Jennings. The Mediaeval Church and The Papacy. 1909.

3
HANDBOOKS OF ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY

General Editor :
JOHN HENRY BURN, B.D., F.R.S.E.

EXAMINING CHAPLAIN TO THE BISHOP OF ABERDEEN
THE MEDIAEVAL CHURCH AND

THE PAPACY
HANDBOOKS OF
ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY
I. THE FOUNDATIONS OF THE ENGLISH

CHURCH (to A.D. 800). By J. H. MAUDE,
M.A.
II. THE SAXON CHURCH AND THE NORMAN

CONQUEST (A.D. 800-1135). By C. T. CRUTT-
WELL, M.A.
III. THE MEDIEVAL CHURCH AND THE

PAPACY (A.D. 1135-1485). By A. C. JENNINGS,
M.A.
IV. THE REFORMATION PERIOD (A.D. 1485-

1603). By HENRY GEE, D.D.
V. THE STRUGGLE WITH PURITANISM (A.D.
1603-1702). By BRUCE BLAXLAND, M.A.

VI. THE ENGLISH CHURCH IN THE EIGH-
TEENTH CENTURY. By ALFRED PLUMMER,
D.D.
THE MEDIAEVAL CHURCH AND
THE PAPACY
BY
ARTHUR G. JENNINGS, M.A.

RECTOR OF KING'S STANLEY, STONEHOUSE
CO.
w.c.
JUN 5 1933
1
SV S $
First Published in 1909

PREFACE BY THE GENERAL EDITOR
*
I
A
HE impulse to undertake the task of editing
initial
JL this series was given me, so far back as 1897, by
the late Dr Mandell
Creighton, Bishop of London.
He was good enough to suggest the names of some
of the writers whom I should invite to collaborate ;
and he drew up what he called " a rough scheme," of
which the following is a modification.
I. The Foundations of the English Church (to

A.D. 800).
II. The Anglo-Saxon Church and the Norman
Conquest (A.D. 800-1135).
III. The Mediaeval Church and the Papacy (A.D.
1135-1485).
IV. The Reformation Period (A.D. 1485-1603).
V. The Struggle with Puritanism (A.D. 1603-1702).
VI. The English Church in the Eighteenth
Century.
The names of the six scholars, who have accepted

the invitation to contribute to this series, are a sufficient
guarantee that the work is conceived in no narrow
spirit of partisanship, but with the earnest desire to
do whether religious or political.
justice to all parties,
The Editor has thought it right to allow to each
writer the utmost freedom of treatment consistent with
vi MEDIAEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY
the general plan of the series. If here and there this
has resulted in some slight divergence of view between
one volume and another, he believes that it will prove
rather advantageous than detrimental to the utility of
the work ;
for much would be lost, and very little
gained, by preventing a writer from giving free expres-

sion to his own view of the facts, and of the inferences
to be drawn from them.
J. H. BURN
THE PARSONAGE
BALLATER
INTRODUCTION
aim of this volume to present our Church's
is
THE story in its connexion with the religious life of

Western Christendom, and more particularly in its
relations to the Papacy. From

the insular standpoint,
the year of Stephen's accession is a fit terminus a quo.
Our dynastic dispute enabled the Papacy to assume
a position in England never hitherto tolerated, and
Stephen's appeal to Innocent II. and Henry of Blois'
legatine commission pave the way for the degrading
homage eventually guaranteed by John. Nor was the
trend of events otherwise abroad. The second Lateran
Council of 1138 may be regarded as putting the head-
stone to Hildebrand's theory of ecclesiastical organiza-
tion. In 1151 the publication of Gratian's Decretum
buttressed it with a system of scientific Canon law.
That our story finds its halting-place in 1185, and is
not carried on into the Tudor period may be deemed
justified by the close connexion of England's New
Learning with the reign of Henry VII. Gratian is not
more typical of his times than are Grocyn, Colet and
Linacre of theirs, and it is a commonplace that the
Reformation was as much indebted to the study of
Greek as the mediaeval Papacy to that of Canon law.
That our account deals largely with the seamy
side of the papal regime is unavoidable, and this
aspect must not be obscured by consciousness of
vu
637
viii MEDIAEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY
the many evils traceable to the subsequent rupture
of the Church's unity. It can hardly be alleged
that England's unsatisfactory experience was unique.

Contrariwise, many of the worst outcomes of the
system were but imperfectly revealed to her. She
knew little of the scandalous inner life of the papal
court, experienced no Albigensian crusades, and
escaped the horrors attending the suppression of the
Knights Templars in France. If much has been said
about the injustices and extortions connected with the
curial system and legatine visitations, it must be borne
in mind that these things were the subject of general
complaint from the thirteenth century onwards. The

orthodox reformers of the conciliar period albeit
vehemently denying the existence of doctrinal flaws

recognized a departure from primitive ideas of
government fraught with the gravest evils to the
Church.
In justice to the Papacy, it must be added that
circumstances never gave scope in England to those
salutary potentialities which may occasionally be
connected with the Hildebrandine principle abroad.
By a curious fatality two of the most meritorious
popes Innocent III. and Urban V. were presented
to us only in a repulsive aspect. It may be admitted,
too, that England's fourteenth -
century gravamens
received a deeper colouring from the political con-
ditions. The real grievance was not the extent of
papal exactions, but their tendency to subsidize hostile
France.
Protestant writers have perhaps exaggerated the
evils connected with the papal interference with our
bishoprics, and it would seem that the anti-papal

INTRODUCTION ix
Statutes of the fourteenth century have often been

quite misinterpreted in their relation to our civil
liberties. Gross as was the abuse of thepope's
appointment of non-resident foreigners to minor bene-
fices, results usually commended his arbitration
in the
disputed elections to the sees. A

study of the appoint-
ments to the high places in the Church will, in fact,
probably suggest the conclusion that the papal choice
was ordinarily much better directed than the king's.
Usually the pope's aim was to maintain the conge
d'elire, the king's to reduce it to the level of a formal
fiction. It must be recognized that in this matter the
Hildebrandine principle made for liberty and justice.

If the Edwardian Statutes removed the danger of
absolutism on the part of Rome, it was only to sub-
stitute a like claim for the sovereign himself. So far
from Praemunire and Provisors Acts subserving the
constitutional cause, they were frequently applied as
engines of oppression, and we shall see them hereafter

providing a foundation for the gross ecclesiastical
tyranny of Henry VIII. Conversely, it is quite un-
warrantable to assume that all advanced papalists were
opposed to civil constitutional ideals. Grosseteste
himself played an important part in their evolution,
and the work of Stephen Langton was carried to its
climax by the papalist primate Winchelsey.
The connexion of Wycliffism with the sixteenth-

century Reformation has necessarily been excluded
from this volume. On the other hand, some pages
have been devoted to the
great fifteenth-century
Councils and the attempt of the orthodox reformers
to deal with the corruptions of the Church. That this
x MEDLEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY
party failed was due to England and the concurrence
of her French war with the Council of Constance.
The importance of the death of Robert Hallam at the
critical period of the Council has been sometimes over-
rated. It may, however, be conjectured that, but
fairly
for Henry V.'s preposterous claim to the French Crown,
the fifteenth century would have witnessed a real purga-
tion of ecclesiastical abuses. Whether such a reforma-
tion would not have needed supplementing later on in
the domain of dogma we need not here consider.
As an inspiring influence the mediaeval system is
seen at its best after the coming of the friars, and the
reign of Henry III. is particularly conspicuous as a
time of moral and intellectual advance. There is little
sign of deterioration at the end of the thirteenth cen-
tury. The debacle of the Papacy, its migration, its
subjection to France, and the iniquitous extinction of
the Templars succeed with startling suddenness. They
appear to have profoundly shaken the faith of men.
A widespread demoralization ensued.
In England it
was fostered by the weak reign of Edward II., the result
being that at no time does the English episcopate
show so badly as in 1326-7. To this disordered
period we prefer to trace that deterioration of the
x
Regular Orders which has sometimes been supposed
to originate in the miseries consequent on the great
plague of the mid-century. The loss of high ideals

wascertainly not redressed in the reign of the dissolute
Edward III. A
fresh trial of faith arose in the shape
of the Great Schism, and thenceforward it is difficult
to find any new quickening influence save that of a
Lollardry prejudiced by its connexion with supposed

1
See Appendix, note V.
INTRODUCTION xi
heresy. If the bishops show a munificent care for
learning and zeal on behalf of orthodoxy, they but

rarely rise to the old idea of saintliness. hardly set We
Wykeham, Arundel, or Chicheley on the same level
with a Theobald, Hugh of Lincoln, or Grosseteste.
Scrope and Hallam in the Lancastrian period per-
haps satisfy our conceptions of episcopal excellence,
but after the Council of Constance such types are evi-
dently obsolescent. The
personal piety of Henry VI.
appears strangely at variance with the aspect of the
English Church as depicted by Gascoigne. For the old
inspirations we seem to find merely a demand that the
traditional system shall be maintained, its assailants
silenced, its manifold abuses cloaked. If there is now
impugning of the Church's dogmas, there is but
little
scanty proof that her moral principles have influence

in society, or that her clergy command the people's
respect.
In the dryness and apathy of our own Church, her
neglect of preaching and moral guidance, her lack of
touch with national life above all, in the growing
corruptions of Rome herself we shall see the failure
of the rehabilitated Papacy to meet the needs of the
age, and the yearning of Christendom for new agencies.
1
In morals no discipline, in sacred literature no erudi-
tion, in divine things no reverence religion was almost
;
extinct' Such is Bellarmine's description of the

state of the Catholic Church some years before the
'
Lutheran and Calvinistic heresy.' l

1
Concio. xxviii. Opp. vi. 296.
CONTENTS
PAGE
PREFACE BY THE GENERAL EDITOR V
INTRODUCTION . . . vii
CHAPTER I
STEPHEN
CHAPTER II
HENRY II 22
CHAPTER III
RICHARD I AND JOHN 46
CHAPTER IV
HENRY III . . 71
EDWARD I .... CHAPTER V
CHAPTER VI
EDWARD II . . .122
EDWARD III ..... CHAPTER VII
xiii
137
xiv MEDIAEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY
CHAPTER VIII
PAGE
ECCLESIASTICISM AND LOLLARDRY . .
159
CHAPTER IX
RICHARD II . . . . . .
.172
CHAPTER X
HENRY IV AND HENRY V ... 197
CHAPTER XI
HENRY VI TO HENRY VII 226
LIST OF POPES, COUNCILS AND SOVEREIGNS . .

255
APPENDIX ....... 259
INDEX ',-.*. . . . .
.269
THE MEDIEVAL CHURCH AND
THE PAPACY
THE MEDIAEVAL CHURCH
AND THE PAPACY
CHAPTER I
STEPHEN
^HE period treated in this volume opens with the

JL accession of a king of doubtful title and little
strength of character, whose reign has almost the
appearance of an interlude of anarchy and civil war.
Not much more promising was the aspect of the
Papacy in 1135, for the Western Church had been
since 1 130 divided by a conflict of claims not unlike
that imminent in England, and it was still uncertain
who the true pope was. Anacletus II., though after-
wards deemed a usurper, reigned in Rome as elected
by a majority of the cardinals, and had the allegiance
of Southern Italy and Sicily. Scotland also acknow-
ledged Anacletus, perhaps merely in antagonism to
her southern neighbour. The rival pope, Innocent II.,
appealed to an earlier but somewhat irregular election,
and was the pope of France, Spain, and the Empire,
above all of St Bernard and our Henry I. had
;
acknowledged him at Chartres. Innocent, however,

emerged as sole pontiff before theoutbreak of our
civil war, and the Papacy thenceforward went from
strength to strength. Barren as Stephen's reign was

in point of legislation, it bequeathed to England some
important precedents for future papal encroachments,

and we shall see it accompanied by a remarkable
i i
2 MEDIAEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, i
consolidation of clerical ideas and interests throughout

Western Christendom.
When Stephen came over in hot hastefrom Boulogne
in December 1135 to claim the vacant crown, his title
was vitiated by the fact that Henry I. had more than
once induced the magnates, lay and clerical, to swear
allegiance to his daughter Matilda. This difficulty was
got over by the aid of the Church. Stephen arranged
with his episcopal brother, Henry of Blois, that the
matter should be decided at Winchester, and here
the primate, William Corbeuil, strongly pressed the
arguments that secured the adhesion of the greater
barons. was alleged that the oath had been secured
It
by compulsion, and that English customs did not

permit the reign of a woman and weak consciences
;
were comforted with a story that Henry had ere his

death altered his intentions in nephew's favour.
his
Stephen paid for this episcopal support with an oath

1
to restore liberty to the Church,' and was crowned
at Westminster at Christmas. Matilda had appealed
against her supersession to Innocent. Stephen there-
fore shortly sent a deputation to the papal court at
Pisa, and succeeded in getting a private letter acknow-

ledging him as king. All difficulties appeared to be
surmounted in the summer of 1136, when Matilda's
half-brother Robert, Earl of Gloucester, himself did
homage at his Oxford court. But the dependence of
Stephen on the Church was displayed in humiliating
fashion. In his charter he actually cited his recognition
by the pope as one of the grounds for his tenure of the

crown. He promised, too, that during the vacation of
a benefice its temporalities should be administered by
the Churchmen, and made a concession which was
to give much future trouble the abandonment
A.D. H35-54] STEPHEN 3
of all jurisdiction over clerical persons to their

courts.
Though Stephen was now generally acknowledged,

it might have been guessed that many barons would
not scruple to utilize Matilda's pretentions and his ;
capriciousness and carelessness soon indicated personal

unfitness for a difficult position. He weakened the
throne by allowing the petty barons to build fortified
castles and ape the status of earls. He made it
unpopular by renewing the forest and surround-
assize,
ing himself with foreign soldiers of fortune. But the
worst omen for his happiness was his altered relations
with Henry of Winchester. Stephen refused to make
his brother primate. He secured the
higher yet
position of papal legate. This, and a quarrel with
certain other bishops, gave a vantage ground to
Matilda, and induced the civil war.
Archbishop William died in November 1 136, within
a year of his perjury, as the Angevins unkindly said.
Jealousy or some other reason opposed Stephen to
Bishop Henry's desire of translation to Canterbury.
But with characteristic impolicy he took no steps to
fill the vacant see. Meanwhile Pope Innocent's
prospects steadily brightened. The victories of the
Emperor Lothair in 1 1 36-37 recovered all Italy except
Rome, and when Anacletus died January 1138 he
in
secured an instatement in the Lateran, and the Schism
. soon afterwards ended. It was natural that Innocent
should take steps to improve his position in our island ;
and he obtained Stephen's leave to land a legate who

should reclaim Scotland from her misdirected alle-
giance. The result was the memorable visit of
Albericus, cardinal bishop of Ostia.
Albericus very soon extended his activity beyond
4 MEDIEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, i
Scotland. With the consentof Archbishop Thurstan

he held a council at Carlisle and a visitation of monas-
teries in the northern province. In the southern his
pretentions were strengthened by the vacation of
Canterbury and at the close of the year he convened
;
a council at Westminster itself. He had somehow

been won over to the side of Henry of Winchester,
and he here declared that the primacy must be rilled
by such person as the Canterbury chapter should
select. The doctrine would have received short shrift
from Stephen's predecessors, but the throne was now
weak, and had he been taken unawares the monks of
Christ Church would doubtless have followed Albericus'
guidance and elected Henry. Stephen, however, for
once showing prescience, had already taken steps to
avert this danger. The two illustrious primates,
Lanfranc and Anselm, had been supplied by the
Norman abbey of Bee, and Christ Church might be
expected to prefer a real Regular to the somewhat
secularized monk-bishop Henry. 1 Stephen had accord-
ingly written offering the primacy to Theobald, the
present Abbot of Bee. Negotiations secured the
consent of the chapter to this appointment, and the
situation seemed saved when Albericus himself presided
at Theobald's consecration. The new primate left
England early in 1139 with four bishops and four
abbots, to obtain the pall and attend the great Lateran
Council. The legate also took his departure.
1
must be remembered that monastic bodies with special privileges
It
derived from the pope had now largely taken the place of the secular
chapters of cathedrals. Lanfranc had converted the Canterbury chapter,
Thomas of Bayeux that of York. Secular canons survived apparently
only at London, Lincoln, Exeter, Sarum, Hereford and Chichester.
In the two-titled dioceses there was a condominium, a monastic chapter
being installed at Bath, a secular at Wells, and the same conditions
applying to Coventry
and Lichfield.
The meaning of this Council was that the trium-

phant Innocent had been persuaded by Bernard to
add new bulwarks to the principle of Roman
autocracy. In 1123 Calixtus II. had given the
example of a General Council summoned by papal
authority and employed in registering papal decrees.
Following this precedent Innocent convened the 2nd
"
Lateran Council (the loth so-called CEcumenical ")
in April 1139. The conditions of all future
hierarchical relations were here defined. For the
pope was claimed unlimited feudal power over all
bishops the bishops were to have similar power over
;
the lower clergy. 1 Every ecclesiastical dignity was

declared to be held as if in feudal tenure of the one
spiritual liege lord, and to exemplify this doctrine
Innocent proceeded to denude with his own hands
certain of Anacletus' bishops of their palls and rings
and staves. For England a new method of obsession
was established even before this Council opened, in
view, doubtless, of Albericus' report of his recent dis-
appointment. Theobald was given the archiepiscopal
pall, but the Bishop of Winchester was appointed on
March i resident and therefore his
papal legate,
ecclesiastical superior. Stephen's scheme was thus
practically defeated, and powers far more than primatial
were in the hands of his offended brother.
In June 1138 Earl Robert had transferred his
allegiance to Matilda, but his disloyalty was not
imitated, and for a full year there was no serious
menace to Stephen's tenure. The estrangement with
his brother stood as yet outside the dynastic dispute,
1
Some thousand
bishops attended this Council. On the other hand,
at the 1st Lateran Council the monastic element predominated, the
numbers being roughly six hundred abbots and three hundred bishops.
and the bishops continued to be the chief bulwark of

his throne. The administration was in the hands of
a junto headed by King Henry's favourite statesman,
Roger, Bishop of Salisbury Roger being justiciar, his
;
son and namesake chancellor, his nephew Nigel

treasurer. Nigel was Bishop of Ely Alexander, ;
another nephew, was Bishop of Lincoln. Equally

associated with Stephen's claim were the bishops
of the northern province. In the summer of 1138
King David, pretending to champion the rights of his
niece Matilda, overran the north with a great army
of Scots. He was checked by Thurstan's investing
Stephen's sovereignty with the lustre of a religious
cause. Thurstan's consecrated standard was a mast
planted in a waggon and crowned with a pyx and ;
about it were the banners of the northern saints.

The aged primate rallied the disheartened magnates,
and ordered the parish priests to provide levies.
The more vigorous Geoffrey, Bishop of Durham,
himself helped to direct the battle. The result was
that the Scots were routed near Northallerton with a
loss of several thousand men (August 22).
This valuable asset of clerical loyalty Stephen
recklessly flung away in June 1139. His motive is
uncertain, but he probably began to realize the
' '
danger of the adulterine castles, and thought

correction of the encroachment easiest in the case
of barons spiritual. We
are told that at his Oxford
Council he suddenly arrested Bishop Roger, his son,
and his episcopal nephew Alexander, and put them in
chains. Taking the two Rogers with him he hurried
westward, and captured the justiciar's castles at
Devizes, Sherborne and Malmesbury. A yet crueller
treatment of Alexander gave the king his castles of
Newark and Sleabury. The bishop was exposed

starving outside their gates until the garrisons sur-
rendered.
was already impressed with those
Christendom
high ideas of clerical immunity which were to be
championed by Becket, and public sentiment was
particularly outraged by rough treatment of a bishop.
Henry of Winchester now came forward, citing his
legatine commission, and demanding satisfaction in
the name of Holy Church. On August 30 he
convened a council at Winchester to sit in judgment
on the king. The influence of the lately revived
study of civil law was here attested by Stephen's
sending a counsel for the defence, in the person of
Aubrey de Vere. But the king was best served by
the Archbishop of Rouen, who argued that the
spiritual barons transgressed the Church's canons in
having strongholds of any sort. It is a by no means
solitary instance of the civic rights of the clergy
being hampered by their favourite aegis. Decrees
were passed at the Council against violence to clerical
persons and on this score Stephen perhaps did
;
1
penance. But he succeeded in retaining the castles.
When three months later Bishop Roger died, 'as much
of grief as old age,' he seized his personal effects.
Meantime his rival had gladly seized the oppor-
tunity. Shortly after the Council Matilda landed
with Earl Robert and was allowed by the careless
;
sovereign to advance and gain Bristol, Gloucester and

Hereford. January 1 1 40 found Stephen harrying
Bishop Nigel in the Isle of Ely, with the natural result
1
Hoveden
says that Bishop Henry confirmed this decision in 1 143 at
a Council in London, ruling the assailant of a clerk incapable of absolution
'
even from the pope himself.'
that Nigel fled westward and enlisted on Matilda's side.

When Whitsuntide came, the royal court had to be
held in the Tower instead of at Westminster, and only
one bishop attended it. Thenceforward civil war
raged till February 1141, when Robert surprised
the regal army at Lincoln and captured Stephen.
He was loaded with chains, by Matilda's orders, and
confined in Bristol Castle.
How far Bishop Henry had been privy to Matilda's
scheme of invasion is uncertain. He now again poses
as papal legate, and authorizes a transfer of England's
allegiance. At a Council at Winchester (April 1141)

he recited his brother's misdeeds and, without putting ;
the matter to the vote, declared him superseded.

London had been already won over ;
and in both cities
Matilda was now accepted as lady of England and ' '
Normandy, without reference to charters or liberties.

She shortly appointed a bishop and created earls, and
evidently regarded herself as queen. No opposition
is recorded and the only person who comes out well
;
in this tale of repeatedly broken pledges is Theobald,

who the imprisoned Stephen, and obtains con-
visits
sent to his withdrawal of allegiance.
The
tangled story of 1141-53 must be hastily
passed over. Matilda was never crowned, her scornful
refusal to renew her father's charter and her demand
forimmediate subsidies provoking a reaction in June,
which sent her in flight from London to Oxford.
Bishop Henry again comes to the fore. Compas-
sionating Stephen's sufferings, or resenting the domina's
arrogance, he deserts her cause and in the autumn is ;
himself besieging her at Winchester, with fearful

damage to the city. 1 Robert, taken prisoner while
1
He allowed be sacked by Stephen's London forces, and it is said
it to
that twenty churches were destroyed, besides many religious houses.
A.D. 1135-54] STEPHEN 9
covering her retreat, is now exchanged for Stephen ;
and a civil war wastes England till 1147, Matilda's

rule predominating usually in the west, Stephen's
in the midlands and east, and the northern counties
largely succumbing again Apparently the

to David.
bishops shortly followed Henry's example but it must ;
be noticed that with the death of Innocent (September

1
143) Stephen sympathy of Rome. Celestine
lost the
II. inclined to the Angevin cause: so more distinctly
did Eugenius III. Robert's death (October 1147)

induced his sister's retirement, but later on the young
Prince Henry intervened on his own account and on ;
his invading England in 1153 the unlucky Stephen

was again found crippled by a quarrel with his bishops.
The concordat effected by the two leading prelates at
Wallingford (November 1153) at last secured undis-
puted sovereignty to Stephen, with reversion to Henry,
and the Angevin prince shortly afterwards helped his
cousin the suppression of adulterine castles, and
in
restoration of order.
The Peterborough chronicler has left a gloomy
picture of the state of England throughout this period
of confusion. Besides the dynastic dispute there was
the terror of the adulterine castles, some hundreds
probably in number ;
and their occupants were often
mere brigands, who fought for their own hands and
wrung ransoms from their captives by dint of the
They plundered and burnt ... so
'
cruellest tortures.
that well mightest thou walk a day's journey nor ever
shouldest thou find a man
seated in a town, or its lands
tilled. . . .
They forbore neither Church nor Church-
yard, but took the property, and then burnt Church
all
and all together. The bishops were for ever cursing

them, but this to them was nothing. The land . . .
io MEDIAEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, i
was ruined by such deeds, and it was said openly

all
that Christ and His saints slept.' In such times it is

difficult to trace out a continuous story of the Church.
Some interesting features are, however, recognizable in
what recorded of the leading prelates.
is
Throughout this volume the Churchmen will re-

peatedly be seen obsessed, on the one side by their
feudal relation to the Crown, on the other by Hilde-
brand's ideal of a sacred caste deriving all its authority
from Rome. High Churchmen of monastic training,
pre-eminent for ascetic piety, will often stand out in
crude contrast to statesmen, lawyers, and royal servants
remunerated with the benefices of the Church. Between
these extremes there is every variety of gradation and ;
there is scarcely a field in which we may not find

episcopal activity. Henry of Blois, who since 1129
had held Glastonbury and Winchester in plurality
with papal sanction, appears combining in his strange
personality the ecclesiastic, statesman, soldier, student
and builder. It supposed that this flighty prelate
is
was really influenced by Hildebrandine principles as

well as personal ambition but he seems to have acted
;
without deference to the pope in deposing Stephen,

and it is not surprising that Innocent's successor did
not renew his legation. Falling into disgrace with
Pope Eugenius for not attending the Council of Rheims
in 1147, the ex-legate ignored a summons to Rome
to justify his conduct for full three years but at last
;
travelled there in much state, and paid a handsome

sum for absolution. The number and variety of Bishop
Henry's edifices excite our marvel. We may mention
the cloister, bell-tower, gateway, refectory, and palace
at Glastonbury castles fortified or residential at
;
Bishop's Waltham, Merden, Farnham, Dunton and

A.D. 1135-54] STEPHEN ii
Taunton a stronghold at Wolvesey wherewith he

;
overawed his cathedral city last, not least, the noble

;
church and endowed college that still proclaim his

munificence at St Cross. He was also widely cele-
brated as a zoologist, virtuoso and collector. The
importance of Bishop Henry waned after Stephen's
death, for the strong Angevin king demolished or
appropriated his castles, and for a time he retired in
chagrin abroad. He
joined, however, with the other
bishops in condemning Becket at Northampton in
1 164, and, though commiserating the exiled primate,
was on the Royalist side almost to the last. more A
distinct sympathy with the clerical cause was roused
by Becket's murder. He died only two days after

bitterly reproaching Henry II. for the crime, on his
short visit to England seven months later.
Archbishop Theobald, on the other hand, appears
as a pattern Benedictine monk, disinclined to mix in
political but a great encourager of learning.

affairs,
It was Theobald who introduced into England the
newly-revived study of civil law and Vacarius, a ;
learned Italian, lectured on this subject under his

patronage at Canterbury, and perhaps at Oxford, until
silenced by the jealousy of Stephen. Theobald's
court was a kind of literary oasis in these wild times,
and a resort of youths of promise. Prominent among
these was young Thomas Becket, whom the primate
sent abroad to devote his attention to the more sacred
study of canon law aggrandized by the great work of

Gratian. That Theobald was eclipsed in ecclesiastical
affairsby Bishop Henry till the death of Innocent is
obvious. Both prelates are said to have then gone

to Rome to
'
treat about the legateship
'
but Pope ;
Lucius preferred to send another foreigner. Whether

12 MEDLEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, i
Eugenius III. deferred to any tradition of the English

1
primate being legatus natus is uncertain, but he gave
Theobald a legatine appointment not long after his
accession. With his hands thus strengthened, Theobald
foiled a scheme of Bishop Henry's for making Win-
chester metropolitan see, with seven suffragan
a
2
bishoprics detached from Canterbury.
The see of York was after Thurstan's death the
focus of an extraordinary quarrel, which was twice
adjudicated by popes, and once seriously disturbed
Theobald's usually harmonious relations with Stephen.
Stephen endeavoured to replace Thurstan with his
own nephew William Fitzherbert, really a man of
extraordinary piety and merit. The York chapter,
however, invoking the doctrine enunciated by Albericus,
made a great assertion of independence, and maligned
the royal nominee as a simoniacal worldling. Inno-
cent II. justified Stephen's appointment, and William
was duly consecrated in his uncle Henry's cathedral
in September 1142. By some inadvertence he after-
wards neglected to secure the pall sent by special
messenger from Rome. The irregularity was pressed
by the defeated canons and as their own candidate
;
was Murdac, Abbot of Fountains, the Cistercians

everywhere renewed the odious charges. Eugenius
III. was himself a Cistercian and a yet greater
;
Cistercian controlled the Papacy. Bernard and

Eugenius readily credited the monkish calumnies ;
and at the Council of Rheims (December 1147)

William was pronounced deposed, the pope himself
1
See Appendix, note I.
2
Independent primacies were, however, created for Ireland by Eugenius.
The palls were delivered by a cardinal envoy to the four archbishops-
elect (Armagh, Dublin, Cashel, Tuam) at a synod at Wells in 1152.
A.D. 1135-54] STEPHEN 13
shortly afterwards appointing Murdac his successor.

For six years Murdac reigned at York, the disgraced
William finding refuge with his uncle Henry. William's
innocence, however, was to be more than vindicated
in the sequel. In 1153, death having removed the
Cistercian he appealed to Anastasius IV., righted
trio,
himself, was restored, and returned equipped at last

with the pall to York only to die suddenly at the
celebration of Mass. His death was ascribed to
poison administered in the eucharistic chalice by
Osbert the archdeacon. Murdac's rule had been
unpopular, and William's piety and forbearance had
enlisted general admiration. Miracles ensued at his
tomb, and the chapter recanting its old sentiments
demanded his canonization. 1 The
request was granted
by Honorius IV. in 1227, and William of York then
joined his persecutor Bernard in the Church's Calendar
of Saints.
William was not the only prelate to whom the
Council of Rheims brought trouble. Stephen rose
to the occasion, and forestalled the proposed insult by
forbidding his clergy to leave England for the Council.

Bishop Henry, of course, obeyed the order, and his
example was followed by certain bishops and abbots.
Eugenius punished their recalcitrancy with sentences
of suspension. Theobald, on the other hand, who
probably credited the aspersions on his brother
primate, eluded the king's coast-guard and appeared
at Rheims in company with Becket. Stephen's
response was a sequestration of the temporalities of
Canterbury. Theobald retorted from abroad with
threats of interdict, and Eugenius spoke of reopening
1
York had as yet no own, and was perhaps piqued by the
saints of her
superior sanctity of Beverley and Ripon.

the question of Stephen's right to the crown. A

reconciliation of king and primate was shortly effected
by the intervention of the other prelates ;

but the
episode sufficiently illustrated the difficulty of the
present clerical position. On one side was the
Conqueror's inhibition to leave the realm without
royal permission. On the other was the papal claim
to full feudal sovereignty, established at the General
Council of 1 139.
The second quarrel of Stephen and Theobald has
been noticed in the political story. In 1151 the king
was bent on securing the consecration of his son
Eustace as his successor. Theobald, some reason, for
opposed it ;
but the obtruder Murdac was won over
and despatched to Rome to ask
papal sanction.
Congruous though this request was with pontifical
pretentions, Eugenius' Angevin sympathies induced

him to refuse consent. Becket was now in Italy, and
it was probably at his suggestion that a letter directly
prohibiting the ceremony was sent to Theobald. In

April 1152, when Henry and certain prelates endorsed
the barons' consent to Eustace's coronation, Theobald
exhibited this document. Stephen, infuriated by the
humiliation he had
brought on himself, subjected
certain bishops of Theobald's party to a temporary
imprisonment, but their leader contrived to escape to

Flanders, and again there was an interchange of
sequestration warrants and of threats of interdict.
Possibly the fugitive primate was not unconcerned in
the invasion of Prince Henry early next year. The
sudden death of Eustace in August 1153 removed
the ground of the quarrel. A reconciliation followed ;
and in November Theobald was back in England, and

assisting at the Treaty of Wallingford.
A.D. 1135-54] STEPHEN 15
Enough has been said to illustrate the two most

striking characteristics of this reign the steady increase
of papal pretentions, and the loosening of the re-
straints imposed on the Churchmen by the Con-
queror. Both these tendencies were favoured by the
aggrandizement of canon law, an agency which has been
mentioned in connexion with the studies of Theobald,
and which will be repeatedly effective henceforward
as a disseminator of Hildebrandine principles, and a
fomenter of quarrels between Church and State.
The study of the Roman civil law had been first
revived at Bologna. With the aim of supplying a
sort of spiritual counterpart, Gratian, a Bolognese
monk, published in 1151 his Decretum, or authori-
tative synopsis of ecclesiastical law. The basis of
Gratian's work was the false Decretals, the celebrated
ninth-century forgery, which, reading the pretentions
of the Papacy into the first Christian age, exhibited
decrees of twenty early Roman bishops, and crowned
a spurious claim to spiritual authority over Christen-
dom with the legend of a temporal dominion bestowed
by Constantine. This forgery, posing as the produc-
tion of the illustrious Isidore of Seville, had been
informally accredited, and had really laid the ground-

plan of the celebrated Hildebrand (Pope Gregory VII.,
1073-86), the result being that Western Christendom
was now permeated by the conception of a primitive
hierarchy, vested with peculiar sanctities and immuni-
ties, and rights of appeal to Rome. But it was not
till Gratian's work
appeared, that the false Decretals
were incorporated in a defined and uniform system of
canon law. The Decretum, though not sanctioned by
papal Bulls, was at once accepted as the Church's
authoritative code, and became the text-book of her
1 6 MEDIAEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, i
tribunals, a stimulus being thus given to the already

extravagant conceptions of clerical immunity and the
pretentions of the courts Christian.. Successive popes
contributed new material to this juridical system and
1
vastly extended its scope. Their decrees needed no
confirmation apparently on the part of national
Churches. The professional canon-lawyers at least,
who really ruled the situation, claimed for them all
possible plenitude of obedience without further rati-
2
fication.
The spread of Hildebrandine principles had been
already considerably stimulated by Bernard, the
saintly abbot of Clairvaux, who from 1130 to 1153
was really the leading ecclesiastical personage of
Western Christendom. It was Bernard who made
and unmade popes, dictated the decrees of Councils,
silenced Abelard and Arnold of Brescia, and proclaim-
ing another holy war, induced Conrad and Louis VII.

