Indigenous Peoples - Wikipedia
Indigenous Peoples - Wikipedia
Indigenous Peoples - Wikipedia
Peoples are usually described as "Indigenous" when they maintain traditions or other aspects of an
early culture that is associated with the first inhabitants of a given region.[7] Not all indigenous
peoples share this characteristic, as many have adopted substantial elements of a colonizing culture,
such as dress, religion or language. Indigenous peoples may be settled in a given region (sedentary),
exhibit a nomadic lifestyle across a large territory, or resettled, but they are generally historically
associated with a specific territory on which they depend. Indigenous societies are found in every
inhabited climate zone and continent of the world except Antarctica.[8] There are approximately five
thousand Indigenous nations throughout the world.[9]
Indigenous peoples' homelands have historically been colonized by larger ethnic groups, who justified
colonization with beliefs of racial and religious superiority, land use or economic opportunity.[10]
Thousands of Indigenous nations throughout the world are currently living in countries where they
are not a majority ethnic group.[11] Indigenous peoples continue to face threats to their sovereignty,
economic well-being, languages, ways of knowing, and access to the resources on which their cultures
depend. Indigenous rights have been set forth in international law by the United Nations, the
International Labour Organization, and the World Bank.[12] In 2007, the UN issued a Declaration on
the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) to guide member-state national policies to the collective
rights of Indigenous peoples, including their rights to protect their cultures, identities, languages,
ceremonies, and access to employment, health, education and natural resources.[13]
Estimates of the total global population of Indigenous peoples usually range from 250 million to 600
million.[14] Official designations and terminology of who is considered Indigenous vary between
countries. In settler states colonized by Europeans, such as in the Americas, Australia, New Zealand,
and Oceania, Indigenous status is generally unproblematically applied to groups directly descended
from the peoples who have lived there prior to European settlement. In Asia and Africa, where the
majority of Indigenous peoples live, Indigenous population figures are less clear and may fluctuate
dramatically as states tend to underreport the population of Indigenous peoples, or define them by
different terminology.[15]
Contents
Etymology
Definitions
National definitions
United Nations
History
Classical antiquity
The Catholic Church and the Doctrine of Discovery
European colonialism in the 'New World'
Settler independence and continuing colonialism
Population and distribution
Environmental and economic benefits of Indigenous stewardship of land
Indigenous people and environment
Contradictory findings
Indigenous peoples by region
Africa
Americas
North America
Central and South America
Asia
Western Asia
South Asia
North Asia
East Asia
Southeast Asia
Europe
Oceania
Indigenous rights and other issues
Human rights violations
Health issues
Racism and discrimination
Cultural appropriation
Environmental injustice
Use of indigenous knowledge
Knowledge reconstruction
See also
References
Further reading
External links
Institutions
Etymology
Indigenous is derived from the Latin word indigena, meaning "sprung from the land, native".[16] The
Latin indigena is based on the Old Latin indu "in, within" + gignere "to beget, produce". Indu is an
extended form of the Proto-Indo-European en or "in".[17] The origins of the term indigenous are not
related in any way to the origins of the term Indian, which, until recently, was commonly applied to
indigenous peoples of the Americas.[18]
Autochthonous originates from the Greek αὐτός autós meaning self/own, and χθών chthon meaning
Earth. The term is based in the Indo-European root dhghem- (earth). The earliest documented use of
this term was in 1804.[19]
Definitions
As a reference to a group of people, the term indigenous first came into
use by Europeans who used it to differentiate the Indigenous peoples of
the Americas from enslaved Africans. It may have first been used in this
context by Sir Thomas Browne. In Chapter 10 of Pseudodoxia Epidemica
(1646) entitled "Of the Blackness of Negroes", Browne wrote "and
although in many parts thereof there be at present swarms of Negroes
serving under the Spaniard, yet were they all transported from Africa,
since the discovery of Columbus; and are not indigenous or proper
natives of America."[5][6]
In the 1970s, the term was used as a way of linking the experiences,
issues, and struggles of groups of colonized people across international
borders. At this time 'indigenous people(s)' also began to be used to
describe a legal category in Indigenous law created in international and
national legislation. The use of the 's' in 'peoples' recognizes that there Colorized photograph of an
are real differences between different Indigenous peoples.[20][21] James Amis couple in traditional
Anaya, former Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, clothing. Taken in pre-World
defined Indigenous peoples as "living descendants of pre-invasion War II Japanese-ruled
inhabitants of lands now dominated by others. They are culturally Taiwan.
distinct groups that find themselves engulfed by other settler societies
born of forces of empire and conquest".[22][23]
National definitions
Throughout history, different states designate the groups within their boundaries that are recognized
as indigenous peoples according to international or national legislation by different terms. Indigenous
people also include people indigenous based on their descent from populations that inhabited the
country when non-Indigenous religions and cultures arrived—or at the establishment of present state
boundaries—who retain some or all of their own social, economic, cultural and political institutions,
but who may have been displaced from their traditional domains or who may have resettled outside
their ancestral domains.[24]
The status of the Indigenous groups in the subjugated relationship can be characterized in most
instances as an effectively marginalized or isolated in comparison to majority groups or the nation-
state as a whole. Their ability to influence and participate in the external policies that may exercise
jurisdiction over their traditional lands and practices is very frequently limited. This situation can
persist even in the case where the Indigenous population outnumbers that of the other inhabitants of
the region or state; the defining notion here is one of separation from decision and regulatory
processes that have some, at least titular, influence over aspects of their community and land
rights.[25]
The presence of external laws, claims and cultural mores either potentially or actually act to variously
constrain the practices and observances of an Indigenous society. These constraints can be observed
even when the Indigenous society is regulated largely by its own tradition and custom. They may be
purposefully imposed, or arise as unintended consequence of trans-cultural interaction. They may
have a measurable effect, even where countered by other external influences and actions deemed
beneficial or that promote Indigenous rights and interests.[24]
United Nations
The primary impetus in considering indigenous identity comes from considering the historical
impacts of European colonialism. A 2009 United Nations report published by the Secretariat of the
Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues stated:[29]
For centuries, since the time of their colonization, conquest or occupation, indigenous
peoples have documented histories of resistance, interface or cooperation with states, thus
demonstrating their conviction and determination to survive with their distinct sovereign
identities. Indeed, Indigenous peoples were often recognized as sovereign peoples by
states, as witnessed by the hundreds of treaties concluded between Indigenous peoples
and the governments of the United States, Canada, New Zealand and others. And yet as
Indigenous populations dwindled, and the settler populations grew ever more dominant,
states became less and less inclined to recognize the sovereignty of Indigenous peoples.
