphasizes the importance of not recognizing the vernacular as “pure” cultures but as a hybrid
product of interpretation, negotiation and adaptation throughout generations.
The third chapter chronologically explored the significant events that transpired throughout the
history of Malaysia. It was imperative to consider the vernacular throughout time and cross
culturally in order to trace regularities and determine whether generalisations which are made
339
P a g e | 104
might be valid. The investigation of immigrant and colonial architecture was crucial in the
understanding of how the vernacular is perceived during intercultural exchanges. I examined specific
buildings as well as building types that had left a profound impact in the country at its time. From
the examinations, it was apparent that the immigrant and colonial rulers introduced new buildings
types that could be categorized as either transplanted forms or embraced as a vernacular form.
Structures such as the Portuguese A. Famosa fort, the Dutch Stadhuys and Christ Church were
reproductions that mimicked the architecture of their homelands without engaging with its new
surroundings. Perhaps this was a similar case to the Dutch rule in Indonesia where colonial artifices
were forced onto the indigenous to exercise immediate control over local communities.340 As there
was insufficient time to consider and refine the architectural style, basic building techniques and
methods were taken directly from the European vocabulary out of practical necessity. 341 The
colonial buildings constructed by the British, however, gradually transformed and evolved to
incorporate a synthesis of selective vernacular principles. These modifications and alterations were
inevitable as well as necessary in order for the buildings to adapt and function effectively in their
new geographic and cultural environment.
The colonial period paved the way for urban infrastructure such as civic, administration and
recreational buildings that did not appear to have any conceivable local parallels in the country.
However, cross-sectional comparisons drawn between the architecture of the indigenous and of
foreign origin demonstrates that no building can be described as entirely new and that the
vernacular assists in making new building types seem comprehendible. It is the epistemological
aspects of the vernacular that provide hints that allow the local population to identify themselves in
relation to a place and the history of a place.
The fourth chapter focused on the colonial architecture of the British as they made the most impact
on Malaysian architecture during their colonial rule. With the imposition of foreign cultures came
the opportunities for alternate lifestyles. The physical and psychological need for privacy increases
as a society moves from ‘primitive’ to ‘modern’ thus leading to the proliferation of detached houses
such as the bungalow, villa and mansion, which signified the shift away from communal dwellings to
more private and isolated residences. The chapter looked at the development of detached houses
such as the bungalow, villas and mansions, and the responses of these building types to regional
dynamics. The changes evident in the building’s form, plan, structure, or use, reflect the choices
340
Widodo “Modern Indonesian Architecture” p19
341
Widodo “Modern Indonesian Architecture” p19
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people have made in adapting elements in their built environment. This response to new regional
realities results in the formation of the new vernacular.
The last chapter led with the study of the Colombo plan as exposure to foreign architecture
contributed to the spread of modernism in the country. Education overseas had significant influence
on attitudes towards indigenous culture, especially as the rapid process of urban growth and
development did not allow architects the time to formulate an appropriate theory before
proceeding. The Modern Movement in architecture influenced practicing architects to observe the
tenets of the ‘International Style’ on the design of buildings. These trends tend to obscure the
importance of designing in response to the environment and to fulfil the spiritual and physical
requirements of a country’s inhabitants, effectively becoming the antithesis of vernacular
architecture.
During the 1950s and 1960s, following independence, the issue of achieving a Malaysian
architectural identity reached a critical point, prompting a critical re-evaluation of the fundamental
principles of the International Style among concerned local architects. As the notions of identity
have always been intricately synonymous with traditions, Malaysian architecture began to produce
buildings that demonstrate the blending of traditional forms with contemporary ideas. This synthesis
of the vernacular with modernism is a way of thinking about architecture as cultural regeneration-
not a style; a search for cultural continuity in the aftermath of the colonial experience.342
The significance of findings

