Dr Michael Barrett, Museum of Ethnography, Stockholm, Sweden ECAS 2011, Uppsala Panel 93

Mobility and its durability in Zambias Western Province Introduction Labour migration to the Witwatersrand in the 20th Century has come to define not only the social and political history of that region, but also the practice and the experience of mobility in much of Southern and Central Africa. Certainly, this is the case for Zambia's Western Province. Transnational conglomerates of capitalists, colonial administrations and local authorities transformed the landscapes, redrew its social and political boundaries, and reduced, through new technology and infrastructure, cultural and economic distances. References to the ensuing existential and societal transformations are obvious in the life histories of former labour migrants in the region. The virtual transhumance between Barotseland and the Rand (most intensely in the period 1935-1965) presented migrants with alternative life styles, gender relations, consumer goods, working relations, social identities, and ways of relating to the extended family. Despite unstable life improvements in the second part of the 20th century, migrancys legacy for current generations has been a steady existential reorientation away from the village universe as mainly rural families in Western Province have been transferring their centre of gravity from small village-based entities to geographically dispersed, loosely and flexible connected extended families. Based on long-term anthropological fieldwork among several generations of migrants in Barotseland, this paper traces the sustained effects of such social transformations into the 21st Century. What relationships exist between these defunct mobility practices and a shift in orientation towards the urban centered, wage earning, income diversified, long-distance family units - existing in delicate webs of exchange - found in the region today? This question is explored through the life and work of young people finding their income in or in connection to the mushrooming transport sector in three so called secondary cities in Western Province. Moreover, the issue is considered in relation to young mobile subjects struggles to emplace themselves and their families in a shifting and uncertain urban setting. Taking inspiration from actor-network theory (e.g. Miller 2005; Law 2007), I analyse the labour migration period and the current period of neoliberal mobility in terms of their material, strategic and discursive durability. In subjecting the contemporary mobility regime to historical analysis, I hope to bring into view the material aspects of existence and highlight the interplay of materialities, discourse and action in social networks. Finally, in dealing with mobility in the three urban centres Mongu, Senanga and Kalabo this paper may also contribute to an emerging anthropology of secondary cities (De Boeck, Cassiman & Wolputte, 2009) in Africa and elsewhere. A condensed social history of mobility in Zambia's Western Province The experience of mobility is widely and deeply ingrained in the history of the region encapsulating Western Province. Growing around lineages of Luyana descent, the Lozi kingdom already incorporated a multi-ethnic population when, in the 1820s, the Sothospeaking Makololo invaded from the south and imposed their language and royal lineage. In 1864 the Makololo were ousted in a period of political turmoil and influx of groups of Mawiko from Angola, a migration which has continued to this day. Land and kingship have always been central tenets of social identity and belonging, and so has a strong hierarchy with the original Lozi on top and lesser groups below (Flint 2004:9; Gluckman 1959:744).

Dr Michael Barrett, Museum of Ethnography, Stockholm, Sweden ECAS 2011, Uppsala Panel 93

This ethnic and political stratification was largely consolidated with the coming of British corporate (British South Africa Company: 1890-1924) and direct (1924-1964) colonial rule. It has been argued that Central and Southern African states (colonial and postcolonial) have a strong continuity in controlling and directing the movement of people or labour (Van Horn 1977; Caplan 1970). Furthermore, these movements (temporal or more permanent) during the colonial period (1890s-1960s) mainly served the particular interests of rather small segments of colonial society as well as international commercial interests (Yudelman & Jeeves 1986; Scott 1954, Frankenberg 1978). Judging by recent historical scholarship about the colonial period, however, such (often Marxist) perspectives are themselves coming under heavy criticism, partly due to an ethnographic turn in Africanist historiography. Recent historical and anthropological research in the region has been critical of the tendency in political economy to exaggerate the coherence and hegemony of colonial (Pels 1997; Andersson 2002; Van Wolputte 2007; Gewald 2007a) as well as postcolonial states (Macola 2006, Von Oppen 2006). Yet others have highlighted the weakness and vulnerability of colonial agents and thus their inability to implement policies (Roque 2003).1 Space prohibits me from developing this discussion further here, but suffice it to say that the involvement of colonial agents in rearranging how people moved in and inhabited the landscape was profound in terms of labour, gendered demographics, agriculture (van Horn 1977), transport (Gewald 2007b), age dynamics (van Binsbergen 1975) and spirituality (Reynolds 1963; Silverman 1977) - with infrastructural consequences remaining to this day. In this limited sense, despite its small local capacity, the colonial state was real and materially manifest and, sometimes in conjunction with, sometimes in competition with regional economic interests, remade local space sometimes even at the level of house and homestead (cf. Von Oppen 2006:71 for neighbouring Northwestern Province). However, as the recent ethnographic and historical literature mentioned above insist we should be wary of over-emphasizing the hegemony of the colonial institutions and, as a consequence, overlooking the variable and flexible ways in which people incorporated their mobility strategies into socio-culturally viable life projects. My own research with families in Kalabo District in Western Province - whose migration histories straddle the boundaries between Zambia, Angola and the wider southern African region, and encompass rural and urban experiences, as well as domestic slavery, labour migration, refugee and familial