Indigenous peoples themselves, at the same time, continued to adapt to changing
circumstances while maintaining their distinct identity as sovereign peoples.[30]
The World Health Organization defines Indigenous populations as follows: "communities that live
within, or are attached to, geographically distinct traditional habitats or ancestral territories, and who
identify themselves as being part of a distinct cultural group, descended from groups present in the
area before modern states were created and current borders defined. They generally maintain cultural
and social identities, and social, economic, cultural and political institutions, separate from the
mainstream or dominant society or culture."[31]
History
Classical antiquity
Greek sources of the Classical period acknowledge indigenous people whom they referred to as
"Pelasgians". These people were seen by ancient writers either as the ancestors of the Greeks,[32] or as
an earlier group of people who inhabited Greece before the Greeks.[33] The disposition and precise
identity of this former group is elusive, and sources such as Homer, Hesiod and Herodotus give
varying, partially mythological accounts. Dionysius of Halicarnassus in his book, Roman Antiquities,
gives a synoptic interpretation of the Pelasgians based on the sources available to him then,
concluding that Pelasgians were Greek.[34] Greco-Roman society flourished between 330 BCE and
640 CE and commanded successive waves of conquests that gripped more than half of the known
world at the time. But because already existent populations within other parts of Europe at the time of
classical antiquity had more in common culturally speaking with the Greco-Roman world, the
intricacies involved in expansion across the European frontier were not so contentious relative to
indigenous issues.[35]
The Doctrine of Discovery is a legal and religious concept tied to the Roman Catholic Church which
rationalized and 'legalized' colonization and the conquering of Indigenous peoples in the eyes of
Christianized Europeans. The roots of the Doctrine go back as far as the fifth century popes and
leaders in the church who had ambitions of forming a global Christian commonwealth. The Crusades
(1096-1271) were based on this ambition of a holy war against who the church saw as infidels. Pope
Innocent IV's writings from 1240 were particularly influential. He argued that Christians were
justified in invading and acquiring infidel's lands because it was the church's duty to control the
spiritual health of all humans on Earth.[10]
The Doctrine developed further in the 15th century after the
conflict between the Teutonic Knights and Poland to control
'pagan' Lithuania. At the Council of Constance (1414), the Knights
argued that their claims were "authorized by papal proclamations
dating from the time of the Crusades [which] allowed the outright
confiscation of the property and sovereign rights of heathens." The
council disagreed, stating that non-Christians had claims to rights
of sovereignty and property under European natural law.
However, the council upheld that conquests could 'legally' occur if Alonso Fernández de Lugo
non-Christians refused to comply with Christianization and presenting the captured Guanche
European natural law. This effectively meant that peoples who kings of Tenerife to Ferdinand and
were not considered 'civilized' by European standards or Isabella
otherwise refused to assimilate under Christian authority were
subject to war and forced assimilation: "Christians simply refused
to recognize the right of non-Christians to remain free of Christian dominion."[10]
Christian
Europeans had already begun invading and colonizing lands outside of Europe before the Council of
Constance, demonstrating how the Doctrine was applied to non-Christian Indigenous peoples outside
Europe. In the 14th and 15th centuries, the Indigenous peoples of what are now referred to as the
Canary Islands, known as Guanches (who had lived on the islands since the BCE era) became the
subject of colonizers' attention. The Guanches had remained undisturbed and relatively 'forgotten' by
Europeans until Portugal began surveying the island for potential settlement in 1341. In 1344, a papal
bull was issued which assigned the islands to Castile, a kingdom in Spain. In 1402, the Spanish began
efforts to invade and colonize the islands.[36] By 1436, a new papal edict was issued by Pope Eugenius
IV known as Romanus Pontifex which authorized Portugal to convert the Indigenous peoples to
Christianity and control the islands on behalf of the pope.[10] The Guanches resisted European
invasion until the surrender of the Guanche kings of Tenerife to Spain in 1496. The invaders brought
destruction and diseases to the Guanche people, whose identity and culture disappeared as a
result.[36][37][38]
Being Catholic countries in 1493, England as well as France worked to 're-interpret' the Doctrine of
Discovery to serve their own colonial interests. In the 16th century, England established a new
interpretation of the Doctrine: "the new theory, primarily developed by English legal scholars, argued
that the Catholic King Henry VII of England, would not violate the 1493 papal bulls, which divided the
world for the Spanish and Portuguese." This interpretation was also supported by Elizabeth I's legal
advisors in the 1580s and effectively set a precedent among European colonial nations that the first
Christian nation to occupy land was the 'legal' owner and that this had to be respected in international
law. This rationale was used in the colonization of what was to become the American colonies. James
I stated in the First Virginia Charter (1606) and the Charter to the Council of New England (1620)
that colonists could be given property rights because the lands were "not now actually possessed by
any Christian Prince or People". English monarchs issued that colonists should spread Christianity "to
those [who] as yet live in Darkness and miserable Ignorance of the true Knowledge and Worship of
God, [and] to bring the Infidels and Savages, living in those parts, to human civility, and to a settled
and quiet Government."[39]
This approach to colonization of Indigenous lands resulted in an acceleration of exploration and land
claiming, particularly by France, England, and Holland. Land claims were made through symbolic
"rituals of discovery" that were performed to illustrate the colonizing nation's legal claim to the land.