Theories of the vernacular and the evolution of modern architecture are closely intertwined,
transforming the fundamental notions of style, building and dwelling. The study of vernacular
architecture provides potentially valuable insights. Lessons of the past provide valuable insights on
how the present functions. In realizing the need for vernacular continuity, tradition is manifested as
superimposed layers of inventions as opposed to being constituted as an immutably fixed set of
devices and images.
It is not possible to retain every aspect of a past vernacular, as it would be pointless to build
configurations for cultures and lifestyles that are now irrelevant. The realities of the present need to
be contended with. The underlying challenge exists in seeking ways to effectively localise imported
technologies, materials, ideas and built forms to best fulfil the building, and its programme, and to
be beneficial to the local community. The aim is innovation not duplication.
342
Powell The Asian House: Contemporary Houses of South East Asia p10
P a g e | 106
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List of Illustrations and Credit
Introduction
0.1 Map of Malaysia


1.1 The traditional Malay house
Malaysia Truly Asia “History” Malaysia Truly Asia (April 2010)
http://touringmalaysia.wordpress.com
1.2 The roof style of the Minangkabau-style house in Negeri Sembilan and the Sumatran house in
Indonesia
Chen, Voon Fee “Architecture” The Encyclopaedia of Malaysia (Singapore: Archipelago Press,
1998)
1.3 The headman’s house
1998)
1.4 Interior Spaces in the Malay House
Ismail, Wan Hashimah Wan Houses in Malaysia. Fusion of the East and the West. (Malaysia:
University Technology of Malaysia , 2005)
1.5 Common Addition sequences of the traditional Malay house
Lim, Jee Yuan The Malay House. Rediscovering Malaysia’s Indigenous Shelter System
(Malaysia: Institut Masyarakat, 1987)
1.6 Front elevation, section and plan of the Malay house
1.7 Malay house in Merlimau, Melaka
Zui, Yan Hong “Merlimau Village Headman House” Sweet Memories of ZuiYanHong (July 2009)
http://www.zuiyanhong.com/
1.8 Various Types of Malay house
Lim, Jee Yuan The Malay House. Rediscovering Malaysia’s Indigenous Shelter System
(Malaysia: Institut Masyarakat, 1987)

2.1 Distribution of longhouse communities in Sarawak
1998)
2.2 An Uma, communal house of the Mentawai, Indonesia
Wikipedia “Long House” Wikipedia the Free Encyclopaedia (March 2010)
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Long_house
2.3 An Mnong longhouse in the central highlands of Vietnam
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Wikipedia “Long House” Wikipedia the Free Encyclopaedia (March 2010)

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Long_house
2.4 Orientation of the longhouse
The Iban Longhouse “The Iban Longhouse” Iban Cultural Heritage (August 2009)
http://gnmawar.wordpress.com
2.5 Log steps of Iban longhouse, Sarawak
Staffordshire Learning Net Geography “Nanga Sumpa Lodge and Longhouse and the Iban
people” Geography (March 2010)
http://www.sln.org.uk/geography/nanga_sumpa_and_iban_people.htm
2.6 Log steps of Iban longhouse, Sarawak
Index “Sarawak Stairs” Index (April 2010) www.hps.com/~tpg/singapore/graphics/
2.7 The Iban longhouse, Sarawak
Colin Jong “Iban House” Colin Jong (June 2009) http://colinjong.com/2009/06/19/sarawak-
cultural-village-6-ibans-house/
2.8 Elevations and floor plans of the Iban longhouse
2.9 The Melanau tall house, Sarawak
Tye, Timothy “Melanau Tall House“ Asia Explorers (August 2009)
http://www.asiaexplorers.com
2.10 Elevations, Sections and Floor Plans of the Melanau Tall House
2.11 The Orang Ulu longhouse
Tye, Timothy “The Orang Ulu longhouse“Asia Explorers (August 2009)
2.12 The Orang Ulu “tree of life” mural
Ashwin Nanjappa “Mural” Attempts of a novice at photography (September 2009)
http://chaayaa.wordpress.com/2009/09/10/mural/
2.13 Elevations, sections and floor plans of the Orang Ulu longhouse
2.14 The Bidayuh longhouse, Sarawak
Alfred Molon “Bidayuh Longhouse” Photo Galleries (March 2010) http://www.molon.de/
2.15 Elevation, plan and section of the Bidayuh Longhouse and elevation and floor plan of the head
house)
2.16 The baruk or men’s head house
Alfred Molon “Bidayuh Headhouse” Photo Galleries (March 2010) http://www.molon.de/
Chapter 3: Foreign Influenced Architecture Part 1 (1511-1957)