Following in this tradition, Herbert, writing on 1950s Kalabo District in Western Province - one of the locations of my fieldwork - attempts to downplay the coercion and negative social impact of British colonial labour recruitment. (Herbert 2002: 51). Her conclusions seem supported by my interviews with former migrants in Kalabo, who with great enthusiasm pursued careers as long-distance miners in Witwatersrand in the period between 1940s to 1966 and needed little persuasion by the recruiting agencies (Barrett, forth). th However, the establishment of such enthusiasm in the first decades of the 20 Century (c.1904-1930 ) is a more complex issue. My reading of the colonial District Notebooks for Kalabo points to more rigorous strategies entailing mapping, counting, describing, taxing and bringing into control in order to incorporate communities into systems of labour recruitment. In order to get young men to enlist for work, the administration, allied with local chiefs and headmen, used persuasion, indirect and direct force. Taxation was the main method, whereby all male subjects had to pay yearly taxes to the administration - failure to do so could lead to sanctions and even imprisonment. Ethnic compartmentalization of the local tribes into compliant or unwilling workers was also part and parcel of the labour recruitment strategy of the colonial administration in Kalabo (National Archives of Zambia, KSH2/1 Kalabo District Note Book, Vol. 2).

Dr Michael Barrett, Museum of Ethnography, Stockholm, Sweden ECAS 2011, Uppsala Panel 93

displacement (Barrett 2004; Barrett 2009; Barrett, 2010) show a wealth of personal strategies within the strictures of wider economic and political temporalities. In order to fuse these two perspectives, I will for the remainder of this article attempt to view the social history of mobility in Western Province as emerging through webs of relations or actor-networks of people, objects, physical structures, institutions, rules, values, and bodily practices (Law 2007). This means attention to how actors within these webs attempt to create durable (though neither permanent nor omnipotent) effects through material, strategic and discursive means. Of course, their ability to do so depends on their unequal access to different forms of power and influence. Looking at central and southern Africa during the height of British colonialism (1936-1964), an outline of the important factors supporting the overwhelming frequency of male circular migrancy to the mines of Witwatersrand in South Africa and factories and fields of Southern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) could read like the following. First, the flow of migrants depended on a network of buildings (offices and depots for the colonial administration, WENELA and Ulere recruitment organizations, roads, bridges, air strips, railways), vehicles (trains, boats, lorries, air planes, cars), commodities (coveted goods like clothes, textiles, utensils, tools, bicycles, radios), food (for travellers and personnel), and money. The construction, supply, and maintenance of such non-bodily physical forms (Law 2007:9) was part of the material durability of labour migration. Yet, these materialities relied heavily for their functionality on the bodily presence of recruitment agents, colonial officers, police men, messengers, medical staff, local chiefs and headmen, paddlers, drivers, and cooks. I have elsewhere written in detail about the inflated social value that the consumer goods that labour migrants brought home from southern Africa seemed to possess (Barrett, 2010). Especially clothes and accessories for dressing and adorning the body had a value in the source communities significantly exceeding other goods and the prospect of obtaining them appeared with hindsight to have been one of the main reasons for many men to become migrants. Second, the stability of the labour migration regime depended on a number of strategies, which were developed elsewhere in the empire (taxation, organization of infrastructure, management of recruitment and native labourers, negotiations between divergent colonial interests, regulations on European trading companies) and translated to the local situation.2 We must also add the strategies of a multitude of local institutions (flexible polity-, villageand household organization) that had developed over a turbulent regional history to accommodate rapidly fluctuating political and economic temporalities.3 Together, these factors contributed to the strategic durability of labour migration.

The constant negotiations between different levels of colonial administrations, labour recruitment organizations, commercial farmers and mining companies are among the most obvious signs of the complex political economy of labour in colonial southern Africa. Labour policies, partly due to these adverse interests, were often contradictory and temporary, relying on treaties and agreements (Yudelman and Jeeves 1986). 3 The Lozi system of a central kingdom encapsulating a mosaic of ethnicities and minor polities, each paying tribute and allegiance to the Litunga (Lozi King) but enjoying considerable autonomy, became gradually more solidified during colonial rule. Nevertheless, the character of a Lozi political label projected outwards, hiding numerous ethnic, social and cultural identities, remains to this day.

Dr Michael Barrett, Museum of Ethnography, Stockholm, Sweden ECAS 2011, Uppsala Panel 93

Third, there was also interplay between different discursive formations that underpinned the success of labour migration. Colonialism and capitalism, as overlapping and not always compatible discourses, might be viewed as crucial configurations of knowledge and power that ordered the web of relations of materialities, people and practices into a particular labour regime in central and southern Africa. But there were also other discourses at play. Entrenched among people in the village universe were strong notions of interdependent individualism, social adulthood and gendered personhood allocating rights and obligations that encouraged the circular nature of migration. [A]s Foucault insists, discourses define conditions of possibility, making some ways of ordering webs of relations easier and others difficult or impossible (Law 2007:10). According to Law, that several competitive discourses are employed to order a particular web of relations might actually make its discursive durability more secure. Nevertheless, international labour migration was to end in the aftermath of political independence in 1964 and in the ideological resistance of the nationalist UNIP party to both colonialism and capitalism.4 What is the legacy in Western Province of these particular historical layers of mobility networks and practices? If we accept Laws approach to illuminate the durability of the colonial labour regime and look at the scope of the effort that systematically and continuously over a period of half a century engaged tens of thousands of people from southern and central Africa in long-distance migration, it is logical to find that the regime had some lingering effects (material, strategic or discursive) on subsequent generations in the source areas. A striking material illustration of the lingering effects of the transformation of physical space is the road system of Western Province, which until 1972, several years after independence, was totally geared towards the southward transportation of workers to the mines and fields of South Africa and Southern Rhodesia. Only in 1972 was a tarred road constructed connecting the Province with the capital Lusaka and the rest of the country. This development was saluted in Western Province as a symbol of a shift in orientation towards a national development ideology, focussing on the provision of infrastructure, schools, hospitals, public sector jobs and large-scale urbanization (Sumbwa 2000). However, the state-led expansion of services and employment did not survive the mid-1970s recession and the structural adjustments programs of the subsequent decades. In the late 1990s, amid deep economic recession, the post-independence period seemed like a brief interlude in a gradual disconnection of Western Province from the regional urban and industrial centres.5 Even the short-lived labour migration from Western Province to the Nakambala sugar estates in Zambias Southern Province was then drying up to a trickle.
President Kenneth Kaunda declared labour migration prohibited in 1967, partly as a measure to ensure political and economic independence from the white minority states Southern Rhodesia and South Africa. 5 The strict analytical separation between rural and urban was probably never a correct way of understanding the nature of family networks in Western province in the wake of international labour migration, considering the spatial diffusion (beginning in the colonial period) of these networks into district and provincial towns such as Kalabo, Senanga and Mongu. Most families kept members in these urban centres (as well as in other Zambian centres like Lusaka, Livingstone or Kitwe), even during the worst economic recessions in the 1980s and 1990s. As I argue, the status and growth of such secondary cities play a major part in the current proliferation of mobility as well as local aspirations of modernity.
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Dr Michael Barrett, Museum of Ethnography, Stockholm, Sweden ECAS 2011, Uppsala Panel 93