Markers of possession such as crosses, flags, and plates claiming
possession and other symbols became important in this contest to
claim Indigenous lands. In 1642, Dutch explorers were ordered to
set up posts and a plate that asserted their intention to establish a
colony on the land. In the 1740s, French explorers buried lead
plates at various locations to reestablish their 17th century land
claims to Ohio country. The French plates were later discovered by
Indigenous peoples of the Ohio River. Upon contact with English
explorers, the English noted that the lead plates were monuments
"of the renewal of [French] possession" of the land. In 1774,
Captain James Cook attempted to invalidate Spanish land claims The arrival of Jan van Riebeeck in
to Tahiti by removing their marks of possession and then Table Bay, South Africa in 1652.
proceeding to set up English marks of possession. When the Painting by Charles Davidson Bell
Spanish learned of this action, they quickly sent an explorer to (1813–1882)
reestablish their claim to the land.[39]
The English developed the legal concept of terra nullius (land that is null or void) or vacuum
domicilium (empty or vacant house) to validate their lands claims over Indigenous peoples'
homelands. This concept formalized the idea that lands which were not being used in a manner that
European legal systems approved of were open for European colonization. Historian Henry Reynolds
captured this perspective in his statement that "Europeans regarded North America as a vacant land
that could be claimed by right of discovery." These new legal concepts were developed in order to
diminish reliance on papal authority to authorize or justify colonization claims.[39]
As the 'rules' of colonization became established into legal doctrine agreed upon by between European
colonial powers, methods of laying claims to Indigenous lands continued to expand rapidly. As
encounters between European colonizers and Indigenous populations in the rest of the world
accelerated, so did the introduction of infectious diseases, which sometimes caused local epidemics of
extraordinary virulence. For example, smallpox, measles, malaria, yellow fever, and other diseases
were unknown in pre-Columbian Americas and Oceania.
Although the establishment of colonies throughout the world by various European powers was
intended to expand their nation's wealth and influence, settler populations in some localities became
anxious to assert their own autonomy. For example, settler independence movements in the American
colonies were successful by 1783, following the American Revolutionary War. This resulted in the
establishment of the United States of America as a separate entity from British Empire. The United
States continued and expanded European colonial doctrine through adopting the Doctrine of
Discovery as the law of the American federal government in 1823 with the US Supreme Court case
Johnson v. M'Intosh. Statements at the Johnson court case illuminated the United States' support for
the principles of the discovery doctrine:[40]
The United States ... [and] its civilized inhabitants now hold this country. They hold, and
assert in themselves, the title by which it was acquired. They maintain, as all others have
maintained, that discovery gave an exclusive right to extinguish the Indian title of
occupancy, either by purchase or by conquest; and gave also a right to such a degree of
sovereignty, as the circumstances of the people would allow them to exercise. ... [This loss
of native property and sovereignty rights was justified, the Court said, by] the character
and religion of its inhabitants ... the superior genius of Europe ... [and] ample
compensation to the [Indians] by bestowing on them civilization and Christianity, in
exchange for unlimited independence.
Precise estimates for the total population of the world's Indigenous peoples are very difficult to
compile, given the difficulties in identification and the variances and inadequacies of available census
data. The United Nations estimates that there are over 370 million Indigenous people living in over
70 countries worldwide.[41] This would equate to just fewer than 6% of the total world population.
This includes at least 5,000 distinct peoples[42] in over 72 countries.
Contemporary distinct Indigenous groups survive in populations ranging from only a few dozen to
hundreds of thousands and more. Many Indigenous populations have undergone a dramatic decline
and even extinction, and remain threatened in many parts of the world. Some have also been
assimilated by other populations or have undergone many other changes. In other cases, Indigenous
populations are undergoing a recovery or expansion in numbers.
Certain Indigenous societies survive even though they may no longer inhabit their "traditional" lands,
owing to migration, relocation, forced resettlement or having been supplanted by other cultural
groups. In many other respects, the transformation of culture of Indigenous groups is ongoing, and
includes permanent loss of language, loss of lands, encroachment on traditional territories, and
disruption in traditional ways of life due to contamination and pollution of waters and lands.
A WRI report mentions that "tenure-secure" Indigenous lands generates billions and sometimes
trillions of dollars' worth of benefits in the form of carbon sequestration, reduced pollution, clean
water and more. It says that tenure-secure Indigenous lands have low deforestation rates,[43][44] they
help to reduce GHG emissions, control erosion and flooding by anchoring soil, and provide a suite of
other local, regional and global ecosystem services.