3.1 A row of early timber shophouses in Penang
1998)
3.2 A row of Chinese shophouses
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1998)
3.3 The transition of shophouse façade design
1998)
3.4 Plan of Melakan townhouse
1998)
3.5 A Melakan townhouse
1998)
3.6 Side view showing the length of a typical Melakan townhouse
1998)
3.7 The Cheng Hoon Teng temple, Melaka
Tye, Timothy “The Cheng Hoon Teng temple“ Asia Explorers (July 2005)
3.8 The Khoo Kongsi building in Penang
Ferreroroche’s Weblog “Penang with JetStar” Ferreroroche’s Weblog (July 2009)
http://ferreroroche.wordpress.com/
3.9 The Khoo Kongsi complex in Penang
1998)
3.10 The administrative building of the Khoo Kongsi, Penang
Leong San Tong Khoo Kongsi “The Administrative Building” Khoo Kongsi Online (March 2010)
http://www.khookongsi.com.my/
3.11 The A Famosa fortress, Melaka
Vacations Malaysia “Ten simple reasons why you have to visit Malaysia“ Vacations Malaysia
(April 2010) http://www.asiaexplorers.com
3.12 House in a Portuguese settlement in Melaka
Tye, Timothy “Portuguese Settlement“ Asia Explorers (April 2010)
3.13 Catholic portrait on wall of house in a Portuguese settlement in Melaka
Tye, Timothy “Portuguese Settlement“ Asia Explorers (April 2010)
3.14 The Stadthuys, Melaka
Tye, Timothy “Stadthuys“ Asia Explorers (April 2010) http://www.asiaexplorers.com
3.15 The Christ Church, Melaka
Tye, Timothy “Christ Church“ Asia Explorers (April 2010) http://www.asiaexplorers.com
3.16 The earlier townhouses in Hereen Street, Melaka
Architecture to Building Styles and Motifs in Colonial Cities in Malaysia” School of Housing,
Building & Planning (September 2005) http://www.vintagemalaya.com
3.17 The newer townhouses in Hereen Street, Melaka
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Ho, Kah Chun and Hasan, Ahmad Sanusi and Noordin, Norizal M. “An Influence of Colonial Architecture
to Building Styles and Motifs in Colonial Cities in Malaysia” School of Housing, Building & Planning
(September 2005) http://www.vintagemalaya.com
3.18 Elevation of an old house on Heeren Street, Melaka
3.19 Elevation of an old house on Heeren Street, Melaka
3.20 The Sultan Abdul Samad building, Kuala Lumpur
Tye, Timothy “Sultan Abdul Samad building“ Asia Explorers (April 2010)
3.21 The Ipoh Railway Station, Perak
Tye, Timothy “Ipoh Railway Station“ Asia Explorers (April 2010) http://www.asiaexplorers.com
3.22 Common arrangement of Iban longhouses on a main river and side streams
Winzeler, Robert L The Architecture of Life and Death in Borneo (United States of America:
3.23 The KTMB Railway map
Malayan Railway Fansite “Railway Map” Malayan Railway Fansite (March 2010)
http://www.keretapi.com/railwaymap.html
3.24 The plan of a Kenyah longhouse
Winzeler, Robert L The Architecture of Life and Death in Borneo (United States of America:
3.25 The older portion and latest addition to the Royal Selangor Club building, Kuala Lumpur
Wikipedia “Royal Selangor Club” Wikipedia the Free Encyclopaedia (March 2010)
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Royal_Selangor_Club
3.26 The earlier Royal Selangor Club building
German, Ralph L. Handbook to British Malaya (London: R. L. German, 1927)
3.27 The Ascott House in Buckinghamshire, England
Wikipedia “Ascott House” Wikipedia the Free Encyclopaedia (March 2010)
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ascott_House
3.28 Plaque shown at the entrance of the Royal Selangor Club bar
Tour Malaysia “KL Heritage Trail: Royal Selangor Club” Tour Malaysia (March 2010)
http://www.tourmalaysia.com/
3.29 St. Mary’s Cathedral
Wikipedia “St. Mary’s Cathedral, Kuala Lumpur” Wikipedia the Free Encyclopaedia (March
2010) http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/St._Mary's_Cathedral,_Kuala_Lumpur
3.30 St. Andrew’s Presbyterian Church
St. Andrew’s Presbyterian Church “St. Andrew’s Presbyterian Church” St. Andrew’s
Presbyterian Church http://standrewschurch.org.my/about-us/history/1924-1960-times-of-
testing
3.31 The Carcosa Seri Negara mansion, Kuala Lumpur
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Asian Trails “Carcosa Seri Negara” Asian Trails (April 2010) http://www.asiantrails.info/index
3.32 The front porch of Carcosa Seri Negara
Ariff “Carcosa Seri Negara” Signature (March 2009)
http://ariff2001.blogspot.com/2009/03/carcosa-seri-negara-carcosa-seri-negara.html
3.33 The verandah of the Carcosa Seri Negara mansion
Bose, Romen “Grand past but uncertain future for Carcosa” My Sinchew (December 2009)
http://ap.mysinchew.com/node/33274
3.34 The drawing room of the Carcosa Seri Negara mansion
Ariff “Carcosa Seri Negara” Signature (March 2009) http://ariff2001.blogspot.com/200
9/03/carcosa-seri-negara-carcosa-seri-negara.html
3.35 Heath’s ‘Dynamics that shape vernacular form’ model
Heath, Kingston W. Vernacular Architecture and Regional Design: Cultural Process and
Environmental Response (Oxford: Architectural Press, 2009)