(even the frivolous Eleanor, afterwards our queen) to
join the most disastrous of the crusades. England
perhaps had sufficiency of war at home, and she did
little for the second crusade.
3
To Bernard's fame,
however, and to his connexion with Stephen Harding,
1
In 1234 Gregory IX. supplemented the Decretum with the rescripts of
recent popes, his own included, thus bringing Gratian's work up to date.
Boniface VIII. (1294-1303) in his turn supplemented Gregory's Five
Books of Decretals with The Sext. New constitutions were added by
Clement V. (1305-14) and John XXII. (1316-34), respectively entitled
Clementines and Extravagants of John and these again were supple-
;
mented by the decrees of a few other popes under the title, Extrava-
gantes communes. Eventually, according to Professor Maitland, the
chief statute-books of the English canonists were the codes of Gregory
IX., Boniface VIII. and John XXII.
,
2
See Appendix, note II.
3
A contingent, however, set out in1147 under Henry Glanvill and
other leaders. It got diverted at Oporto to Affonso Henriques' enterprise
of expelling the Moors from Portugal.
A.D. 1135-54] STEPHEN 17
under whom he served his novitiate, must be attributed

a more permanent result. From 1125 onwards all
other types of asceticism were completely eclipsed by

the growing lustre of the Cistercians.
That the Cistercian and other new ascetic orders
did anything as missioners seems to be confuted by
Christ and his saints slept.'
'
that piteous cry that
There is indeed no evidence that their fantastic
austerities didanything to improve the moral con-
dition of society. Every monastic revival, on the
other hand, tended to identify religion with a vocation
1
possible only for a few, and fostered the bad practice
of subsidizing vicarious prayers as a set-off to sin.
For a time perhaps the effects of the new monasticism
may be detected in the appointment of fitter persons
to the episcopal chairs. Clergy and laity alike, how-
ever, seem to have been at the coming of the Friars,
much as they were at the coming of the White
Monks.
The debt we owe to the older monks as con-
servators of learning is indisputable ; but in this
province, too, the Cistercians did little. They had,
of course, their chroniclers, but, unlike the Benedic-
tines, they have little claim to praise as educa-
tionists or conservators of learning. On the
other hand, their scrupulous avoidance of the busy
haunts of men and selection of wild isolated valleys
exercised a useful colonizing influence. Each Cistercian
house had a large contingent of lay brethren, and was,
as Dr Gasquet says, essentially a community of farmer-
colonists. The rural Benedictine monks were already
'
The word *
religion was now (as still to some extent
French) in
synonymous with monastic In 1215 Innocent III. deprecates the

life.
'
excessive diversity of religions,' and endeavours to prohibit the devising
of any 'new religion.'
2
the best agriculturists of England. To the Cister-

cians we owe a great development of scientific sheep-
farming, which laid the foundation of our woollen

trade.
We repeatedly have to notice the Regular
shall
Orders as a source of internal dissensions in the
Church. Though by no means always champions
of Roman obtrusion in state they gloried in
affairs,
their own emancipation by papal diploma from the
diocesans' control. Sometimes, perhaps, such privi-
leges were used to good purpose in curbing episcopal
tyranny ;
but the commonstory is that of the bishop
demanding from a convent or cathedral chapter reforms
of grave abuses. The monks quote their charter of
independence, and the case goes to the pope, who

rarely misses the opportunity of strengthening his
own hold at the expense of the diocesan. 1
A
story of more permanent mischief is suggested
by the Cistercian movement. The pious founder or
benefactor of monasteries habitually endowed his pet
'
Order with appropriated benefices, and for the sup-
'
posed good of his soul deprived each parish concerned

of a paid incumbent. The monks regarded the
emoluments as designed for the interests of their own
Order. The system involved, in fact, the extinction
of the rector, the diversion of his tithes to monastic
enterprises, and the committal of his duties to an
ill-paid monk-priest, often living far off, and neces-
sarily severed from the interests of ordinary life. So
notoriously mean were the Regulars in their dealings
with the appropriated benefices that Rome at last
intervened with the device of perpetual *
vicars.' The
1
Onthe results of this impunity, and the range of the later monastic
decadence, see Appendix, note V.
great tithes, however, were still retained by the patrons ;
only the small remunerated the resident parochial priests.

Monks and their atoning prayers were swept away by
Henry VIII. without respect to the original bene-
ficiaries. The was a permanent transference of
result
the great tithes to lay rectors, with no religious duties
beyond a maintenance of chancels.
Of all these monk appropriators the Cistercians
were the most grasping. None were more greedy/
*
says Dr Brewer, in adding farm to farm none less

*
scrupulous in obtaining grants of land from wealthy

patrons, appropriating the tithes and endowments of
parish churches, and pulling down the sacred edifices
to suit their own interests.' Richard I., when taxed
by Fulke Luxury, and Avarice,
as the father of Pride,
could retort that he had married Pride to the Order of
Templars, Luxury to the Black Benedictines, Avarice
to the White Cistercians.
Though this Order was really founded in the eleventh
century, the wave of

Cistercian ascendancy in England
scarcely antedates Stephen's reign, the first house of

White Monks being that at Waverley, in Surrey,
founded in 1125. Within the next generation there
rose, almost always in wild and picturesque surround-
ings, the houses that best attest mediaeval England's
claim to peculiar excellence in monastic architecture.
Furness Abbey, founded by Stephen and Matilda
before their accession as a Benedictine house, shortly
embraced the fashionable Cistercian rule. Between
1131 and 1156 Rievaulx, Tintern, Fountains, Kirk-
stall, Jervaulx sprang up in quick succession. Beaulieu,
Netley, and many others followed in the course of the
next eighty-five years and it is said that at one time
;
the Cistercian houses, small and great, numbered a

20 MEDLEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, i
hundred and one. No other Order ever approached

1
this degree of popularity.
It remains to notice that Stephen's reign, despite its
wars and disorders, more than continued the literary

renascence fostered by Henry Beauclerc. Theobald's
patronage of learning was rivalled by Matilda's half-
brother, Robert of Gloucester, who inherited his father's
intellectual tastes ;
and to him William, the monk of
Malmesbury, and Geoffrey, the archdeacon of Mon-
2
mouth, alike dedicated their works. Geoffrey, as the
first author of any note produced by the secular clergy,
heralds an extension of the field of letters to a new

school of writers, equipped with sympathies, experi-
ences, sense of humour and powers of observation,
denied to the monastic chroniclers. This, however,
is but a meagre tribute to the historian of the Kings
of Britain, who really holds place in the story of

European literature as the accepted authority hence-
forward on ethnology and ancient history, and as the
initiator of medieval romance. Geoffrey's legendary
or imaginary heroes Brutus, Arthur, Merlin, etc.-
1
Of the other new Orders the Cluniacs, who first appear in 1077, led a
' '
troubled as mostly Frenchmen.
life Their alien priories were dissolved
in 1414, and of the houses dealt with by Henry VIII. in 1538-40 only
eight were of the Cluniac type. The Carthusians were introduced by

Henry II., and were patronized by Edward and Henry V. But
III.
their rigorous asceticism never appealed much to English tastes, and their
houses at this time only numbered nine. The Augustinian Canons (intro-
duced in 1105) served a really useful purpose as priests, living a common
life and taking parochial duty. These had now fifty-nine establishments.
The Cistercian only numbered forty but these figures do not include the
;
numerous small houses and cells dissolved in 1536.

2 This
office gives him his familiar title, though, as a fact, he held the
bishopric of St Asaph from 1152 to 1154. The three other noted secular
litterateurs of the century, Walter Mapes, Henry of Huntingdon and
Giraldus de Barri were also all archdeacons. Mapes and Huntingdon
were Geoffrey's contemporaries.
though at disparaged by the sober monk-

first
chroniclers, eventually secured universal acceptance

as real persons and the Trojan origin of the Britons
;
had undisputed credence long after the general revival

of letters. Geoffrey's importance in the province of
fiction is due to the popularity of the Arthur story,
which was translated and versified in various places
soon after its appearance, and thenceforward received
continual additions and embellishments. In Sir
Thomas Hardy's '
opinion, it is hardly going beyond

bounds to say that there is scarcely a European tale
of chivalry down to the sixteenth century that is not
derived, directly or indirectly, from Geoffrey of Mon-
mouth.' His humorous Walter Mapes, is said
friend,
to have himself contributed the earliest romances of
the Round Table.
CHAPTER II
HENRY II
reign of Henry II. contrasts strikingly with

-L Stephen's as that of a strong, resourceful
sovereign, second only to the Emperor in European
importance. Aggrandized by his recent marriage with
the divorced Eleanor, Henry of Anjou held in 1154
far more than half of France. His vigorous control of
our island not only secured the full subordination of the
barons, but enlisted a Scotch king and Welsh prince for
his Toulouse expedition of 1159. His claim to Ireland,
made shortly after his accession, was so vindicated that
in 1171 he kept his Christmas court at Dublin, and
received the homage of an Irish synod. To his West-
minster court of November 1176 came ambassadors
from both emperors and from several minor princes.
Henry's Irish claim was propounded with the sanction
of Hadrian IV., son of a clerk who ended his days as a
St Alban's monk, and the only Englishman who has
ever attained the pontificate. Nicholas Breakspeare
had left England as a wandering student, entered a
monastery at Aries, and become its abbot. Attracting
the favour of Eugenius IV., he was sent on a mission to
the still barbarous Norwegians. His success was such
December 1 1 54 he was elected to the papal chair.
that in
Abroad Hadrian's pontificate was memorable as main-
taining the highest Hildebrandine conceptions against
the equally inflated Imperialism of Frederic Barbarossa,
A.D. 1154-89] HENRY II. 23
the mightiest Western prince perhaps since Charle-

magne. Patriotism doubtless co-operated with papal
ambition in his more amicable dealings with his native
isle. Alexander II. had consecrated the expedition of
William I. Hadrian sent William's great-grandson a
written grant of Ireland, and a ring as the emblem of
his investiture. 1 The favour was based, says John of
Salisbury, on Constantine's conveyance of all islands to
the pope. It was to be justified by the advancement of
a purer faith among the Irish barbarians. It was to be
requited by regular payment of Peter's pence.

Like William, however, the Angevin king proved
little tolerant of papal assumptions, apart from
monarchical interests and the real drift of his policy
;
was to sap the concessions so weakly made by

Stephen. Under Henry's rule the prelates were
persuaded or compelled to realize the national in-
terests of the Church, the full subordination of
ecclesiasticalproperty to civil law, the paramount
authority of the Crown over all causes, lay or clerical.
The measure of his success is the unanimity with
which the Churchmen accepted the celebrated Con-
stitutions of Clarendon in 1164. Nor was this recovery
of lost ground impaired by the great Becket conflict,
despite the emergence of the protagonist of clericalism
as a martyr and a saint. If, in 1172, Henry obtained
absolution by waiving his claim to try ecclesiastical

persons, in regard to the far more important subject of
ecclesiastical property he yielded nought. The pope
1
The no longer exists. John, however, writing circa 1 160, asserts
letter
that both ring and letter were preserved in England. John was a scholar
of repute, and was at Rome and in familiar intercourse with Hadrian in
the winter of 1155-56. Alexander III. expressed his approval of Henry's
subsequent Irish expedition.
24 MEDIEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY CHAP, n
with whom
he made his peace had himself issued a
Decretal, claiming that all clauses affecting Church
property belonged to the Church's courts. Henry
established it as English law that they did not.
*
There are some,' says Professor Maitland, 'who
think that the true Magna Carta of the liberties of
the English Church Henry's assertion that ad-
is
vowsons are utterly beyond the scope of the spiritual

x
tribunals.'
Before approaching the story of Thomas Becket, it
must be noticed that after Hadrian's strong five years'
reign (1154-59) the Papacy was again crippled by a
Schism. Twopopes emerged from the electing
rival
conclave. Each was unable to make good his claims
at Rome. The Emperor Frederick accordingly took
it upon himself to convene a council at Pavia, and
summoned both claimants to hear its award. Victor IV.

alone complied, and was declared the true pope. His
rival, Alexander the eventually legitimized pontiff,
III.,
appealed to the French and English kings, who con-

tradicted Pavia at their rival Council of Toulouse. On
were Hungary, Bohemia, Norway, Sweden
Victor's side ;
on Alexander's Spain, Sicily, and the Cistercian and

Carthusian monks. The Italian allegiance being
divided, Alexander set up his seat in France, and for
a time the two western sovereigns sank their jealousies
in an alliance to vindicate his claim. Alexander's
Council of Tours (May 1163), in its large assertion of
clerical privileges, in some sort prognosticates the
future policy of Becket. But equally significant is the
deference paid here to Alexander's most powerful
patron ;
for in the highest places of honour, right and
left of the pope, sat Henry's two primates. Alex-
1
See Canon Law in the Church of England, Essay II.
A.D. 1154-89] HENRY II. 25
ander's inactivity in Becket's cause, his coquettings

with the royalists, his easy reconciliation with Henry
after Becket's death, must
be viewed by the light
all
of this dependence on the English throne. The Schism

actually produced a line of three anti-popes. Nor was
it Frederick was defeated by the Lombards at
till
Legnano (1177) that our pope obtained imperial recog-

nition and was enabled to recover Rome.
ThomasBecket, son of a London portreeve, spent
his youth at Paris University, but was recalled by a
paternal failure in business. He then served as an

accountant in a kinsman's office till two influential
friends secured him an introduction to Archbishop
Theobald. His mission abroad has been already
noticed also his supposed activity in aiding the
;
primate's opposition to the coronation of Prince

Eustace. Theobald lavished great favours on him
on his return from Rome. Though only a deacon,
he received the rectories of St Mary le Strand and
Otford, and shortly held the archdeaconry of Can-
terbury, the richest Church appointment after the
bishoprics. His conduct in 1151 would naturally re-
commend him to the new king. Passing from
Theobald's court to Henry's, he was made his chan-
cellor in 1 1 54, with further augmentation of his Church
benefices, and was employed as a justice itinerant.

Despite his familiarity with canon law, there was
nothing of the clericalist in Becket's administration.
He made no scruple about levying scutage (the equiva-
lent for military service) on ecclesiastical estates. The
Conqueror's exemption of Battle Abbey from episcopal
control was contested by Hilary, Bishop of Chichester,
who infuriated Henry by arguing the invalidity of the
grant till sanctioned by the pope. Becket, as chan-
26 MEDLEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, n
cellor,gave judgment for the king. In 1159 Becket

appears as a soldier, accompanying the Toulouse ex-
pedition with his own squadron of 700 knights, and
conspicuous for his ruthless conduct of raids and
forays, and his unhorsing and capturing Engelram
de Trie. The militant chancellor amazes France by
the luxury of his appointments, the number of his
huntsmen and falconers, his vans and sumpter horses
laden with gold and silver plate and many changes
of apparel. There is no proof that Becket's life
was dissolute at this time, but he was the favourite
comrade of a king who in his multiform activities
*
could scarcely spare an hour to hear Mass/ and then
'was more occupied in conversation about affairs of
state than in his devotions/ l and who often blasphemed
God in wild frenzies of temper.
When, in 1161, Henry determined to make Becket
Theobald's successor, he probably anticipated that he
would continue this careless life, taking his vocation as
easily as many of the great metropolitans abroad.
The traditions of Canterbury had been uniformly
otherwise. 'A and
holy man, forsooth,'
religious
'
Becket replied, you wish to place over that holy
bishopric and famous monastery.' He foretold a
termination of the friendship. The king persisted.
Alexander's legate was persuaded to combat these
scruples the justiciar de Luci coerced the consent
;
of the electing conclave of monks and bishops. More

truly than Bishop Foliot intended by the sarcasm,
*
Henry wrought a miracle in turning a soldier into

an archbishop.' Conscience-stricken by a sense of his
unfitness, Becket becomes at once converted to religion
as in these times defined. He appears henceforth as
1
Giraldus Cambrensis.
A.D. 1154-89] HENRY II. 27
the austerest of monks, the ardent champion of clerical

immunities, the almost sole episcopal supporter of the
strictest doctrine of the canon law.
Becket was elevated in Whitsun week, 1162, re-
ceiving priest's orders on the Saturday, and consecration
on the octave. The incident has left its mark upon
the Calendar. The festival in honour of the Blessed
Trinity, though observed since the eleventh century,
had as yet no fixed date, each national Church being
allowed to prescribe its own use. Becket's apprecia-
tion of his high office was evinced by his forthwith
ordering that the octave of Whitsunday should hence-

forth be the English Trinity Sunday. Eventually
the fame of St Thomas of Canterbury induced Pope
John XXII. to make the English usage that of the
whole Western Church.
Becket's altered views of life were shortly indicated
by a letter to Henry, in which he brusquely resigned
the chancellorship. The office as yet had a distinct
religious complexion, and more was signified than an
intended devotion to primatial duties. To the party
Becket had now joined, the Church meant the clerical
order, the State an irreconcilable system making impious
pretentions to a condominium. His action implied
incompatibility of interests, and dissolution of the old
intimacy. Henry replied by a suggestion that the
lucrative archdeaconry should also be resigned ; and
Becket, forced to acquiesce, gave it to his future

enemy, Geoffrey Ridal. The chancellorship was not
filled, but another future enemy, John of Oxford, was
made keeper of the seal. The pope, in deference to
royal and primatial requests, now translated the pious
Gilbert Foliot from Hereford to London. Gilbert was
Henry's chief episcopal adviser in the years succeeding.

28 MEDIAEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, n
Becket doubtless returned from the Council of Tours

with his ideas of clerical rights and immunities
strengthened. Next year broke out the conflict to
which all his talents and energies were devoted till
his death in December 1170. The connexion of his
aim with religion in the modern sense appears remote ;
its pursuit was certainly destructive to the Church's
spiritual life. Yet throughout Becket has no doubt

that his is the cause of Christ. He compares himself
continually with the suffering Saviour, Herod and
Pilateand Judas being the prototypes of his enemies,
lay and clerical.

The
focus of this celebrated quarrel is at first the rela-
tion of clerical criminals to the civil law. William I.,
in establishing separate bishops' courts, had unwit-

tingly fostered the aims of the Hildebrandine party.
Strengthened by the follies of Stephen and the aggran-
dizement of canon law, these tribunals now appeared
in formidable rivalry to the king's own courts, fostering
a pernicious principle of clerical immunity. Imprison-
ment, flagellation, degradation the three degrees of
punishment for offending clerks contrasted strikingly
with the dire penalties of contemporary civil law. It
was urged on the king's side that the robber or murderer
who succeeded in bringing his case into the spiritual
courts escaped his full deserts.
Modern apologists have sometimes urged on behalf

' '
of the privilege of clergy its influence in abating the
atrocious cruelties of the old penal law, even the encour-
agement given to education by its iniquitous extension
to such malefactors as could read or write. But these
effects quite outside the ground of controversy.
lie
The real issue was how to square the growing claims

of the spiritualty with social security. What were the
A.D. 1154-89] HENRY II. 29
limits of a sacerdotalism that, outdoing Judaism itself,
denied that the priest, nay, even the lowest clerical

servant, could in criminal liability be reduced to the
lay level? It is a better defence of Becket's attitude that
degradation in the spiritual courts involved professional
ruin, and that a degraded clerk if also brought into the
1
king's court was punished twice for one offence. Henry's
rejoinder, however, was not without point, that moral
guilt in a clerk was doubly guilty.
For about eighteen months Becket jealously main-
tained the rule of clerical privilege, and Grim, his
faithful follower, admits the pernicious moral effect.
According to Fitzstephen the crisis was precipitated

by one particularly flagrant case. A clerk in the
Worcester diocese seduced a maiden and murdered her
father, and Becket refused to surrender him to the lay
court for punishment. 2 Other provocations were not
wanting. The primate decided his right to present to
the living of Eynsford by crudely excommunicating a
rival claimant. So, too, his pretention to hold Tonbridge
Castle. In the Eynsford case a Hildebrandine prin-
ciplewas perhaps at stake, for the canonists denied the
power of laymen to present to livings. The impropriety
of the plaintiff being also judge is nevertheless obvious.
The watchwords of the two contending parties are
first heard at the Council of Westminster, 1163, where
issue is joined on the subject of the criminous clerk.

The king demands of the clergy obedience to the
'
customs of the realm.' Becket, as yet supported by
several bishops, qualifies his promise with the words,
saving my order.' Henry takes deep offence, and the
*
end is that the whole subject of clerical relation to the

1
This was expressed by Becket's party in the aphorism,
'
Nee enim
Deus judicat bis in idipsum.'
1
Vita, Giles' translation, p. 215.
State surveyed at the great Council of Clarendon

is
(January 1164). By this time, however, Becket stands

quite alone. Few bishops probably cared greatly to
protect the criminous clerk. Some may have been
jealous or suspicious of the new champion of high
clericalism. Most would recognize the impolicy of
infuriating a king, who, with all his faults, really wished
well to the Church. Moreover, papal despatches had
now come from Sens urging all possible accommodation
to Henry's wishes. Thus deserted, Becket joined with
the other magnates in accepting the sixteen Con-
stitutions drawn up by de Luci, and they were ratified as
Customs of the realm. It will be sufficient to give
here the salient points in this national concordat.
(1) It asserted the king's right of consent in all
appointments; and his right tore-

ecclesiastical
commend candidates for election to a vacant see.
The election was to be made with the advice of
such person as he appointed and the person
;
chosen was to do homage for his temporalities

(but not for his orders) before consecration.
(2) It reserved for the king's courts all suits about ad-
vowsons and presentations, or about injustices
to the clergy on the part of the king's nobles.
(3) It somewhat the power of a bishop to

limited
divide his disputes by excommunications, as
Becket had recently done. Before excommuni-
cating royal tenants the king or his justiciar
must be consulted.
(4) Against appeals to the pope it guarded by forbid-
ding the transfer of suits beyond theArchbishop's
court without royal consent, and by making
royal consent necessary for a bishop's leaving the
realm.
A.D. 1154-89] HENRY II. 31
(5) Against encroachment on feudal and manorial

rights it had provisos that no son of a villein
was to be ordained without his lord's consent,
and that no churches of the king's fee were to
be given in perpetuity without his licence.
(6) In the matter of the clerical malefactor it ruled
that he must first make answer in the king's
court ;
that his subsequent trial in the court
spiritual should be witnessed by the king's officer;
and that the sentence there should not protect
him from the ordinary civil sentence afterwards. 1
But for the last-mentioned claim, the Constitutions
were a mere repetition of principles laid down by
William I. and accepted by Lanfranc. The exception
is important, for it is the real measure of the
invalidity
of the concordat. It is sometimes said that in 1172
remorse induced Henry to withdraw the Constitutions.
Really he only withdrew all 'customs' introduced in
his own times to the prejudice of the Church. A fuller
recognition of the privilegium fort was thus the sole

2
point gained by Becket's faction. The only party
directly benefited was, in fact, that not very attractive
person the criminous clerk.
Becket was probably unnerved when he swore with
the other magnates to observe the Constitutions.
Immediately afterwards he deplored his apostasy. He
made no secret that he intended to apply to the pope
to cancel his obligation. Henry, infuriated at the
seeming duplicity, cited him to Northampton in
October on a new issue a refusal to do justice to
1
This seems to be the meaning of the loosely-worded Constitution III.
See Maitland, op. cit., Essay IV.
2
And only in the matter of felonies, treason excepted.
this In all
minor offences no distinction apparently was made afterwards between
clerk and layman. See Maitland, u.s., and Makower, Const. Hist.
John the Marshal, who claimed against Becket the

estate of Paganham. The Northampton court, bishops
and barons alike, found Becket guilty, and Henry
vastly augmented his amercement by claims for certain
sums received by him as chancellor. This demand was
probably factitious. The bishops, however, implored
him to ask Henry's mercy, purchase an indemnification,
and avert thedisgrace of an arrest. Henryof Winchester
offered for this purpose a contribution of 2000 marks.
But Becket was now driven to desperation. Regard-
less of the Constitutions, he retorted on his suffragans
with an inhibition to continue attendance at this secular
court, and announced his intention of appealing to the
pope. Bandying abusive words with the incensed
barons, he left the Council escaped disguised abroad
; ;
and was shortly receiving commiseration at Alexander's

Court. He was followed to Sens by episcopal envoys
representing the cause of the Constitutions and Henry
;
requested legatine powers for their leader, Roger de

Pont 1'Eveque, Archbishop of York. Alexander was
in a dilemma. He would fain have abetted the French
bishops in their unconcealed sympathy with the Hilde-
brandine champion, but English supplies were sorely
needed to push his claims in Italy. As a compromise,
he gave Roger a legation strictly limited to the north,
but expressed unqualified disapproval of ten of the six-
teen Constitutions. Henry, infuriated, seized Becket's
estates, prohibited all prayers on his behalf, and in-
humanly exiled all his kinsfolk and dependents, sparing
neither age nor sex. He, moreover, cut off Alexander's
subsidy of Peter's pence. He even opened negotiations
with Frederic for an alliance in support of Victor.
Becket, by Alexander's advice, took shelter at the
Cistercian house of Pontigny, and there solaced himself
A.D. 1154-89] HENRY II. 33
with assiduous study of canons and decretals. Inflated

by and impatient of the pope's politic
this literature,
delays, he shortly himself assumed the attitude of a

Hildebrand. In 1165 Henry visited France. Thrice
Becket sent monk-envoys to his presence, demanding
submission to his spiritual head. In April 1166
Alexander ventured to make him legate for the
Canterbury province. Thus strengthened, Becket
shortly proclaimed at Vezelay, in his own name, the
annulment of the Constitutions, and the excommunica-
tion of their authors, de Luci and John of Baliol also ;
that of de Clare, his personal foe. Excommunicated

also were the envoys to the Imperial Court, Richard of
Ilchester, Archdeacon of Poitiers, and John of Oxford,
now without primatial sanction Dean of Salisbury.
Henry retorted with terrible edicts against all who
should publish these excommunications in England,
and he now so menaced the Cistercian Order that
Becket had to forsake Pontigny. William, Archbishop
of Sens, accorded him an honourable reception; but the
English bishops throughout remained loyal to Henry.
In 1 167 they send their primate a letter of remonstrance.
Becket replies in the inflated language of the Hilde-
brandine school Let not your liege lord be ashamed
:
*
to defer to those to whom God defers, and calls them

gods.' Jocelyn of Salisbury is now excommunicated,
Gilbert of London threatened. At Gilbert's instance
the episcopate write to Alexander, extolling Henry,
and disowning Becket as the one cause of strife. 1
The quarrel drags on till 1170, with little in the way
of new incident, except the interview of king and primate
in the presence of Louis' great assembly at Mont-
mirail, when Becket's interpolated saving the honour
*
1
Giles, vi. 190 ; Bouquet, 295.
God quashes at the last moment a prearranged

'
of
concordat (January 1169). Alexander's fortunes, how-
ever, were improving in Italy, and Louis' renewed
differences with Henry shortly enlisted all French sym-
pathies on Becket's side. Bishop Gilbert had now
been included in the primatial excommunication. The
papal legates, sent to England as arbitrators, began to
assume a menacing attitude and hint the possibility
of an interdict. With the aim, probably, of securing
the throne against a personal anathema, Henry, in
1170, requested papal permission for the coronation
of his eldest son by Archbishop Roger. The Pope,
flattered by the request, perhaps bribed as well, con-
sented to this invasion of the Canterbury prerogative.
The two bishops were absolved the king was only
:
gently urged to abolish the impious customs. Roger,

armed with a papal brief whose genuineness there is
no reason to doubt, crowned the prince in June 1170.
1
In the court of Rome/ cried Becket, now as ever,
*
Christ is and
crucified Barabbas released.'
Louis, however, was because his
bitterly offended
daughter, the prince's wife, was not crowned too and ;
he now pressed, more zealously than ever, the demand

for an interdict on England. The singularly sudden
reconciliation of July 1170 is perhaps attributable to
Henry's dread of such a sentence perhaps to an idea
:
that Becket would be more controllable in England

than in France. All that is known is that king and
primate met by arrangement informally at Fretteville,
conferred, and parted on amicable terms, if without
kiss of peace. Becket averred that nothing was
said about the Constitutions, but that a promise
was given that he should repeat the coronation rite
at Canterbury.
A.D. 1154-89] HENRY II. 35
The
primate, too, had perhaps his own designs in
making peace. Immediately afterwards he appealed
to Alexander, demanding a special treatment of bishops
who had so ill served the sacerdotal cause. He so
depicted the case that the shifty pope himself sanc-
tioned excommunications against the diocesans of
London, Salisbury, Rochester and St Asaph. Geoffrey
Ridal was not forgotten and the favour was crowned
;
with a decree of suspension against the hateful Roger

of York. These contraband documents were secretly
introduced into England as precursors of the primate's
restoration. The suffragans cried that he was coming
'
1
not in peace but in fire and flame and that he had ;
condemned them without citation or trial. Roger,

*
however, the Lucifer seated in the north,' remained

indifferent, relying, it was said, on his great wealth to
recover him the favour of the pope.
In such mood did Thomas Becket at last return
to England. Walter of Rochester, humbling himself,
offered him entertainment Henry of Winchester ;
received him as his guest at Southwark. He was

acclaimed too with blessings by the populace and
many clergy. On
the other hand, his escort experi-
enced gross indignities at the hands of Randulf de
Broc, sheriff of Kent, and his clerical brother Robert.
On these and others Becket denounced sentence
while celebrating Mass in London. His last public
function was a Christmas sermon at Canterbury,
from the text Peace on earth/ followed by renewed
*
anathemas.
Meanwhile the excommunicated prelates had brought
their report of matters to Bayeux, and implored the
protection of the king.