Perhaps it was the reality of migrancy, or rather the loss of what had almost become an ontological aspect of the male life career that made one of my informants claim in 1999, with obvious regret and sadness: Our parents went to Johannesburg, we are just seated here in the village. Of particular utility to the objective of understanding mobility practices in Zambia, which this heuristic exercise has opened up, is the importance of considering materiality (goods) for the actors involved as well as the wider (translocal) webs of relations that enable such practices; two elements which might be brought to the analysis of contemporary mobility.

Transporters and traders in neoliberal Zambia You have to speculate to accumulate, do not hesitate, your time is now (Slogan from television commercial, Big time sms-competition, ZNBC) When in 1998 I first arrived in Mongu, the provincial capital of Western Province, the town was quite calm and seemed somewhat deserted. I had come from Lusaka after an overnight journey in an age-old bus, spending a few hours stuck in the middle of the Kafue National Park after a mechanical fault. In sprawling Mongu it was difficult to find a taxi and I often found myself walking long distances on the hot, broken tarmac roads that were constantly under threat of being covered by the white Kalahari sands. Eleven years later, I reached Mongu after a comfortable 6 hour ride in one of the ten modern intercity buses that every day made the journey to and from Lusaka. There were now more than 300 taxis, many mini buses and the town centre was buzzing with trade and activity, some new roads had been constructed and there was even a brand new roundabout where the refurbished Lusaka road joined the main road. Behind this remarkable change, lies almost a decade of economic growth fuelled by high copper prices (Zambia's main export commodity), but also several decades of economic sector reforms following the recommendations of International Financial Institutions (IFIs) like IMF and the World Bank. The effects of these reforms, starting in the 1980s but intensifying with the introduction of multi-party democracy in the early 1990s, on the Zambian economy has been sustained but far from consistent or uniform (Scott 2002; Simutanyi 1996). Massive cuts in the number of civil servants, the privatization and liquidation of parastatal companies and a substantial deregulation of the economy has led to the loss of public sector jobs and an informalization of employment. The informal economy today employs 88% of the workforce (Gadzala 2010:42). Despite creating an ever more affluent urban upper-middle class that is increasingly connected to the political elite, 86% of the Zambian population continue to live below the poverty line while the unemployment rate is 50% (Gadzala 2010: 42) and life expectancy at birth in 2008 was a mere 46 years (World Bank 2011). Indeed, the gap in standard of living between the have and have-nots have never appeared wider in Zambia with the top 20% of the households earning more than 68% of the total income (CSO 2008:16). These inequalities are obvious in the transport and trade sectors in Western Province, a province which, according to official statistics (CSO 2005), has the lowest formal
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Dr Michael Barrett, Museum of Ethnography, Stockholm, Sweden ECAS 2011, Uppsala Panel 93

employment level of all Zambia's provinces. As much as 99% of the workforce is in the informal sector. Ownership of the small transport businesses also reflect recent trends, since the explosion of motor vehicles is due to the combined effects of lifted import restrictions and access to state or donor funded credits, which have mostly been granted to state employees. The transport sector is thus a well suited prism through which to study current socio-economic transformations in Zambia and the legacy of almost 30 years of neoliberal economic policy. It would be tempting to overstate the coherence of these neoliberal policies in Zambia or even to trace a direct line from the precepts of World Bank economists through government economic policies to everyday life. Indeed, the current transformation of Western Province, including increasing reliance on mobile livelihood practices and the rapid growth of its urban areas, seems to be taken directly from the desks of these economists. Growing cities, ever more mobile people are ... essential for economic success (World Bank 2009:xx). In addition to this are the prescriptions of increased spatial and social income disparity and large state-driven investments in infrastructure development (Rigg et al. 2009), two strategies which also seem to be realized in contemporary Zambia. However, calling the Zambian state and society neoliberal would be pushing it too far. As some commentators have noted (Scott 2002; Von Soest 2007), Zambian reforms have often been partial, unpopular policies have frequently been retracted, unorthodox measures have been launched (e.g. the criticized but widely popular Fertilizer Support Program). Even in the Zambian context neoliberalism is both less stable and homogenous than it was (Graham 2010:3).