4.1 Bungalow in India
King, Anthony D. The Bungalow. The Production of a Global Culture (London: Oxford
4.2 The Suffolk House, Penang
Tye, Timothy “Suffolk House “Asia Explorers (April 2010) http://www.asiaexplorers.com
4.3 Syed Alatas mansion, Penang
Tye, Timothy “Penang Islamic Museum (Syed Alatas Mansion)“ Penang Travel Tips (April 2010)
http://www.penangtraveltips.com
4.4 Interior view of the Syed Alatas mansion, Penang
Tye, Timothy “Penang Islamic Museum (Syed Alatas Mansion)“ Penang Travel Tips (April 2010)
http://www.penangtraveltips.com
4.5 The front elevation of the Bok House, Kuala Lumpur
Abdullah, Azrul K. “Bok House 1929“Azrul K. Abdullah Architectural Photographer (2001)
http://www.mir.com.my/rb/photography/portfolio/azrul/html/bokstart.html
4.6 The dining room of the Bok House, Kuala Lumpur
4.7 The foyer of the Bok House, Kuala Lumpur
4.8 The Loke Yew mansion, Kuala Lumpur

5.1 Syariah Courthouse (1986)
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McGillick, Paul Concrete Metal Glass: Hijjas Kasturi Associates: Selected Works 1977-2007
(Kuala Lumpur: Editions Didier Millet Sdn Bhd, 2006)
5.2 Kuwait Embassy (1988)
5.3 The Marco Polo Hotel, Tawau