*
So long as Thomas lives,'
'
said someone, you will never be at peace.' Have I
*
none among my thankless cowardly courtiers,' was the

gist of the precipitate reply,
'
who will relieve me from
the insults of one low-born turbulent priest?' The
next day's deliberations decided that Mandeville
should go to England with instructions for Becket's
arrest. But the utterance had already prompted the
four knights of the familiar story to their fatal errand.
Travelling in hot haste they confronted the primate
in the precincts of his cathedral, on the afternoon of
December 29. A fierce altercation followed their
demand that he should surrender to the justice of
the king. The knights went for their arms the :
canons barred the outer gates, and vainly implored

Becket to seek concealment. The gates were broken
through by de Broc himself; and, Becket not having
permitted the cathedral doors to be closed, the tramp
of armed men and the cry where is the traitor ?
' '
interrupted vespers. The monks mostly fled in terror.

Between the altars of St Mary and St Benedict the
primate bravely encountered his pursuers. Their
object, doubtless, was drag him from the con-
to
secrated building, but again an altercation arose, and
an abusive expression used by Becket provoked
Fitzurse to strike a blow with his axe. It was only
partly intercepted by the faithful Edward Grim.

After this all took a share in the despatch of their
victim, who died engaged in prayer. The climax was
that one of their followers set his foot on the skull, and
crushed out the blood and brains.
This horrible deed did far more for the Hildebrandine
cause than all the archiepiscopal career of Thomas
Becket. It was in vain that Roger of York detected
a divine judgment on the troubler of the Church, and

preached about Becket perishing like Pharaoh in his
'
A.D. 1154-89] HENRY II. 37
pride.'
l
The monks at once put Canterbury Cathedral
into mourning, and for a whole year its sacred offices
were discontinued. Becket, as a lavish almoner and
the first primate of Saxon extraction since the Con-
quest, had had the sympathy of the populace
throughout the conflict. A cult of the slaughtered
primate as a martyr and a saint was immediately
initiated. By Easter it was vindicated by miraculous
cures, and the belief in his posthumous efficacy soon
permeated England. But not in England alone was
the atrocity thus utilized. Wherever the doctrine of
the False Decretals was venerated and canon law
regarded as the bulwark of the Christian Faith, there
the story served to stimulate adoration of an ideal
Catholic prelate, and abhorrence of a persecuting king.
Thomas Becket was canonized within the short space
of three years, and was thenceforth a saint famous
throughout all Western Christendom. Churches rose
dedicated to him in every land, 2 and his shrine at
Canterbury became one of the richest and most cele-
brated resorts of pilgrims. It survived till the year
1538, associated with Hildebrandine pretentions and a

story of a sovereign's shame. A
less conscientious
Henry then vindicated the cause of a long-insulted

royalty, formally decanonized St Thomas, and appro-
priated to himself his priceless hoards.
Henry received the news of the outrage at Argenton.
He was overwhelmed with grief at the death of his
once cherished friend, and remorse for his own com-
with apprehension too doubtless of an interdict
plicity,
from Alexander. It was perhaps to propitiate the
pope that he now took actively in hand the task con-
1
John of Salisbury. Bouquet, 619, 620.
* In England there were sixty-nine at the time of the Reformation.
secrated by Hadrian IV. He crossed with a Norman

force to Ireland, and was busy there till his negotiations
had secured the despatch of Alexander's legates. With
these he made his peace at Avranches on Ascension
Day, 1172, on comparatively easy terms. He promised
to send two hundred knights to the Holy Land and
himself go on a crusade against the Saracens in Spain ;
to recall the exiled supporters of Becket to rein- ;
vest the Church of Canterbury in all its rights and

*
possessions to revoke all customs introduced in his

;
own times contrary to the Church's liberties.'

1
The
pacification also involved another coronation of the
young King Henry. This was effected at Winchester
on August 27, the officiating prelate being the
Archbishop of Rouen.
In 1174, however, Henry's guilt appeared to have
drawn on his head accumulated troubles. His son,
assisted by Louis and the Count of Flanders, had
raised a rebellion in France. Northern England was
invaded by William King of Scots. In co-operation
with these foes were a handful of malcontent earls,
whose insurrection brought destruction on Norwich and
Northampton. Though this insular disaffection only
proved the fidelity of his subjects, especially that of the
bishops, Henry, after defeating Louis, decided that his
presence was needed. Compunction, or stress of public
opinion, induced him to perform an extraordinary
penance at Canterbury, three days after landing. He
walked three miles to the cathedral, barefooted and in
penitential garb, knelt where Becket fell, and confessed
1
VVendover, s.a. 1172. For the personal crusade was eventually sub-
stituted the establishment of four religious houses. One of these,
Witham, in Somersetshire, deserves notice as being the first Carthusian
establishment in England and as having for its first prior the saintly Hugh
of Avalon, afterwards Bishop of Lincoln.
A.D. 1154-89] HENRY II. 39
to the bishops present. Bishop Gilbert explained to

the assemblage that the murderers mistook the king's
hasty speech and he himself proclaimed his restoration
;
of all rights to Canterbury, and of favour to Becket's

friends. He received absolution from the bishops, and
then, baring his back, submitted himself to a scourging
at the martyr's tomb. Its administrators were some
eighty in number, and each prelate inflicted five blows

and each monk three. The night following this casti-
gation the king spent in the cathedral fasting, and next
morning (July 12) he attended Mass. The impression
on society was deepened by the news of de GlanvilPs
contemporaneous victory in the north. On one of
these two days of Henry's self-humiliation God had
'
delivered into his hands William, King of Scots.'

appears that the four knights (Fitzurse, de Tracy,
It
de Moreville, Brito) received no serious punishment.
Nor did any of Becket's clerical opponents have reason
to regret their loyalty. In the year of Henry's own
penance Richard of Ilchester became Bishop of Win-
chester, and Geoffrey, the archdeacon (whom Becket
called archdevil), Bishop of Ely. In 1175 John of
Oxford was promoted from the Salisbury deanery to
the see of Norwich. That they were unworthy men
there is no reason to believe, apart from the denuncia-
tions of Becket, which had included the pious Gilbert
Foliot, selected at his own
instance as the king's chief
counsellor. Gilbert, formerly prior of Abbeville and
Abbot of Gloucester, was so renowned for his ascetic
piety that Archbishop Theodore had chosen him for
his spiritual adviser. 1 In ideals he was probably at one
with Becket. But he despised the blundering impul-
1
Pope Alexander, writing on the occasion of his promotion to London,
rebukes him for fasting too severely. Ep. 169.
siveness of the new convert to high clericalism, and

could take a larger view of the immediate needs of the
Thomas, a fool thou ever wert and a fool
*
Church.
thou ever wilt be,' was his impatient utterance at the
council of Northampton. There is no need of the
surmise that he was a disappointed aspirant to Canter-
bury, but as primate he would have better served the
cause of real religion than did Thomas Becket.
It is perhaps not surprising to find that Henry was
in no hurry to replace Becket, and that it was not till
June 1173 that Richard, Prior of Dover, was nominated
for Canterbury. The Dover foundation was closely
connected with Christ Church, and the canons readily
accepted this appointment. The young king, however,
made difficulties and appealed to the pope, and Richard's
consecration was delayed for nearly a year. The
romance of his predecessor's stormy career has usually
eclipsed the merits of Archbishop Richard. Though
the king's domestic troubles were destined to be con-
tinued in aggravated form, he did his best to reconcile
father and son, and merit the blessing on the peace-
maker so flagrantly disregarded by the canonized
Thomas. The two were actually brought together
at an ecclesiastical council which he convened at
Westminster in May 1175. Though a Benedictine,
Richard was no blind admirer, either of monastic
exemptions, or of the high pretentions of the courts
Christian. Becket's view of the privilegium fori has
been sufficiently noticed. It is instructive to find that
even from the clerical standpoint there was something
to be said for Henry's innovations, and against the
growing practice of appealing to the Holy See. In
one of his letters Richard laments that even if anyone
'
has killed a priest the Church refuses the aid of the

A.D. 1154-89] HENRY II. 41
carnal weapon.' guilty parties make their appeal

The
to Rome, and 'go in mere jest with the plenitude of the
Apostolic favour, and return to commit crime again

with greater audacity.' For
holy orders it
plaintiffs in
would seem the privttigium fori was a less agreeable
1
arrangement than for the criminous clerk.
That not much love was lost between such a primate
and Becket's faction is intelligible and Richard was ;
aspersed with charges of apathy and betrayal of the

Church's interests. Canterbury, nevertheless, still
boasts a substantial memorial of this primacy. Two
months after the king's celebrated penance a fire broke
Conrad's glorious choir was
'
out in the cathedral, and '
completely destroyed. To the activity of Richard,

supplemented by Becket's posthumous fame, we owe
the present noble structure, the type par excellence of
'
the transition in England.'

Alexander III. days in peace and honour,
ended his
shortly after convening another General Council, the

3rd Lateran, in 1179. The number of the cardinals
was here enlarged and as a safeguard against renewal
;
of papal schisms the important rule was established

that the pope-elect must have two-thirds of the suffrages
of the conclave. Disciplinary canons were passed ; the
canonization of saints was declared to be a prerogative
of the pope ;
and anathemas were denounced on the
heretical or anti-sacerdotal teachings, 2 which, as early as
1165, had been expiated by burnings at Vezelay. We
1
Here probably lies the explanation of the immunity of the four knights,
who thus, as Milman observes, by a singular reciprocity escaped punish-
' '
ment on Becket's own principle. Legend imposes upon them dark and
'
romantic acts of penance history finds them in high places of trust and
:
honour.' Lat. Christianity, Bk. VIII. chap. viii.

2
Those of the Cathari, Publican! or Paterines, now systematized by the
Waldenses and Albigenses in Switzerland and Provence.
42 MEDIEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, n
notice in this connexion that in the year before Becket's

elevation England had cruelly used certain German
'
Publicani/ who came under the leadership of one

Walter Gerhard, and are said to have combined a
rigorous asceticism with repudiation of the Church's
Sacraments. These poor wretches, being found un-
amenable to persuasion, were given over by a synod
at Oxford to the civil authorities. The chronicler piti-
lessly records how they were whipped and branded,
and, finding no shelter, perished in the wintry weather,
adding that the pious severity of this discipline not
'
only cleansed England from that pest, but also . . .
prevented its future intrusion by the terror it struck

into the heretics.' x
Despite his continued activity in civil legislation,

Henry II. seems to have wearied of his ecclesiastical
responsibilities in his latter days. On the demise of
Archbishop Richard in 1184, Christ Church, inflated
doubtless by the world-wide fame of Becket, ventured
to choose a primate, without reference to either king or
bishops. Its first selection was the Abbot of Battle.

The bishops retaliated with an independent election,
and nominated Baldwin, sometime Abbot of Ford and
now Bishop of Worcester. The monks thereupon
transferred their personage sure of
affections to a
papal support, Theobald, Cardinal-bishop of Ostia.
Henry's aversion to such an appointment is sufficiently
intelligible. He now interposed, and if Gervas is to
be credited, entreated the Christ Church canons on
(
'
bent knees and with streaming eyes to accept
Baldwin, on the understanding that the episcopal
election was ruled invalid. Christ Church doubtless
deeply regretted its complaisance, if this it was that
1
William of Newburgh, s. a. 1160.
A.D. 1154-89] HENRY II. 43
really decided the matter. Baldwin had himself been

trained under the strict Cistercian rule. Shortly after
his installation, alleging that the monks were more
given to sumptuous hospitality than to the mainte-
nance of learning, he announced his intention of setting
apart a portion of the archiepiscopal property for the
foundation of a new college of secular priests. The
site Hakington, a suburb of Canterbury,
was fixed at
and the establishment was to be dedicated to the
martyr saints Stephen and Thomas. Certain dues
payable by the property to Christ Church were ignored
in thisarrangement, and the monks, rightly or wrongly,
detected in it a design to quash their elective rights,
even to transfer the primatial chair from Canterbury
to Hakington. They appealed to Rome and the ;
dispute soon attracted general attention and divided

the sympathies of the great personages and monasteries
of Europe. Baldwin's most valuable asset was the
support of the whole Cistercian Order. The king,
too,threw himself with something of his former vigour
into the fray. He suspended the appellant monks,
ordered de Glanvill to prohibit the execution of papal
mandates the discontinuance of the Hakington
for
building, and even wrote to Pope Clement III. that

he would rather lay down his crown than allow the
*
monks get the better of the archbishop.'

to The
quarrel was at its worst in 1188-89, the chapter being
now excommunicated by Baldwin, and retaliating with
a suspension of all services in the cathedral. On the
accession of Richard a truce was effected, and Baldwin,
pulling down his Hakington edifice as an act of
*
grace,'*
transferred the material to his newly-acquired manor
of Lambeth, and there began to build another collegiate
church for seculars. Again the suspicions of Christ
Church were aroused, and again they applied to Rome

for prohibitory mandates. Baldwin, however, had now
he died in November 1190.
gone off to Palestine, where
The quarrel was to be continued in the primacy of his
successor Hubert, and end in the complete triumph
of the monks.
The pretentions of York to equality with Canterbury
had in 1176 been made
at Henry's request the subject
of a special legatine investigation, the result being an
extraordinary scene in St Catharine's Chapel, West-
minster. Roger, on coming to the court, found Ugo
the legate already enthroned, and Archbishop Richard
occupying the post next in honour on his right-hand
side. To vindicate his equal dignity he located himself
on the southern primate's lap. Thereupon Richard's
retinue rose in indignation and assailed the intruder
4
with sticks and fists.' The legate fled in terror, and
the meeting broke up in confusion. A five years' truce
was afterwards effected between Richard and Roger,
but the issue remained undetermined, and will again
be noticed as a source of scandalous contention. 1
From 1181 onwards the northern primacy remained
untenanted, and the king died emphasizing his curious
whim for the elevation of the unwilling Geoffrey
Plantagenet, his offspring by fair Rosamond. Geoffrey
had been a better son than his half-brothers, and had
held the great seal since 1182, but his clerical career
so far scarcely commended the York appointment.
In 1173 he had been given the great bishopric of
Lincoln, though only in deacon's orders. He pro-
ceeded to administer the temporalities, and did this
economically and well, but declined even ordination
to the priesthood. After eight years the pope insisted
1
See Appendix, note I.
A.D. 1154-89] HENRY II. 45
that he should seek consecration or resign. Geoffrey

preferring the latter alternative, the see was given to
Walter of Coutances, who was moved on shortly after-
wards to the archbishopric of Rouen. Lincoln was at
last (1186) more satisfactorily filled by Henry's eleva-
tion of the famous Hugh of Avalon. 1 Of all these
prelates more will be said hereafter.
should be It
observed that, perhaps as a consequence of its long
vacation, York now sustained a great impairment of
its old pretentions. The nine Scotch bishoprics were
in 1188 freed by Clement III. from their ancient
allegiance tonorthern English primate.

the They
were henceforth to be subservient to the pope alone,
nullo mediante. We shall notice hereafter how this
papal ambition was defeated by Scotland's misdirected

allegiance during the Great Schism, the result being
that Sixtus IV. instituted a Scotch archbishopric in
1472.
Henry's indifference to Church
1
affairs at this period has been some-
times exaggerated. Despite the long vacancy at York, he appears to
have displayed a spasmodic activity not untempered by conscientious
scruples. In 1186 he held councils at Eynsham and Marlborough to fill
vacant sees. He declared that he would not elevate any cleric 'pro
amore vel consanguinitate vel prece vel pretio.' His objection to re-
munerating state officials with bishoprics delayed the elevation of
Richard Fitznigel, Godfrey de Luci, and others. Benedict ', 323, 324.
CHAPTER III
RICHARD I. AND JOHN
reign of Richard I. contributes no new

THE feature to the story of the Church's political
relations, save that increased importance now attaches
itself to the episcopal justiciars as the king's vice-
gerents. Viewed apart from the glamour of the
Crusade, it is a period of impiety, disorder and oppres-
sion. No king has ever so despoiled England and ;
Richard knew not our language and was scarcely six

months here in a reign of ten years.
The news of Saladin's capture of Jerusalem had
reached Europe in October 1187, and Gregory VIII.
had availed himself of the general indignation to pro-
claim a Third Crusade. His encyclical is said to be
the first instance of a papal proffer of general indul-
gences. Special prayers and fasts were also appointed,
and all Christians were urged to contribute money to
the holy cause. The appeal was universally obeyed,
and Henry responded by himself taking the cross, and
imposing a tax of a tenth with the consent of a great
council at Geddington.
Something of the crusading spirit may perhaps be
detected in the atrocious slaughter of the Jews on
Richard's coronation day
(Sunday, September 3),
described by the chronicler as an immolation to their '
*
father the devil.' Initiated in London,
'
this famous
1
Richard of Devizes, s.a.
46
A.D. 1189-99] RICHARD I. 47
mystery was repeated in almost every city and town

' '
:
Winchester alone spared its vermin.' The survivors

had to buy protections from the king, and so contri-
buted to the Crusade. Richard's war-chest was also
replenished by a disgraceful amercement of de Glanvill,
his father's justiciar by a quittance of Scotland from
;
obligations imposed by Henry and by a cession of

;
charters to towns, perhaps the one satisfactory per-

formance of the reign. But the most singular device
for raising funds was a sale, or rather enforced purchase,
of offices and territorial dignities, in sinister connexion
sometimes with appointment to the long-vacated sees.
Hugh Nonant, Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, now
bought the shrievalty of three midland counties God- ;
frey de Luci that of Hants, becoming also Bishop of

Winchester. De Puiset of Durham, the mightiest
prelate of the day, and a great-grandson of William I.,
was compelled to buy the justiciarship, and the earldom
of Northumberland as well, paying, it is said, in all
10,000 pounds. As a set-off to this revival of the type
of prelate that had so exercised Stephen, Richard
associated with De Puiset William Longchamp, a
Norman of humble extraction. He, too, contributed
to the sinews of war, paying for the chancellorship
3000 marks, after a collation to the bishopric of Ely.
This work of financing his enterprise accomplished,
Richard left England for France (December n), but
lingered there for the next six months, and really did
not reach Palestine till the summer of 1191. Baldwin,
on the other hand, perhaps emulating the zeal of the
many crusader-churchmen of the Continent, set off
eastward in March 1190, with his 200 knights and
300 followers marshalled under St Thomas' banner.
Hubert Walter, the new Bishop of Salisbury, also went.
48 MEDIEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, m
Our primate is credited with some deeds of valour,
but he died in December, heart-broken, it was said, by
the depravities of the soldiers of the Cross. 1
Hugh Nonant deserves notice in connexion with an
episode illustrative of the strained relations of diocesans
and chapters. The Coventry monks outdid Christ
Church in insubordination and Hugh complained, at
;
a synod at Westminster (October 1189), that they had

assaulted him violently before the very altar. The
consent of the bishops was secured for an introduction
of secular canons bolder far than Baldwin's. Richard
of Devizes records with no little acerbity how alms-
houses and workshops accordingly gave place to
spacious dwellings how certain prebends were reserved
;
for Rome also, alas

: how the new secular canons
!
shunned residence and provided vicars-choral to make '
a frequent vociferation in the house of the Lord.' This,

'
forsooth, that glorious religion of the clerks: this

is
should the Church imitate and emulate.' Doubtless

the cause of the seculars was commended by
little
character, for Hugh, the man of bitter

'
their patron's
jocularity . . . who never loved either monks or their

order,' was, in 1194, disgracefully implicated in Prince
John's conspiracy. The episcopal triumph was, as
usual, marred by Roman intervention, the regulars
being reinstated at Coventry in 1198 by order of
Innocent III.
Till the close of 1191, however, all other prelates
were eclipsed by the meteoric lustre of the Norman
William Longchamp. A quarrel shortly severed him
1 The Archbishops of Besancon, Ravenna, Pisa and Montreale, and
the Bishops of Beauvais and Cambrai fought in this Crusade. Many
churchmen, doubtless, like Bishop Peter of St David's and Archdeacon
Giraldus, took the cross, but subsequently obtained dispensations to
substitute prayers for service in the field.
A.D. 1189-99] RICHARD I.
49
from his co-justiciar and on the case being referred to

;
the king in France, he obtained a monopoly of office,

and soon afterwards arrested De Puiset and kept him
in enforced retirement. In June 1190 the king con-
trived to get this unpopular upstart made legate for
both provinces and thenceforward he reigned supreme,
;
selling judicial sentences, buying large estates, and

securing great wardships and marriages for his rela-
England was silent in his presence.' His best
'
tions.
feat, perhaps, was his infliction of a heavy penalty on

York for renewed cruelties to the Jews in their royal
patron's absence. His fall was due to an over-zealous
arrest of Geoffrey Plantagenet, who, disobeying a royal
order to remain abroad, was captured at the altar of
St Martin's, Dover, shortly after landing (September
1191). Geoffrey had now received consecration, and
the intriguing John appears to have used the twofold
sacrilege on his own account.
Longchamp's legation
had ceased at Clement's death, and Walter of Rouen
had recently come from Messina armed, seems, with
it
legitimate powers for his supersession. The alliance of

Walter and Prince John secured excommunications
from the bishops, and a vote of deposition from a great
council of the magnates. Longchamp held out in the
Tower till John won over the City of London by some
1
further confirmation of its
corporate privileges; but
was then degraded and deprived of his castles, and was
fain to make his escape in woman's dress abroad.
( '
John secured the title regent but the real fruits of;
the victory were with Walter, who now became chief

justiciar. Longchamp came back as nominally chan-
cellor in March 1194, but could not recover his political
The mayoralty, sometimes associated with this affair, probably owes
its origin to Richard's traffic in civic liberties in 1189.
4
50 MEDLEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, in
importance, and left with his patron in the following

May.
For a few weeks the recognized successor of Arch-
bishop Baldwin was Reginald Fitzjocelyn, son of
Becket's enemy Jocelyn of Salisbury, and Bishop of
Bath and Wells since 1174. It may be observed here
that England had shown herself in past times indif-
ferent to the rule of clerical celibacy, 1 and that no
change was effected by the enhanced pretentions of the
canon law. De Puiset was a married man, like his
predecessors Geoffrey, Rufus, and Ralph Flambard in
the period before Gratian's Decretum. No stigma, legal
or social, attached itself to the married priest's chil-
dren. Nigel of Ely's son was now Bishop of London,
and Richard of Winchester's was shortly to reign at
Sarum. In monastic circles perhaps a stricter view
would usually be taken but it appears that in this case
;
Fitzjocelyn's doubly odious origin was counterbalanced

by services rendered Christ Church in the great quarrel
with Baldwin. The story is as follows Walter of :
Rouen summoned a conclave to Canterbury in con-

junction with Prince John, their desire perhaps being
to secure the right of nomination (November 1191).
Only three bishops had arrived when the prior of

Christ Church brought the business to a conclusion by
declaring that Fitzjocelyn, who was one of these, was
elected by the canons. Fitzjocelyn was then carried
off against his will, and enthroned in the archiepiscopal
1
A London in 1102 prohibited for the first time the marriage
synod
of the clergy. In 1107 Paschal II. gave Anselm power to relax the
canon on the ground that the greater and more excellent portion
of the English clergy were the sons of priests. In 1179, however, the
Lateran Council reprobates the practice of clerics having consorts in
'
their houses as retained in England by a depraved and detestable
'
custom.
A.D. 1189-99] RICHARD I. 51
chair. This precipitate election appears to have been

recognized after some demur. Fitzjocelyn applied to
Rome for a bull of translation and the pall, but died
suddenly of apoplexy on Christmas eve.
Translations were as yet regarded as exceptional
infringements of the old canonical regulation uniting
a bishop in permanent wedlock to his see. It was by
this process nevertheless that Canterbury was at last
supplied, for in 1193 Hubert Walter arrived with

credentials from the captive Richard for both primacy
and chief justiciarship. Hubert, by far the ablest
magnate of this reign, had been
educated by his
connexion, de Glanvill, the celebrated justiciar, with
whom he had gone to the crusade. Besides active
service in the field, he had here done good work as a
military chaplain and camp-preacher and he had also ;
acted as Richard's
representative in arranging the
final concordat with Saladin. Hubert's spiritual claims
were admitted May, Christ Church contenting itself
in
by pretending that he was the archbishop of its choice.

He entered on the justiciarship at Christmas, and his
military talents were at once utilized against the
perfidious John. The
prince now openly aimed at
the Crown, and had, with the connivance of Philip
Augustus, secured parts of Normandy. Sentences of
forfeiture and excommunication were being abetted by
the new
primate's active siege of his castles, when the
struggle was brought to a close by the return of the
ransomed Richard (March 1 194).
Richard's imprisonment contributed, like most poli-
tical difficulties, to the advancement of the pretentions
of the pope. In 1193 Eleanor had addressed a piteous
appeal to Celestine III. on her son's behalf, and it is
noticeable how she, or Peter of Blois, her secretary,
52 MEDIAEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, in
appropriates the phraseology of the Hildebrandine

school.
*
It remains that you, O Holy Father, draw
against these injurious men the sword of Peter set for
this purpose over peoples and kingdoms. For the
cross of Christ excels the eagles of Caesar, the sword
of Peter the weapon of Constantine: the Apostolic
See above the Imperial power.' 1 The really effective
is
influence with Henry VI., however, was a ransom of

;ioo,ooo. Though double the revenue of the Crown,
this impost was recognized as a legitimate feudal aid ;
and in February 1193 the queen and justices prescribed

by method of assessment. It included, besides
edict the
scutage, a payment by clergy and laity alike of a fourth

of revenues and goods a seizure of a year's shearing
;
of wool from the Cistercians also an ; appropriation

of the treasures of abbeys and churches. The sum being
still incomplete, these shortly had their communion plate
appropriated, with alternative of redemption by fresh
payment. The silver altar of Bury was now sacrificed
2
;
but for the dauntless attitude of Abbot Sampson, St

Edmund's shrine would have been despoiled too. 3
Such was the price England paid for the restoration of
her gallant but ungrateful king. He was recrowned at
Winchester as a protest against the homage lately
exacted by the emperor, and then busied himself about
fresh subsidies for a French campaign. Again there
was a removal of sheriffs (especially of those who had
resisted Longchamp), with increment to the royal
coffers, and in May Richard left England, and never
entered it again.
1
Letters of Peter de Blois, ed. Duchesne.
2
In 1 195 Richard orders that the chalices of churches surrendered
for this purpose are to be returned. Hoveden, iii. 290.
3
William of Newburgh, s.a. Cf. Joceline of Brakeland.
A.D. 1189-99] RICHARD I. 53
Hubert resumed office as justiciar or vicegerent, and

next year his spiritual capacity was enhanced by
Celestine appointing him legate for all England. But
his task of raising fresh subsidies for Richard diverted
him from primatial duties, and impaired his popularity.
In 1196 the extension of tallage to the poorer
classes by a poll-tax provoked the serious rising in
London, headed by William Fitzosbert or Longbeard,
himself a lawyer and crusader. Longbeard, defeated
by the citytook refuge with certain fol-
forces,
lowers in the church of St Mary le Bow, and Hubert
having, to the surprise of many, ordered him to be
'
dragged out of the asylum they applied fire, and

. . .
sacrilegiously burnt down a great part of the church.'

Longbeard, who was hanged at Smithfield with nine
others, evidently had the general sympathy of the
monks and Matthew Paris later on presses his claim
;
to a martyr's honours. St Mary's, too, was a peculiar

of the Canterbury canons, who were further aggrieved
in the matter of the Lambeth college. Christ Church
lodged a complaint of Hubert's sacrilegious deed in
1198 before the great Innocent III., who had not
renewed his legation and according to Wendover,
;
Richard was compelled by threat of interdict to dismiss

him from the justiciarship, 'as it was specially for-
bidden bishops to meddle with secular affairs.' l His
place was filled by Geoffrey Fitzpeter, a layman of
high character and learning.
Geoffrey Plantagenet had at the beginning of the
reign been accepted by the York chapter, and had at
last consented to take priest's orders. But his con-
secration was delayed by a quarrel with Baldwin, who
insisted on his own right of presiding. After Baldwin
1
Wendover, Flowers of History, s.a.
54 MEDIEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, m
departed to the crusade he fell foul of his cathedral
officials, and Richard, who probably doubted his
loyalty, took up their cause and tried to stop his
confirmation by the pope. Geoffrey made his peace
before his brother left France by submitting to a fine
and pledging himself not to visit England for the next
three years but he afterwards secured consecration at
;
Tours and precipitated the downfall of William Long-

champ by returning, as above related. This incident
probably enhanced his reputation but he quarrelled
;
with De Puiset and the York Chapter, and failed to

propitiate his royal brother, the result being his
alternate suspension and restoration by papal sentence.
This curious archiepiscopal career was ended in 1207 by
Geoffrey's vigorous resistance to King John's demand
of a thirteenth of clerical chattels. He left England,
fulminating excommunications on all who levied or
paid this tax, and died abroad five years later.
The neglect of the north was somewhat redressed by
Hubert's large legatine powers; and in June 1195
Roger's insult to the southern chair was avenged by
a less crude form of obsession. Visiting York in the
twofold capacity of legate and justiciar, Hubert asserted
his authority over St Mary's Abbey, and even convened
a provincial council in the Minster. Its fourteenth
canon is apparently the first regular provision for the
appointment of permanent 'vicars' to appropriated
churches, in lieu monastic jobsmen.
of ill-paid A
recognized abuse had been met by the decree of the
third Lateran Council, sanctioning episcopal interven-
tion. This canon accordingly orders 'that in any Church
appropriated by the religious a vicar shall be instituted

by the care of the bishop, and shall receive a decent
competency out of the goods of the Church.' The
A.D. 1189-99] RICHARD I. 55
eleventh canon embodies the extraordinary prohibitions

with which ecclesiasticism had now environed liberty of
marriage. Let not a man contract with a relation of
'
his former wife nor a woman with a relation of her

;
former husband nor a godson with a daughter of the

;
baptizer or of the godfather, whether born before or

after.' All such provincial constitutions being sub-
ordinate to the higher authority of the pope, every
canon closes with the words, saving in all the honour
*
and privilege of the holy Church of Rome.'

A pleasing contrast to such bishops as Nonant, de
Puiset and Geoffrey Plantagenet is the saintly Hugh
of Avalon, who held Lincoln from 1183 to 1200. Not
only did Hugh win the affections of his diocese by his
unaffected piety and munificence, but on two occasions
his nai've humility and good temper overcame diffi-
culties with the Crown. He made his way to Henry's
presence, after refusing one of his courtiers a prebendal

stall, and so justified himself that the king embraced
him and solicited his prayers. crossed to Nor- He
mandy in 1198 to confront Richard, after refusing
Hubert's demand His plea that the
for subsidies.
Church was not liable for military service abroad
appears highly questionable, and Fitzwalter, Bishop of
Salisbury, who had also refused, was subjected to a
fine. Hugh, however, not only secured his own ex-
emption, but induced the king to listen to a rebuke of

1
his conjugal infidelities and sales of sacred offices.
The interview closed with Richard's memorable ex-
clamation that if all the Order were like Hugh no
sovereign in Christendom would dare oppose a bishop.
1
Hoveden, iv. 40 ;
Vita S. Hugonis, p. Hugh's successful
248.
opposition to Hubert's impost is regarded by Stubbs as a landmark in
constitutional history.
Little more than a twelvemonth afterwards, Bishop

Hugh was administering an emphatic warning to John
beside his brother's bier at Fontevraud, and expressing
unqualified distrust of his fair promises. His own
death came before the fulfilment of his forebodings.
The demand for the canonization of this exemplary
bishop was satisfied in 1220. Sixty years later his
remains were interred in the Angel choir, now added
in his honour to Lincoln Cathedral.
Succession by primogeniture being as yet no part

of our constitution, the magnates, on Richard's death,
had between John, with his indifferent reputa-
to select
tion, and his Breton boy-nephew Arthur. Hubert
yielded with some demur to the arguments of William
Marshal and at the coronation of his former enemy
;
emphasized the dependence of the succession on

national election exacting, it is said, a triple oath to
;
protect the Church, reform bad laws, and maintain

equitable administration of justice. Hubert so far
'
'
meddled with secular business as to become chan-
cellor, Fitzpeter retaining the justiciarship. The two
co-operated in restraining John's contempt for moral
and political obligations and England had not much
;
cause of complaint till the primate's death in 1205.