However, many of these communities find
themselves on the front lines of the deforestation crisis, and their lives and livelihoods
threatened.[45][46][47]
Contradictory findings
Recently, it has come to light that the deforestation rate of Indonesian rainforests has been far greater
than estimated. Such a rate could not have been the product of globalization as understood before;
rather, it seemed that ordinary local people dependent on these forests for their livelihoods are in fact
"joining distant corporations in creating uninhabitable landscapes." Popular theories of globalization
cannot accommodate such phenomena. These conventions "package all cultural development into a
single program" and assert that powerless minorities and communities have adjusted themselves
according to global forces. However, in the case of Indonesian deforestation, global forces alone could
not explain the rate of destruction. Therefore, a new approach is in which global forces are themselves
"congeries of local/global interaction" with unexpected encounters across different populations and
cultures. Then, destruction of forests in excess of market needs could be seen as an unexpected result
of the encounter between global forces that feed the market needs and local livelihoods that depend
on the same forests. Trying to capture these unexpected encounters under the idea of "friction" where
culture is "continually co-produced in interactions" that are made up of "creative qualities of
interconnection across difference" might seem awkward, unequal, or unstable. These "messy and
surprising" features of such interactions across difference are exactly what should inform our models
of cultural production. In this framework, friction makes global connection powerful and effective but
at the same time, it has the capacity to disrupt and even cause cataclysms in its smooth operation as a
well-oiled machine. A well-documented example of such process is the industrialization of rubber,
which was made possible by European savage conquests, competitive passions of colonial botany,
resistance strategies of peasants, wars, advancement of technology and science, and the struggle over
industrial goals and hierarchies. Attention to friction provides a unique opportunity to create a
theoretical framework under which developing an "ethnographic" account of globalization becomes a
possibility. Within such an ethnographic account, Indonesian encounters can "shape the shared space
in which Indonesian and non-Indonesian jointly experience fears, tensions, and uncertainties."[50]
Studying indigenous knowledge and their relationship with nature does not make it obligatory for
indigenous people to have local knowledge to consider their rights. Criticizing environmentalist
accounts of indigenous populations that are typically motivated by trying to protect their landscape
and surroundings from globalization forces might be a good idea. To do so requires a two-fold
strategy where description of an indigenous society and their habitat must make a "narratable" story,
and be of some "value" to westerners so that it can generate international support for preserving their
culture and environment. Using Eastern Penan populations to demonstrate how environmentalists
transform Penan's indigenous "knowledge" of their forest by pulling from ethnographies of other
forest population, e.g., in Amazon forests. In doing so, they corrupt the cultural diversity of
indigenous by framing them into a single narrative in the name of preserving the biodiversity of their
habitat. In case of Easter Penan, three categories of misrepresentation is noticeable:The Molong
concept is purely a stewardship notion of resource management. communities or individuals take
ownership of specific trees and harvest them in such a way that allows them to exploit long-term. This
notion has gained an etherealism in environmentalist writings according to western romantic notions
of indigenous to tell a more connecting story. Landscape features and particularly their names in local
languages provided geographical and historical information for Penan people; whereas in
environmentalist accounts, it has turned into a spiritual practice where trees and rivers represent
forest spirits that are sacred to the Penan people. A typical stereotype of some environmentalists'
approach to ecological ethnography is to present indigenous "knowledge" of nature as "valuable" to
the outside world because of its hidden medicinal benefits. In reality, eastern Penan populations do
not identify a medicinal stream of "knowledge". These misrepresentations in the "narrative" of
indigeneity and "value" of indigenous knowledge might have been helpful for Penan's people in their
struggle to protect their environment, but it might also have disastrous consequences. What happens
if another case did not fit in this romantic narrative, or another indigenous knowledge did not seem
beneficial to the outside world. These people were being uprooted in the first place because their
communities did not fit well with the state's system of values.[51]
Africa
In the post-colonial period, the concept of specific Indigenous peoples within the African continent
has gained wider acceptance, although not without controversy. The highly diverse and numerous
ethnic groups that comprise most modern, independent African states contain within them various
peoples whose situation, cultures and pastoralist or hunter-gatherer lifestyles are generally
marginalized and set apart from the dominant political and economic structures of the nation. Since
the late 20th century these peoples have increasingly sought recognition of their rights as distinct
Indigenous peoples, in both national and international contexts.
Though the vast majority of African peoples are indigenous in the
sense that they originate from that continent, in practice, identity
as an Indigenous people per the modern definition is more
restrictive, and certainly not every African ethnic group claims
identification under these terms. Groups and communities who do
claim this recognition are those who, by a variety of historical and
environmental circumstances, have been placed outside of the
dominant state systems, and whose traditional practices and land
claims often come into conflict with the objectives and policies Starting fire by hand, San people in
implemented by governments, companies and surrounding Botswana.
dominant societies.
Americas
North America
Inuit elders
North America is sometimes referred to by Indigenous peoples as
Abya Yala or Turtle Island.
In Mexico, about 25 million people self-reported as Indigenous in 2015. Some estimates put the
Indigenous population of Mexico as high as 40-65 million people, making it the country with the
highest Indigenous population in North America.[52][53] In the southern states of Oaxaca (65.73%)
and Yucatán (65.40%), the majority of the population is Indigenous, as reported in 2015. Other states
with high populations of Indigenous peoples include Campeche (44.54%), Quintana Roo, (44.44%),
Hidalgo, (36.21%), Chiapas (36.15%), Puebla (35.28%), and Guerrero (33.92%).[54][55]
Indigenous peoples in Canada comprise the First Nations,[56] Inuit[57] and Métis.[58] The descriptors
"Indian" and "Eskimo" have fallen into disuse in Canada.[59][60] More currently, the term
"Aboriginal" is being replaced with "Indigenous". Several national organizations in Canada changed
their names from "Aboriginal" to "Indigenous". Most notable was the change of Aboriginal Affairs and
Northern Development Canada (AANDC) to Indigenous and Northern Affairs Canada (INAC) in 2015,
which then split into Indigenous Services Canada and Crown-Indigenous Relations and Northern
Development Canada in 2017.[61] According to the 2016 Census, there are over 1,670,000 Indigenous
peoples in Canada.[62] There are currently over 600 recognized First Nations governments or bands
spread across Canada, such as the Cree, Mohawk, Mikmaq, Blackfoot,
Coast Salish, Innu, Dene and more, with distinctive Indigenous cultures,
languages, art, and music.[63][64] First Nations peoples signed 11
numbered treaties (https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/
aboriginal-treaties) across much of what is now known as Canada
between 1871 and 1921, except in parts of British Columbia. All treaty
promises have been historically and contemporarily broken.
Indigenous peoples make up 0.4% of all Brazilian population, or about 700,000 people.[71]
Indigenous peoples are found in the entire territory of Brazil, although the majority of them live in
Indian reservations in the North and Center-Western part of the country. On 18 January 2007,
FUNAI reported that it had confirmed the presence of 67 different uncontacted peoples in Brazil, up
from 40 in 2005. With this addition Brazil has now overtaken the island of New Guinea as the country
having the largest number of uncontacted peoples.[72]
Asia
The vast regions of Asia contain the majority of the world's present-day indigenous populations, about
70% according to IWGIA figures.
Western Asia
Armenians: are the Indigenous people of the Armenian Highlands. There are currently more
Armenians living outside their ancestral homeland because of the Armenian genocide of 1915.
Assyrians: are indigenous to Mesopotamia.[73] They claim descent from the ancient Neo-Assyrian
Empire, and lived in what was Assyria, their original homeland, and still speak dialects of Aramaic,
the official language of the Assyrian Empire.