Emplacement in the urban quicksand: materiality, self-making and home-making During 2009 I carried out fieldwork among young, male transporters: bus drivers and taxi drivers in Mongu as well as barge paddlers and 'call boys' (wawazi) in the smaller District town of Kalabo. Since small scale trade in the region depends on highly mobile professionals, I also spent time with male and female petty traders in the District town of Senanga all of whom were self-employed.6 Mongu (c.44,000 inhabitants), Kalabo (7,000) and Senanga (9,000) are connected through sharing the Zambezi plain, the Lozi heartland or Bulozi, with considerable social, economic, political and cultural importance for the inhabitants of Western Province. Physically speaking, Mongu and Senanga are connected by an all-weather tarmac road, while Kalabo (on the opposite side of the Zambezi River) so far may only be reached from the other two seasonally and rather uncomfortably. It is against this backdrop of expanding national economy, ambivalent government policies , a steady decline in urban population growth (CSO 2001:30) and a general suspicion towards the prospects of life in the conventional urban centres along the line of rail (Lusaka, Kitwe, Ndola, Livingstone, see Ferguson 1999; Potts 2005) that the rising importance of Zambias
I furthermore carried out interviews in Kalabo with elderly, former labour migrants to South Africa. In addition, I experienced the variability of thousands of kilometres of public transport together with fellowpassengers between Lusaka-Mongu-Kalabo-Mongu-Senanga-Sesheke-Lusaka, travelling on boats, buses, taxis, bicycles and pickups.
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Dr Michael Barrett, Museum of Ethnography, Stockholm, Sweden ECAS 2011, Uppsala Panel 93

secondary cities should be viewed. Studies on life in secondary cities in Africa have been few in anthropology partly because of the resilience of the urban-rural analytical pair as two separate domains of knowledge. Recent anthropological work on the topic have tried to overcome this opposition, pointing to the linkages and overlapping of these spaces in terms of economy, social relationships, politics, and culture (Englund 2002). Others are arguing that secondary cities are central for understanding the social dynamics of both the rural and the urban in contemporary Africa (De Boeck, Cassiman, Van Volputte 2009). This research foregrounds the particular qualities of secondary cities (usually more recently urban than many conventional cities): the temporary and incomplete status of residence and materialities, the haphazard and precarious life trajectories, the existence of far-reaching networks and practices transcending the boundaries between urban and rural. Local urban experience, in summary, seems above all to be generated in the folds and shadows of the city that itself exists as a huge friction zone, marked by a generalised feeling of uncannyness. Rather than offering a steady ground, an unchanging background or canvas against which to read the passage of time and of ones life, enabling one to generate a sense of stability and meaning and to interpret change and transformation, the local manifests itself as a pool filled with quicksand. This is not only true with regard to the level of an unmoored imaginaire, but also with regard to the very materiality that determines peoples lives. (De Boeck, Cassiman, Van Volputte 2009:v) An actor-network analysis (as outlined in a previous section) of the mobile life style of transporters and traders in secondary cities in Western Zambia would have to be mindful of this lack of steady ground. This section will explore the material and strategic uncertainty of the current situation from the vantage point of these young and mobile populations, but also their attempts to achieve a sense of material and strategic stability and possibility. Starting with the material, the existence of things like roads, houses, and vehicles in Western Province is certainly precarious or transient; often under construction, contestation or sometimes disrepair, such material manifestations are nevertheless there, central to peoples preoccupations and thus worthy of our attention. Since the recession which extended a few years into the new millennium, one of the most visible features of the Zambian governments activities has been its investment in infrastructure in general and roads and bridges in particular.7 Recently completed projects in Western Province, supported by numerous international organizations and donors, include the Katima Mulilo Bridge (connecting Zambia with Namibia across the Zambezi) and the rehabilitation of the Livingstone-Sesheke Road. The 74 km road between Mongu and Kalabo across the treacherous Zambezi plain, however, continues to be a difficult feat.8 As will
Under the broad Road Sector Investment Programmes, funded by among others the World Bank and the EU, the Zambian government has spent on average US$80 million per year (2% of GDP) on road maintenance and rehabilitation since 1997, achieving a rise in the percentage of paved roads in good condition from 21% in 1995 to 46% by 2002 (IRIN 2005). 8 Initiated in the late 1980s, taken up again in the early years of the Millennium only for 34 kilometres to be washed away by floods in 2004, re-engineered in 2010 and scheduled to be completed within a few years, the first part of the construction has cost around US$ 30 million, while the new design has been projected to cost another US$ 255 million!
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Dr Michael Barrett, Museum of Ethnography, Stockholm, Sweden ECAS 2011, Uppsala Panel 93