Abroad, however, the disappearance of the captive
Arthur in 1203 excited the darkest suspicions, and
John's incapacity enabled Philip Augustus to overrun
Normandy, Maine, Anjou, Touraine, and much of
Poitou. The climax of this disgrace was a formal
surrender of the lost provinces, executed in 1206.
From 1 199 to 1203 Hubert was engaged in a struggle
A.D. 1199-1216] JOHN 57
against Giraldus de Barri, the graphic and delightfully

credulous topographer, and champion of ecclesiastical
home rule for Wales. A scion of the Welsh princes,
Giraldus had long cherished an ambition to secure
the see of St David's, and reign as an independent
metropolitan. Henry II., repeating the policy of the
Conqueror in Saxon England, kept his hold on Wales
by an importation of English bishops; and the chapter's
election of Giraldus in 1176 had been overridden, 'the
'
vilest Englishman being,' as he says, preferred in such
matters to the most upright and worthy Welshman.'
It is certain, however, that in Richard's reign he refused
both Bangor and Llandaff, with an eye doubtless to
St David's and an independent ecclesiastical hegemony.
Giraldus had attracted Henry's favour in 1 185, and been
made preceptor to Prince John, whom he accompanied
on his memorable visit to Ireland. Baldwin took him
as his interpreter when he made his progress through-
out Wales, 1 executing visitations and preaching the
Crusade. In 1199 St David's was again vacant, and
Giraldus again headed the chapter's list. Hubert,
however, who for a time had a free hand in this
matter, penetrated the designs of the Welsh patriot,

and insisted on offering only two English candidates
for the canons' choice. The affair found its way to the
court of Innocent III. and thither Giraldus thrice
;
journeyed, to kneel at the pope's feet, and urge the

increment of Peter's pence and tithes derivable from
an independent Church in Wales. Proctors, however,
came from Hubert, and not empty-handed and the ;
patriotism of the chapter was itself, says Giraldus,

sapped by Hubert's bribes. The defection, however
Lent 1 1 88. This was the first archiepiscopal visitation of the Welsh
dioceses.
58 MEDIEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, in
accounted for, averted

a serious impairment of the
dignity and security of our Church. Innocent finally
allowed the matter to be settled in England, and the
result was a judicial decision in favour of one of
Hubert's nominees. When elected a third time by
the chapter, in 1215, Giraldus declined promotion,
though John now wished to utilize him in his own
quarrel with Langton and the barons. No serious
attempt was again made to secure a Welsh primacy.
1
Less fortunate was Hubert in the appeal to Rome

about the new Lambeth college. According to Matthew
Paris he had used threats that he would transfer thither
'
the see, and what was still worse, degrade the monks
and put secular canons in their places.' He at last
gave pledges that his college should not interfere in the
primatial elections, and John made some show

of taking
his part. Innocent, nevertheless, ruled that the new
establishment must be demolished and its secular
canons dispersed. The only result therefore of Bald-
win's celebrated scheme was the connexion of the
primates thenceforward with the Lambeth manor.
With Innocent III. the Papacy really attained the
zenith of its power. At his inauguration he had boldly
claimed that the pope 'stands in the midst between
God and man below God, above man ; less than
;
God, more than man he judges all and is judged

:
by none.' Political accidents and his own high talents

and unblemished character enabled Innocent almost
to substantiate these claims. Otho and the young
1
In Henry IV.'s reign, Owen Glendower, repeating Giraldus' tactics,
obtained a Bull from the antipope, Benedict XIII., constituting St David's
an independent metropolitan see. But this feat only led to dissensions
among his own adherents, most of whom disliked the transfer of allegi-
ance from Rome to Avignon. A Bull of Innocent III., dating
rules incidentally that Wales is subject to Canterbury.
A.D. 1199-1216] JOHN 59
Frederick II.were elected by his intervention, the

former admitting, when crowned at Rome, that he was
raised by the grace of God and of the Apostolic See.'
*
Innocent's interdict compelled Philip Augustus to do

justice to his outraged queen. Bohemia, Hungary,
Poland, Denmark, all attested his control; and in 1204
Pedro of Aragon made his realm feudatory to the Holy
See. It was reserved for misgoverned England to crown
these triumphs; but this story is more illustrative of
Innocent's pontifical ambition than of his undeniable
moral grandeur. Our Church was long distracted by
his encroachment on the legitimate rights of the throne.
Its occupant was afterwards sheltered under the papal
aegis when his vices had excited universal hatred.

Archbishop Hubert died in July 1205. A hot-headed
minority of the Chapter, deeming it an opportunity to
repeat the tactics of 1184 and 1191, privily elected the
sub-prior Reginald, and sent him off to secure Innocent's
confirmation. The secret leaked out, and the other
monks declared the election void, and with the con-
currence of the king and bishops elected John de Gray
of Norwich. A deputation of twelve monks was sent
to defeat Reginald's pretentions and postulate de Gray's
translation. Under any ordinary pope they would have
encountered no difficulty. Innocent, however, first
availed himself of the occasion to readjust the whole
system of appointment. The nomination belonged to
the Chapter exclusively. There was no need of
episcopal concurrence. The Crown's claim was only
an outcome of lay tyranny. He then summoned the
deputation to elect a man recommended
' '
by himself.
His choice had fallen on an Englishman undeniably
superior to de Gray, the learned, cultured theologian
Stephen Langton, sometime rector of Paris University,
6o ME OLE VAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, in
and now one of the cardinals in the

papal court. John,
perhaps anticipating the manoeuvre, had sworn the
monks to elect none but de Gray but Innocent little
;
heeded their protest that they could not change their

choice without royal permission. It was not for the
Apostolic See, he said, to wait for the consent of

*
princes.' By virtue of your obedience, and under

penalty of our anathema, we command you to elect
. .the man we give you.'
. The monks succumbed,
and elected Langton.
The affront was not extenuated, in John's opinion, by
a present of a valuable ring, and a letter extolling the
qualifications of the new primate. He so menaced
Christ Church that the canons fled precipitately to
Flanders. He
threatened Innocent with a suspension
of all papal dues. Innocent wrote, solemnly identi-
fying the cause with that for which the glorious martyr
*
St Thomas shed his blood,' and himself consecrated

Langton (June 1207). The king announced his inten-
tion of refusing him admission, and appropriated his
temporalities. The pope threatened an interdict. At
this criticaltime John, with characteristic folly, pro-
ceeded to alienate almost all episcopal sympathy by a
violent settlement of an issue outside the Langton
affair. The barons had, in February 1207, acquiesced
in an extraordinary levy of a thirteenth for state pur-
poses. The
prelates, perhaps availing themselves of
the papal quarrel, refused. John proceeded to levy the
tax by force. The result was the flight of Archbishop
Geoffrey and others from England, just when the
national cause required strengthening. When, in
March was actually launched, three
1208, the interdict
bishops (London, Ely, and Worcester) proclaimed
it as Innocent's commissioners, and escaped im-
A.D. 1199-1216] JOHN 61
mediately abroad. Almost all their brethren followed

them.
The
interdict first appears as an ecclesiastical weapon
at the Council of Limoges in 1125. Its aim was to
render a prince who resisted the Church unpopular, by
depriving his subjects of all spiritual consolations.
The excommunication of the real offender, which
might seem the more natural procedure, was resorted
to only when the had failed. It is hard to
interdict
conceive of a whole national Church suspending re-
ligious rites in deference to these iniquitous edicts and ;
the intention of the interdict was usually thwarted by

the patriotism of the secular clergy. Its literal execution
would mean a cessation of all public worship, and a
denial of all recognized means of grace. These, how
ever, were, it seems, conceded to the dying and to
children ;
and the celebration of marriages at the church
door was allowed. The dead, however, had to be
buried in unconsecrated ground and the general de-
;
pression caused by an effective interdict must be

measured by the dependence of mediaeval religion on
such stimulants as functions and processions, and by
the importance attached to the ceremonial performance
of the Mass.
On the present occasion, however, the papal sentence
made little impression, and was probably largely dis-
regarded. Few bishops were left to enforce obedience ;

and the parochial clergy, when not interfered with,
generally inclined on such occasions to the national
side. Even among the Regulars, the Cistercians (an
order much befriended by the superstitious John) were
at first conspicuously disobedient.
a
As a fact, the only
two successful military expeditions of the reign, those
against Ireland and Wales in 1210 and 1211, were
conducted while England was scathed by interdict,

and her king presumably cut off from all Christian
communion.
For the personal excommunication, however, there
was a more substantial ground than that which under-
lay the papal quarrel. Mean, cruel, lustful and per-
fidious, John is the one sovereign whom no writer has
attempted to exonerate. His depravity finds illustra-
tion in the stories of his seducing the wives and
daughters of his baronial entertainers, and of his
starving to death the de Braose family at Windsor.
His senseless fury was now visiting Innocent's offence
on the clergy with wholesale cruelties. If Innocent's
partizans were despoiled and banished, the loyal
seculars were harassed by a spiteful application of the
canon law. The tyrant ordered the arrest of all the (
partners of presbyters and clerks throughout England,'

and only liberated them on payment of large ransoms.
The excommunication was threatened in January
1209, but was delayed by negotiations between John
and Innocent until November. It was then published
in France with due formalities. John, however, pre-
vented any public proclamation of his shame in Eng-
land and again Innocent's strategy was defeated by
;
the absence of the diocesans. De Gray, and the two

Poitevins, Philip of Durham and Peter of Winchester,
were now, it seems, the only bishops left, and all three
were quite subservient to the king. The Court as-
sembled at Christmas as if unconscious of the terrible
sentence. A solitary exception was Geoffrey, Arch-
deacon of Norwich, who resigned his office at the
treasury, and even talked about the peril of attendance
on an excommunicated king. John ordered him to
'
be imprisoned, and cased in a surcoat of lead. Over-
A.D. 1199-1216] JOHN 63
come by this torture and by want of food, he at length

l
departed to the Lord.'
Langton had fixed his abode at Pontigny, famous
throughout Europe for its connexion with the trials of
Thomas Becket. For a time he devoted himself to his
literary pursuits, leaving it to Innocent to fight his
battle. A little court of exiled clergy gradually formed
itselfabout him, and in 1212 their intercessions in-
duced him to go, with the Bishops of London and
Ely to Rome, and implore severer measures. A third
shaft yet remained in Innocent's quiver. Early in
I 3 John was declared dethroned. Philip Augustus
I 3
was summoned to head a crusade against the common
enemy of Christendom. His reward was to be a grant
of immediate Indulgences, and a transfer of the English
crown to his son Prince Louis. This crusade was
finallydetermined at a great council at Soissons (April
1213), attended by Langton and the two bishops.
But again, seemingly, the papal missile fell harmless,
for England's hatred of France quite surmounted her
respect for popes and councils. Odious though the

king was personally, men of all ranks had crowded to
his camp on Barham Downs. His fleet even assumed
the aggressive, and began ravaging the coast of France.
Some 60,000 soldiers stood at his command after the
dismissal of all not trained to arms.
Troops, however, were useless without a leader and ;
John had really been reduced by this menace of de-

position from contumacy to abject terror. To save
himself, he had secretly opened communication with
the pope; indeed, at the very time of the Council,
Pandulf was in England, as Innocent's representative,
making arrangements to defeat its purpose. The
1
Wendover.
negotiations were quickened by John's own superstition,

for had not the pious hermit, Peter of Pontefract,
prophesied that the crown would be lost to him by

next Ascension Day (May 16) ? On the vigil of that
feast, and Templars' Church, were proclaimed
in the
the terms on which John at last purged his contempt,
and obtained Innocent's pardon. Following the
example of Pedro of Aragon, he made his realms a
papal fief. He formally resigned England and Ireland
to Pandulf; declared himself the pope's vassal; and
pledged the Crown irrevocably to pay for them 700
and 300 marks each year. The Archbishop of Dublin
and Bishop de Gray attested this disgraceful surrender,
along with nine earls and four barons and next day
;
John completed the matter by an oath of fealty to his

suzerain. Forgiveness of the primate and exiled clergy
being included in the bargain, Langton now entered

England and in July the king repeated this oath before
;
him and other prelates in Winchester Cathedral.

Langton, however, already evinced something of that
independence of which was to prejudice him
spirit
afterwards at Innocent's court. John had to swear
now to make ample restitution to renew the good laws
;
of King Edward ;
to judge every man
according to his
right. On these terms the primate absolved him and ;
then, to the disgust of Pandulf, ignoring the existence

of the interdict, allowed the usual rites of worship to
be restored without further formalities.
The parts of all the chief performers are now to be
curiously interchanged by this concordat. The king, by
sacrificing our national independence, had incurred the
contempt of the barons. They recall his many oppres-
sions, and dream of the possibility of repeating Inno-
cent's victory in the constitutional sphere. By Innocent
A.D. 1199-1216] JOHN 65
John is regarded henceforward only as a dutiful son

of Holy Church. Nicholas, Cardinal of Tusculum, comes
as legate at Michaelmas, receives the first instalment
of tribute, ostentatiously removes the interdict, and
writes to Rome eulogizing the English king. Langton
and on the other hand, resent Nicholas'
his suffragans,
own exorbitant demands, his pretence to conduct visi-
tations, his invasion of rights of patronage in the
matter of benefices, not least perhaps his utter indiffer-
ance to John's liabilities to the long sequestrated sees.
A protest on these subjects is made at a council at
Dunstable, and Langton's brother Simon is sent to
obtain redress at Rome. The
pope, however, hears
quite another version of the case from Nicholas, when
he returns from England early in 1214. The avarice and
insubordination of Archbishop Stephen, the insolence
and impiety of the barons, the humility, moderation,
and general excellence of John these are the traits
which find credence to the last with Innocent III.
The part played by Langton in 1214 in fostering the
confederation of the magnates is familiar to our readers.
The barons saw no reason to follow a king who had
formally resigned his French territories on the Poitou
expedition. When he returned discomfited, he found
his unpopularity increased by des Roches' oppression as
justiciar, and his subjects preparing to make the Win-

chester pledges a reality. November 22, the festival
of the Saxon martyr king, brought this movement to
a head, and the barons left Edmundsbury, sworn to
resort to arms should Henry I.'s charter not be re-
newed. We notice that John had already made a
crafty attempt to withdraw the sympathy of the clergy
from this league. He proposed a separate concordat
on their own behalf. By a charter, dating November
5
21, he actually relinquished to the chapters the free

right of electing their bishops or abbots. The crown
was only to retain the power of issuing the conge d'elire
and confirming the election. No prelate, however,
attested this insidious document save des Roches.
With like subtlety John, early in 1215, ostentatiously
took the crusader's vow, thus commending himself
more to Innocent III., and implicating all who should
oppose him with arms in the guilt of sacrilege. To
this device the barons retorted by claiming for their
own cause the dignity of a crusade, and entitling Fitz-
walter Marshal of the army of God and Holy Church.'
*
The sequel needs no lengthy narration. London

declared for the barons, and John, finding himself left
with only seven knights at Odiham, realized the
necessity of coming to terms. At the conference at
Runnymede (June 15, 1215) he set his seal to Magna
Carta. Its first attestator was Archbishop Stephen,
and it may be regarded as his handiwork.
This celebrated codification of ancient liberties can
only be noticed here in its ecclesiastical relations. In
this aspect it is disappointing, for it really effected
little. Its first article dealt, it is true, with the pro-
perty and prerogatives of the Church ; and much might

have been expected from its incorporating Henry I.'s
promise in the matter of the conge d'elire^ from its
prohibition of all sales of holy offices, from its pledging
the king to a just account of temporalities during the
vacation of the sees. In such matters, however, the
charter appears only as a counsel of perfection.
Against the conge delire was still set the royal right
of approbation and for a strong sovereign it was as
;
easy after as before 1215 to approve no bishop-elect

but his own, perhaps undeserving, nominee. Holy
A.D. ii 9 9-i2i6] JOHN 67
offices,doubtless, were not actually sold hereafter, as

they were by Richard and John but the theory that
;
bishoprics were the legitimate remuneration of the

king's servants will be found illustrated in almost every
subsequent reign. It is, in fact, bluntly enuntiated in
that great legislative bulwark of the national Church,
the ist Statute of Provisors of 1351. As for the
temporalities, their prolonged sequestration will be
often noticed as the sequel to a quarrel between
king and bishop. All that can be said with certainty
is that no sovereign proved such an utterly unworthy
steward of the vacated property as the unprincipled

John.
The Runnymede pledges were immediately dis-
regarded; and before October king and barons were

at open war. Certain earls attached themselves to
John's cause, out of loyalty, or trusting in his renewed
promises of reformation. But his policy of distinct
repudiation of the charter was probably abetted by few
laymen, save the foreign favourites whom it debarred
from office. On the other hand, it was favoured by
the three bishops already named, and by his chancellor,
Walter de Gray, now made Bishop of Worcester.
John, however, could soon cite a higher sanction than
that of prelates. Great had been the wrath of Innocent
on hearing of the concessions wrung from his loyal
vassal. A Bull was issued on August 25, depicting
John as a penitent servant of the sovereign pontiff, a
would-be crusader too, who was molested by the
barons {
at the instigation of the devil.' Under penalty
of excommunication the king was forbidden to
observe the charter; the baronial party to exact its
observance. 'We therefore altogether reprobate and
condemn the charter.' 'We altogether quash the
charter and pronounce it, with all its obligations, to be

null and void.'
In another Bull (dating August 16) the primate and
bishops were rebuked for aiding the opponents of a
king
*
in whom isthe best hope of deliverance of the
Holy Land.' These disturbers of the peace were
pronounced excommunicate. The diocesans were to
have this sentence published in all churches, under
penalty of suspension. Pandulf the papal envoy,
Peter of Winchester, and the Abbot of Reading were
appointed Innocent's commissioners, to see this order
carried out.
Langton so gave way as to have the sentence on
far
* '
the disturbers of the peace proclaimed in the presence

of the baronial army. In regard to the Charter,
however, he declared that the pope was misinformed ;
and he demanded delay, as being himself about to

journey to Rome to attend the Lateran Council.
Pandulf actually pronounced his suspension before he
quitted England and the Bull cancelling the Charter
;
was published by the papal commission. At Rome

Langton found Innocent confirmed in his prejudices
by the Abbot of Beaulieu and other envoys of the
king. He received a severe rebuke, and the sentence
of suspension was ratified 1 (November 4). It was
removed on the accession of Honorius III., but

apparently on the condition that he should remain at
Rome, and it was not till 1218 that he returned to
Canterbury. The other primacy was also affected by
his recalcitrancy. So strongly set towards the con-
stitutional cause was the tide of clerical sympathies
1
This sentence was published in England in December. It was
followed by Innocent's excommunication of the baronial insurgents by
name.
A.D. 1 1 99-1 2 1 6] JOHN 69
that the York chapter had elected Simon Langton as

primate, resisting John's demand for the elevation of
Walter de Grey. Despite his judgment of 1206,
Innocent took the part of the Crown against the
chapter. Walter returned from his appeal to Rome
translated and invested with the pall but saddled too,
;
it was said,with an immense debt for curial costs.

To complete the interchange of parts, the men who
in 1213 had rallied round John to resist the French
invasion are now seen themselves negotiating a transfer
of allegiance to Prince Louis. He lands on Thanet in
May London, receives the homage
1216, and, entering
of the mayor and of most of the baronial leaders.
Winchester is taken, and the few royalist earls now
detach themselves from John, whose final feat is the
desolating march that ends at Newark.
By Innocent, on the other hand, the very enterprise
that had been called a crusade is now anathematized.
His legate, Gualo, first denounces it at Melun, and
then, following in Louis' wake, lays an interdict on the
barons' estates, and on the city of London. On July 16
died the illustrious Innocent III., with his mind full of
this concern, which had recently brought an ex-
communication on Philip Augustus. On October 14
died his favoured vassal, John, the worst king probably
that ever sat on England's throne. By these two
accidents our Church and State were extricated from a
condition of seemingly hopeless disorder. To the
barons the claims of the sovereignty were presented in
a new aspect to the Papacy was given an opportunity
:
of redressing the impolicy of Innocent III. Even

before John's death, insular jealousy had begun to
impair the prospects of Louis and in November, Gualo,
;
to secure the Plantagenet succession, himself confirmed

the Charter. The next year brought De Burgh's

destruction of the French and Pembroke's victory
fleet,
at Lincoln. By the Treaty of Lambeth (September 1 1)
arrangements were made for the peaceful departure of
the French.
The fourth Lateran Council (November 1215) con-
trasts with the English imbroglio as an appropriate
climax to the pontificate of the great Innocent. He is
said to have only reluctantly sanctioned the sentence of
deposition and exile, now pronounced on Raymond of
Toulouse for alleged inactivity against the Albigens.i.an
heresy. On
the other hand, the first canon, with its
pretentious addition to theology, was drawn up by
Innocent himself, and not allowed to be debated. The
* '
dogma ofTransubstantiation in the Eucharist was

thus, for the first time, authoritatively proclaimed. No
explanation was attached but the term, construed
;
by contemporary philosophy, implied a miraculous

'
changing of the accidents of bread and wine at

'
consecration, and it was thus usually interpreted. The

same canon asserted that there was 'one universal
Church of the faithful, outside which no one at all is
saved.' The was immediately attested by a

belief
renewal of the holy war against the Albigenses. The
results were a devastation of the most civilized region
of Christendom attended by countless atrocities, and
the establishment there of the awful tyranny of the
Inquisition in 1229 and 1233.
CHAPTER IV
HENRY III
III.'s pontificate, besides advancing

INNOCENT
Hildebrandine ideals and developing new dogma,
bequeathed an official institution of great importance in

the Orders of Mendicant friars. Francis of Assisi had
wrung a papal sanction poor itinerant missioners
for his
in 1210 the usefulness of Dominic's preachers of ortho-
;
doxy was recognized in dealing with the Albigenses in

1215. Brethren of these two Orders, which soon had
several imitators, were shortly seen in all the large towns
of Europe, devoting themselves to the neglected poor,
and reviving, by precept and practice, the duties of
1
practical religion. It is easy to understand the value
of this new agency in days when the parochial clergy
rarely preached, and when *
religion
'
was identified
with monasticism and retreat from the temptations of
the world. The friars came facing the world as it was,
and labouring to relieve its miseries by active philan-
1
The Dominicans '
Preaching Brothers
(
or
' '
black friars ') first
appeared in England in 1219; the Franciscans ('Minorites' or 'grey
friars') in 1224. The latter are said to have founded forty-nine houses
within the next thirty-two years. Later there came the Carmelites or white '
friars,' and the' Austin friars or Eremites. These four were by far the
most important Mendicant Orders, though there were also the Trinitarians
'
'
or red friars, and the Crouched or Crossed friars. Dr Gasquet gives
the following enumeration for 1538 Franciscan, sixty houses ; Dominican,
:
about fifty-three Carmelites, thirty-six ; Austin friars, forty-two ; the

;
minor fraternities raising the whole number to about two hundred.

71
72 MEDIAEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, iv
thropy, and its ignorance and wickedness by plain,

earnest speech. Disowning learning and even the
possession of books, they spoke to the neglected poor
as from heart to heart, fixing their abode in the most
1
squalid quarters, doing for the lowest the most menial
charitable offices, and living on alms. Their reforming
work was extended to other social strata by their
Tertiaries, or brethren of penitence. These were bound
only by vows to keep God's commandments, to live by
rule, to submit to the Church's penances, to make
restitution of all unrighteous gains.
From another point of view the friars may be
regarded as trumpets of orthodoxy, attuned to the
most ambitious conceptions of the Papacy. They
came as papal envoys, supplementing the ancient
organization of diocese and parish. The maintenance
of the Faith, as defined by the papal Councils, accord-
ingly became the peculiar province of the Domini-
cans, in whose hands the Inquisition was placed by
Gregory IX. in Nor was it
1232. till the Papacy
itself was demoralized by increasing worldliness that
it lost the devoted allegiance of the Franciscan
Order.
A and quite unforeseen, result of these insti-
third,
tutions was a great revival of intellectual activity.
The Dominican preachers, who were largely men of
good education, naturally found their special vocation
at last among the cultured classes, and the appeals of
the friars of all Orders quickened men's thoughts and
prompted rational investigation. We shall notice
1
Dr '
Jessopp notices that the Franciscan missioners settled outside the
city walls at Lynn and York and Bristol ; in a filthy swamp at Norwich ;
in a mere barn-like structure, with walls of mud, at Shrewsbury ; in the
Stinking Alley of London' {Coming of the Friars, p. 44).

A.D. 1
216-72] HENRY III. 73
below how an ostensibly obscurantist movement was

deflected in the interests of learning, and how from
the two parent Orders there emerged a new race of
Schoolmen.
As an evangelizing agency the Mendicants doubtless
did their best work in the reign of Henry III. The
enthusiasm of the first generation of friars spent itself :
there remained a system obviously open to terrible

abuse. Defying sound economics and exempt from
local control, it evolved a horde of glib-tongued va-
grants, animated by desire to live at other people's

expense. The Orders at last attached to themselves
a peculiar disrepute as rival proselytizers and greedy
bequest-hunters. Theyare charged with sacrificing
all ethical aim to sectarian interests, and specially
concerned in undermining the influence of the parish
priests. Scandalous stories are rife in regard to their
morals. Piety is shocked by their activity as hawkers
of papal indulgences. Such is the portraiture of at least
four fourteenth century critics of varied types Fitz- :
ralph, the learned prelate ; Langland, the spokesman

of the poor Wycliffe, the disseminator of the Scrip-
;
tures Chaucer, the genial humorist. The abuse last

;
mentioned increased after the suppression of Lollardry.

It was the spectacle of a Dominican friar vending
indulgences that at last roused the righteous zeal of
Luther, and initiated the sixteenth-century Reformation.
It would be easy to connect this story of deteriora-
tion with the specious principle these Orders borrowed
'
from St Francis evangelical poverty,' with begging as
its necessary corollary. The greater the popularity of
the ideal, the more certain was the demoralization of
its exponents. Its impossibility is really connoted in
the admission of Bonaventura, the Franciscan general,
that his Order more entangled in pecuniary cares

is
than the old endowed communities, precisely because

there are no funds to back on in emergencies.
fall
Successive relaxations of the fundamental rule ensued,

resented by the stricter Franciscans, and involving the
friarsever deeper in the charge of inconsistency. The
decline is augured as early as 1259, when Matthew
'
Paris can gird at the sumptuous buildings and in-
' '
'
calculable treasure of these modern Orders, who, he
sees, are 'violating the very rule of their profession.'
To the last the friars begged, but after a century's
'
experience
'
evangelical poverty was really relegated

to the fanatical Franciscan
'
These were
spirituals.'
burnt as heretics by Pope John XXII., and their
mischievous socialist teachings played no small part in
the English peasant insurrection of 1381.
To assign fixed dates to this process of deterioration
isimpossible ; but for some three generations the friars
must be conceived of as doing good work, in spite of
impracticable rules and peculiar temptations. Grosse-
teste, perhaps the most exemplary bishop of the reign
before us, utilized their services in his huge diocese
of Lincoln, and has left record 'how eagerly and
reverently the people hasten to hear the word of life,
to confess their sins, and be instructed in the rules of
Christian living.' In Edward I.'s time, not only do
scions of the mendicant orders fill the great posts in
the Church, but the reputation of their itinerant
preachers is still unassailed. On the other hand, the
conscientious Bishop Grandisson (1327-70) is found
treating the obtrusion of the mendicant confessors
in his Exeter diocese as a mischief to be checked
by repeated inhibitions. That, even in the mid-
century, the friars were conspicuous as an evangelizing
A.D. 1216-72] HENRY III. 75
agency has been rather precariously inferred from

their great mortality at the time of the Black Death. 1
On the other hand, Archbishop Fitzralph's attack on
the whole system had the general sympathy of the
bishops. expressed with more plainness by
Its gist is
John Wycliffe later on 'If there be any cursed jurour,

:
extortioner or avowtrer (adulterer), he will not be

shriven at his own curate, but go to a flattering friar
that will assoil him falsely for a little money by
year.'
The period that brought these new religious in-
fluences undoubtedly marked by an improvement
is
in morals and manners and Henry III. himself, in his

;
piety, culture and abhorrence of bloodshed, contrasts

favourably with his father and uncle. These qualifi-
cations, however, were marred by selfishness, petty
jealousy, timid superstition, and indifference to pro-
mises. The chief features in the reign were favouritism,
mismanagement and continual levies of strange exac-

tions, from which no class suffered so severely as the
clergy. The Papacy laid a despoiling hand on the

English Church during Henry's nonage. He grew up
to honour its practices, adopt the same view of the
relations of governor and governed, and make similar
demands on his own account. The papal fleecings and
usurpations went to such a pitch as to disgust the
high clericalists themselves. But to the last, pope and
king were in alliance, Henry subsidizing, at the ex-
pense of his people, the 'holy' war of the Papacy
against the Imperial house, and the popes requiting
the favour by supporting him against the aggrieved
It may be noticed that the practice obtained of leaving a small

bequest to one of the mendicant fraternities by will. It did not fall into
desuetude till the accession of Henry IV.
English magnates. A new dawned

era really in 1258,
when the so-called
'
Mad Parliament met
pass
'
to
constitutional Provisions which practically put the
Crown itself in commission. Civil war broke out in
1263, with the result that the internal dissensions of
the patriots led to the seemingly complete extinction
of their champions on the bloody field of Evesham.
But the victor, it has been well said, was the nephew '
of de Montfort rather than the son of Henry.'