Anatolian Greeks, including the Pontic Greeks and Cappadocian Greeks, includes the Greek-
speaking minorities that existed in Anatolia millennia before Turkish conquest. They are
indigenous to Asiatic Turkey.[74] Most were either killed in the Greek genocide or displaced during
the following population exchange; however, some remain in Turkey.[75][76]
Georgians: are indigenous to Georgia.
Kurds: are one of the Indigenous peoples of Mesopotamia.[77][78]
Yazidis: are indigenous to Upper Mesopotamia.[79]
There are competing claims that Palestinian Arabs and Jews are indigenous to historic Palestine/the
Land of Israel.[80][81][82] The argument entered the Israeli–Palestinian conflict in the 1990s, with
Palestinians claiming Indigenous status as a pre-existing population displaced by Jewish settlement,
and currently constituting a minority in the State of Israel.[83] Israeli Jews have in turn claimed
indigeneity based on historic ties to the region and disputed the authenticity of Palestinian
claims.[84][85] In 2007, the Negev Bedouin were officially recognised as Indigenous peoples of Israel
by the United Nations.[86] This has been criticised both by scholars associated with the Israeli state,
who dispute the Bedouin's claim to indigeneity,[87] and those who argue that recognising just one
group of Palestinians as indigenous risks undermining others' claims and "fetishising" nomadic
cultures.[88]
South Asia
In Sri Lanka, the Indigenous Vedda people constitute a small minority of the population today.
North Asia
East Asia
The languages of Taiwanese aborigines have significance in historical linguistics, since in all
likelihood Taiwan was the place of origin of the entire Austronesian language family, which spread
across Oceania.[98][99][100]
In Hong Kong, the indigenous inhabitants of the New Territories are defined in the Sino-British Joint
Declaration as people descended through the male line from a person who was in 1898, before
Convention for the Extension of Hong Kong Territory.[101] There are several different groups that
make of the indigenous inhabitants, the Punti, Hakka, Hoklo, and Tanka. All are nonetheless
considered part of the Cantonese majority, although some like the Tanka have been shown to have
genetic and anthropological roots in the Baiyue people, the pre-Han Chinese inhabitants of Southern
China.
Southeast Asia
The Malay Singaporeans are the indigenous people of Singapore, inhabiting it since the Austronesian
migration. They had established the Kingdom of Singapura back in the 13th century. The name
Singapore itself comes from the Malay word Singapura (Singa=Lion, Pura=City) which means the
Lion City.
The Cham are the indigenous people of the former state of Champa which was conquered by Vietnam
in the Cham–Vietnamese wars during Nam tiến. The Cham in Vietnam are only recognized as a
minority, and not as an indigenous people by the Vietnamese government despite being indigenous to
the region.
The Degar (Montagnards) are indigenous to Central Highlands (Vietnam) and were conquered by the
Vietnamese in the Nam tiến.
The Khmer Krom are the indigenous people of the Mekong Delta and Saigon which were acquired by
Vietnam from Cambodian King Chey Chettha II in exchange for a Vietnamese princess.
In Indonesia, there are 50 to 70 million people who classify as indigenous peoples.[102] However, the
Indonesian government does not recognize the existence of indigenous peoples, classifying every
Native Indonesian ethnic group as "indigenous" despite the clear cultural distinctions of certain
groups.[103] This problem is shared by many other countries in the ASEAN region.
In the Philippines, there are 135 ethno-linguistic groups, majority of which are considered as
indigenous peoples by mainstream indigenous ethnic groups in the country. The indigenous people of
Cordillera Administrative Region and Cagayan Valley in the Philippines are the Igorot people. The
indigenous peoples of Mindanao are the Lumad peoples and the Moro (Tausug, Maguindanao
Maranao and others) who also live in the Sulu archipelago. There are also others sets of indigenous
peoples in Palawan, Mindoro, Visayas, and the rest central and south Luzon. The country has one of
the largest indigenous peoples population in the world.
In Myanmar, indigenous peoples include the Shan, the Karen, the Rakhine, the Karenni, the Chin, the
Kachin and the Mon. However, there are more ethnic groups that are considered indigenous, for
example, the Akha, the Lisu, the Lahu or the Mru, among others.[104]
Europe
Various ethnic groups have lived in Europe for millennia. However, the
UN recognizes very few indigenous populations within Europe, which are
confined to the far north and far east of the continent.
Oceania
The remains of at least 25 miniature humans, who lived between 1,000 and 3,000 years ago, were
recently found on the islands of Palau in Micronesia.[109]
In most parts of Oceania, indigenous peoples outnumber the descendants of colonists. Exceptions
include Australia, New Zealand and Hawaii. In New Zealand the Māori population estimate at 30
June 2021 is 17% of the population.[110] Māori are indigenous to Polynesia and settled New Zealand
after migrations probably in the 13th century.[111] A treaty with the British, the Treaty of Waitangi was
signed in 1840 by approximately 45 Māori leaders,[112] following in 1835 the signing of He
Whakaputanga o te Rangatiratanga o Nu Tirene: the Declaration of Independence of the United
Tribes of New Zealand as a statement of sovereignty by Māori to the wider world and an assertion of
the Indigenous rights of Māori in New Zealand, this lead to the Treaty of Waitangi.[113][114]
A majority of the Papua New Guinea population is indigenous, with more than 700 different
nationalities recognized in a total population of 8 million.[115] The country's constitution and key
statutes identify traditional or custom-based practices and land tenure, and explicitly set out to
promote the viability of these traditional societies within the modern state. However, conflicts and
disputes concerning land use and resource rights continue between indigenous groups, the
government, and corporate entities.