become clear below, however, the construction and maintenance of the road network in urban areas (like Mongu) is a point of contention between transport workers and government representatives. There is also a materiality of travel itself. This might be explored by looking at a conspicuous phenomenon attached to long-distance personal transport all over Zambia and presumably other African countries as well: the call boys or wawazi (in Nyanja, the lingua franca of Lusaka), who are the self-proclaimed organizers of personal transport. In this case it concerns call boys at Kalabo bus station, but although the station is relatively small its workings are very similar to other places. Some objects involved in the transportation of people and their goods become endowed with meanings of wider symbolic import. The wawazis also borrow many material practices and signs from more institutionalized forms of business or government (tickets, associations, vehicle lists/rosters).9 Luggage: the objects that the wawazis target first. When a potential passenger approaches the place of embarkation, the wawazis often forcefully grab the suitcases or luggage out of the hands of the prospective passengers and place them in the vehicle they are loading at the moment (often there is considerable competition between wawazis about who came first or saw the passenger first, with ensuing tugs-of-war). The suitcases become material manifestations of the passengers and of the conflicts about who is loading, what vehicle is going first, what vehicle is best for the customer etc, as they are hurled onto vehicles, offloaded again and loaded again in lieu if the passengers themselves. Since propriety stops them from manhandling the passengers themselves in this way - the authority over the passengers is expressed through power over their material possessions. Tickets: the contract manifest between vehicle operator and passenger, exchange of money for service. Ideally there should be only one ticket book per departing vehicle, but I have observed that this is often not the case. Here is yet another step towards passenger compliance with the wawazi order. When someone has paid and received the ticket, the deal is sealed and getting the money in return is almost impossible, even though other vehicles may be leaving sooner, unless the trip is cancelled, usually after a long wait. The wawazis carry their ticket books folded length-wise and they wield them like symbols of authority and as claims to having a share in the business. Money: when the vehicle is full, one wawazi holds money in one hand (the ticket book folded under one arm), seemingly counting and/or dividing, while they negotiate (argue!) with the owner/driver about their share. When the owner is satisfied, he leaves the wawazis and enters the vehicle and drives away, while another, even more fierce melee continues between the wawazis regarding who is entitled to how much of the spoils. No one seems ever to be content about the outcome, but when the last transport has left, the wawazis rapidly scatter and the station yet again becomes utterly still and silent, almost desolate. The transporters I met during fieldwork in Mongu (with two exceptions, one owner/driver of a minibus and one owner/driver of a taxi) were all working without formal contracts and under uncertain conditions in terms of the regularity of salaries, social benefits, job safety
9

The following passage is from my fieldnotes, 7 September 2010.

Dr Michael Barrett, Museum of Ethnography, Stockholm, Sweden ECAS 2011, Uppsala Panel 93

and security. Yet, the benefits for young men of getting into the transport sector were quite clear: By working as drivers or conductors they could support themselves and a small family in an urban area, without having to engage in heavy and tedious agricultural work. The daily access to cash was another perceived advantage. According to one study (CSO 2005), employees in the trade and transport sector had an income of up to four times that of an agricultural worker. Since the results from the 2010 census have still not been published10, it is difficult to speculate regarding the growth of these urban centres and thus the prevalence of rural to urban migration in Western Province more specifically. Judging by the migration histories of my young informants in Mongu, migration within the region is a substantial part of their lives. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. Mufalo, 30: Kapona-Lusaka-Mongu Martin, 30: Mongu-Kalabo-Mongu. Mwendebai, 28: Mongu-Senanga-Kaoma-Mongu Joseph, 29: Kalabo-Lusaka-Mongu-Kaoma-Mongu Muyangana, 25: Lukulu-Mongu-Senanga-Mongu John, 36: Kalabo-Limulunga-Mongu Mathews, 36: Livingstone-Mongu Mukumbi, 28: Senanga-Mongu Muyangwa, 29 years: Mongu-Lusaka-Mongu11

Looking more carefully at these migration histories enables us to appreciate how they are embedded in the contingencies of extended family concerns, of life, death, good fortune, or ill. John, for example, at 36 one of the older bus drivers among my informants, was born in a rural village in Kalabo District, not too far from the border to Angola. Like many of the residents on the marginal lands in Lyumba, John was a Mbunda, one of the smaller ethnolingusitic groups living on both sides of the border and often considered by true Lozi to be foreign to Barotseland. His father had died when he was only ten years of age and his mother was unable to cope alone, moving with his sisters to the town of Senanga. As is common in the area, he was left for adoption by his uncle who was residing in the small town of Limulunga. He continued his schooling there until 1989 when, he was in grade seven, the uncle announced that he could no longer care for him. Although he accompanied the uncle to Mongu, he had to drop out of school. He decided to learn how to drive and become a bus driver. In 1994 he married his wife with whom he has four children. Sakulo who in 2009 was a petty trader in Senanga and whose family in Kalabo I have known since 1998 (Barrett 2004) was 26 years of age and married with two children. His life up to the time of coming to stay in Senanga in 2003 had been littered with disappointing family relations, something he frequently bemoaned. As the youngest child out of many to his father, born out of wedlock and (on his own account) mostly ignored by siblings, father
Although Western Province as a whole in the 2000-2010 period continued to show a low population growth rate: 1.4% annually compared to the national rate of 2.8%. This was a decrease from the 1.8% annual growth rate in 1990-2000 (CSO 2011). 11 The list consists of the condensed migration histories of nine interviewees whom I interviewed in-depth on 27 May 3 June, 2009 in Mongu. All of these were taxi or bus drivers, operating in Mongu.
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and mother (who had raised a new family in another part of Zambia), he had decided to make a fresh start in Senanga selling ladies shoes. Previous contingencies in his life - several court cases (due to pregnancy claims), divorces and schisms with his fathers and brothers had caused unexpected career changes: from his abrupt flunking out of school before the grade-12 exams, to working as a spanner-boy for his brothers, selling sugar in the market, taking up carpentry and then the current business in the main market of Senanga. Like Joseph and Sakulo, several other informants had experienced how the death or divorce of a patron (parent, uncle, aunt or employer) could lead to rapid changes in situation or residence. In the brittle and transient urban households, frequently swelled up by dependents from the extended family, the loss of an income or a member could have repercussions for so many different people in terms of school attendance, housing or economic status. Equally haphazard was often the way informants would end up with different livelihoods: one day a taxi driver, the next a carrier, or a mechanics assistant, a trader or a teacher. Chimbweta, one of my Kalabo informants (a barge paddler) relates how he, after having followed his mother to Senanga and working with some relatives who were producing charcoal in the bush, came to Mongu: My mother died in Senanga in 2002. So I left for Mongu and came to Shoprite, where they needed some help. I would do some piece work for them, I was carrying and loading goods from the trucks for the shop. Then I would get maybe 20,000 kwacha, 15,000 kwacha or even 7,000 kwacha.12 Sometimes I came and there was no job available. Similarly, when staying with my family in Lusaka, I would sometimes receive calls from friends from Western Province, suddenly in the capital to try their luck on some business or other. All the drivers I spoke to in Mongu received monthly salaries (K400,000-K500,000), but some would have their payment reduced if they did not raise a certain minimum daily amount (usually K100,000-120,000) to the owner. In addition, the drivers had to buy their own fuel. On the other hand, some owners claimed that drivers were unreliable and often failed to deliver the daily or weekly minimum intake due to alleged contingencies like vehicle breakdown, sickness or police intervention. A few of my informants admitted that they sometimes lied about the cost of repairs and that they regularly underreport their earnings to withhold money. Like access to patrons when growing up, driver jobs could be obtained and lost in a minute, as many informants had experienced and observed. Furthermore, the transport economy itself was seen as fraught and unreliable: informants complained about the over-supply of buses and taxis, the fluctuating demand from passengers each month end, the erratic interventions by traffic police officers who often exacted bribes, poor conditions of roads and vehicles leading to breakdowns and loss of income. Often lacking any supplemental household income or food source, any of these contingencies could mean that they or their families would go to sleep with hunger. For petty traders and long-distance transporters (like barge paddlers), similar risks applied. Sakulo, for instance, who one day in August 2009 called me from the hospital in Senanga, told me how he had been robbed the evening before of all his money. Unknown assailants had attacked him during the night, beaten him up and stolen more than two million kwacha13, He had been on his way from a bar to the station to wait for the early morning bus
12 13