ETawau “Belmont Marco Polo Hotel, Tawau” ETawau (May 2010) http://www.etawau.com
5.4 The Borneo Resthouse Hotel, Kota Kinabalu
Ahyer Malaysia “Borneo Resthouse Hotel” Frazer, Kota Kinabalu (May 2010)
http://www.ahyer.com/kota-kinabalu-hotel-for-sale-11393-5
5.5 The Metropolitan Cathedral (1959) in Brasilia
Underwood, David Oscar Niemeyer and the Architecture of Brazil (New York: Rizzoli
International Publications, Inc, 1994)
5.6 Concrete fins and screens
1998)
5.7 Horizontal and vertical louvers
1998)
5.8 Metal sunscreen cladding
1998)
5.9 The Parliament House, Kuala Lumpur
Tye, Timothy “Parliament House” Asia Explorers (April 2010) http://www.asiaexplorers.com
5.10 The lobby of the Parliament House
Ngan, Teng Yuen “The Malaysia Houses of Parliament Building” Mirage Studio 7 (July 2008)
http://blog.miragestudio7.com/
5.13 The triangular concrete pinnacles of the Parliament House, Kuala Lumpur
WrldVoyagr “Malaysia Parliament” Flickr (June 2007)
http://www.flickr.com/photos/wrldvoyagr/3604951482/
5.14 A Malay house in Melaka
5.15 The United States Air Force Academy chapel in Colorado
Air Force Academy, Colorado “Hazardous Materials and Waste Management Division”
Air Force Academy http://www.cdphe.state.co.us/hm/academy.htm
5.16 National Museum
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Tye, Timothy “Muzium Negara, Kuala Lumpur” Asia Explorers (April 2010)
5.17 The Balai Besar (Great Council Hall)
Tye, Timothy “Balai Besar, Alor Setar” Asia Explorers (April 2010)
5.18 National Museum, Kuala Lumpur
Wikipedia “National Museum (Malaysia)” Wikipedia the Free Encyclopaedia (March 2010)
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:National_Museum_KL_2008_interior_pano.jpg
5.19 Natural History Museum, London
The Victorian Web “Main staircase, Natural History Museum by Alfred Waterhouse” The
Victorian Web (March 2010) http://www.victorianweb.org/art/architecture/nhm/10.html
5.20 The Bank Negara (National Bank) (1983)
5.21 Detail of the external pillar
5.22 Lembaga Tabung Haji (Pilgrim’s Fund) (1984)
Wt Consultants, Inc “Home” Wt Consultants, Inc (May 2010) http://wtconsultants.net/
5.23 Plan and section of the Lembaga Tabung Haji Building (Pilgrim’s Fund)
5.24 Ribbed roof detail at the main entrance
5.25 Moulded ceiling above the entrance
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Glossary
Anjung: Covered entrance porch where guests are greeted and male guests often entertained and
where family members can relax.
Attap(or atap): Lightweight yet insulating roof thatch, often made from nipah, rumbia or bertam
leaves
Baruk: Bidayuh men’s house or head house
Batik: traditional hand-dyed fabric
Belian: Eusideroxylon zwagerii (La.),ironwood; a highly durable timber species indigenous to Sabah
and Sarawak
Bertam: Eugeissona tristis(La.), a local palm species whose leaves are used for roof thatch
Bilik- Room, apartment in a longhouse
Bumbung: Roof
Bumbung lima: “Five ridged roof” hipped roof comprising two sloping roofs
Bumbung Panjang: “Long ridge roof, gable roof comprising two sloping roofs”
Bumbung Perak: Gambrelroof, or a hipped roof with gable-like ends
Bumbung Meru 2-Tingkat:
Cengal: Neobalanocarpus heimii (La.), a very durable hardwood
Dapur: Kitchen
Jelutong: Dyera costulata(La.), a non- durable timber species
Kampung (or kampong): Village
Kolong: the underside of a Malay house raised on stilts
Kongsi: Chinese clan house, literally translates as ‘to share’ or ‘a shared company’
Loceng: Attic
Meranti: Shorea spp.(La.), moderately durable timber of the genus
Merbau: Intsia palembanica(La.), a species of durable timber
Nipah: Nypa fruticans(La.), a variety of creeping palm whose fronds are used for roof thatch
Pelantar: Raised platform at the rear of a Malay house used for washing and drying
Penai: a bathing place by the river