Edward's accession to the throne brought about the
establishment of a permanent constitutional system ;
and from his independence of Roman ideals it is an
easy transition to the directly anti-papal statutes of
his grandson.
The ecclesiastical chronicle of this long reign is best
presented connexion with the careers of the four
in
Canterbury primates, Stephen Langton, Richard Grant,

Edmund Rich and Boniface of Savoy. Of York it is
sufficient at present to say that till 1255 its occupant
was Walter de Gray. Though a creature of King
John, he proved conspicuous for munificence and
activity and Matthew Paris describes him as cor-
;
'
rectly governing the Church of York for about forty

years,' and 'capable of governing the State itself.' He
appears, however, to have associated himself with the
arbitrary exactions of Henry III., and, as guardian of
the realm in 1242 during the king's absence abroad,
he made no scruple about appropriating to the royal
use the temporalities of vacant benefices. 1
His detention at Rome necessarily prevented co-
operation on Langton's part in the composure of our
civil troubles. It was the task of Gualo, the papal
legate, to head the legitimist party, promptly crown

1
See Hook, Archbishops, Bk. III., ch. iv.
A.D. i2i6- 7 2] HENRY III. 77
the boy king in Gloucester Abbey, and ban the pre-

tensions of Prince Louis and his activity probably
;
contributed more than the royalist victories to the

pacification ofLambeth, and the continuation of the
Plantagenet dynasty. The obligation to Rome was
never forgotten by Henry III. The most striking
feature in Gualo's procedure was his confirmation of
the Great Charter (November 12, 1216), in complete
1
disregard of the late pope's anathemas. It was a
clever change in the papal policy, and by thus con-
necting the cause with that of limited
legitimist
monarchy and redress of grievances the legate fairly
outbade all the offers of Louis. It need scarcely be
said that the Charter was honoured afterwards,
little
either by the Papacy or its royal vassal but for once

;
a legate justified his 'Angel of peace.'

title
For twenty months the Church was in the hands of

Gualo and with him begins the long catalogue of
;
amercements in the interests of Rome. Prudently

neglecting the barons, he imputed the guilt of the civil
war to the clergy, and inflicted heavy fines. Hugh
Wallis of Lincoln paid 1000 marks to the pope
and 100 to the legate, and thirteen clergy were im-
prisoned. Though Langton returned May
in 1218,
Gualo maintained his rule till November. He then
retired, 'with his saddlebags stuffed with incalculable
gains/
2
but the obsession was continued by our old
acquaintance Pandulf, to whom Honorius gave the
bishopric of Norwich. Langton's was so obviously
eclipsed that at last he journeyed again to Rome, where
' '
Certain modifications and omissions,' says Bishop Stubbs, occur in
this re-issue ; but there was an express statement that no permanent
infraction was intended.' Const. Hist., ch. xiv.
2
Matthew Paris, s.a.
78 MEDLEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, iv
he secured Pandulf's recall and a promise that no

resident legate should be appointed in his own lifetime.
After Langton's final return (August 1221) England
enjoyed a few years of independence, for the primate
till his death actively abetted the justiciar Hubert de
Burgh in resisting the encroachments of the foreigners

on the civil administration. Their chief enemy was
John's evil genius, Bishop Peter des Roches, appointed
by Gualo Henry's guardian. Peter avenged himself by
fomenting the petty insurrection of the ruffian Falkes
de Breaute", another richly rewarded creature of the
late king. Falkes, when exiled, repeated John's
tactics, and made good his case at Rome by affecting
a zeal for the Crusade. Honorius III., however, in vain
sent letters pleading for his restoration. With like
success Langton and Hubert resisted the pope's general
request for a fixed assignment to Rome of a prebend
in every cathedral and college, and of an equal charge
on each episcopal estate 1 (1226).
Honorius' demand was grounded on the cost of
appeals to the curia from national churches. The
pretence 'provoked derision in England, such litigation
being notoriously encouraged at Rome for the sake of
gain. Its prevalence in the present reign may be
estimated from the fact that no fewer than thirty
disputed elections to English bishoprics were referred
to Rome between the years 1215 and 1264. One such
case occurred on the death of Archbishop Stephen in
1228, six months Henry declared himself of full
after
age. The pope now regnant was Gregory IX., nephew

of Innocent III., and memorable for initiating the great
1
The
plea of the barons and bishops was, however, sufficiently humiliat-
ing. Whatever other nations might do, they urged, England could
claim exemption, because already a tributary vassal of Rome.
A.D. 1 2 16-72] HENRY III. 79
contest with Frederick II. The pretext was an allega-

tion of heresy the real: aim was to secure for the
papacy the suzerainty of the Sicilies. England was
repeatedly to be utilized in this quarrel with the
Hohenstaufen house. The result of the present appeal
was that Gregory assumed his own right to nominate
to Canterbury, deferred to Henry's wishes by appoint-
ing Richard Grant, and saddled the favour with a
stipulation that a tenth of all moveables should be
paid for his anti-imperial crusade.
Richard Grant, or Grand, was a big secular priest of
some eloquence and learning but he compared ill with
;
his patriotic predecessor, and the price of his promotion

was much resented. Master Stephen, the pope's col-
lector, silenced the murmurs
of the clergy but the ;
imposition was actively resisted by the laity, further

aggrieved, as in the case of Sir Robert Twenge, by
recent attempts to override private rights of patronage.
A league was formed, under Twenge's headship, and
in the spring of 1232 anonymous letters went about,
threatening all who paid or levied payment. The

barns of the pope's Italian rectors were looted or
burnt and Master Stephen's underlings were waylaid
;
and lightened of their spoil. Gregory angrily com-

plains that one has been cut in pieces, another left
half dead, and that copies of his Bulls have been
trodden under foot. He suspects the bishops of con-
nivance. That this anti-papal movement was not
disapproved of by Hubert is probable enough. Henry
began to look on him with aversion. In July he was
deposed and disgraced at the instance of Bishop Peter.
Twenge's grievance necessitates a few words on the
subject of advowsons and presentations. The rights
of lay patrons in respect to Church property were
8o MEDIAEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, iv
adequately protected by English law. The excom-

municated Twenge went with his grievances to Rome,
supported by the Earl of Cornwall, and Gregory con-
descended to explain away the obtrusions as due to
error. But where such rights were in clerical hands,
the pope had a vantage ground in the high Church-
men's own deference to canon law. To this must be
ascribed obsession of papal 'reservations' and
that
'provisions,' of which we shall henceforth hear so
much. On Hildebrandine principles, the right of the
Church's head to provide for his favourites with national
endowments, and to reserve benefices not yet vacated,
was really unassailable. '
I know,' writes Grosseteste
a few years later, and I know it of a truth, that to the

'
Lord Pope, and to the Holy Roman Church, there

belongs the right of freely disposing, in the matter of
ecclesiastical benefices.' 'Contrary to justice, laymen
are held to be patrons of churches, and secular judges
determine causes about rights of patronage.' l At this
very time, Henry Bracton, himself an ecclesiastic, was
denouncing such ideas in his De Legibus. But the
riftbetween civil law and canon law was fast widening ;
and by such men as Grosseteste not only Church

property, but all clerical capacity, was viewed by the
light of Hildebrandine assumptions. The power,' he
'
says, 'which a bishop has is received from the Lord

Pope, and from Jesus Christ through the mediation of
the Lord Pope.'
'
In respect to the Pope, all other
prelates are like the moon and stars, deriving from him
whatever power they have of illuminating the Church.' 2
Before the full development of Twenge's movement
Richard Grant's primacy was ended. His revival of
the archiepiscopal claim to Tonbridge Castle had led
1 2
Epistola, 145, 228. Ibid., 289, 369.
A.D. 1216-72] HENRY III. 81
to a great quarrel with Hubert. He went to Rome on

this subject, secured some recognition of his claim,
and died suddenly in Umbria (August 1231). There
was considerable delay appointing a successor, the
in
offended pontiff thrice finding reasons for rejecting
nominees of the king or chapter. At last, following
'
his uncle's example, Gregory recommended to the
'
Christ Church representatives at Rome a man of his

own choosing the pious ascetic, Edmund Rich of
Abingdon, now chancellor of the new cathedral at
Salisbury and Edmund was consecrated in April
1234. Besides his anti-imperial enterprise, Gregory
had projected a real crusade, in antagonism to
Frederic's bloodless and remarkably successful ex-
pedition. A
contingent was raised in England, which
really never reached the East. Edmund's activity in
preaching in this cause probably explains Gregory's
favour. His career, however, like Langton's, dis-
appointed the author of his promotion. He at once
appeared in the character of a patriot, bent on re-
straining the misgovernment of Henry III.
Henry throughout did justice to his tutelage by his
partiality for foreigners, and indifference to all con-
stitutionalist conceptions. At the present period
Bishop Peter's influence was predominant, and the
land was overrun with Poitevins and Bretons. Later
on, Henry's marriage with the dowerless and unpopular
Eleanor of Provence (January 1236) brought a large
contingent of Savoyard relations and dependents.
Yet another horde of undesirable aliens came in 1248,
when the weak king undertook to provide for the
offspring and retainers of hismother Isabella, who
had married her first love, Hugh de Lusignan, shortly
after the death of John.
6
the very outset of his primacy, Edmund headed a

At
protest against the foreign influences. Des Roches had
joined the crusade, but returned in 1231, having substi-
tuted a pilgrimage to Compostella, and next year he so
worked on Henry's suspicions as to effect the imprison-
ment and despoliation of Hubert. The administrative
officeswere already filled with his creatures and his ;
so-called nephew, Peter of Rivaux, a Poitevin clerk,

held as many as nineteen of the thirty-five sheriffdoms.
His persecution of Hubert was extended in 1233 to
Richard Marshal, son of the late regent, the most ac-
complished and patriotic member of the baronage. An
assembly of the military tenants was induced to declare
him a traitor, and Bishop Peter scoffed at the barons'
argument that his proscription was invalid without a
trial by peers. But the small civil war ensuing brought
discomfiture to the Poitevins and, besides his defeat
;
at Monmouth, Henry sustained a severe rebuke from

Edmund and other bishops for his disloyalty to the
land whose crown he wore, his selfish partiality, and his
' '
unjust exactions. If,' ran their letter, within a short

time you do hot redress these grievances, we solemnly
warn you that we shall put in force the censures of the
Church.' 1 The king was so impressed that Bishop
Peter was now bidden to mind his spiritual duties, and
his nephew was deprived of all offices. The collapse of
the Poitevins was confirmed a few days later, when the
news came of Richard Marshal's death in Ireland,
where he had been lured by their intrigues. Availing
himself of the general indignation, Edmund plainly
represented to Henry his own responsibility for this
foul deed. The king was really shocked, and resented
the misuse of his name and seal, and he now
1
See Matthew Paris, Hist., pp. 395-7.
A.D. 1 2 16-72] HENRY III. 83
endeavoured to indemnify the dying Hubert and other

victims of des Roches.
All this good work was, however, undone in 1236,
when the royal marriage brought the Savoy importa-
tion, and a restoration of the Poitevin gang as well.
The court party promptly hatched an insidious scheme
to impair the mentorship of Edmund. Gregory was
asked to send a resident legate to act as adviser to the
crown. The result was the mission of the cardinal
deacon Otto Candidus, who, coming with much pro-
fession of executing ecclesiastical reforms, not only
extinguished Edmund, but inflicted five years of
'intolerable exactions.' In November 1237 Otto con-
vened a synod at St Paul's, where certain disciplinary
canons were ordained, which as emanating from a
legate a latere occupy an important position in English
Church law. 1 Two of Otto's canons denouncing the
tenure of benefices in plurality, and the secular employ-
ment of beneficed clergy much exercised the synod.
Commendable though these edicts appear, they were
launched really with the aim of riveting the papal yoke,
and crushing the constitutionalist prelates, especially
Neville of Chichester, the chancellor. Nowhere, indeed,
were the impugned practices more rife than at Rome ;
and the sting of Otto's prohibition of pluralities lay in the

exemption 'except under a dispensation from the Holy
See.' A bold protest against the innovation was made
by Cantilupe, Bishop of Worcester and it appears that
;
Otto was compelled to stay his hand, and consent that the
matter should be referred to the decision of the pope. 2
1
See Appendix, Note II.
The disputed Canon XIII. appears to have been afterwards modified.

The rest of Otto's legislation mostly deals with familiar irregularities.
Canons III. and IV. are interesting, however, as proclaiming the sacra
ments to be seven in number.
Edmund's difficulties now fast multiplied. His loss

of favour was confirmed by his abetting the
royal
magnates' resentment at the secret marriage of the
widowed Princess Eleanor to Simon de Montfort.
Edmund's disgust at this seemingly unpromising foreign
alliance was increased by religious considerations,
Eleanor having taken vows of perpetual widowhood.
He went so far as to excommunicate the newly wedded
pair (1238). Endeavouring to correct certain monastic
immoralities at Christ Church and Rochester, he en-
countered the usual plea of independence. He went to
Rome to contest it, with the result that he was flouted
at the papal court, and returned with an adverse verdict
and a heavy bill of costs. Despite pope and king, he
launched on both chapters his own interdict. Otto,
meanwhile, had been devising all manner of expedients
to subsidize his master's quarrel, and in 1240 he boldly
demanded a fifth of all clerical revenues. The bishops
vainly turned to the king for help. Weakness and
'
policy combined to secure Henry's connivance : I

'
neither wish,' he replied, nor dare to oppose the lord
pope in anything.' Gregory himself was pushing the
enterprise by lavishing our benefices on the scions of
noble Italian houses and England's aversion to the
;
traffic elicited this year a pious admonition to Arch-
bishop Edmund. With God,' wrote the pope, there is

' c
no acceptance of persons,' and he demanded provision for

three hundred future vacancies. England, says Matthew
'
Paris, was seized with great amazement

'
but already ;
Otto's tax-collector had returned from Rome with two

dozen hungry applicants. Overwhelmed by all these
troubles, and in failing health, Edmund sought Henry's
leave to retire abroad. It being refused, he braved the
consequences, and escaped clandestinely. He rested at
A.D. 1216-72] HENRY III. 85
Pontigny, the asylum of Becket and Langton, moved

thence to a healthier domicile at Soissy, but died before
the year was out.
The same sympathy that had attended Becket had
been aroused by Edmund Rich's patriotic activity,
and the popular voice acclaimed him a confessor and
a saint. Evidences of posthumous efficacy were at
once manifested at Soissy. Nor was it long before
Edmund's impartial charity was extended to the
papacy itself. His claims were pressed by England at
the Council of Lyons, and next year (1246) Inno-
cent IV., rinding relief from certain internal disorders
in prayers to the deceased patriot, complied. Canter-
bury was accordingly declared to be made red with
'
the martyrdom of one archbishop, and white with the

confession of another.' Henry, after doing his best
to thwart this canonization, was among the first to
worship at St Edmund's shrine. We notice here that

similar testimony to Henry III.'s misrule was left on
the Calendar by Edmund's friend and chancellor,
Richard de la Wych, celebrated for piety and legal
learning, but above all for his sufferings on entering the
bishopric of Chichester. The king, in 1244, tried to
give this see to the corrupt judge de Passelewe.
Richard had the suffrages of the chapter, and the strong
support of Grosseteste and other bishops. Escaping
abroad, he obtained consecration from the pope at
Lyons, but returned to find his temporalities in the
hands of Henry's officers. Possessed of a stouter
spirit than Edmund, he remained at his post, and
won admiration by his dependence on public charity
for the first two years of his episcopate. He
was canonized as St Richard of Chichester by
Urban IV.
Gregory IX. died 1241, renewing as a nona-

in
genarian his holy but unsuccessful campaigns against

the emperor. His successor died only a fortnight after
his election, and after this the dissensions of the
cardinals kept the papal chair empty for some twenty
months. The election of the Genoese Lavagna in June
1243 appeared to presage peace. But, as Innocent IV.,
he more than fulfilled Frederic's prognostication that
no pope could be a Ghibelline. The crusade was soon
proclaimed again, and in 1245 he ostensibly eclipsed
the triumphs of Innocent III. by declaring the em-
peror deposed at the General Council of Lyons. In
reality, however, the power of the Holy See was
seriously impaired by this pope's avarice and unscrupu-
lous traffic in preferments. With Innocent IV. there
begins that decline in its moral prestige which pre-
pares Christendom for the precipitate downfall of
1305-6.
Our court soon selected a successor to Edmund ;
but
the vacation of the papacy caused delay, and when
their nominee was accepted by Innocent IV. he post-
poned consecration, devoting himself to the administra-

Boniface of Savoy,
tion of the archiepiscopal estates.
maternal uncle of Queen Eleanor, was one of a tribe
sufficiently known to England. His brother Peter was
Earl of Richmond, and the family name still com-
memorates London, built at the national
his palace in
expense. William of Savoy had even greater influence

with the king, who endeavoured to secure for him
the bishopric of Winchester. Thomas, another brother,
had been so hospitably greeted as to entail a forced
levy on the Jews. Philip, the eldest brother, exempli-
fied theabuses of Innocent's reign abroad, being re-
warded for his military services with numerous benefices,
A.D. 1216-72] HENRY III. 87
and eventually with the archbishopric of Lyons. On

the strength of deacon's orders he held this see under
four successive popes but on Clement IV.'s at last
;
demanding fuller ordination, he forsook his clerical role,

and eventually became Count of Savoy. Boniface was
of the same combative tastes as Philip. Coming to
Lyons with the proceeds of his administration, he re-
ceived consecration at Innocent's hands (January 1245),
and at the ensuing Council acted as serjeant of an
armed guard under Philip's captaincy. Political and
military business then kept him abroad till 1249 and:
Matthew comment is sufficiently credible, at

Paris'
'
his coming no man rejoiced.' Possessed with a

supreme contempt adopted country and her
for his
constitutional ideals, he at once began visitations
escorted by armed Provensals, not for the glory of
*
God, but in quest of ungodly gain.' The Kentish

monks whose contumacy had afflicted Edmund were
glad to propitiate his hot-headed successor with a fine.
Entering the London diocese, Boniface so insulted
Bishop Fulke Basset that Dean de Cornhill refused
him reception to St Paul's. Dean and chapter were
forthwith excommunicated. He passed on to St Bar-
tholomew's, only to find the prior absent, the chapter-
house empty, and the canons met for service. The
aged sub-prior pleaded that their visitor was their
bishop, not the primate. A blow from the archiepisco-
pal fist felled him to the ground, and Boniface pursued
the attack, cursing and calling for a sword, and shout-
ing Thus, thus should one deal with these English
*
traitors.' The Londoners vented maledictions on him

as an illiterate robber of churches, but he sought the
king's presence and Henry took his part, and issued a
;
proclamation warning the laity from meddling in theo-

logical controversies. Diocesans and chapters vainly

subscribed to secure against this overbearing primate
the protection of the pope. Boniface came back from
Innocent's court in a more conciliatory mood and in :
1253 he even professed adherence to the national side,

and headed the demand for a confirmation of the Charter.
But in 1255-6 he was abroad fighting to maintain the
tyranny of his own family at Turin.
The Council of Lyons was only attended by about
a hundred and forty prelates and Innocent pronounced
;
Frederic's deposition without demanding suffrages.

England's chief concern was a protest against papal
exactions, brought to Lyons by a deputation of our
prelates and nobles. Otto's despoliating mission had
been marked by storms. The Oxford clerks fought
his retainers, and even besieged the legate himself in
Oseney Abbey. He had been compelled to launch an
interdict, imprison thirty masters, and command a sus-
pension of all lectures. Recently Master Martin had
come with fresh appeals for the Hohenstaufen crusade.
Certain nobles threatening to tear him in pieces, he
went in terror to the king, imploring a safe conduct
homeward. Henry's complaisance was itself strained
'
by the endless pillage, and he replied impolitely, May

the devil give you a safe-conduct to Hell.'
The protest against papal exactions, presented at
Lyons by Bigod, spoke with sufficient firmness. But
the strained clericalism of the bishops prevented any
real co-operation. appears that their defection was
It
led by Grosseteste, who was a zealous supporter of the
pope's anti-imperial policy. Not only was the petition
foiled. Innocent persuaded the bishops, before they
leftLyons, to set their seals to a document attesting
John's pledge of vassalage and tribute. As a conse-
A.D. 1 2 16-72] HENRY III. 89
quence, the next five years were marked by renewed

exactions. Their pretext was ostensibly altered in
1250 by St Louis' crusade, Henry, who himself took
the cross, being empowered to demand a clerical tenth
for this purpose for the next three years. The pro-
ceeds, however, were really devoted to the Hohenstaufen
quarrel. Finally our king was lured to a more active
sympathy with the darling aim of Rome by the scheme
for enthroning his second son as a puppet king in
Sicily. A formal cession of Sicily to the boy Edmund

was made by a papal notary in 1255 and Henry stood ;
pledged to repay all the war costs incurred by Alexander

IV. The
causes of religion and patriotism were hence-
forth seemingly united. The king was assiduous in
begging, borrowing, and exacting. The Gascon Rus-
tand shortly came as legate, and sped the depredations.
The Lyons protest, however, spoke the real senti-
ments of England and, long before Rustand's visit, the
;
continual despoliation had impaired even Grosseteste's

deference to St Peter's chair. So impressed was he
with his country's wrongs that in 1250 he appeared at
the papal court himself, with a strongly worded protest
against curial venality, which was read in Innocent's
presence. In a subsequent letter he calculated the
amount of money drained yearly from England by the
pope. The clear revenue of the crown was not a third
*
thereof.' x It was these plain deliverances that provoked

the celebrated trial of strength in 1253. As a test of
his censor's obedience, Innocent wrote demanding for
a boy nephew, Frederic Lavanga, induction to a
canonry at Lincoln. Grosseteste refused. His doctrine
of papal supremacy has been presented. Against it
may now be set the moral distinction by which he
1
Cf. Matthew Paris.
90 MEDIEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, iv
justified his contumacy.

'
I am bound to obey all the
commands of the Apostolic See but these are not :
Apostolic commands which are not consonant to the

doctrine of the Apostles. The most holy Apostolic
. . .
See cannot command that which verges on odious,

detestable abomination.' The dilemma was precisely
that of the maintainers of the Divine right of kings
when confronted with a James II. Dr Maitland's
criticism is just: 'the bishop who makes a stand
against the pope at the line between use and
abuse is indeed heroic, but his is the heroism of
despair.'
Grosseteste died shortly after this affair. Though
never canonized, he left a fame far greater than that
of Edmund Rich. As one of the few Englishmen who
could read Greek, he had played a prominent part in
the intellectual revival; and his own theological writings
were long invested with almost Patristic authority. 1
From 1235 onward he appears as a pattern diocesan,
stimulating spiritual effort, quashing monastic insub-
ordination, encouraging learning, and repeatedly calling
Henry III. himself to task for his misgovernment of
Church and State. The celebrity of the Lavanga
episode was increased by the story of Innocent rejoicing
at his foe's death, and proposing to insult his tomb.
The shade of Lincolnensis, less placable than that
of St Edmund, upbraided the unworthy pontiff, and
banned the few remaining months of his career.
'From that night he was wasted by a slow fever.
All his schemes failed, his armies were defeated, he
passed neither day nor night undisturbed. Such was
1 '
Probably no one,' says Dr Luard, had *

a greater influence on English
thought and literature for the two centuries following : few books written
then do not contain quotations from Lincolnensis.'
A.D. 1
216-72] HENRY III. 91
believed by a large part of Christendom to be the end

1
of Innocent IV.'
Grosseteste's acted as a healthy stimu-
resistance
lant on the clergy, and they thenceforth assumed a
bolder attitude towards the two oppressors. Rustand
found our island equally sick of the Hohenstaufen
quarrel and indifferent to Prince Edmund's elevation,
and he was shortly faced by a federation of resistance
including almost all the bishops. The leaders were
Fulke Basset, Walter Cantilupe of Worcester, and the
new northern primate Sewall de Bovill. Fulke actually
prohibited any process in his diocese on the strength
of the legate's letters. The mutinous spirit infected
even the Cistercians. They evaded Rustand's demands,
alleging inability to act without directions from a
chapter of the Order. Yet more ominous was the
attitude of the lay magnates. In the Lent Parliament,
ambassador presented a bill of 135,000
1257, the pope's
marks. Henry pleaded hard, but no subsidy could be
wrung save from the prelates. They denied all re-
sponsibility for his bond, but at last promised
50,000 marks. Next year the complete depletion
of the exchequer led to the sessions of the Oxford
Parliament, and the practical supersession of the
incapable king.
The of 1258-1265 lies outside our
political story
province. We
notice, however, that Boniface and Fulke
were included in 1258 in the king's committee of twelve,
and Walter Cantilupe in that of the barons, and that
Boniface and Cantilupe were the representative Church-
men in the permanent council of fifteen. For a time
Boniface and the Savoy faction affected co-operation
with the constitutionalists, actuated really by hatred
1
Milman, Bk. X. ch. v.
of the Lusignan favourites. Of these the most notable

was Aylmer of Valence. By favour of his royal half-
'
Aylmer had secured innumerable pensions on

'
brother
the Church, and been with Innocent's assistance foisted
on the Winchester chapter as far back as 1250. He
stillremained unconsecrated, however, and was in
general detestation as the chief agent in the two-fold
oppression. Aylmer and his two elder brothers were
included in Henry's twelve, but they attempted to
resist the ordinance demanding the resignation of all
castles held by foreigners. They were besieged at
Wolvesey, and being compelled to surrender, were
expelled England in the autumn of 1258, with their
vast accumulations reduced to 6000 marks. Aylmer
sought redress at Rome and secured from Alexander
;
consecration, and an interdict against the chapter

for attempting to fill up the see. But his death
at Paris in 1260 saved Winchester from renewed
obsession.
In unpopularity, however, the queen's relatives ran
the Lusignans hard, and they did not long survive
the dispersion of their rivals. Boniface himself stayed
on inEngland till the end of 1262, playing a shifty
part, and distrusted by both sides. He then retired to
France where he disseminated the pope's excommuni-
cation of the barons, and even tried to raise forces on
Henry's behalf. The other prelates appear to have
acted with moderation, and done their best to prevent
the constitutional struggle drifting to an appeal to
arms. Cantilupe of Worcester, Burghsted of Chichester,
and Henry Sandwich, the new bishop of London, were
specially active in the vain attempt of 1264 to secure
an impartial mediation on the part of Louis IX.
One happy result of the changes in 1258 was the
A.D. 1 216-7 2] HENRY III. 93
release of England from further concern in the Sicilian

project, for before the end of the year Alexander can-
celled the grant to Edmund, and he shortly transferred
the insular crown to Charles of Anjou, the brother of
St Louis. None
the less did the Papacy labour to
perpetuate Henry's misgovernment of England. Fol-
lowing in his father's footsteps, he appealed for relief
from his pledges, and two popes accorded him Bulls,
annulling the Oxford and Westminster Provisions, and
1
freeing the whole royal family from its responsibilities.
Henry's defeat at Lewes (May 1264) provoked sterner
measures, Ugo Falcodi being now despatched as
Urban's legate, with an armoury of excommunications,
depositions and provisions. Indulgences were offered
to the royalists, as in the case of a crusade against the
infidel. The friars were ordered to stump England in
the captive Henry's cause. 2 Ugo, however, deemed it
unsafe to proceed farther than Boulogne; and here, in
concert with the fugitive Boniface, he summoned a
conference of English prelates. Four of suspected
loyalty (London, Winchester, Worcester, Chester)
were ordered to take the papal briefs to England.
They were subjected, doubtless not unwillingly, to
a search by the customs - officers at Dover. Their
precious consignment was adjudged contraband, and
pitched into the sea.
How little the EnglishChurchmen sympathized with
the cause of tyranny was shewn again by the extra-
ordinary predominance of lords spiritual (abbots as
1
Alexander's Bulls date April and 1261, Urban's February and
May
May 1262. To provide against action by the English bishops, Urban
exempts the king and queen from all sentences of excommunication for
five years, November 1262.
2
In Urban's letter of
February 20, 1264, Henry is declared to be
* '
vested plenaria potestate in omnibus et per omnia.
well as bishops) in de Montfort's Parliament. 1 But

the fair promises of constitutionalism were to be
nipped by the great patriot's quarrel with Gloucester.
August brought the crushing victory of the royalists at
Evesham and; Rome promptly availed herself of the
;
opportunity. Cardinal Ugo was now Pope Clement IV.,

and had not forgotten the Boulogne fiasco. As his
legate there now came the cardinal deacon Ottobon,
triumphantly escorting back the unpopular queen, and
charged with an interdict should there be renewed
resistance. Ottobon was already sufficiently odious as
a non-resident Italian who held the lucrative arch-
deaconry of Canterbury. At Westminster he ful-
minated excommunications on de Montfort's adherents,
and annulled the recent legislation. At a synod at
all
Northampton he punished the four bishops with a

temporary suspension, and deprived certain of the
constitutionalist clergy of their benefices. Prebends
and pensions were again distributed among the papal
favourites and the hapless clergy were mulct of tenths,
;
and 30,000 marks besides, for Henry's debts in the

matter of the Sicilian crusade. 2
should be noticed that the barons' struggle was
It
maintained, feebly and spasmodically, for nearly two

years after Evesham, and that when the Dictum of
Kenilworth (July 1267) at last brought peace, the
reassertion of royal authority was balanced by con-
1
The Archbishop of York, twelve bishops, sixty-five abbots, and thirty-
five priors were included in the writs. Of earls there were only five, of
barons only eighteen! This was the first Parliament that united the
magnates (lay and clerical) in a single assembly with the representatives
of shires, cities and boroughs.
2
Clement's authority was vindicated even against the dutiful Henry,
Walter Giffard being in 1266 translated to the northern primacy vacated
by Sewal's death, though the king had nominated Dean de Langton.
A.D. 1 2i6- 7 2] HENRY III. 95
siderable advantages to the constitutionalists. Not

only was the forfeiture of charters and estates com-
muted but the Parliament of Marlborough was
for a fine,
allowed to cede in statutory form almost all that had
been demanded by the Mad Parliament. For the rest of
the reign there was unbroken political repose. In the
ecclesiastical sphere Ottobon now reigns supreme, and
the last noteworthy incident is his Council at St Paul's
in 1268, where he passes Constitutions afterwards held
in special honour by the canonists. Canon law is,
however, here even more than usually at variance with
the actual facts of One
of these legatine enact-
life.
ments enunciates the absolute exemption of Church

property from secular taxation. Winchelsey attempted
to make this claim effective in the next reign but, as a ;
fact, the clergy always paid taxes, and usually on a

1
higher scale than laymen. Pluralities were again
denounced with like unsuccess and, as if in ignorance
;
of the careers of Philip and Boniface, and the present

enlistment of French bishops in Charles' crusade,
Ottobon also proclaimed the iniquity of clerics bearing
arms. His constitution against clerical marriage was
only so far effective that the not uncommon claim of
a rector's son to inherit the paternal benefice was now
happily extinguished. The
prohibited unions defied
Archbishop Peckham's order that the canon contra
'
'
concubinarios should be read at visitations and run-
decanal chapters, and such ruling as Quivil of Exeter's,
that the parson's bequests in favour of his widow were
null and void. Bishop Bokingham, on his visitation
of Lincoln a century later, found almost all the
1
Bishop Stubbs estimates that under the Edwards more than one-third
of the national subsidies was provided by the vote of the Convocations.
Later, we repeatedly find that when Parliament granted the King
a fifteenth, the clergy in Convocation voted a tenth.
cathedral clergy themselves violating the canon. The

general result of the impracticable restriction was a
system of recognized evasions which survived till the
Reformation. Though not scandalous to charitable
eyes, it doubtless exposed some of the best clerics to
spiteful disparagement, and tended to bring all canon

law into contempt. 1
Against Provisions and Reservations were raised
hereafter legislative bulwarks, which were only ineffec-
tive through the sovereign's indifference or connivance.
Less free from obstacles was the new charge of annates
or first-fruits, imposed by Alexander in 1256. The
accounts of this impost are conflicting but it ap- ;
pears that it was laid on all the benefices again with

Edward I.'s co-operation in 1288; and that after the
accession of Edward II. it was regularly levied by the
popes on those of bishops and abbots, the annate
being reckoned as a moiety of the first year's income.
If the prelate held his own benefice 'through re-
servation,' he was also responsible for annates from
such clergy as he might collate to benefices and all ;
livings secured by provision or reservation were

chargeable. The tax was more extensively applied
by the anti-popes in France during the Great Schism ;
but England in 1399 successfully resisted Boniface

IX.'s attempt to demand annates from every incumbent.
In 1531, however, it was calculated that a sum amount-
ing to 40,000 of modern money had long been paid
annually on this score to Rome. Annates and other
Pope,' it was said in Matthew Paris' time,
'
1 *
The deprived the
'
clergy of sons and the devil sent them nephews. Decency was, however,
satisfied provided the wife was not in evidence under the cleric's roof.
To the real sins of promiscuous connexion and loose living, the ecclesias-
tical discipline was marvellously lenient. See Cults' Parish Priests and
their People^ ch. xvii.
A.D. 1 2 16-72] HENRY III. 97
dues must not be forgotten in estimating the financial

position of the mediaeval prelate. Usually, as Canon
Capes shows, he was hampered with debts to Italian
money lenders, contracted in defraying initial expenses.
His estates were mulct also on vacation by great
dilapidation charges and by the Crown's claim to
;
corn found in the granges, and to all the growing

crops. The registers often record subscriptions among
the clergy to meet the indebtedness of their new
diocesan. In some cases, indeed, the bishops of the
Edwardian period can be shown to have died hopelessly
insolvent. 1
The
reign of Henry III. curiously combines with a
story of misrule and political disorder, one of ex-
traordinary revival in religious and intellectual life.
In no other reign was there so much activity in build-
ing and enlarging churches, monasteries and colleges.
This kind of work was much stimulated, no doubt, by
the dominant doctrine of indulgences and commutation.
Its extent is nevertheless amazing, bearing in mind
how the founts of charity had been already tapped by
pope and king. No fewer than 157 religious houses
were reared many of them, of course, intended for the
reception of the new mendicant fraternities. Salisbury
cathedral was begun and finished the greater part of
;
Wells cathedral was built. Other instances are the

choir and transepts of Westminster, the presbyteries of
Ely and Lincoln, the choirs of Southwell, Rochester
and the Temple church, the chapel of the nine altars
at Durham, the transepts added by de Gray at
1
Annates had been demanded in quite early days as a quasi-voluntary
offering from anyone consecrated by the pope. The doctrine that they
were a fee due to the pope, as chief lord of the Church, was apparently
first broached in the pontificate of Boniface VIII.
7
York. Indeed, there is scarcely a great church on

which this period of the Early-English Gothic (develop-
ing latterly into the geometrical Decorated) has not
left its mark.
Equally striking are the evidences of intellectual and
educational activity. The schools at Oxford and
Cambridge now adopted a
corporate organization,
modelled after the University of Paris. To provide
against fluctuation in her numbers, Oxford introduced
our, almost peculiar, collegiate system, with the foun-
dations of University and Balliol in 1249 anc* I2 ^3-
Its association with the training of Seculars, and the
concomitant emancipation of clerical education from
monkish influences, were the happy idea of Walter de
Merton 1
(1264). The wisdom of his scheme was at
once apprehended, and his college soon produced an
extraordinary number of distinguished men among :
them the four primates, Winchelsey, Meopham, Strat-

ford and Bradwardine. At the sister University, Bishop
Balsham of Ely exactly reproduced Merton's code in
his own foundation of Peterhouse (1276). Cambridge's
celebrity is as yet far distant but the one primate she
:
contributed before the Reformation was a Secular from

Peterhouse. Oxford, on the other hand, was now
famous throughout Europe; and in 1257, when she
x
appealed to Henry against the Bishop of Lincoln s
encroachments, she boasted that she was the schola
secunda ecclesice, i.e. second only to Paris, the great
centre of theological Her schools were
erudition.
frequented by an enormous number of students,

native and foreign, and produced some of the greatest
of the new Schoolmen.
1
Henry's chancellor in the years 1261-5, Edward's in 1272-4, Bishop
of Rochester from 1274 to 1278.
A.D. 1216-72] HENRY III. 99
It seems a from the missionary enterprise

far cry
described at the beginning of this Chapter, to the
arena of scholasticism. The two great Mendicant
Orders, however, early succeeded in securing its control,
and evolving or affiliating to themselves its most
redoubtable champions. In the case of the Domini-
cans, the divergence is explainable by their position
as custodians of orthodoxy, and thus deeply concerned
in the trend of all intellectual movement. In that of the
Franciscans, therapeutics and natural science appear

to have been the stepping-stones to the study of
scholastic philosophy. The Friars had settled early
in our university towns ;
and here, as at Paris, members
of religious orders enjoyed the advantage of being
1
eligible for degrees. Besides an occasional association
with foreign scholastic luminaries, Oxford produced at
least four native Schoolmen of the first rank, all of
whom were associated, sooner or later, with the Order
of St Francis.
This new scholasticism may be regarded as a transi-
2
tion from the intellectual bondage of Peter Lombard
to a tangled wilderness of thought, which, however
barren, brought men many steps nearer to the renas-
cence of learning. The chosen guide was Aristotle,
made known by the crusades, and translated through
several Eastern languages into Latin. At first
Aristotle's influence was confined to dialectics ;

our
1
A privilege which, according to Dr Mullinger, was not extended to
them by any other University till 1337.
2
Theology had been dominated hitherto by the
'
Four Books of
Sentences 'of Peter Lombard (d. 1164). This work presented citations
from Augustine, Anselm and other great authorities, as if the final
judg-
ments of a court of appeal, and begat a vast literature of jejune
commentaries. England alone is said to have produced 164 expositions
'
of the Master of the Sentences.'
ioo MEDIAEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, iv
own ' '
Franciscan, Alexander of Hayles,

irrefragable
having introduced at Oxford the syllogistic method
afterwards universally accepted. Gradually the Physics
and Metaphysics surmounted the suspicions of the
Church and at last the whole field of philosophy was
;
so dominated by Aristotle that he was regarded as a

Gentile John Baptist, and his canonization seriously
suggested.
To do justice here to the ramifications of theology
under the new Schoolmen would be impossible.
Broadly, it may be said that while the Dominicans
were enamoured of extreme Augustinianism, the
rival Order affected larger and more genial tenets.
The Dominicans devoted themselves to a jealous
maintenance of the new dogma of Transubstantiation :
the Franciscans sought to impose that of the Immaculate

Conception of the Virgin. As against Albert the Uni-
1 '
versal doctor, and Thomas Aquinas the

' c
Angelical/
the Franciscans could show their 'Seraphic' Bona-
ventura and Oxford gained fresh distinction when
:
' '
Bonaventura's mantle fell on the Subtle north
Briton, Duns Scotus (d. 1308), who pushed Realism
to its extreme and gave the name Scotists to the
' '
opponents of the Thomist philosophy.