K10,000 was equivalent to US$ 2. K2 million = US$400

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Dr Michael Barrett, Museum of Ethnography, Stockholm, Sweden ECAS 2011, Uppsala Panel 93

to Lusaka, to where he wanted to travel in order to refurbish his stock. Speaking with obvious difficulty due to the injuries he sustained, as well as the embarrassment having been drunk at the time of the attack, he explained that he lost everything, everything he had worked to build up in the last year. Apart from the blow this incident dealt to Sakulos business (which he eventually reconstructed with the aid of a friend and fellow trader), it added to the interpersonal insecurity he obviously felt in Senanga - a sense of not being able to trust anyone. This was a recurrent theme among the traders, who were always mindful of thieves, con men and fake goods (ngonga) in the urban landscapes (Senanga-MonguLusaka) they travelled and traded in.14 In search of stable ground To counter this uncertainty, numerous more or less stable strategies for spreading risk and levelling inequalities have emerged in the urban economy. From the perspective of the owners of buses and taxis, I have already mentioned that they demanded daily payments (cashing) from drivers in order to minimize potential losses due to unforeseen events. Competition, created by the oversupply of minibuses, was reduced through the establishment of a queuing system which guaranteed a daily (smaller) income to all buses, rather than allowing a few actors to dominate.15 The impact on taxi drivers earnings of the fact that many salaried workers have less money to spend towards the end-of-the-month is somewhat lessened through informal, monthly agreements with passengers or even granting them credit. For traders, the development of a loyal customer base (who are often given credit) is a crucial aspect of business. Especially female traders would emphasise the importance of establishing good relations with their clients. It is no coincidence that both parties in the trader-customer relationship would be described as macustoma (plural of customer), as a reciprocal term, connoting mutual dependence. There were also strong support relationships based on friendship and kinship between selective traders and transporters. While Sakulo, for example, always suspected that he had been robbed by a gang of his fellow traders (who knew he was planning to travel to Lusaka the following morning), he was able to continue trading solely through the aid of his good friend and fellow trader Isaac, who selflessly lent Sakulo money for restocking on several occasions after the traumatic incident. The well-established practice of chipanela (or spanner-boy, panela from spanner), whereby (younger) apprentices carry out menial jobs alongside a master in order to learn the trade (often for little or no pay), was common in the transport business. Drivers acknowledged the existence of night drivers a common practice in which employed drivers, in order to increase their income, would allow younger relatives or friends without a license to drive the taxi illicitly at night. Frequently the only payment would be the (unsupervised) driving practice itself. This is the method through which many drivers learned to drive. A general view in Mongu was that this constituted a serious traffic hazard.16
Adding to this insecurity were the incessant rumours about the workings of satanists, who were allegedly abducting people and trading in body parts in order to gain wealth. 15 This system is found throughout the country, especially in passenger traffic between smaller towns. However, large intercity coaches and urban taxis were not run in this way .In Mongu, the queues were managed by an association of bus and taxi drivers, while in Kalabo transport was nominally organized by a council representative, but heavily influenced by the erratic call-boys. 16 I was witness to the aftermath of an accident outside my Guest House involving such a driver in the early hours of a May morning, an accident which led to the death of a six-year-old child.
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Dr Michael Barrett, Museum of Ethnography, Stockholm, Sweden ECAS 2011, Uppsala Panel 93