Wherever indigenous cultural identity is asserted, common societal issues and concerns arise from
the indigenous status. These concerns are often not unique to indigenous groups. Despite the
diversity of indigenous peoples, it may be noted that they share common problems and issues in
dealing with the prevailing, or invading, society. They are generally concerned that the cultures and
lands of indigenous peoples are being lost and that indigenous peoples suffer both discrimination and
pressure to assimilate into their surrounding societies. This is borne out by the fact that the lands and
cultures of nearly all of the peoples listed at the end of this article are under threat. Notable
exceptions are the Sakha and Komi peoples (two northern indigenous peoples of Russia), who now
control their own autonomous republics within the Russian state, and the Canadian Inuit, who form a
majority of the territory of Nunavut (created in 1999). Despite the control of their territories, many
Sakha people have lost their lands as a result of the Russian Homestead Act, which allows any
Russian citizen to own any land in the Far Eastern region of Russia. In Australia, a landmark case,
Mabo v Queensland (No 2),[117] saw the High Court of Australia reject the idea of terra nullius. This
rejection ended up recognizing that there was a pre-existing system of law practised by the Meriam
people.
The Indonesian government has outright denied the existence of indigenous peoples within the
countries' borders. In 2012, Indonesia stated that ‘The Government of Indonesia supports the
promotion and protection of indigenous people worldwide ... Indonesia, however, does not recognize
the application of the indigenous peoples concept ... in the country'.[125] Along with the brutal
treatment of the country's Papuan people (a conservative estimate places the violent deaths at
100,000 people in West New Guinea since Indonesian occupation in 1963, see Papua Conflict) has led
to Survival International condemning Indonesia for treating its indigenous peoples as the worst in the
world.[125]
The Vietnamese viewed and dealt with the indigenous Montagnards from the Central Highlands as
"savages", which caused a Montagnard uprising against the Vietnamese.[126] The Vietnamese were
originally centered around the Red River Delta but engaged in conquest and seized new lands such as
Champa, the Mekong Delta (from Cambodia) and the Central Highlands during Nam Tien. While the
Vietnamese received strong Chinese influence in their culture and civilization and were Sinicized, and
the Cambodians and Laotians were Indianized, the Montagnards in the Central Highlands maintained
their own indigenous culture without adopting external culture and were the true indigenous of the
region. To hinder encroachment on the Central Highlands by Vietnamese nationalists, the term Pays
Montagnard du Sud-Indochinois (PMSI) emerged for the Central Highlands along with the
indigenous being addressed by the name Montagnard.[127] The tremendous scale of Vietnamese Kinh
colonists flooding into the Central Highlands has significantly altered the demographics of the
region.[128] The anti-ethnic minority discriminatory policies by the Vietnamese, environmental
degradation, deprivation of lands from the indigenous people, and settlement of indigenous lands by
an overwhelming number of Vietnamese settlers led to massive protests and demonstrations by the
Central Highland's indigenous ethnic minorities against the Vietnamese in January–February 2001.
This event gave a tremendous blow to the claim often published by the Vietnamese government that
in Vietnam "There has been no ethnic confrontation, no religious war, no ethnic conflict. And no
elimination of one culture by another."[129]
In May 2016, the Fifteenth Session of the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues
(UNPFII) affirmed that indigenous peoples are distinctive groups protected in international or
national legislation as having a set of specific rights based on their linguistic and historical ties to a
particular territory, prior to later settlement, development, and or occupation of a region.[130] The
session affirms that, since indigenous peoples are vulnerable to exploitation, marginalization,
oppression, forced assimilation, and genocide by nation states formed from colonizing populations or
by different, politically dominant ethnic groups, individuals and communities maintaining ways of life
indigenous to their regions are entitled to special protection.
Health issues
In December 1993, the United Nations General Assembly proclaimed the International Decade of the
World's Indigenous People, and requested UN specialized agencies to consider with governments and
indigenous people how they can contribute to the success of the Decade of Indigenous People,
commencing in December 1994. As a consequence, the World Health Organization, at its Forty-
seventh World Health Assembly, established a core advisory group of indigenous representatives with
special knowledge of the health needs and resources of their communities, thus beginning a long-term
commitment to the issue of the health of indigenous peoples.[131]
The WHO notes that "Statistical data on the health status of indigenous peoples is scarce. This is
especially notable for indigenous peoples in Africa, Asia and eastern Europe," but snapshots from
various countries (where such statistics are available) show that indigenous people are in worse health
than the general population, in advanced and developing countries alike: higher incidence of diabetes
in some regions of Australia;[132] higher prevalence of poor sanitation and lack of safe water among
Twa households in Rwanda;[133] a greater prevalence of childbirths without prenatal care among
ethnic minorities in Vietnam;[134] suicide rates among Inuit youth in Canada are eleven times higher
than the national average;[135] infant mortality rates are higher for Indigenous peoples
everywhere.[136]
The first UN publication on the State of the World's Indigenous Peoples revealed alarming statistics
about indigenous peoples' health. Health disparities between indigenous and non-indigenous
populations are evident in both developed and developing countries. Native Americans in the United
States are 600 times more likely to acquire tuberculosis and 62% more likely to commit suicide than
the non-Indian population. Tuberculosis, obesity, and type 2 diabetes are major health concerns for
the indigenous in developed countries.[137] Globally, health disparities touch upon nearly every health
issue, including HIV/AIDS, cancer, malaria, cardiovascular disease, malnutrition, parasitic infections,
and respiratory diseases, affecting indigenous peoples at much higher rates. Many causes of
indigenous children's mortality could be prevented. Poorer health conditions amongst indigenous
peoples result from longstanding societal issues, such as extreme poverty and racism, but also the
intentional marginalization and dispossession of indigenous peoples by dominant, non-indigenous
populations and societal structures.[137]
Racism and discrimination
During the 17th century, Europeans commonly labeled indigenous "Savages of Mokka and Their
peoples as "uncivilized". Some philosophers, such as Thomas House in Formosa", pre-1945,
Hobbes (1588-1679), considered indigenous people to be merely Taiwan under Japanese rule
"savages". Others (especially literary figures in the 18th century)
popularised the concept of "noble savages". Those who were close
to the Hobbesian view tended to believe themselves to have a duty to "civilize" and "modernize" the
indigenous. Although anthropologists, especially from Europe, used to apply these terms to all tribal
cultures, the practice has fallen into disfavor as demeaning and is, according to many anthropologists,
not only inaccurate, but dangerous.