The other two great Oxford Franciscans claim
modern sympathy as breaking loose from the narrow
arena of hair-splitting controversy, and preparing the
way for a larger intellectual life. William of Occam
'
in Surrey, the Invincible Nominalist doctor, belongs

'
to the next generation of Schoolmen ; and we shall

* '
notice hereafter his defence of Evangelical Poverty
1
Disallowed by St Bernard ; hotly opposed by the Dominicans ;
admitted by the anti-papal council of Basle (1431-49) and finally made
:
an article of faith by Pius IX. in 1854.

A.D. 1216-72] HENRY III. 101
against the Avignon pope John XXII. As a philoso-

pher, he claims the merit of denouncing the endless
hypostatizing of abstractions, and of thus unconsciously
undermining the gross dogma of transubstantiation.
His repute orthodoxy was secured by the premises
for
that theology is not a science and that there are
:
two kinds of truth, the one according to philosophy,

and the other according to the Church. But even in
the superstitious times of Henry III., Roger Bacon
had more than anticipated this advance. Distinguish-
ing between blind adoration of an ill translated
-
Aristotle and the real Aristotelean method induction

by experiment Bacon laid his finger on the very
causes of obscurantism, and even grasped the essential
principles of modern science. There are,' he sees,
'
'
four stumbling-blocks in our search for Truth

*
unworthy authority; old custom the imperfection

;
of untrained senses vanity concealing ignorance under

;
the veil of wisdom. Truth is not to be gauged by

popularity or by the fiat of authority nor is it reached
:
by the dialectic of an Alexander of Hayles. Authority

itself is valueless till reason attests its claim; and
dialectic can only be cleared of its fogs by experiment.
Verification, then, is the real work of the human mind,
verification by experiment. Bacon's protest against
intellectual thraldom in no way impugns Divine
Revelation for he makes exception in favour of that
;
'
truth and solid authority which by God's choice has

been placed in the hands of His Church/ and he sets
mathematics 'second to that only perfect wisdom
which is to be found in the Scriptures.' But that he
was an object of suspicion as well as 'wonder to the thir-
'
teenth century is sufficiently intelligible and he dearly

;
paid for the error that attached him, when aged thirty-
six, to Bonaventura him-

the Franciscan brotherhood.
self had him expelled from Oxford in 1257, and for the
next decade he was kept under restraint. The curiosity
of Pope Clement IV. then permitted a publication of his
three large treatises, but this papal patronage did not
avert fresh sentences of condemnation and imprison-
ment. At however, he was again
the close of his life,
at liberty and publishing his 'Compendium of Theology'
(1272). As a philosopher his influence is recognizable

in Occam, but centuries passed before there was any
1
appreciation of his real merits.
1
As a scientist, Bacon was so advance of his times as to under-
far in
stand the principle of the telescope, and the cause of the rainbow, and to
construct burning-glasses of considerable magnitude. He had detected
the error in the Julian year, and he suggested its correction by papal
authority. In chemistry he had, perhaps, reached the invention of gun-

powder. supposed that this extraordinary precocity
It is is attributable
to acquaintance with Jewish and Moorish science.
CHAPTER V
EDWARD I
concordat of 1267 brought a period of unbroken

THE peace and in 1270 Prince Edward, who was
;
practically king, made no scruple about leaving

England for the crusade. A
triumvirate, headed by
Giffard, Archbishop of York, ruled till his return in
August 1274. In the interval there were a new French
king and emperor and in 1271 the Papacy, after being
;
kept vacant three years by the scandalous dissensions of

the cardinals, received as its representative Gregory X.,
a man of peace and high principle, and perhaps the
best pope of the century. Gregory cherished the
magnificent project of reuniting Christendom and his ;
2nd Council of Lyons (May 1274) which in its large

attendance and pacific aim contrasted most favourably
with Innocent IV.'s assemblage seemed to give it real-
ization. Michael Palaeologus, conciliated by Gregory's
abandonment of the cause of the Latin emperors, signed
an act of submission to the Papacy, along with his
prelates ;
and the Greek representatives at Lyons
declared their Church's acceptance of the Filiogue
clause in theNicene Creed, and acknowledged the
supremacy of Rome. This unqualified surrender,
however, was really odious to Michael's subjects ;
and its was fostered by Charles of

repudiation
Anjou, who aspired to become Latin emperor him-
self. The Greeks rose against Michael's successor,
103
104 MEDIAEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, v
who was forced to disown the whole procedure in
1279.
The chair of Canterbury had been voided by the
death of Boniface on his way to the crusade in 1270,
and here, too, there was a prolonged vacation. The
two great Mendicant Orders were now making their
way to the highest places in the Church, much as the

Cistercians had done in Stephen's time. Boniface's
successor was eventually Robert Kilwardby, a learned
Oxford Dominican (1273-78), and we shall see him
followed by a Franciscan. When, in 1288, the
General of this Order became Pope Nicholas IV.,
the English Minorites boasted that both sun and
moon had put on the grey friar's cowl.
Kilwardby's now familiar
elevation included the
element of papal interposition. Before leaving Eng-
land, Edward had burst in on a convention of the
Canterbury chapter, and tried to enforce the nomina-
tion of his confidante, Robert Burnell. The monks
persisted in electing their prior, Adam de Chilleden,
and appeal was made to Rome. Gregory, himself a
crusader and a personal friend of Edward's, was allowed
to supersede the English candidates; not, however, with-
out a caveat that the encroachment was not to be con-
strued as a precedent. That Kilwardby's selection was
well received may be inferred from the rise at this time
of the great precinct of Blackfriars, on a site given by
the London aldermen. The king and queen contri-
buted to the cost of these new buildings, which long
enjoyed peculiar immunities, and sometimes served as
a meeting-place of parliaments. The period of this
primacy is otherwise only memorable for the above-
mentioned CEcumenical Council, which Kilwardby
attended along with certain suffragans.
A.D. 1272-1307] EDWARD I. 105
supposed that Pope Nicholas III. pressed Kil-

It is
wardby to resign, in the hope of providing a primate of

a more pushing type. He accepted, in 1278, the cardinal-
bishopric of Porto left England (taking off, unfortu-
;
nately, all the registers of his predecessors in the

primacy) ;
and died shortly afterwards at Viterbo. It
was assumed by the popes of this time that the decease
of a bishop in curia i.e. while attending the papal court
-gave the pope a right to nominate his successor. This
plea was successfully used against Edward. Though he
had persuaded the chapter to postulate the translation
of Burnell from Bath and Wells, the place ol the black
friar was filled by a grey, in the person of John Peckham,
a noted theologian and physicist, who had for two years
held office in the curia as examiner in causes of heresy.
The primacy of thispompous little schoolman, was,
in aim at least, more in harmony with Hildebrandine
ideas than any since Becket's. But the appointment,
prejudiced from the outset by his ostentatiously styling
the creature of the pope,' was discredited by
'
himself
a spirit of fussy, tactless, well-meaning pedantry. In
person, character, and conduct Peckham has often been
compared to his seventeenth-century successor, William
Laud. The Church gained little by his conscientious
efforts tomagnify his primatial authority and assert
the dignity of the courts Christian, and they involved
much quarrelling with king and bishops.
John Peckham reached England in June 1279.
Within six weeks he summoned a provincial synod,
to denounce the abuse of pluralities, and pass canons
against violation of clerical immunities. Copies of the

Great Charter were to be posted up in cathedrals and
collegiate churches, and the clergy were to expound
its bearing on their privileges. Excommunicate, ipso
io6 MEDIAEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, v
facto, were all who should

secure letters from a lay
court to stay cases in courts ecclesiastical. Excom-
municate were all who should distrain on clerical
houses and granges. Excommunicate, too, added Friar
John (small alike in mind and body), were all who sup-
plied the Archbishop of York with food, should he come
to Parliament with his cross erect. The innuendo that
the charter was violated deeply offended Edward, and
he brought the matter of this synod before a Parlia-
ment, and ordered that all the canons dealing with
secular matters should be withdrawn. Peckham, how-
ever, in 1281, secured permission for another synod at
St Paul's, and, despite royal warnings, repeated his
vindication of the pretentions of the ecclesiastical
courts. He even sought to withdraw from the civil
courts concerning Church patronage. Again
all suits
Edward annulled the proceedings. Peckham had to

retreat, and limit his claims to such cases as could in
'
no way, and have not been wont to be determined by

secular judgment.'
At Reading the primate had practically flung his
gauntlet at the civil lawyers, who were now attaining
a distinct professional position. Edward's chancellor
was Bishop Burnell, whose aspirations had been twice
defeated by papal patronage of the Regulars. The
readiness of Burnell and his master to take up the
challenge was attested by the carriage in the Michael-
mas Parliament, 1279, of the celebrated Statute De
Religiosis (commonly called that of Mortmain), as a
bulwark against transfers of property to '
dead hands/
to the detriment of the claims to military
king's
service. All such grants without special leave were
now prohibited, under penalty of forfeiture to the
supreme lord. The statute was a reassertion of the
A.D. 1272-1307] EDWARD I. 107
unity of Church and State, and was justified by

the Regulars' vast accumulation of lands, exempt
from relief and wardship, and useless to the king
in time of war. The De Religiosis eventually proved
no real obstacle to the creation of new Regular
establishments, royal dispensations being usually
easily obtainable. It betokened, however, a change
in sentiment, and a more rational view of the claims
'
of the religious.'
Later on, Peckham's juridical theories were assailed
by the royal ordinance, Circumspecte Agatis (1285),
whose delimitation of the powers of the courts
ecclesiastical was afterwards confirmed by a statute
of Edward II. 1 An extensive province was still left
them. Besides their prerogative of settling questions
concerning marriages and wills, they could inflict
spiritual correction for mortal sin or for libel, for
assault upon a clerk, or neglect of churches and
churchyards. Disputes about tithes, oblations, and
mortuaries were also subject to their decision. But
the claim to fix this boundary was itself a distinct
assertion of the predominance of the lay partner, and
a blow to Peckham and the papalists.
The protest against the northern primate's cross led
to unedifying scenes. William of Wickwaine, who
now held York, had been appointed, like Peckham,
directly by the pope in 1279. He defied the Con-
stitutionsof Reading, and had reason to complain
afterwards to the pope of grievous indignities, how
'
Peckham's with Satan and his satellites,'
official,
attacked him so that the cross was broken, and how
his rivalpushed his success with a discharge of fresh
excommunications. The inter-primatial dispute be-
1
The Articuli Cleri of 1316.
io8 MEDLEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, v
came so serious that Edward had to intervene in the

interests of public peace. Even more damaging to
Peckham's prestige were his contests with his suffragan,
Thomas Cantilupe. In the reign preceding, Thomas,
as Archdeacon of Stafford, had rivalled his uncle,
the Bishop of Worcester, in political activity, and he
had been the Barons' chancellor in 1265. Edward, with
magnanimity, forgave him, and sanctioned his
his usual
promotion to the Bishopric of Hereford. Though a

man of real piety, Cantilupe did not scruple to read
similar constitutional ideas into his ecclesiastical rela-
tions, and he posed repeatedly as the champion of the
suffragan bishops against strained primatial authority.
Excommunicated by Peckham, he sought redress at
Rome. He
died at Orvieto shortly after a favourable
reception by Martin IV. (1282) but his remains proved
;
potent to discomfort the Diotrephes of Canterbury.

Not only was Peckham's mean attempt to refuse
them Christian burial defeated, but such an outcome
of miracles followed their transfer to their present
tomb in argue claims to canonization.
1287, as to
Edward, of course, abetted the national petition to the
pope. Its satisfaction was delayed till 1320, when
a Bull of John XXII. proclaimed the deceased prelate
St Thomas of Hereford, who was wont to defend the
'
rights of his Church, clad with justice as with a

corselet.' x
should be added that Peckham, albeit a pedant
It
and a martinet, showed a commendable zeal in resisting
the accumulation of benefices by Edward's favourites,
and maintaining the principle of pastoral responsibility.
1
Thomas Cantilupe was thecanonized Englishman.
last On his
exemplary administration of the disordered diocese of Hereford, from
1275 onward, see Tout, Nat. Diet, of Biogr., s.v.
A.D. 1272-1307] EDWARD I. 109
On the ground that they were pluralists, he refused to

accept De la Mere, the bishop-elect of Winchester, and
prevented John de Kirkeby, the king's treasurer, from
being proposed for Rochester. He even attacked the
malpractice in the north and made the powerful
;
Antony de Bek resign five benefices after his accepting

the Bishopric of Durham in 1283. Roger Longespee
of Lichfield, too, one of King Henry's obtruding aliens,
received from this strenuous metropolitan a mandate
*
to reside within his see. Though as a foreigner,
ignorant of English, he could not feed his flock with
the word of preaching, he could at least make some
1
provision for the poor.'
In his celebrated of the
Jews (1290)
expulsion
Edward had the special encouragement of Peckham,
and of the queen-dowager, who had now taken the veil.
It is only fair, however, to add that this cruelty was
universally commended, and that a grateful Parliament

rewarded its perpetrator with an extraordinary grant.
It must be remembered that the religion that branded
the Jew as a pariah and forbade him to hold landed

property, also regarded the financial pursuits to which
he was driven as an unnatural crime, 2 permitted him
only as born to supply the wants of kings, and because
he was qua Jew already irrecoverably doomed. Among
moreover, the same stories of Semitic atroci-
all classes,
ties were rife as are credited to-day in the backward

countries of Europe. This indictment had in the last
reign produced the boy martyrs Hugh of Lincoln and
William of Norwich and the subsequent executions
;
'
elicited confessions that almost every year the Jews
1
Capes, English Church, etc., p. 23.
2
See Lecky, Hist, of European Morals, vol. i. ch. ii. ; Rationalism in
Europe^ vol. ii. ch. vi.
no MEDLEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, v
x
crucify a boy, as an insult to the LordJesus.' The
Jews had been harassed by the baronial party for their
loyalty to Henry, and they had since experienced the
alternations of Edward's piety, cupidity and zeal for
justice. The king compelled them to hear the dis-
courses of Dominican preachers, and opened a domus
conversorum for proselytes from Judaism. He forbade
their taking interest, and when they were reduced to
clipping his coinage had three hundred hanged. In 1 287

he suddenly imprisoned all the Jews in England simul-
taneously, and exacted a huge ransom for their libera-
tion. The climax was the royal order of 1290, that
every Jew should depart within two months, under
penalty of death. Some 16,500 passes were issued, and
Edward protected their flight and rewarded himself
by an appropriation of their abandoned wealth. The
Jews were not seen again in England till the time of
Cromwell. Their business as money-lenders and a
fair share of their unpopularity too was demised to
the Italian agents connected with the pope's exactions.
These Lombard and Florentine usurers somehow con-
trived evade the canonical prohibitions.
to They
obtained special privileges from the Crown, and vastly
extended their predecessors' financial operations, to
the great benefit of commerce.
Edward was now in the zenith of his fame. He
had conquered Llewellyn, and restored England to a
leading position abroad and his reputation for justice
;
was such that in 1282 he had been selected to mediate

the great Sicilian dispute. Burnell died in 1292, shortly
after declaring the king's judgment in the matter of
1
Matthew Paris, s.a. 1225. Chaucer's Prioresses Tale and that of
the Jews Daughter in the Percy Reliques are illustrations of the common
belief.
A.D. 1272-1307] EDWARD I. in
the Scotch succession. His place in the royal counsels
was ill filled by the Langtons and de Beks, and
Edward will henceforward appear involved in incessant
difficulties with France and Scotland, and renewing
the old story of arbitrary and unjust exactions. It is
curious to find that the chief obstacle to his tyranny
was a primate of his own selection, who was also a
strong papalist.
Robert Winchelsey was a learned Secular, of such
fame that he had been appointed chancellor of Oxford
and rector of Paris University. When Peckham died
(December 1292), the king, who had doubtless had
enough of friar primates, secured his election by the
Canterbury chapter and : it was readily confirmed by the
pious anchorite whom a freak of the cardinals elevated
for nine months as Pope Celestine V. It was the first
appointment since Hubert's death exempt from papal

interference, and there was every prospect of peaceful
relations. While, however, Winchelsey was still in
Italy, the unpractical hermit pope was persuaded to
resign. His successor, the high-born Gaetano, is
memorable in papal history for
pushing the principles
of the Gregories and Innocents to their highest pitch,
and ending a conflict with Philip IV. of France with
an ignominious death. Hated alike by the creatures
of the unprincipled Philip, by rival Italian nobles and
by the monkish admirers of the deposed Celestine,
Boniface VIII. was afterwards said to have come in '
like a fox, reigned like a lion, and died like a

dog.'
To understand Winchelsey's career as primate, it is
safest to suppose that he united, with a strong belief
in the high Hildebrandine doctrine presented in
Boniface's Bulls, no less strong constitutionalist pro-
clivities. The combination is unusual but there is no
:
ii2 MEDIEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, v
real reason to regard Winchelsey as an intriguer, who

only affected patriotism to subserve the cause of
popery.
Edward had been Philip in the negotia-
tricked by
tion for adjusting the international dispute; and, while
the new primate was still in Italy, he was endeavouring
to finance an expedition to recover Gascony. The
Jews were gone : the need of funds was urgent. The
'
greatest of the Plantagenets stooped to measures

'
worthy of King John. He seized the merchants'

wool appropriated money deposited in the monastic
;
treasuries and extorted from the clergy a subsidy

;
of half their spiritual revenue, at a time when the

boroughs were only contributing a sixth, the shires
but a tenth. William Montfort, Dean of St Paul's, fell
dead in Edward's awful presence, while tendering a
protest against this iniquitous exaction (July 1294).
The prelates then assembled in council to decide what
course to take but they received a peremptory warn-
:
ing that whoever opposed the royal will would be

treated as an outlaw. They reluctantly submitted, and
the tax was paid.
This French expedition was a failure, and the dis-
traction of a Welsh rising further exhausted the royal
funds. Next year the Scots were in open league with
France, and Philip was blockading our ports. It was
this grave peril that necessitated the convening of the
so-called Model Parliament' at Westminster (November
*
1295), where the clerical representative element was the

same as in the future Convocations. 1 Barons and
knights here contributed an eleventh, and the boroughs
a seventh. But the clergy were now strengthened by
the guidance of Winchelsey. They withstood Edward's
1
See Appendix, note IV.
A.D. 1272-1307] EDWARD I. 113
demands third or a fourth,

for a and he had to be
contented with a tenth.
Winchelsey's action so far seems to have been amply
justified by the outrageous fleecing of the preceding
year. But he was shortly to present the whole matter
of fiscal relations in a very different aspect. The French
clergy were at this time groaning under grievous exac-
tions on the part of Philip IV. On behalf of the whole
clerical order, Pope Boniface VIII. suddenly enuntiated
the celebrated Bull, Clericis Laicos
(February 1296).
Against the abuse of civil claims, he opposed that
outrageous doctrine of complete clerical exemption
which had hitherto been but a canonical counsel of
perfection. The gist of this Bull was as follows :
'
The
laity have ever been hostile to the clergy. Recent
experience confirms this truth. They are ignorant
that over ecclesiastical persons they have no power
whatever. Yet they have dared to extort both from
the secular and regular clergy a twentieth, a tenth, a
half their revenue. On no pretext is any such tax to
be levied without papal permission. Every layman of
whatever rank receiving such taxes is ipso facto and
permanently excommunicate. Every ecclesiastic who
submits to them is at once deposed.' x
It was no fault of Archbishop Winchelsey's, if this
final development of the Hildebrandine theory failed in
England as completely as it did abroad. In November

1296, Edward having triumphed over the Scots, con-
vened a Parliament at Edmundsbury, with the same
constitution as predecessor, to subsidize another
its
expedition into France. The necessity of the enter-

prise was admitted and barons, knights, and burgesses
:
all voted liberal supplies. But, on behalf of the clergy,

1
Milman, Lat. Christianity^ Bk. XL chap. viii.
8
Winchelsey claimed the protection of the recent Bull.

'
We have two lords over us/ he argued we owe ;
c
greater obedience to our spiritual than to our temporal

head.' The most he would cede was an application to
the pope for permission to pay. Edward allowed the
matter to be deferred till Hilarytide. The southern
Convocation met, stood by the primate, and dissolved
without voting a grant. The threat of 1294 was now
carried out, the king's chief-justice being directed to
put the clergy of the whole province outside the protec-

tion of the civil courts. Their lay fees were taken into
the king's hands. 1 They experienced open violence on
the public roads. It was
vain that Winchelsey
in
retaliated by excommunicating all who acted in de-
fiance of Boniface's Bull.
has been supposed that our primate had some
It
concern in the issue of Boniface's Clericis Laicos.
Doubtless a correspondence with Rome this summer
made him prescient of the impending change in papal
tactics. Edward's wish for a reconciliation is intelligible
enough, for he was about to leave England, and was
experiencing a formidable baronial resistance to his
military levy. The restoration of amity was advertised
by Winchelsey's appearance at the king's side, on the
occasion of the pathetic valedictory appeal at West-
minster. He now tearfully promised fidelity, and
undertook to convoke the clergy again. This occurred
on July 14. On July 30, Boniface issued the Etside Statu,
and explained away the uncompromising language of
his first Bull. The upshot was that before Edward
departed (August 22) he had formally received the
clergy into his protection and requested their prayers,
February 12, cf. B. Cotton, p. 318. On February 6, the clergy of
1
the northern province, who had yielded, obtained letters of protection.

A.D. 1272-1307] EDWARD L 115
and Winchelsey's Convocation had arranged that he

should receive a third. 1 The primate's version of this
pacification was that the king promised a confirmation
of the Charter, if the clergy would but continue to vote
him subsidies.
Whatever the extent of this pledge, a new and
wiser policy was henceforth adopted by Winchelsey.
Directly Edward left, he devoted himself to the task
of guiding the baronial antagonism to the arbitrary
methods of the Crown, and of sheltering all orders of men
under the aegis of constitutionalism. His opportunity
came autumn, when our defeat at Cambuskenneth
this
necessitated immediate levies for the north. Co-operat-
ing with Bohun and Bigod in their protest against
arbitrary raising of tallages and aids, Winchelsey
secured from the young prince, not only a confirmation
of the charter, but an acknowledgment of new articles 2
subordinating such demands to Parliamentary consent.
The king was forced to ratify this concession with his
own signature at Ghent, November 5. The incident
stands out as a landmark in our constitutional history.
There are those, indeed, who accord to Winchelsey, as a
champion of our civil liberties, almost even rank with
Stephen Langton. Though the French war was shortly
suspended, the Scotch difficulties remained and fresh :
concessions were secured during the next three years,

his work being crowned by the disafforestments ceded
to the Lincoln Parliament (January 1301.) So strong
seemed his position that he included in a bill for the
1 I.e.one-third of the temporalities, the lay fees of the clergy being

taxed with those of the laity. On the other hand, their spiritualities
(tithes and oblations), on which Edward had made his swoop of 1294,
were exempted from taxation. Stubbs, op. cit.^ chap. xiv.
2
Known generally as the Statute De tallagio non concedendo.
1 16 MEDIAEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, v
king's consideration an article subordinating clerical

taxation to papal assent, and he did this it seems with
the consent of the barons.
Obviously Edward's best poligy was to sever the lay
and clerical factors in this confederacy. Winchelsey's
notoriety as an uncompromising papalist was here of
service. In August 1300, while the king was on his
Scotch campaign, the primate had presented to him a
Bull of startling tenour. Boniface himself claimed
Scotland as a papal fief, at her own request, and on the
ground that her conversion was due to the relics of St
Andrew. The pope declared her submission of 1291
null and void. He demanded that if the king still
maintained his pretentions he should, within six months,
appear personally at the papal court. Before the dis-
missal of the Lincoln Parliament x Edward made noti-
fication of this Bull Scimus
and, appealing in his
Fili,
turn to patriotic sentiments, turned the tables on the
Romanizing primate. The immediate result was a
letter, in and ninety-seven barons,
which seven earls
in the name of the whole community of England,
disowned the papal pretention, and expressed their
determination to protect the dignity of the Crown.
'
The king shall not answer before the pope, or
undergo judgment, touching the rights of the kingdom
of Scotland, or any other temporal rights. We will not
suffer him to comply with the mandate, even were he to
wish it.' 2
Winchelsey was never a popular personage, and from
this time his influence was fatally impaired. He failed
1
Or rather, of its Upper House. Edward, for some reason, did not
exhibit this letter till the knights of shire had been paid and gone home.
2 Par/. Writs,
February 12, 1301. Fcedera, i.
926, 927. i.
102, 103.
Cf. Rishanger, pp.
208-210 ; Matt. Westminster, pp. 443, 444.
A.D. 1272-1307] EDWARD I. 117
to get even Pope Boniface on his side in his, perhaps

spiteful, attack on
Walter Langton, the treasurer; 1 and
this affair lost him the friendship of other suffragans,
especially those engaged in secular employments. By
the laity he was suspected of a deliberate design to
introduce into England a counterpart to the struggle
of Boniface with Philip IV. His disciplinary canons
enacted at the synod of Merton in 1305 were probably
lightly regarded by the clergy. At Canterbury itself
he was in such ill odour that his palace was once

mobbed while he was in residence.
His royal enemy, however, took no further action till
February 1306. The capture of Wallace had now
secured the complete reduction of Scotland. The
leaders of the baronial opposition were dead or power-
less. The
place of Boniface VIII. was filled by the
pliant Clement V., who as a Gascon noble was Edward's
subject, and who had already been persuaded to absolve
him from some of his concessions. 2 It is said that the
king now gained
possession of letters in which Win-
chelsey had, in 1297, conspired with Bohun and Bigod
for the elevation of Prince Edward, and that the vials
of the royal wrath were discharged on the traitor in an
awful interview. 3 The evidence, however, on this sub-
1
Walter Langton (Bishop of Lichfield, 1296) was charged by his foes
with adultery, concubinage, simony, and intercourse with the devil. The
pope acquitted him (Fcedera, i. 956, 957). The merits of these charges
are unascertainable. Personal animosity induced Edward II. to amerce
and imprison him in 1307. Liberated at Winchelsey's instance in 1311,
he served again as treasurer in defiance of the Ordainers, till Parliament
voted him 'superfluous' in 1315.
:
a Bull, dated Lyons, 1305.