Self-making and home-making Acquiring social status and a place in society is a process that in this region necessarily involves an element of making your constitutive relations visible (Englund 1999:142), that is, your social actions need to acknowledge that you are embedded in relations characterized by reciprocity and mutuality with family, friends and neighbours. Nevertheless, among my informants in the urban quicksand who were all struggling to go ahead in life, there was simultaneously a strong focus on more individualistic strategies. In a country dominated for decades by a strong neoliberal doctrine, with business and entrepreneurial skills being strongly encouraged, this form of self-making is perhaps not surprising. Furthermore, notions of success and wealth have been strongly associated with urbanity, ever since the male labour migrants in the 1940s and 50s came back from Johannesburg dressed according to the latest fashion, bringing consumer goods and money to spend. Many of the symbolic and material manifestations of these ideas in contemporary Zambia came together in the mobile life style of young transporters. First, was the intimate identification with mobility itself, to be able to visit and reach different places in the world rather than just staying in the village an extremely negative valuation of a young person in this region, implying slow wits and a lack of initiative (Barrett 2009). Owning or using any type of vehicle, but especially motor vehicles, was thus much desired and was furthermore strongly associated with masculinity, a sentiment which some scholars view as originating in the performance of white masculinity and authority during the colonial era (Gewald 2005:3). In the self-presentation of young transport workers, as seen in the series of portraits from Mongu, Kalabo and Senanga by photographer Rose-Marie Westling,17 a frequent posing theme was for the subjects to touch or stand next to cars, buses, taxis, motorcycles, bicycles, and trucks, or even holding car keys as metonyms for such desires. Second, performance of urbanity was realised through the consumption of music, videos as well as clothes, electronic and mobile phones all material proof of the recent increase in the influx of cheap Asian consumer goods.18 But both mobility and urban looks and goods also contained more ambiguous aspects.19 The mostly negative view of taxi drivers, bus drivers, conductors and call boys were expressed in terms of this association with mobility or an urban youth culture, sometimes extended by elders to the whole category of marginal youth (most of them intermittently engaged in the transport sector as carriers or spanner boys). Implicit in this association is a
See the photographic exhibition The River, The Road and The Journeys End by Westling and Barrett at the Museum of Ethnography in Stockholm, 4 June September 12, 2010 and at ECAS 2011 in Uppsala, Sweden. 18 This central sphere of consumption, involving used and new Western clothes, electronic consumer products like TV sets, DVD players and mobile phones, but also pleasures like drinking beer and having casual sex was sometimes labelled entertainment or thenga (porridge in Chimbunda), according to older informants a word also used by labour migrants to describe the luxury goods they brought home from South Africa. 19 Mobility (to move around, chenda enda) in common cultural idioms in the area has other, morally dubious, connotations like illicit sexual relations, beer drinking and unproductive activities, often associated with youth and the bush outside the social spaces of the village. According to the same idioms, this behaviour is placed in opposition to an ideal elderhood, characterized by stillness, control, and productive labour within village space.
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Dr Michael Barrett, Museum of Ethnography, Stockholm, Sweden ECAS 2011, Uppsala Panel 93

view of these youngsters as unreliable, drug and alcohol abusing, promiscuous and irresponsible to the demands of elders and extended family. However, self-making, consumption and the desire for an urban life do not fully capture the motivations behind young peoples decisions to engage in a mobile life style. Self-making took place within the same social relationships that also encompassed various negotiations regarding gender, generation, household economy, and morality. This means that home making, or plans regarding a secure income, creating a household, having children and marrying, were equally on their minds. These plans were often elaborated, long term and part of more or less conscious attempts to create a stable and independent basis for pursuing a fulfilling life. Having examined the current historical moment in terms of material and strategic aspects of a mobile life style in Western Province I will now provide some thoughts on the discursive formations that underpin it, drawing on a case study concerning some political ramifications of mobility, work and infrastructure.

An emerging movement for the mobile? From there, the other problem is that when we fight for our rights the police is always there to prevent us. Because I remember, just a month ago right here at OK [Restaurant] where we are, at that ditch, here in Mongu, when the President is coming, either tomorrow or the other day, the council [brought] machinery, which was there a long time ago for feeder roads. However, [this] time we protested by telling them that this sand you are putting here does not make any sense, why is it that when the President is about to come, you're panicking to repair the road? (Mongu Bus driver, May 2009) On the 9th of April 2009, a mere two days before the long-awaited Kuomboka festival20 was to be held in the area, staff from the local Road Development Agency started patching the many potholes on some of the main roads in Mongu town. Soon a crowd of irritated young men, mostly taxi drivers, gathered around the workmen to see what they were doing. According to the drivers, they had on numerous occasions raised the issue of rehabilitating the poor roads with the Mongu Municipal Council (MMC), to no avail. Things started getting out of hand when the growing number of gathered drivers understood that the patching was carried out using a mixture of sand and cement, which was deemed a temporary measure. Some of them allegedly attempted to block the passage for the trucks bringing more sand, before the Police was called to the spot by the MMC, shots were fired in the air and at least

Kuomboka means getting out of the water and is an annual celebration marking the flooding of the Zambezi river plain and the subsequent transfer of the traditional Lozi king/chief, the Litunga, from his palace on the plain at Lealui to his upland dwelling at Limulunga. One of the more popular and colourful cultural festivals in Zambia, the celebration is attended by tens of thousands of people from all over the country, the region and the world and has for a long time been a popular venue for national politicians to showcase their enthusiasm for things traditional (see Flint 2006).