Survival International runs a campaign to stamp out media portrayal of indigenous peoples as
"primitive" or "savages".[140] Friends of Peoples Close to Nature considers not only that indigenous
culture should be respected as not being inferior, but also sees indigenous ways of life as offering
frameworks in sustainability and as a part of the struggle within the "corrupted" western world, from
which the threat stems.[141]
After World War I (1914-1918), many Europeans came to doubt the morality of the means used to
"civilize" peoples. At the same time, the anti-colonial movement, and advocates of indigenous peoples,
argued that words such as "civilized" and "savage" were products and tools of colonialism, and argued
that colonialism itself was savagely destructive. In the mid-20th century, European attitudes began to
shift to the view that indigenous and tribal peoples should have the right to decide for themselves
what should happen to their ancient cultures and ancestral lands.[142]
Cultural appropriation
The cultures of indigenous peoples provides appeal for New Age advocates seeking to find ancient
traditional truths, spiritualities and practices to appropriate into their worldviews.[143]
Environmental injustice
The building of dams can hurt indigenous peoples by hurting the ecosystems that provide them water,
food. For example the Munduruku people in the Amazon rainforest are opposing the building of
Tapajós dam[146] with the help of Greenpeace.[147]
Most indigenous populations are already subject to the deleterious effects of climate change. Climate
change has not only environmental, but also human rights and socioeconomic implications for
indigenous communities. The World Bank acknowledges climate change as an obstacle to Millennium
Development Goals, notably the fight against poverty, disease, and child mortality, in addition to
environmental sustainability.[137]
Indigenous knowledge is considered as very important for issues linked with sustainability.[148][149]
Professor Martin Nakata is a pioneer in the field of bringing indigenous knowledge to mainstream
academics and media through digital documentation of unique contributions by aboriginal
people.[150]
The World Economic Forum supports using indigenous knowledge and giving to the indigenous
peoples ownership of their land for protecting nature.[151]
Knowledge reconstruction
The Western and Eastern Penan are two major groups of indigenous populations in Malaysia. The
Eastern Penan are famous for their resistance to loggers threatening their natural resources,
specifically Sago palms and various fruit bearing trees. Because of the Penan's international fame,
environmentalists often visited the area to document such happenings and learn more about and from
the people there, including their perspective on the land's invasion. Environmentalists such as Davis
and Henley, lacking dialectical connections needed to deeply understand the Penan, additionally
lacked full knowledge of the situation's specific weight to the indigenous peoples.
On a good intent, the two embarked on a mission to propagate conservation of the Penan's land
resources, and mostly likely feeling a deep but inexpressible richness in the people's traditions, Davis
and Henley were among the many who reconstructed indigenous knowledge into fitting a Western
narrative and agenda. For example, Davis and Henley romanticized and misconstrued the traditional
Penan concept of molong, meaning: to preserve. Brosius observed this concept as the Penan marked
trees for personal use and to preserve them for future harvesting of fruits or for materials.[152] Davis
and Henley made inferences beyond the truth of this tradition in their accounts while also lumping all
native groups of Malaysia into one homogenous group with the same ideas and traditions. In other
words, they made no distinction between the Eastern and Western Penan in their descriptions.
Another common occurrence is to extend indigenous knowledge beyond its limits and into spiritually
profound and sacredness. This tendency of journalists extends beyond Davis and Henley. It serves
non-natives to add a narrative and value beyond that which already exists within the knowledge base
of indigenous peoples, while also bridging many various gaps in understanding not understood
otherwise. Not only do these false recounts of indigenous knowledge and traditions skew the beliefs of
onlookers, but they also reconstruct the idea native peoples have of their own traditions by erasing its
original value system and replacing it with a westernized version.[152]
See also
Collective rights
Colonialism
Cultural appropriation
Ethnic minority
Ecotourism
Genocide of indigenous peoples
Human rights
The Image Expedition
Indigenism
Indigenous Futurisms
Indigenous intellectual property
Indigenous Peoples Climate Change Assessment Initiative
Indigenous rights
Intangible cultural heritage
International Day of the World's Indigenous Peoples
Canadian National Indigenous Peoples Day
U.S. Indigenous Peoples' Day
Isuma
List of active NGOs of national minorities
List of ethnic groups
List of indigenous peoples
Missing and murdered Indigenous women
Uncontacted peoples
United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues
Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization
Virgin soil epidemic
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February 2022. Retrieved 5 September 2021.
148. Senanayake, S.G.J.N. (January 2006). "Indigenous knowledge as a key to sustainable
development" (https://www.researchgate.net/publication/265197993). Journal of Agricultural
Sciences – Sri Lanka. 2: 87. doi:10.4038/jas.v2i1.8117 (https://doi.org/10.4038%2Fjas.v2i1.8117).
Retrieved 25 March 2021.
149. "TRADITIONAL TECHNIQUES PROVIDE USEFUL MODELS FOR BIODIVERSITY POLICIES" (h
ttps://www.cbd.int/article/indigenous%26localcommunitiesforbiodiversity-1). Convention on
biological diversity. United Nations. Retrieved 25 March 2021.
150. "Martin Nakata - Indigenous Studies" (https://research.jcu.edu.au/portfolio/martin.nakata).
jcu.edu.au. James Cook University. Retrieved 21 June 2021.
151. "Indigenous people hold the key to protecting nature" (https://www.facebook.com/watch?ref=searc
h&v=370812941110444&external_log_id=a0b2c6fb-6559-4d61-b568-339a1ef64f19&q=world%20
economic%20forum%20indigenoouse%20people). World Economic Forum. Retrieved
5 September 2021.
152. Brosius, J. Peter (1997). "Endangered Forest, Endangered People: Environmentalist
Representations of Indigenous Knowledge" (https://www.jstor.org/stable/4603225). Human
Ecology. 25 (1): 47–69. ISSN 0300-7839 (https://www.worldcat.org/issn/0300-7839).
Further reading
African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (2003). "Report of the African Commission's
Working Group of Experts on Indigenous Populations/Communities" (https://web.archive.org/web/
20070926115913/http://www.achpr.org/english/Special%20Mechanisms/Indegenous/ACHPR%20
Report%20ENG.pdf) (PDF). ACHPR & IWGIA. Archived from the original (http://www.achpr.org/en
glish/Special%20Mechanisms/Indegenous/ACHPR%20Report%20ENG.pdf) (PDF) on 26
September 2007.