By A
salvo for the rights of the people
existing before November 1297 is attached, and Stubbs notices that
Edward only used this discreditable weapon to evade the execution of
the forest articles.
J
See Hook, Archbishops, Bk. III. ch. vii.
Ii8 MEDIAEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, v
ject of Winchelsey's disloyalty is but scanty. All that

is certain is that,
by an arrangement between king and
pope, he was now cited to the papal court at Bordeaux ;
and that he left England disgraced and impoverished,

with a peremptory instruction that he was not to return.
He found little him at the curia and would
respect paid ;
probably have been removed from Canterbury by some

but for the king's death in July
fictitious translation,
1307. That Woodlock of Winchester and Bek of Dur-

ham received somewhat similar treatment from the
king has been taken as evidence of a real episcopal
conspiracy and some connexion with the Prince of
;
Wales has been inferred from the rehabilitation of all

three prelates on his succeeding to the throne. But it
is difficult to
suppose that so sagacious a statesman
as Winchelsey could ever have fixed his hopes on
Edward II. The latter's action seems to be sufficiently
accounted for by his perversity, vanity and uncon-
cealed hatred of his father's memory.
The king had appropriated to his own use the rich
temporalities of Durham vacated by Bek. For Canter-
bury, Clement's agent, William de Testa, was allowed
to act as administrator. William was also empowered
to collect papal dues, and here he showed such assiduity
as to recall the bad times of Henry III., and provoke a
storm of opposition. Already (February 1305) the barons
had broached a statute forbidding the pope to impose
tallage on monastic property. In the Parliament of Car-
(January 1307) this was formally passed a strongly
lisle ;
worded petition being also presented against provisions,

promotion of aliens, annates, even against Peter's
pence.
1 The king's sickness, or his desire to use
Clement as a negotiator with France, induced him to
1
Rot. Par., i. 207, 217-223. Matt. Westm., p. 457.
A.D. 1272-1307] EDWARD I. 119
l and in the wretched reign

cancel all this procedure ;
succeeding we shall see the abuses of curial pretentions

at its very worst. In 1351, however, when the great
anti-papal statute of Edward III. was in contempla-
tion, the action of this Carlisle Parliament was cited as
a precedent, and its
language repeated.
The transition from the arrogant Boniface VIII. to
Clement V., a refugee in France, is one of the most
dramatic episodes in the papal history, and has an
important bearing on the subsequent story of our
Church. So inoffensive was Boniface deemed in 1299
that Edward and Philip employed him, in his private
capacity as an Italian prince, to mediate the Treaty
of Montreuil. But his pontifical ambition was not
satisfied with such proofs of amity and social respect.
The jubilee of 1 300 was made the occasion of the loftiest
temporal pretentions and the claim to Scotland came
;
from a pope who had assumed, it was said, imperial

habiliments, and the two swords typical of the complete
supremacy of Rome. In 1302 the old issue with
Philip was revived by the Ausculta Fili, rebuking him
terms of haughty patronage, and asserting that no
'
in
layman has any power whatever over an ecclesiastic.'

Next year appeared the Unam Sanctam, declaring St
Peter's See to be the source of all temporal power,
'
and pronouncing that it is necessary to salvation to
believe that every human being is subject to the
pontiff of Rome.' From these giddy
heights Boniface
was hurled in September 1305, by the brutal violence
of Philip's chancellor, William of Nogaret, who had
already pretended to cite him to a General Council
as a heretic, usurper and simoniac. Nogaret and
Sciarra Colonna suddenly invaded the palace at
1
Rot. Par., \. 222.
Anagni, and having captured the pope, exposed him

to the grossest indignities. Though rescued by the
Romans, he died a month later in a paroxysm of senile
insanity.
successor, Benedict XL, reigned only
Boniface's
long enough to launch an impotent denunciation on
the perpetrators of this outrage. Philip's bribes having
then secured a majority in the conclave, the Gascon,
Bernard de Goth, was elevated from the Archbishopric
of Bordeaux as Clement V. (June 1305). Deeming
Italy unsafe, Clement fixed his court first at Bordeaux
and then at Avignon. A puppet in the hands of Philip,
he was shortly seen condoning the Anagni affair,
revoking the obnoxious Bulls, and even tolerating
aspersions on Boniface's moral character and ortho-
doxy. A line of six French pontiffs continued this
l
migration. Avignon remained the seat of a pretentious
but usually dissolute court, whose dignity was impaired
*
by its real subserviency to France, until the seventy

'
years Captivity was ended by the return of Gregory

XL to Rome in 1376, Thus suddenly
collapsed the
great fabric which had been rising ever higher since the
days of Gregory VII. England's own demoralization
under Edward II. obscured for a time the full signi-
ficance of this humiliation of St Peter's chair.But
the venality and disrepute of such popes as Clement
V. and VI. and John XXII. consorted ill with the
traditions of the Hildebrandine age, and matters
received a new complexion the reign succeeding.
in
Edward III. had not long been king before the papal
tribute was discontinued. His French claim led on by
a natural sequence to a series of anti-papal statutes.
1
Clement VI. purchased Avignon from Joanna of Sicily for 80,000
florins in 1348. It remained papal property till the French Revolution.
A.D. 1272-1307] EDWARD I. 121
The golden age of papalism did not pass without

the English
leaving indelible traces on the structure of
Constitution. Winchelsey's efforts had secured the prin-
cipleof taxation by consent: and the reign of Edward I.
bequeathed a permanent representative organization
the inclusion of burgesses, knights, and clerical proctors
in the citation to Parliament being continuous from
1295 onward. But the Edwardian Convocation, with

itsjealous isolation of the clergy, contrasts strikingly
with the old idea of the complete unity of Church and
State. In Saxon, even in Anglo-Norman times, all
orders had co-operated for civic purposes, and the king
himself had his place in the ecclesiastical synod. Hence-
forth the civil power is unrepresented in the councils
of the Church, and the clergy insist that for fiscal pur-
poses they must be regarded as a distinct caste. Boni-
face's doctrine of exemption had been, as we have seen,
disastrously defeated. The Churchmen console them-
selves with the barren honour of voting taxes (often
larger far than those assessed on the laity) in a purely

clerical assembly. To emphasize this isolation from
the laity, their proctors seldom take part in the other
business of the Commons and this practice prepares
;
the way for the doctrine of clerical disqualification

legalized in modern times. For these important topics
1
space must be found in another part of our work.
It may be remarked here, however, that the Edwardian
Convocation, though not the creation of Winchelsey,

largely owed to him this permanent complexion, and
that its combination of constitutional and Hildebrandine
ideals was a fit memorial of the patriot papalist of
Canterbury.
1
See Appendix, notes III. and IV.
CHAPTER VI
EDWARD II
dealing with the confused and troubled reign of

IN Edward II., it seems best to preface the ecclesi-
astical story with a resume of political events.
I. Within nine months the frivolous king had so
affronted public opinion that Parliament demanded
the banishment of his favourite, Piers Gaveston. This
sentence proving inoperative, the precedent of 1258
was cited, the powers of the Crown being practically
superseded by a Commission of Lords Ordainers (1310).
Gaveston, however, with the king's connivance, still
disobeyed, and this affair disturbed the country till his
capture and execution in June 1312.
II. The next decade brought the disgraceful defeat
at Bannockburn the enforced displacement of the

;
king's officials ;
the rule of a permanent council
(August 1318); Lancaster's league against the De-
spensers, and their banishment by Parliament (July
1321). The king now plays off Convocation against
Parliament, and appeals to arms. He wins the victory
of Boroughbridge, and executes Lancaster and several
barons (March 1322).
III. The obsequious Parliament of York having
rescinded the Ordinances, the Despenser ascendancy
is thereafter unassailed, till four more years of malad-
ministration and disgrace prepare the way for Isabella's

invasion. In the final scene (January 1327) the bishops
A,D. 1307-27] EDWARD II. 123
play the leading part the allegation being that the

wretched king had not only lost Scotland, Ireland,
and Gascony, but injured the cause of holy Church.' '
The charge was only too substantial. But the Church

had connived at the disastrous re-establishment of the
Despensers, and it is difficult to credit the treacherous
episcopal junto that effected Edward II.'s deposition

with higher motives than spite and sordid ambition.
The first and discreditable of these periods
least
coincides with the primacy of the restored Winchelsey.
He returned to England broken in health and unable
to resume his former conspicuous activity but through- ;
out the struggle of 1307-12 he was the brain and soul

of the constitutionalist party, and the Commission of
Ordainers was probably resorted to at his suggestion.
The lords spiritual were represented here by Winchelsey
and six bishops, the whole number of the Commission
being twenty-one. Before this step was taken he had
triedthe expedient of excommunicating the contu-
macious Gaveston but Clement, propitiated by Edward's
;
deference in the Knights-Templars affair, had annulled

the sentence. The last noticeable action of the states-
man-primate is his renewal of the excommunication,
in spite of the pope, in 1312. The execution of the
wretched parasite on Blacklow Hill in June removed
this phase of the national quarrel. A truce was
now patched up between king and barons, on the
understanding that the Ordinances held good, and for
a short time there was a semblance of national unity.
But the strongest check on Edward's follies was really
removed by the death of Winchelsey in May 1313.
His high principles were shortly contrasted with the
servility and selfishness of a Walter Reynolds, the
result being that a primate, always unpopular in life,
124 MEDIAEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, vi
was reverenced as a national hero, and a confessor in

the cause of constitutionalism. In 1327 the Commons
attached to their demand for judgment on the Des-
pensers a request for papal canonization of Winchelsey.
His claims were actually pressed as late as the reign of
Richard II.
In December 1307 Europe had been startled by the

papal mandate for the arrest of the Templars in all
places. An Order that was recently the pride of Christen-
dom was now charged, at the instance of Philip IV.
and Nogaret, with odious Oriental vices, sorcery,
idolatry, and rites involving a blasphemous repudia-
tion of the Saviour. Obvious though it was to many
that these charges were inspired by the avarice and
malignity of Clement's custodian, the Bull was every-
where obeyed. In France there was a great parade
of trials, tortures, enforced confessions and burnings,
and the way was thus prepared for the formal Dissolu-
tion of the Order at the Council of Vienne in 1312.
The Templars first appear in 1118 as an aristocratic
community, combining the aims of the monk and the
crusader. Under papal patronage they had become
a wealthy republic, with preceptories in nearly every
land. They had their own fleet and an army of
15,000 soldiers, and owned allegiance only to their
Grand Master and the Pope. Paris was the chief
European centre of the Order and it is significant
;
that they had expressed strong sympathy with Boni-

face VIII. in his recent conflict, and were also Philip's
creditors for the dowry of Isabella, Edward II.'s queen.
Unlike their rivals the
Knights- Hospitallers, who, after
the loss of Jerusalem, settled in Cyprus and Rhodes,
and long did good work as a bulwark against Moham-
medan invasion, the Templars had now no reason for
A.D. 1307-27] EDWARD II. 125
existence. They had moreover long been envied for

their opulence, and hated for their aristocratic pride.
The charge of dissoluteness is in some degree credible,
for was being raised already against Orders less
it
exposed to temptation. But there is no reason to

regard the damning counts as having even a vestige
of foundation.
Our first reply to the French communications was
' '
that neither the king nor his prelates nor his barons
could believe the pending charges. The upshot, how-
ever, was an order for the arrest of all English, Scotch
and Irish Epiphany 1308, and they were
Templars at
transferred to prisons in London, Lincoln, and York.
In 1309 our country had the novel experience of a
papal inquisition the Abbot of Lagny and Sicard
de Vaur coming here under a safe conduct from the
king, who also issued a mandate to Winchelsey and
two other bishops to act as assessors. Torture was
used in deference to the foreigners' demands but ;
Edward, who was not lacking in humanity, insisted

that there should be no '
mutilation or violent
effusion of blood.' absented himself
Winchelsey
entirely, it seems, from this commission, on the score
of ill-health. John Langton of Chichester and Baldock
of London appear to have laboured to secure an
impartial trial. The English story at least contrasts
favourably with that of France, where thirty-eight
knights died under examination. Despite the efforts
of the low-born friars to asperse an Order which they
had always regarded with peculiar jealousy, only three
or four witnesses of doubtful character could be found
to attest the crucial charges. The final result was that
the preceptor, De la More, and some eighty knights
they were defamed in certain par-
'
admitted that
126 MEDLEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, vi
ticularsabout which they could not clear themselves,'

and were received as penitents to the mercy of the
Church. In June 1311, Baldock and Langton, by
Winchelsey's orders, publicly absolved them in batches
in various parts of London. One or two of the accused
had died in prison a few were dismissed with pen-
;
sions the remainder were relegated to perpetual

;
seclusion in monastic houses. Clement had ordered

that their property should lapse to the Knights-
Hospitallers but it was long kept in the king's hands,
;
and the new beneficiaries received it saddled with

1
heavy charges.
The Council of Vienne (1311-12), which consecrated
these iniquities, was only attended by some three
hundred prelates. pliancy was confined to the
Its
affair of the Templars, Philip in vain endeavouring to
secure a formal condemnation of the life and tenets of
Boniface VIII. Even now Clement evaded profession
of belief in the guilt of the Order. He pronounced its
dissolution 'not as a definite expression of opinion, . . .
but by wayof Apostolic provision and ordinance.'

The story closes with the burning of the Grand Master
du Molay and another noble victim, who, when taken
out of prison, proclaimed the worthlessness of the
enforced confession, owning only the guilt of succumb-
ing through weakness, and slandering a blameless
brotherhood (March 1313). Men saw in the deaths
of Clement and Philip within the ensuing year a
fulfilment of du Molay's citation of his persecutors
before a more righteous Judge.
1
The celebrated London was subsequently
Templar stronghold in
leased by the Hospitallers to the men of law. It lapsed to the Crown
at the dissolution of the monasteries. In 1609 James I. made it over in

perpetuity to the two famous Inns of Court.
A.D. 1307-27] EDWARD II. 127
Winchelsey's papalism must have been of robust

fibre if it survived his experiences of Clement V.
Deriding the recent Parliamentary protest as one

'
of laymen glorying in their malice, potent in their
iniquity,' the pope consoled himself for his restraint
under Philip by renewed aggressions in disordered
England. Edward II. was completely indifferent to the
indignity, and was content to higgle with Avignon for

the elevation of his favourites. In 1313 the monk of
Malmesbury thus describes our plight For eight '
:
years Pope Clement has ruled the universal Church,

but what good he has done escapes memory. England
alone of all countries feels the burden of papal domina-
tion. . . . He reserves all the fat benefices for himself,
and excommunicates all who resist him. His legates
come and spoil the land those armed with his Bulls
:
come and demand prebends. He has given all the

deaneries to foreigners, and .cut down the number of
resident canons. Why
does the pope exercise greater
authority over the clergy than the emperor over the
laity ? Lord Jesus take away the pope, or lessen
. . .
the power which he presumes to have over the

'
people !
Some may have

been brought by the scan-
respite
dalous vacation of twenty-seven months that succeeded
Clement's death. But Avignon strengthened its grip
under John XXII., a canon lawyer who had rendered
Philip invaluable services against Boniface and the
Templars, and who was conspicuous for malappoint-
ments to the conclave and shameless traffic in bishoprics. 1
John's accession, however, was marked by an insidious
manifesto against tenure of pluralities. His Bull
Execrabilis (1317) demanded that the clerical pluralist
1
See Milman, Bk. XII. ch, vi.
should resign all his benefices but one, on pain of

losing all. Pluralism was undoubtedly a great evil,
but John's legislation was not counted to him for
righteousness for the voided benefices were to be
;
rilled not by their lawful patron but by the pope. In

1318 some fifty English livings thus vacated were
provided for by John, doubtless with much profit to
his coffers. The bishops complained that many, pre-
sumably the worthless, livings were leftuntenanted.
We notice that in the present period of papal
decadence there passed away the old
idea of the
indissoluble connexion of a bishop with his see. The
ancient canons had regarded the translation of a bishop
as a grave irregularity and a kind of spiritual divorce ;
and though it had doubtless long been easy to secure

papal sanction for its infringement, this rule still
nominally obtained. But by the Avignon popes
translation was directly encouraged sake of for the
the pecuniary accessories. Clement's translation of
Walter Reynolds, in deference to Edward's lavish
douceurs, roughly marks the extinction of a theory
which William I. had made good use of against the
Saxon primate Stigand. 1 Since Stigand's time, only
three primates (Ralph, Baldwin, and Hubert) had been
raised by process of translation. On the other hand,
of the thirteen primates of our period after Reynolds,
only three had not been previously bishops five had :
held two sees before attaining to Canterbury, one

(John Kemp, 1452) had held four. However defensible
under altered conditions now, this practice of trans-
1
Stigand, however, incurred the guilt of a double translation. In this,
Poore of Sarum was perhaps his only imitator till the present period.
On the other hand, Orleton successively held Hereford, Worcester and
Winchester, securing the two latter by provisions from Avignon, in
defiance of the Crown, in 1327 and 1333.
A.D. 1307-27] EDWARD II. 129
lation acted as a stimulus to worldly ambitions, and

itsprevalence seriously augmented the corruptions of
the mediaeval Church. Henry IV., says Gascoigne,
once asked Archbishop Bowet why bishops were no
longer translated corporeally, on account of famous
*
posthumous miracles. Holy bishops of old,' said a

clerk there present, 'reflected on the responsibility of
their duties, and did not desire translation from
bishopric to bishopric, for the sake of greater wealth.

Now they are translated from bishopric to bishopric
in their lives, and so do not deserve to be translated by
the evidence of miracles after their deaths.'
Our resume sufficiently interprets the drift
political
of the Church under Winchelsey's successor. Walter
Reynolds of Worcester had been one of our repre-
sentatives at Vienne, and his appointment by papal
provision overrode the chapter's selection of the
learned Thomes Cobham. Though of obscure birth
and scanty education, Edward I. had employed him
as his son's tutor, but given him no preferment. He
is described as a 'son of Belial,' 'a man of infernal
avarice/ so illiterate that he could not spell his name
'
aright.' A talent for theatricals is mentioned as

attaching the favours of the present king. Besides
his bishopric, he received the great seal in 1310, but
he did so much mischief as chancellor in the Gaveston
imbroglio that the Lords Ordainers only allowed him
the title lord-keeper, under three nominees of their
own. He similarly abetted Edward's partiality for the
Despensers, and by proclaiming in 1321 that their
condemnation by Parliament was illegal, and linking
the Church's cause with theirs, he was largely respon-
sible for the maladministration of 1322-26. Yet when
the cause of Isabella triumphed, Reynolds basely for-
9
sook the author of his fortunes. He welcomed the

elevation of the young Edward with a discourse on the
words *
Vox populi vox Dei/ and died shortly after-
wards, universally despised.
We
have entered on a period of terrible demoraliza-
tion in the episcopate. Honourable exceptions are the
saintly D'Alderby of Lincoln (1300-19), and Segrave of
London (1303-16), the special object of Reynolds'
detestation. Melton of York (1317-41) 'by God's grace
'
kept his purity untarnished while waiting two years

at Avignon for consecration, and afterwards led a
gallant but ineffective resistance to the Scots in the

'white battle' of Myton. Stapledon (1308-26), too,
besides his lavish expenditure on his cathedral, deserves
recognition for the liberal support of learning still
attested by Exeter College, Oxford. But the example
of Avignon had deeply infected England and the ;
episcopal chairs had several incompetent occupants,

some notoriously elevated by dint of bribery and base
intrigues. Worcester was given, after Reynolds' pro-
motion, to Walter of Maidstone, a man of notoriously
dissolute life. The great bishopric of Lincoln was
secured by Henry Burgesch, an ill-educated nephew
of the trimming Lord Badlesmere, at the age of twenty-
four (1320).
Large outlay at Avignon in 1318 inflicted
on Durham Lewis de Beaumont, a crippled relation
of the queen, who could not read the Latin formula
required at his consecration. John Stratford had
ample but his perfidies in
intellectual qualifications;
the present reign are hardly condoned by his sub-
sequent services as primate and chancellor under
Edward III. had been sent along with
Stratford
Asser, Bishop of Winchester, to maintain Edward's
Scotch claims at Avignon. Asser died there. Ignoring
A.D. 1307-27] EDWARD II. 131
his appointment of Archdeacon Baldock,

master's
Stratford negotiated with John XXII. on his own
behalf, and returned consecrated to Winchester (1323).
Royal sequestration was the merited penalty. Reynolds,
however, secured his pardon next year on condition of
his signing a ^"10,000 recognizance for good behaviour,
and in 1325 the misguided king sent him as envoy
to Here Stratford intrigued with Isabella,
France.
with whom he was shortly seen co-operating to secure
Edward's deposition. It may be added that the
Winchester precedent was closely followed by Ayer-
min, Stratford's fellow-envoy in 1325. He secured
Norwich from the pope by favour of Isabella, again to
the prejudice of Baldock, the elect of king and chapter.
But the most important factor in the story of the
revolution was Adam Orleton. Whatever his sins,
Orleton was, at least, not chargeable with abuse of
Edward's confidence. In 1318 he attained the bishopric
of Hereford, against the king's wishes, through the influ-
ence of the Mortimers at Avignon. His patrons fought
along with Lancaster at Boroughbridge and incurred im-
prisonment, and Orleton was in the Parliament of 1323
charged with appearing on their side in arms. Edward,
with his usual unwisdom, ignoring his privileges as
peer and bishop, cited him to his court at Westminster
-thus inducing the prelates to rally to his side. A
coup de theatre was arranged. Orleton appeared, but
his brethren (Canterbury, York, Armagh, and many suf-
fragans) invaded the court in full pontificals, threatened
the judges with excommunication, and brought him
back triumph to his inn. Edward thereupon had
in
the truth of the charge submitted to a lay council, and
this having declared it proven, proscribed Orleton and
sequestrated his estates. A reconciliation was shortly

132 MEDIEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, vi
afterwards patched up by Reynolds, but the citation

rankled deep in the breasts of the clergy as an outrage
to the privilegivm fort. It goes some way to explain
their wholesale disloyalty in 1326.

Orleton's hand may be traced throughout the story
of Mortimer's escape and Isabella's scheme for joining
him in France. He was the first bishop to openly
join the invaders. He accompanied their march west-
ward, and his Oxford sermon from the text My head,
'
my head,' was the earliest presage that the deposition of

the fatuous sovereign was their design. The only cleri-
cal sufferers in Edward's cause were Bishop Stapledon,
his treasurer, and Archdeacon Baldock, his chancellor.
The former was mobbed and murdered 'hard by the
cross at Chepe.' Baldock, relegated after Edward's
capture at Neath to Orleton's care, received such
injuries before reaching Newgate that he shortly died.
An assembly at Bristol, including several prelates,
had already proclaimed the young Edward guardian.
The climax was the disorderly Westminster Parliament
(January 1327), in which only three bishops found cour-
age to abet Melton's protest against the wretched sove-
It was Orleton who, assuming the
reign's supersession.
part of chancellor, led the deliberations, and put the
question whether England should be ruled by Edward
II. or his son. was Stratford who drew up the
It
reasons for the dethronement among them being in-

cluded the charge that the king had destroyed holy
*
Church and the persons of holy Church, putting some

in prison and others in distress.' The two conveyed
the invitation to Edward attend the Parliament.
to
Bishop Burgesch was included with them in the mixed

deputation that received his resignation at Kenilworth.
Orleton was its spokesman. There appears to be no
A.D. 1307-27] EDWARD II. 133
warrant for the story of his suggesting Edward's

murder. 1 But he was far deeper in the counsels of
Mortimer than his fellow-conspirator, whom he shortly
regarded with jealousy and hatred.
The reign of John XXII. was marked by a great
quarrel with the Emperor, and by a dissolution of
the once close alliance between the Papacy and the
Franciscans. The doctrine of Evangelical Poverty,
pushed to an extreme by Oliva and other sectaries,
had produced martyrs and confessors under Cle-
ment V. John, readily applying the axe to the root of
the evil, revoked the Bull of Nicholas IV. identifying
perfect Christianity with abdication of property and
recognizing Christ and His Apostles as themselves
mendicants. Dominican jealousy of the rival Order
strengthened his hands, and the University of Paris
was persuaded to pronounce sentence against the funda-
mental doctrine of St Francis. The result was that a
large section of the Minorites girded everywhere against
the opulence and worldliness of the Holy See, and
proclaimed its identity with the Babylon of the
2
Apocalypse. Our great Schoolman Occam entered
the lists, and was arraigned, along with the Franciscan
general Michael de Cesena, for declaring the abroga-
tion of Nicholas' Bull heretical (1328). The two escaped
from Avignon, found refuge at the court of John's foe,
1
Being consulted on the subject, he is said to have answered in the
ambiguous line, Edwardum occidere nolite timere bonum est.' See
'
Twysden, Decent Scriptores.

1
Theloyalty of the English Franciscans must have been sufficiently
strained by Boniface VIII. 's crafty utilization of their founder's precepts.
They had agreed to deposit 40,000 ducats with certain bankers, as the
price of a papal permission to hold land. Boniface discovered that land

and money were alike unallowable to the disciples of St Francis.
Absolving the bankers from their obligations, he appropriated the deposit.
the Emperor Lewis, and enlisted in the service of

the antipope. Occam's pen was thenceforth engaged
exposing the fallibility of the Papacy, and the worth-
lessness of its time-honoured temporal pretensions.
A yet deeper note had been already struck by
Marsilio's satirical Defensor Pads. The equality of
all the Apostles, the original identity of bishop and
presbyter, the uncertainty that Peter was ever Bishop

of Rome, the possibility of the Church thriving without
an earthly head these were the subjects of an investi-
gation almost anticipatory of Wycliffe.
In England there was much to give peculiar force
to these new influences. The reign is commonly
connected with the richest type of Decorated Gothic
architecture and our cathedrals and abbeys show that
;
of care for the consecrated fabrics there was no lack. 1

Viewed, however, the social aspect, ecclesiastical
in
life presents a picture of dissensions and intrigues,
seldom relieved by any form of wholesome spiritual

energy ;
and to this period be traced the seeds of
may
that anti-clerical sentiment which eventually blossomed
into Lollardry. The pope was even more contemned
in England than abroad. The bishops had largely
shown themselves unworthy of their spiritual calling,
and the public conscience was now confronted with
such results of clerical statesmanship as the rule of an
adulterous queen and the murder of the wretched
Edward. Its own growing demoralization 2 had sapped
the religious influence of monasticism, and with the
E.g., the unfortunate Bishop Stapledon provided vaulting and
1
other work in the choir of Exeter : Lichfield owes its Lady Chapel to
the munificence of Walter de Langton the lantern of Ely, the Lady
:
Chapel of St Albans, the choir of Bristol, the south aisle of Gloucester,

the south transept of Chichester, all date from this reign.
2
See A endix, note V.
A.D. 1307-27] EDWARD II. 135
lower orders the monks were specially unpopular as

rigid conservators of antiquated feudal obligations.
It is not surprising that while prelates and barons
conspired against the crown, insubordination was
rampant in humbler social strata. Thus in the month
of the king's deposition the great Benedictine house
at Bury was invaded by a mob, who carried off its
title-deeds, and compelled the abbot to sign a charter

of liberties and deed of pardon. When the outrage
was avenged six months afterwards, some thirty
secular clergy were found to have been implicated.
The no less venerable house of St Albans stood a
protracted siege at the hands of the townsmen, who
demanded rights of election of Parliamentary burgesses,
rights of jury for pleas before the justices, and rights
of assize of bread and beer. The claims here were by
no means all innovations, and the arbitrators even-
tually appointed by Edward III. decided in the main

against the monks. At Canterbury public indignation
was roused by the refusal of Christ Church to
contribute quota to the Scotch enterprise of 1327.
its
Here the plea of frankalmoign was answered by the

indignant citizens with a boycott of the monks, who
' '
had at last to find protection in a royal writ of

exemption. A pleasing contrast to such illustrations
of monastic selfishness and incivism was offered at
Gloucester, where, after the horrible death of Edward
at Berkeley Castle (September 21, 1327), Abbot
Thokey braved the wrath of Isabella, and interred
the corpse with royal honours. Gloucester Abbey
had its reward after the fall of the usurpers, when the
tide of opinion turned and the wretched sovereign
was regarded almost as a saint. The exquisite tomb
erected by the piety or remorse of Edward III. became
136 MEDLEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, vi
a popular place of pilgrimage. The vast increase of

revenue enabled Thokey's successor to effect his re-
construction of the choir and transepts, and introduce
to England the first example of Perpendicular
Gothic.
CHAPTER VII
EDWARD III
HE court of Avignon was now reaping much

JL advantage from England's disorders. John
XXII. had so pushed the familiar encroachments that
at Salisbury in 1326 the dean, precentor, two arch-
deacons and twenty-three prebendaries were all papal
nominees, besides eight others with credentials for
vacant prebends. The alleged right of Provision was
extended where possible to bishoprics and even to
the primacy itself. On the death of Archbishop
Reynolds some concordat was probably effected with
the Pope by Isabella and Mortimer, who had now
superseded the standing council and usurped royal
authority. That in neither quarter was a statesman-
prelate desired perhaps accounts for the elevation of
Simon Meopham, a pious, scholarly man, detached
from political affairs, and one of the best prelates of
the reign. Meopham did his best to raise the wretchedly
low ideas of episcopal responsibility. Convening a
synod at St Paul's, he impressed on his suffragans their
*
duty to root out all hurtful vices and reform manners,

so that evil appetites may not exceed the bounds of
honesty.' He fined Haymo of Rochester for his neglect
of the duties of preaching and confirming. He even
pressed the old claim of visitatorial right against the
powerful and really exemplary Grandisson of Exe-
ter, formerly John XXII.'s ambassador to England,
137
138 MEDIAEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, vn
and recently appointed by him to Exeter. 1 Here,

however, Meopham was foiled by the interposition of
the government. A
dispute with nearer neighbours
had a curious sequel. The monks of St Augustine,
when required to justify their claims to certain
benefices, refused information and appealed from the
primate to the pope. An
arbitrator was appointed.
A deputation of monks came with his citation to
Meopham's Surrey manor while he was ill in bed, and

were roughly ejected by the servants. The monks
flew to John XXII. with the story, and our primate
was forthwith excommunicated. Perhaps
nothing
better attests the decline of papal prestige than the
fact that for two and a half years after this he continued
his ofBcial duties unperturbed. The only effect was
that, when he died in 1333, the Christ Church chapter
insisted that the Abbot of St Augustine should
absolve the corpse, before its interment in the cathedral.
Stratford, Meopham's successor, proved an honest
statesman-primate despite his antecedents, but did
littlefor the spiritual welfare of the Church. As a
leader in the revolution, Stratford had been made one
of the twelve guardians of the young king in 1327.
Incurring, shortly, the enmity of Mortimer and his
unscrupulous treasurer Orleton, he found himself
harassed for his liability of 10,000 pounds to the
Crown ;
and was compelled to fly from Winchester.
From a hiding-place in the New Forest he communi-
cated with Edward, and his counsels probably facili-
tated the overthrow of Mortimer in 1330. Edward,
when freed from thraldom, at once remitted the debt
and made Stratford his chancellor, and for the next
ten years he was the guiding spirit of the administra-
1
The usurpers allowed the pope to override the capitular election of
Godley, Dean of Wells, to this bishopric.
A.D. 1327-77] EDWARD III. 139
tion. His translation to Canterbury was postulated

m X 333- John XXII. consented; but declared he
'
promoted Stratford spontaneously, not in deference to

any powers of the Canterbury chapter.'
In Stratford's temporary disgrace (1340-41) we see
the expression of that dislike of clerical statesman-
first
ship which was to cause so much turmoil a generation

later. The campaigns that followed Edward's claim
to thecrown of France in 1337 were costly and inglori-
ous and he returned suddenly, to vent his spleen on
;
his ministers for an alleged miscarriage of supplies
(November 30, 1340). Stratford was now president of

the council ;
his brother Robert, Bishop of Chichester,
had recently succeeded him as chancellor the treasurer ;
was Roger Northburgh, Bishop of Lichfield. Robert

and Roger were arrested, along with certain judges
and prominent merchants. The great offices were given
to two knights, and Edward, besides inveighing against
the whole clerical order as unfit for public business,
'
encouraged or instigated the Libellus famosus.' The 1
primate himself was here charged with suggesting the

war for selfish ends, and with misappropriating the
national supplies. He was even menaced with arrest
for Edward's indebtedness to the merchants of Louvain.
Stratford, when this storm broke, took refuge in the