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Penghulu: leader of the Malay village, village headman
Resak: Vatica spp.(La.), a species of hard and durable timber
Rowhouse:
Ruai: Gallery in a longhouse
Rumah Ibu: Core area and the most private part of a Malay house in which occupants pray, sleep and
perform household chores such as sewing and ironing
Rumah Tinggi: literally, tall house
Rumbia: Metroxylon rumphii(La.), a species of palm whose leaves are used for roof thatch
Sadau: the loft of the longhouse
Selang: Covered passageway linking the main part of a Malay house to the kitchen
Serambi Gantung: ‘Hanging’ veranda in front of a house
Serambi Samanaik: Closed verandah
Shophouse: Two-storey urban house with a ground floor shop open to the road and living quarters
upstairs
Stadthuys: an old Dutch spelling, literally meaning "town hall
Tanju: Open deck in a longhouse
Tiang Seri: Central post
Tuai Rumah: longhouse chief

Redefining The Vernacular in The Hybrid Architecture of Malaysia

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Redefining the Vernacular in the Hybrid Architecture of Malaysia

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Table of Contents .............................................................................................................. 2

Chapter 1: Malaysian Vernacular Architecture Part I (16th century) ................................. 17

Chapter 2: Malaysian Vernacular Architecture Part II (16th century) ................................. 28

Chapter 3: Foreign Influenced Architecture Part I (1511-1957) ........................................ 46

Chapter 4: Foreign Influenced Architecture Part II (1795-1957) ........................................ 78

Chapter 5: Contemporary Malaysian Architecture (1957-present) ................................... 87

Conclusion ..................................................................................................................... 103

References ..................................................................................................................... 106

List of Illustrations and Credit ........................................................................................ 112

Glossary ......................................................................................................................... 119

- the conventional manifestations of power and status

Malaysian Vernacular Architecture

Changes to the vernacular form

1) Spatial and Social Organisation

The introduction of walls in vernacular architecture increased proportions of private and

2) Adoption of Furniture and Decoration

3) Abandoning the Traditional House

Chapter 1: Malaysian Vernacular Architecture Part I (pre-16th century)

Chapter 2: Malaysian Vernacular Architecture Part II (pre-16th century)

Chapter 3: Foreign Influenced Architecture Part I (1511-1957)

Chapter 4: Foreign Influenced Architecture Part II (1795-1957)

Chapter 5: Contemporary Malaysian Architecture (1957-present)

Chapter 1: Malaysian Vernacular Architecture Part I (pre-16th century)

Origins of the Traditional Malay House

Fig 1.1 The traditional Malay house

Fig. 1.3 The headman’s house in a village in

The Malay house is primarily a timber post

Fig. 1.7 The Malay house of the village

The Malay house in Merlimau, Melaka

Changes in building materials

Chapter 2: Malaysian Vernacular Architecture Part II (pre-16th century)

Origins of the Longhouses of the indigenous people of Sarawak

Fig. 2.5 and fig. 2.6 A face is carved at

The gallery is connected to the

Fig. 2.7 The Iban Longhouse, Sarawak

The Iban longhouses can be found

2) Melanau Tall House

Fig. 2.9 The Melanau Tall house, Sarawak

3) Orang Ulu Longhouse

Fig. 2.11 The Orang Ulu longhouse

Fig. 2.12 The “Tree of Life” mural

The walls of the chief’s apartments are

Fig. 2.14 The Bidayuh longhouse

Fig. 2.16 The baruk or men’s head house

Bidayuh domestic architecture also

Rebuilding and Abandoning the Longhouse

1) Size and Location

2) Modern and Imported Materials

4) Material Possessions and Furniture

Chapter 3: Foreign Influenced Architecture Part 1 (1511-1957)

Architecture of the Immigrants - The Chinese Community

Fig. 3.1 A row of early timber shophouses in Penang.

The pre-war shophouses were basic in their

Fig. 3.9 The Khoo Kongsi complex.

Fig. 3.10 The façade of the administrative

The administrative building of the

Colonial Architecture of the Portuguese, Dutch and the British