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Dr Michael Barrett, Museum of Ethnography, Stockholm, Sweden ECAS 2011, Uppsala Panel 93

two of the protesters were arrested. These two were detained without charge for five days at Mongu Police Station, but were released after the festivities. After the incident, the Western Province Commanding Officer told the Post Newspaper that he did not want to describe the incident as a protest but confusion caused by unruly people.21 This echoed opinions among the general public in Mongu that the disturbances were caused by troublemakers or even outsiders from other parts of the country. However, when I began asking the drivers the week after the incident, this view was clearly refuted. Not only had this been a protest against the way local government had failed to repair the road network, they claimed, it had also been organized through the local association of Bus and Taxi Drivers. Furthermore, drivers were insulted by how the formerly inert government had suddenly burst into action now that the President was about to visit Mongu. In many interviews and conversations I had with young transporters, their distrust and disappointment towards state, provincial and municipal government was evident and often quite explicit: The Government is doing nothing, yes, absolutely nothing! Because we have been complaining of all these challenges we are facing, but nothing has worked out. We complained about roads, they have not worked on those. We complained about toilets and other facilities on the station, they have not provided such facilities. Sometimes we go for meetings with them, we normally sit with them in the meetings trying to focus on the challenges we are facing. But they normally promise thatthey don't say 'we're not going to do it', but they normally say 'we're going to do it'. Yet they don't do it! Adding to this discontent was a perceived lack of reciprocity from the government in terms of the provision of public services in exchange for the regular taxes and license fees that transporters are forced to pay. Other complaints concerned the menace of corrupt traffic Police officers - some even suggesting a predatory relationship22 - and the often opaque tendering processes for road construction and rehabilitation.23 Despite attempts by government officials to ignore the political dimensions of the bus and taxi drivers actions, thereby discounting the legitimacy of their demands, there were many indications that a committed movement among the mobile professions was taking solid form in Mongu. This was not merely because of the articulated views of most drivers regarding their work situation and the failed responsibility of both employers and different levels of government in ameliorating their situation. The Mongu Bus and Taxi Drivers Association was
The Post, Life Style supplement, Sunday 19 April 2009: Kuomboka ceremony 2009: a cultural or political affair? The local Police force had been strengthened for the occasion of the Kuomboka and 350 police officers, including some from other parts of the country, had been called on duty. 22 We're living like animals and lions they're capitalizing on ignorant drivers, getting money from them and abusing them. Mongu bus driver, 27 May, 2009. 23 This would lead to contracts for the rehabilitation of roads being awarded to local businessmen, who would often provide sub-standard quality. The more conspiratorial Zambians believed that such projects were mere schemes carried out in partnership between government officials, businessmen or sometimes transnational construction companies - the role of international donors and loan givers in such projects are more obscure but certainly not innocent.
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not officially registered as an NGO, but already had a working structure (chairman, treasurer, secretary) and had on several occasions tried to hold meetings with the Municipal council with little success. They were also organizing the bus queue system at the Mongu station. On the other hand, the association was politically weak, ridden with internal strife and arguments about funds, and allegedly undermined by some of the influential transport owners. The Mongu Bus and Taxi Drivers Association raises some questions regarding the current (evolving) relationships between the competing discourses of neoliberal capitalism and welfare socialism (Simutanyi 2006) in Zambia. First, the reactions of the government to these political actions - describing the Kuomboka incident in terms of delinquency and asociality - are arguably part of a neoliberal sensibility in which the agency of the poor and vulnerable is limited to labour and consumption in the market. Second, the claims voiced by the drivers and directed towards the state and municipality must be viewed as part and parcel of their strategies of emplacement, of creating a sense of possibility (Hage 1997) to develop and thrive in a difficult and shifting urban landscape. However, the manor of these claims also reveals (and is shaped by) a tradition of state welfare practices and ideologies embedded in state-citizen relations. Conclusion By juxtaposing the labour migration period with the current mobility regime, and employing the heuristic tools of an actor-network perspective, I have attempted to unravel the recent past and suggest some social and political fields in which it is possible to view how such a regime is emerging, but also how it might be contested. I have used three categories to delimit these overlapping fields: material, strategic and discursive. The materialities of the rapidly growing transport sector and the make-shift residential areas of secondary cities constitute one such field. The social strategies that transporters, traders and their extended families employ to subvert risk and achieve stability and hope as they emplace themselves in the urban quicksand are examples of other such fields. Finally, the ongoing negotiations between networks of workers, operators, government officials, politicians and members of the media about the nature of citizenship and the future of Zambian development is a crucial discursive field for researchers to engage with. At a moment when the content and mutual relationships of neoliberalism, capitalism and welfare socialism are changing, as is their relevance for the evermore mobile ordinary Zambian, this is perhaps more important than ever.

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van Binsbergen, Wim (1975), 'Labour Migration and the Generation Conflict: An essay on social change in central western Zambia', 34th Annual Meeting, Society for Applied Anthropology, Section: Anthropological Contributions to the Study of Migration, 1922 March (Amsterdam). van Horn, Laurel (1977), 'The Agricultural History of Barotseland, 1840-1964', in Robin Palmer and Neil Parsons (eds.), The roots of rural poverty in Central and Southern Africa (London: Heinemann), 144-69. Van Wolputte, Steven (2007), 'Cattle Works: Livestock Policy, Apartheid and Development in Northwest Namibia, c 1920-1980', African Studies, 66 (1), 103 - 28. Von Oppen, Achim (2006), 'The Village as territory: enclosing locality in Northwest Zambia 1950s to 1990s', Journal of African History, 47, 57-75. Von Soest, Christian (2007), 'How does neopatrimonialism affect the African states revenues? The case of tax collection in Zambia', Journal of Modern African Studies, 45 (4), 621-45 World Bank, 2009, Reshaping economic geography. World Development Report 2009 World Bank, Washington DC. Yudelman, D. and A. Jeeves, 1986, New Labour Frontiers for Old: Black Migrants to the South African Gold Mines, 1920-85, Journal of Southern African Studies, 13:1, 101124.

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