Baviskar, Amita (2007). "Indian Indigeneitites: Adivasi Engagements with Hindu NAtionalism in India".
In Marisol de la Cadena & Orin Starn (ed.). Indigenous Experience today. Oxford, UK: Berg
Publishers. ISBN 978-1-84520-519-5.
Bodley, John H. (2008). Victims of Progress (5th. ed.). Plymouth, England: AltaMira Press. ISBN 978-
0-7591-1148-6.
de la Cadena, Marisol; Orin Starn, eds. (2007). Indigenous Experience Today. Oxford: Berg
Publishers, Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research. ISBN 978-1-84520-519-5.
Clifford, James (2007). "Varieties of Indigenous Experience: Diasporas, Homelands, Sovereignties".
In Marisol de la Cadena & Orin Starn (ed.). Indigenous Experience today. Oxford, UK: Berg
Publishers. ISBN 978-1-84520-519-5.
Coates, Ken S. (2004). A Global History of Indigenous Peoples: Struggle and Survival. New York:
Palgrave MacMillan. ISBN 978-0-333-92150-0.
Farah, Paolo D.; Tremolada Riccardo (2014). "Intellectual Property Rights, Human Rights and
Intangible Cultural Heritage". Rivista di Diritto Industriale (2, part I): 21–47. ISSN 0035-614X (http
s://www.worldcat.org/issn/0035-614X). SSRN 2472388 (https://ssrn.com/abstract=2472388).
Farah, Paolo D.; Tremolada Riccardo (2014). "Desirability of Commodification of Intangible Cultural
Heritage: The Unsatisfying Role of IPRs". Transnational Dispute Management. 11 (2). ISSN 1875-
4120 (https://www.worldcat.org/issn/1875-4120). SSRN 2472339 (https://ssrn.com/abstract=2472
339).
Groh, Arnold A. (2018). Research Methods in Indigenous Contexts. New York: Springer. ISBN 978-3-
319-72774-5.
Gerharz, Eva; Nasir Uddin; Pradeep Chakkarath, eds. (2017). Indigeneity on the move: Varying
manifestations of a contested concept. New York: Berghahn Books. ISBN 978-1-78533-723-9.
Henriksen, John B. (2001). "Implementation of the Right of Self-Determination of Indigenous Peoples"
(https://web.archive.org/web/20100602192104/http://www.iwgia.org/graphics/Synkron-Library/Doc
uments/publications/Downloadpublications/IndigenousAffairs/selfdetermination.pdf) (PDF).
Indigenous Affairs. Vol. 3/2001 (PDF ed.). Copenhagen: International Work Group for Indigenous
Affairs. pp. 6–21. ISSN 1024-3283 (https://www.worldcat.org/issn/1024-3283). OCLC 30685615 (h
ttps://www.worldcat.org/oclc/30685615). Archived from the original (http://www.iwgia.org/graphics/
Synkron-Library/Documents/publications/Downloadpublications/IndigenousAffairs/selfdeterminatio
n.pdf) (PDF) on 2 June 2010. Retrieved 1 September 2007.
Hughes, Lotte (2003). The no-nonsense guide to indigenous peoples (https://books.google.com/book
s?id=VFRft8e1vtgC). Verso. ISBN 978-1-85984-438-0.
Howard, Bradley Reed (2003). Indigenous Peoples and the State: The struggle for Native Rights.
DeKalb, Illinois: Northern Illinois University Press. ISBN 978-0-87580-290-9.
Johansen. Bruce E. (2003). Indigenous Peoples and Environmental Issues: An Encyclopedia (https://
archive.org/details/indigenouspeople0000joha). Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press.
ISBN 978-0-313-32398-0.
Martinez Cobo, J. (198). "United Nations Working Group on Indigenous Populations" (http://social.un.
org/index/IndigenousPeoples/Library/Mart%C3%ADnezCoboStudy.aspx). Study of the Problem of
Discrimination Against Indigenous Populations. UN Commission on Human Rights.
Maybury-Lewis, David (1997). Indigenous Peoples, Ethnic Groups and the State. Needham Heights,
Massachusetts: Allyn & Bacon. ISBN 978-0-205-19816-0.
Merlan, Francesca (2007). "Indigeneity as Relational Identity: The Construction of Australian Land
Rights". In Marisol de la Cadena & Orin Starn (ed.). Indigenous Experience today. Oxford, UK:
Berg Publishers. ISBN 978-1-84520-519-5.
Pratt, Mary Louise (2007). "Afterword: Indigeneity Today". In Marisol de la Cadena & Orin Starn (ed.).
Indigenous Experience today. Oxford, UK: Berg Publishers. ISBN 978-1-84520-519-5.
Tsing, Anna (2007). "Indigenous Voice". In Marisol de la Cadena & Orin Starn (ed.). Indigenous
Experience today. Oxford, UK: Berg Publishers. ISBN 978-1-84520-519-5.
External links
Awareness raising film by Rebecca Sommer for the Secretariat of the UNPFII (https://web.archive.
org/web/20120305050618/http://social.un.org/index/IndigenousPeoples/NewsandMedia/Video.as
px) Archived (https://web.archive.org/web/20130727044905/http://web.archive/) 27 July 2013 at
the Wayback Machine
"First Peoples" from PBS (https://www.pbs.org/show/first-peoples/)
"The Indigenous World" from International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs (https://www.iwgia.or
g/en/resources/indigenous-world.html)
"Oaxaca: A Land of Amazing Diversity" by John P. Shmal
Institutions
IFAD and indigenous peoples (International Fund for Agricultural Development, IFAD) (https://ww
w.ifad.org/en/indigenous-peoples)
IPS Inter Press Service (https://web.archive.org/web/20060810100556/http://ipsnews.net/new_foc
us/indigenous_peoples/index.asp) News on indigenous peoples from around the world