Christ Church priory, and ludicrously posing as a second
Becket, launched excommunications on his enemies at
court. With greater wisdom he issued a few weeks
later atemperate and effective answer, and proclaimed
his right to defend himself in the House of Lords. 2
1
Possibly the work of Stratford's ancient enemy Orleton.
5
This appeal to constitutional privileges won the lay lords to Stratford's
side, and a consequence of his persecution was the important statutory
assertion of the principle of trial by peers (April 1341). It was carried
in the teeth of protests from the new ministers and judges.
MEDIEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, vn
Edward thought it evade this test, by

prudent to
'admitting him to his grace' without a trial, and
recalling him to the council. A little later he was

fully and formally exculpated. The experiment in lay
administration nevertheless survived for four years-
Sir Robert Bourchier, the first layman-chancellor in our
history, being succeeded by Parnyng and Sadyngton.
But throughout it was unsatisfactory, and when the
general protests against Sadyngton's mismanagement
necessitated his supersession, the great seal passed
to Dean de Ufford. No serious complaints against
the ancient system were heard for another quarter
of a century.
The year 346, memorable for our two great victories
1
of Crecy and Neville's Cross, brought also the first

distinctprocedure against the papal encroachments.
Three years earlier, a petition on the subject had been
framed in the name
of the laity
'
earls, barons, knights,

citizens, etc.' without mention of bishops or clergy. It
was now actually resolved by the Council, not only that
the alien monks should be expelled and the benefices
in foreign hands be forfeited, but that no one should
'
send money to any foreign bishop,' or introduce letters
or Bulls from the papal court, unsanctioned by the
chancellor and warden of the cinque ports. Next year
the Commons complained that these practices were
quite unchecked, and prayed that penalties might be
provided by Statute. The protest was renewed in
1351 the result then being the famous Statute of
Provisors.
The non-participation of the Churchmen may perhaps
be ascribed as yet mainly to dread of spiritual penalties.
They, beyond other men, were the victims of the aggres-
sions, and the old papalism of Grosseteste and Winchel-
EDWARD III. 141
sey had now succumbed to experiences of a curia

seated in a hostile land. Stratford, whatever his faults,
will hardly be taxed with Hildebrandine tendencies.
To Stratford's secret machinations indeed Pope
Clement VI. ascribed the lay disloyalty. He uttered
'
'
threats of humbling his pride in the presence of
our envoy to Avignon.
Stratford died in August 1348. In the winter came
the Black Death, and its awful ravages continued for at
least two years. One of the earliest victims was De
Ufford, the primate elect. In his stead Edward chose
Thomas Bradwardine, the profound theologian, whose
De Causa Dei was long reverenced as a bulwark of
Augustinianism. Clement VI., in his petulant resent-
ment of our independence, had said that if the English '
king should ask to have an ass consecrated he could

not say him nay,' and at Bradwardine's consecration
banquet some parasitical cardinal introduced an ass
petitioning to be made a bishop. Bradwardine, how-
ever, shared De Ufford's fate within six weeks of his
return. Edward now selected Simon Islip, the keeper
of the privy seal. Avignon bluff was expressed by
Clement's pretending to appoint him by apostolic pro-
'
vision, despising the election of him already made,'

. . .
and Islip was consecrated. His long primacy ( 1 349-66),

despite his unfortunate regulation of clerical salaries,
noticed below, was a distinct improvement on the sec-
ularised Stratford's. If Islip stood aloof from the anti-
papal campaign he found courage to assail the wicked

extravagance and cupidity of Edward III. with start-
ling vigour in the Speculum Regis?- His care for the
1
remonstrance probably induced the action of the Com-
Islip's spirited
mons which resulted in the Statute of 1362 removing the worst abuses of
'purveyance.'
142 MEDLEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, vn
Church was evidenced by Constitutions rebuking the

now prevalent desecration of Sunday and the abuse of
privilege of clergy. In 1253 he effected with de
Thoresby of York an amicable settlement of the long-
standing inter-primatial dispute. He also founded at
his own cost Canterbury Hall, now absorbed in Christ
Church, Oxford.
The fearful havoc the Black Death inflicted on the
clergy and religious Orders is sufficiently attested by
our registers, court rolls and chronicles. Unnatural and
insanitary conditions of life doubtless offered the monks
as a specially easy prey, and few houses of Regulars
were spared. Some were quite depopulated and
became extinct, or were absorbed in other societies. 1
The parochial clergy appear to have died pursuing their
labours among the stricken with a fearless zeal worthy
of a better age. Dr Jessopp's account of the mortality
in East Anglia, terrible though it is, might perhaps be
matched from other parts of England, and we are told
that during the year 1350 'considerably more than
two-thirds of the benefices of the Norwich diocese were
c
vacated.' In a single year upwards of 800 parishes
lost their parsons, eighty-three of them twice, and ten
of them three times in a few months.' 2 To provide
ministrations, deacons were allowed by the bishops to
do the work of priests. To secure ordinands, the
standard of age and competency was lowered, and
many parishes were still left without pastoral care.
The visitation prompted the trend of future pious muni-
1
The Augustinian canons at Heveringland all died ; at Hickling only
one inmate survived at Meaux only ten out
; of fifty ; at St Albans
the abbot and forty-seven inmates died, besides many scattered in the
cells.
2
Coming of the Friars> pp. 205, 215.
A.D. 1327-77] EDWARD III. 143
ficence to the establishment of colleges for the rear-

ing of youths destined to parochial charge. Canter-
bury Hall was Regulars and Seculars combined
for ;
but some Cambridge colleges founded at this time aimed

directly at meeting the Church's crying need. The
climax of this educational activity was the establish-
ment of graded foundations by the munificent Wyke-
ham, who, in New College and Winchester (1380-95),
gave Oxford her first well-endowed and well-housed
College, and England the first of her public schools.
Another result of the Black Death was a demand
on the part of the lower clergy for an increase of fees
and proportionate to the rise in general prices.
salaries,
The claim was not unreasonable, for the price of labour
and the cost of commodities were doubled by the
plague. Ignorance of economical laws, however,
dominated the situation alike in Church and State,
and the Statute of Labourers had its counterpart in
Islip's attempt to limit the receipts of mass-priests to
five marks a year, increased to six in the case of those
who took parochial charge. Confounding cause and
effect, Islip actually attributes the rise in general
prices to the dissatisfied clergy, who are not ashamed
'
that lay workmen make their covetousness an example

to themselves.' That many vicars, ill-paid before, sup-
plemented their earnings, as Piers Plowman says, by
seeking
*
leve at London
and singen there for
to dwell
'
symonye is credible enough, the choice being between

'
symonye and starvation. Some, says Walsingham,

*
were driven by Islip's inconsiderate ukases to steal.

The rise in the price of clerical labour was, of course, at
last maintained. Under Henry V. the lowest payment
of the mass-priests apparently was eight marks.
The spectacle of the pope endowing with England's
benefices his own friends in hostile France was

intolerably galling such a time of misery.
in The
long-gathering indignation at last expressed itself in
the great Statute of Provisors (February 1351). Cele-
brated as is this aegis against papal aggression, it must
be admitted that it presents a singular account of the
responsibilities of church patronage. The preamble
claims for our sovereigns an ancient right to advance
'
to any benefices the ^greatest part of their council
realm when they had need.
1
for the safeguard of the
But/ it continues, the bishop of Rome accroaches to

' '
him the seignories of such benefices, in favour of

aliens who never dwell in England, and cardinals who
'
may not dwell here.' It is therefore enacted that the

free elections of all archbishops, bishops, and all other
dignities elective shall be as of yore on the condition

to seek a conge d'elire^ and after election to have royal
assent and no other way.' All preferments, too, to
which the pope shall nominate by provision are to be
forfeited for that turn to the who, by Crown : and all
virtue of papal provision, shall disturb the nominees

of lawful patrons are to be arrested and brought to
1
trial.
This protective measure was shortly followed (1353)

by the equally famous Statute of Prsemunire, curbing
'
the practice of appealing to the papal courts. Divers
of the people,' it is said, have been drawn out of the
*
realm, to answer to things whereof the cognizance

pertaineth to the king's court,' and
judgments its
'are impeached in another court to prejudice and

disinherison of our lord the king.' Offenders in this
matter are to be arraigned before the king or his
1
Statutes , i. 216. Rot. Par!, ii, 228.
A.D. 1327-77] EDWARD III. 145
justices. On failure of appearance they are liable to

1
imprisonment and forfeiture of property.
In 1365 both these statutes were re-enacted in more
stringent form. Throughout this anti-papal legislation
the lords spiritual had persistently stood aloof. Their
peculiar liability to papal reprisals might perhaps still
sufficiently explain their attitude in the case of the
Provisors. But Praemunire Statute they doubtless
in the
discerned a danger to other spiritual courts besides
the pope's, and latterly both seem to have been regarded
as inimical to the general clerical interest. Against
the Provisors Act of 1365 the lords spiritual recorded
'
a caveat that they assented to nothing that could be
turned to the prejudice of their own estate or dignity.' 2
The Statute of Provisors was repeatedly confirmed.
Nevertheless, the popes succeeded often enough in
appointing both to bishoprics and minor benefices.
The efficacy of all this legislation depended on the
king. The
large assertion of the Crown's rights did
not necessarily entail loyalty to the statute on its
wearer's part. We
shall see hereafter that Henry V.,
after the Council of Constance, habitually allowed the
bishoprics to be filled by papal provision, his con-

cessions being doubtless prompted by his deep religious
convictions. More usually the infringement was con-
nected with political exigencies, which suggested large
deference to the Papacy and its pretentions. How rife
this connivance was of minor patronage, at
in the case
the close of Edward III.'s reign, will be seen in the
gravamen of the Good Parliament of 1376.
In fairness to the Papacy it must be added, that
though the bishops were never again of such low type
as in the last reign, our statutory emancipation did
1 2
Statutes^ i.
329. See further, Appendix, note IV.
10
not necessarily imply any improvement in personnel.

There is weight in Canon Capes' remark that more
f
obviously than heretofore the road to a bishopric lay

through political service or court favour, to the neglect
... of the unobtrusive worth and piety which a
conscientious pope might have discovered and re-
warded.' One undeniable gain, however, may be
attributed to the Statute of Provisors, viz., the dis-
appearance henceforth of foreigners from the diocesan
chairs. At the close of Edward III.'s reign we cannot
find a single bishop who bears a foreign name.
With what mixed motives Edward was inspired was
manifested in 1351 by his pressing the doctrine of the
Bull Execrabilis, with the variation that the pluralisms
benefices were to lapse, not to the pope, but to the
king. So strained was this affected deference to canon
law as to provoke a clerical petition that no civil court
should take cognizance of de jure voidance of benefices,
without inquiry on the part of the Ordinary. The
pretence was indeed but short-lived and here the
;
Church benefited nothing by the change of masters.

Edward soon enabled his favourite William of Wyke-
ham, to accumulate a pile of benefices, even before he
was in holy orders, and after 1370 a papal alliance
brought similar remuneration to the ex-primate
Langham. The abuse of pluralities was in fact
stimulated pretty equally by popes and kings. We
shall see it as rife as ever in the fifteenth century,
after Martin V.'s rehabilitation of the Papacy.
It need hardly be added that the constitutional
principle was in no way advanced by this celebrated

statute. It raisedagainst exorbitant papal pretention
an equally exorbitant theory of royal prerogative, and
left episcopal and capitular electors to steer their course
A.D. 1327-77] EDWARD III. 147
between Scylla and Charybdis. The general result

was that they allowed their ancient rights to fall into
abeyance. Henceforward the chapters accommodate
themselves to the position that the diocesan is a nominee
1
of the Crown. The conge cTelire becomes a mere fiction.
The Holy See was, of course, much exercised by the
progress of the emancipatory measures. Clement VI.
had flouted Edward III.'s rather short-sighted request
for the elevation of an Englishman to the conclave.
Twelve new cardinals were created who were all French-
men. The Avignon Court lost much of its dissolute
character under Innocent VI. He was succeeded in
1362 by a drastic reformer in the person of Urban V,
a Benedictine abbot of the best type, who at one tirr\e
seemed to have restored St Peter's chair to Rome. 2
To conscientious conviction may be attributed this
pope's celebrated challenge of England's new-born inde-
pendence. Our tribute of 1000 marks had been paid
irregularly till 1333 and since suspended. Urban, in
1366, wrote to Edward III. demanding a discharge of
the arrears in full. Another outburst of anti-papal feel-
ing was the immediate result and for once the prelates
:
were seen heartily co-operating with the laymen. The

lords spiritual conferred apart.
first They then joined
with the other peers in a unanimous declaration that
neither John nor any other king had power to inflict
thisthraldom on a people without its consent. The
Commons spoke in the same sense. The three Estates
then conjointly voted that all papal processes to
enforce the tribute should be resisted by the king and
1
The
bishops' claim to concur in the election of their primate had
been already invalidated by the decision of Innocent III., see p. 59.
-
He occupied Rome with a few cardinals from May 1367 to Septem-
ber 1370, and crowned Charles IV.'s empress there.
Edward, to further mark his sense of the

nation.
impertinence, prohibited even the payment of Peter's-

pence, and for the rest of the reign this offering was
discontinued.
The necessity of
'
confirmation
'
in the matter of
episcopal appointments was a particularly serviceable
weapon for an affronted pope. Urban avenged himself
in 1367 by refusing to confirm Edward's collation of
Wykeham to Winchester. He
sent a Bull claiming to
have reserved the see, and only recognised the royal
nominee as administrator of its temporalities. Despite
Edward is said to have been reduced
the recent statutes,
to urgent entreaties, and when the pope gave way, a
Bull of provision by way of reservation was sent in
1 '
Wykeham's favour. Wykeham had hitherto been con-

spicuous as a warden of castles and keeper of the privy
seal, extravagantly remunerated at the expense of the
Church. 1 He was to emerge as the type par excellence of
the learned and munificent statesman-prelate, and he
justified his elevation not only by his two great
educational foundations, but by the great works at
Winchester Cathedral carried on to the last year of his
long episcopate (1404). Under Edward III., however,
Wykeham's significance is mainly political. He held
the great seal from 1367 to 1371, and he will shortly
re-appear, in connexion with the attacks on the clerical
statesmen fomented by John Wycliffe. 2
1
Heheld before his consecration the archdeaconry of Buckingham,
the Provostship of Wells, twelve prebends or canonries, and several
ivings. Godwin, p. 286.
2
Wykeham's political activity was not marked after 1377, though he
held the great seal again in 1389-91. It may be noticed that the reigns at
Winchester of the four successive bishops, Edington, Wykeham, Beaufort,
Waynflete cover 141 years. Each of these prelates held for a time the
chancellorship.
A.D. 1327-77] EDWARD III. 149
The career of Islip's successor, Simon Langham,

primate from 1 366 to 1 368, is very singular. Though
heir to a large patrimony, he became a Benedictine
monk at Westminster. He rose to the abbacy, devoted
his wealth to the completion of the cloister, and was so
famed as an administrator that Edward made him
treasurer and Bishop of Ely. Receiving the great
seal in 1363, he two years later heard Edward's speech
on Avignon aggressions, and presided when the anti-
papal statutes received their final shape.
1
He was pro-
moted to Canterbury, after spontaneously renouncing
all expressions in the Bull of confirmation that could
be construed to the prejudice of the Crown. Yet

within two years cloister training had prevailed, and
our statesman-primate had migrated to France. In
September 1368, Archbishop Simon suddenly informed
the king that the pope had made him a cardinal. Under
Urban V. this office was no mere titular honour, but in-
volved residence at Avignon. By the common law its
acceptance voided the archbishopric. Edward visited his
indignation on the renegade by seizing the temporalities
and reducing him to pecuniary straits, before ceding
permission to leave England. Urban's death, however,
in 1370, effected something more than a reconciliation
of this quarrel. The ex-primate was now enlisted as a
serviceable mediator at the court of Gregory XL,
and despite the recent legislation, pope and king
co-operated rewarding him with large English
in
preferments. The 'Cardinal of Canterbury' held

simultaneously a prebend at York, the deanery of
of Lincoln, the archdeaconry and treasurership of
Wells. English interests, we may add, were really
benefited by and when Langham
this divided service,
died in 1376, he was wearied of his expatriation and
150 MEDIAEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP. VH
contemplating a permanent return. By his will he
had made Westminster Abbey the heir of his great
wealth.
Langham's short reign involved a collision with a
John Wycliffe of Canterbury Hall, rector of Mayfield.
This person is probably not to be identified with the
1
great Reformer, but the story is interesting as illus-
trating the ever raging hostility between Oxford's
Seculars and Regulars. Islip had founded Canterbury
Hall as a mixed college, fondly hoping to blend secular
clerks and Benedictine monks in one harmonious
society. Disputes, of course, arose, and the secular

contingent, with Islip's consent, deposed the first warden,
who was a monk, and substituted John Wycliffe. The
monks said this was done in the late primate's dotage,
and, appealing to Archbishop Langham, secured
Wycliffe's dethronement. Wycliffe appealed to the
pope. Not only did he lose his case, but Urban
ruled that the Hall was to be henceforth an ex-
clusively monastic seminary supplied from Christ
Church, Canterbury. Whatever the merits of Wycliffe's
case as warden, it was an iniquitous diversion of
2
Islip's benefaction, and it is significant that both
Langham and Urban belonged to the befriended
Order.
William Whittlesey, primate from 1368 to 1374, is
only interesting in connexion with our universities.
The weakest primate of our period, he is also the only
one of Cambridge rearing before Cranmer, having
passed from the Mastership of Peterhouse to the
bishopric of Rochester. The sister university, how-
1
See Shirley's Fasciculi Zizaniorum, and Rashdall, Nat. Biogr. s.v.
The original statutes substantially contemplate a secular foundation
based on the rule of Merton, his old college.
A.D. 1327-77] EDWARD III. 151
ever, had no reason to grudge his elevation, for he

obtained from Urban V. a Bull empowering her to
elect her chancellor without reference to her diocesan
at Lincoln thus ending a long standing controversy,
and securing for her permanent self-government. From
playing any active part in public affairs Whittlesey
was debarred, alike by failing health and constitutional
timidity.
The times were indeed menacing to the whole race
of statesmen-prelates. Our renewed campaigns in
France had brought disaster and discontent, and the
story of Stratford was now to be closely repeated in
the case of Wykeham. Since Stratford's days there
had been a great advance of thought, and the appetite
for free criticism had doubtless been whetted by our
successes in the papal conflict. It was an easy transition
to strictures on the secularized hierarchy at home. The
bishops' monopoly in the chief offices of State was
resented by ambitious laymen. Pious consciences were
affronted by their diversion from spiritual duties, their
pomp and wealth, and the wide deviation from the
scriptural conception of an episcopate. Wycliffe, though
not yet revolting from Church dogmas, was assessing
the prevalent system by this standard, and had assailed
the ecclesiastical possessioners in the De Dominio. To
Wycliffe and his religious work some pages will be
devoted hereafter. At present he must be dealt with
only as a catspaw of John of Gaunt, Duke of Lan-
caster, in the tangled story of political dissensions with
which the reign closes.
The predominance of the ambitious duke is really
not marked till 1373, he being engaged as yet as
our commander in Gascony. Pembroke, Edward's in-
tended son-in-law, acted, however, probably in concert
i52 MEDIAEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, vn
with him in initiating the great assault of February

1371. Earls, barons, and commons were now persuaded
to petition the Crown for the supersession of the men '
of Holy Church by sufficient and able laymen.' The

Stratford affair perhaps be read into the pretext
may :
They can in no case be brought to account for their

'
acts, whereby great mischief has happened in times past

and may happen in time to come.' But the issues
of 1340 had now assumed a far more revolutionary
complexion. Pembroke himself menaced Convocation
with a thinly veiled threat that all Church property
might be confiscated, and devoted to purposes of
State. 1
As a result, Wykeham and Brantingham were ejected,
and for the next five years the great offices were in the
hands of laymen. But again the experiment failed. The
story of these years is one of reverses abroad and unpre-
cedented administrative corruption at home, and Lan-
caster's humiliating armistice with France in June 1375,
was not more resented than the concordat he effected
with the pope. The old grievances of reservations ' '
and obtrusions of foreigners had been put by Lancaster

in the hands of a commission, which negotiated with
the papal envoys at Bruges. It might almost seem that
the Papacy was here deliberately played off against his
clerical enemies at home. Despite its inclusion of
Wycliffe, who had recently produced his tract against
the papal tribute, this commission secured nothing but
a promise that Gregory XL would himself make no
1
To
provide war-funds this Parliament put an assessment on certain
small livings hitherto exempt. Its financial budget is celebrated as
evidencing the untrustworthiness of mediaeval statistics.was framed

It
on the assumption that there were 40,000 parishes. There were really
only some 9000, and the discovery necessitated a tax of u6s. instead of
22s. 3d. Rot. Par/., ii. 304.
A.D. 1327-77] EDWARD III. 153
more reservations. 1 The many aliens enjoying English

benefices were all shielded. Worse still, Lancaster's
nominees permitted the levy of a papal tax of 100,000
florins from the clergy. By agreement with Gregory,
Simon Sudbury, a man of Avignon training, who had
sat on this commission, was translated from London
to the vacant primacy. 2 He proceeded this winter
to enforce the tax by threats of excommunica-
tions.
The
reactionary ecclesiastical policy crowned the
grievance of gross secular maladministration. For two
and a half years Lancaster's unprincipled clique had
ruled without a Parliament, defrauding the customs,
'
cornering the king's depreciated liabilities, and setting

prices at their pleasure.' When an empty exchequer
necessitated an appeal to the country, the returns
brought together a Commons determined to secure
redress. The Black Prince, though dying, lent his aid
against his brother; and by July 1376 the Good Par-

'
'
liament had achieved such satisfactory results as the
ignominious dismissal of Lords Latimer, Neville and
and imprisonment of their fraudulent
Stafford, the fining
confederates, and the removal of Lancaster's creature,
Alice Perrers, from the doting king.
It concerns us to notice more particularly the
'
gravamen of this Parliament, styled a bill against the

pope and cardinals.' Along with the old grievance of
drainage of treasure to hostile France through the
medium of the Church, there is here an unusual
The English king on his part was to abstain from conferring Church
dignities 'by way of simple royal command.' Fcedera, Sept. 1375.
2
Sudbury had been chaplain to Innocent VI., and papal influence had
secured him the see of London. John Gilbert of Bangor, whose name
stood first on the commission, was now translated to Hereford by papal
provision.
1
54 MEDIAEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, vn
appreciation of the damage to religious interests. The

petition deals with the great taxes paid to the pope on
vacation of benefices and for translations the promo- ;
'
tion good livings of alien
to caitiffs altogether
'
unlearned and unworthy the vast sums sent abroad

;
to cardinals who hold English deaneries, archdeaconries,

and prebends 1 ;
the pretentious court of the pope's
London collector, who '
transferreth yearly to the pope
'
20,000 marks and most commonly more ;

the ill
example set to laymen, who are perceiving this simony

'
and covetousness of the pope,' and learning to sell '
their benefices to beasts, no otherwise than Christ was

sold to Judas.' urged that the pope's collector
It is
must be expelled the realm, and the statutes renewed '
against provisors.'
The charges appear more striking in view of the
continued improvement in the papal personnel. Our
despoiler was no Clement V. or John XXII. Urban
had purified the papal court the present pope was con-
:
scientious enough to restore it to Rome. At this very

time Gregory XI. was weighing the entreaties of St
Catherine and St Bridget against the remonstrances
of Charles V. and the French cardinals. His better
instincts prevailed, and this winter witnessed his
departure. Neglect having made the Lateran palace

1
On
the actual facts see the report in Foxe, i- p. 560, and Trevelyan's
fragmentary Return as to Foreign Clergy.' The latter writer reckons that

'
the preportion of alien archdeacons to natives at this time was one to

three, and that the case was the same with deans, chancellors, and
treasurers of cathedrals. The proportion in the tenure of prebends
'
he supposes to be much smaller ' probably not one in sixteen but the
above offices included much patronage of livings, and foreigners were
thus often instituted to the rectories. Still more frequently a foreigner
became incumbent of a parish by monastic favour, the proportion of

aliens among the priors and abbots being very large. England in the Age
of Wyclifft.
A.D. 1327-77] EDWARD III. 155
uninhabitable, the papal court was henceforth located

on the Vatican. We
must notice that this exodus
from Avignon at once reduced our political grievance.
A complete detachment from all French influences
was shortly afterwards effected by the Great Schism
(September 1378). If the drainage of our treasure
continued thenceforward, the depleting current at least
It was only the
' '
flowed to Italy. alien priories that
could be accused of subsidizing France.
We must pass hastily over the story of Lancaster's
recovery of the position and his assumption of almost
arbitrary powers. The enfeebled king was induced to
cancel the Good Parliament's work, declaring it was c
no Parliament at all.' Its speaker, De la Mare, was

imprisoned, the duke's gang restored to court, and his
domination confirmed by an adroit manipulation of
the Parliamentary returns (January 1377), the result
being a Commons of his own party with his seneschal
for its Speaker. A
Bill was here proposed to punish
London for its hostility to Lancaster. Its government
was be transferred from the Mayor to the Earl
to
Marshal, this office being held by the duke's con-
1
federate, Percy. Special vengeance had meanwhile
fallen on Wykeham, the chief episcopal abettor of the
Good Parliament's policy. As a counterstroke to the
attack on Latimer, he was arraigned on a charge of
peculation as chancellor in the years 1367-71. It is
probable that Wykeham had been guilty of culpable

carelessness in his accounts, for the charge was credited
even by certain episcopal members of the Council.
His temporalities were confiscated. He was also for-
bidden to approach within twenty miles of the court,
1
Better known as the Earl of Northumberland, who plays so important
a part in the reigns of Richard II. and Henry IV.
and we are told how the scholars whom his munificence

maintained at Oxford were disbanded in great sorrow *
and discomfort.' But for Bishop Courtenay's active

interposition, his name would have been excluded
from the Convocation summons of 1377. Sudbury
has been accused of truckling to Lancaster in this
recognition of his suffragan's guilt. It is more to his
discredit that he did nothing to prevent Alice Ferrers'
return to court, though she had been sworn before
the bishops not to approach Edward again, under
penalty of excommunication.
It is equally difficult to vindicate the conduct of a
more famous personage than Sudbury. Mischievous as
was the practice of bishops serving as chancellors and
treasurers, its turpitude was insignificant beside the
system of peculation and corruption organized by
1
John of Gaunt. Wycliffe, however, the most effective
preacher of the day, was so engrossed by the scandal
' '
of Caesarean prelates as to allow himself to be
exploited by the ducal faction. His activity was all

directed against Wykeham's party, and of any sym-
pathy for the Good Parliament's aims he showed no
sign. He is described at this period as 'running
about from church to church, preaching his opinions
about the relations of the spiritual and temporal
power
'
barking against the Church

;
'
much ap- . . .
2
plauded by Lancaster and Percy.'
Lancaster's most powerful foe was the bishop of the
1
Mr Trevelyan himself depicts Lancaster as 'the head of a small but well-
organized hierarchy of knaves, who made a science of extorting money from
the public. . . . Besides these arch-thieves there were sharks and depend-
ants, received or bought concessions and privileges. . . . From top
who
to bottom the system was all one structure, of whiqh the Duke of Lancaster
was the keystone.' England in the Age of Wycliffe^ pp. 10, II.
2
Chron. Angl.> pp. 115, 117.
A.D. 1327-77] EDWARD III. 157
menaced William Courtenay, son of the Earl of

city
Devonshire, and a great-grandson of Edward I. The
counterblast of the clerical party was Courtenay's cita-
tion of Wycliffe to St Paul's, as a disseminator of prin-
ciples perilous to Church and State. Wycliffe being

now an inmate of Lancaster's palace in the Savoy,
Courtenay himself issued this citation, but his inclusion
of the primate's name compelled Sudbury to preside at
this curious trial (February 1377). Wycliffe's doctrine of
evangelical poverty at present allied him with the

4 '
Mendicants, and Oxford representatives of the four

Orders attended him to defend his cause. More for-
midable champions appeared in the persons of Lancas-
terand Percy, whose armed retainers scornfully jostled
the London citizens who had crowded to the church.
Lancaster demanded that the defendant should be
heard seated, and replied to Courtenay's protests with
taunts on his reliance on his high birth, and threats to
'
'
bring down the pride of

the prelacy in England.
all
The assembly broke up in confusion, as was no doubt

intended. The duke, however, gained little by this
achievement, London's sympathy being all with the
bishop, and against the invaders of her liberties. Next
day a riot broke out, the official residence of the obtrud-
ing marshal being invaded, and a clerk killed for in-
veighing against De la Mare. Lancaster's armorial
bearings were publicly reversed as those of a traitor.
The destruction of his magnificent palace was only
averted by Courtenay's own interposition. The anti-
clerical duke was shortly seen appealing to Convocation
for protection against the Londoners' defamatory
lampoons.
Whatever the range of Lancaster's ambitions, they
were effectively checked by these proofs of his unpopu-
larity. The Mayoralty of London was spared. He
contented himself with securing the jura regalia of the
county of Lancaster, excluding Wykeham from the
general pardon granted in connexion with the jubilee
of the now dying king, and making over the Winchester
temporalities to Prince Richard. As Edward's end
drew near, even Wykeham was pardoned on condition
of his providing three ships for the king's service by
way of fine (June iS). 1
1
Fcedera, iii. 1079. Lancaster's usurpation had made his own position
critical ; and it was natural he should desire to conciliate a powerful antag-
onist, for whom
the Earls of March, Arundel, and Warwick stood sureties.
Little weight is now attached to the chronicler's story of Wykeham's
securing his indemnification by favour of the degraded Alice Ferrers.

CHAPTER VIII
FOURTEENTH CENTURY ECCLESIASTICISM AND

LOLLARDRY.
HTN HE
/
must now be fixed on the
reader's attention
-L Church's inner life, and the significance of that
anti-clerical sentiment which he has seen so mischiev-
ously utilized in politics. The period covered by

Edward III.'shad been one of advancing thought,
reign
and the rationalizing spirit noticed at the close of Chap-
ter VI. had doubtless been fostered by our anti-papal
legislation. Everywhere there was a tendency to freer

handling of institutions and practices once regarded
with unquestioning reverence. Henry III.'s reign
marks the heyday of a religion that readily credits the
discovery of relics, and delights in such functions as
the reception of the Holy Blood at Westminster and
Hayles. The view of many at the close of the fourteenth
century is illustrated by Chaucer's portrait of the par-
doner with his 'glas of pigge's bones/ and 'gobbet of the
seyl that Seynt Peter hadde, whan that he went upon
the see.' Pilgrimages indeed were long to retain their
popularity, but we scarcely associate devotional feelings
1
of the old kind with the perfunctory excursion to the

'blisseful martyr's shrine,' or even with the Wife of
1
The chief English resorts were Canterbury, Westminster,
York,
Glastonbury, Durham, Walsingham, Edmundsbury, and Norwich. These
pilgrimages were often made vicariously, in deference to a testator's
orders.
160 MEDIEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP.VIII
Bath's extensive ramblings to the sanctuaries abroad.
The Canterbury Tales, however, doubtless received
their complexion from the developed teachings of John
Wycliffe, and might be regarded as a. mere travesty.
It is more to our purpose that as
early as 1370 Sud-
bury, Bishop of London, and a papalist, sternly
rebuked just such a careless party of pilgrims, and
impressed the futility of the journey apart from genuine
1
repentance.
The old agencies were losing their power, and the
Church remained stagnant and quite indifferent to the
necessity of meeting the general spiritual need by new
forms of appeal. The bad example of the
See, Holy
its continual presentation as a political foe, the deso-
lating effects of the Black Death, the prevalent lust for

conquest, the dissolute character of the king and
court these might all be noticed in connexion with
this tale of decadence. To attempt to trace the evil to
its source would, however, be impossible in these pages.
A few instances of contemporary stricture must suffice,
as illustrating the Church's loss of influence.
The decay of monasticism seems sufficiently attested
by Bishop Grandisson's which we have
Registers,
cited elsewhere. 2 How largely the Mendicant Orders
had forfeited respect is indicated by the plain denun-
ciations of the pious Richard Fitzralph, Archbishop of
Armagh and one of the most learned theologians of

his day. In 1349 Fitzralph had presented at Avignon
*
a general petition of the prelates and curates against
'
the friars' predatory encroachments. Finding the
Sudbury's lecture, however, was not well received by these excursion-

1
ists. One of them upbraided their censor for * setting the people against
St Thomas,' and predicted his hapless end.
2
See Appendix, note V.
A.D. 1350-84] ECCLESIASTICISM & LOLLARDRY 161
mischief rife in London in 1356, he preached sermons at

St Paul's Cross exposing the dements of the Mendicant
system, and when cited by Pope Innocent VI. pursued
1
the same theme Avignon. His celebrated Defence
at
'
'
of the Curates anticipates Chaucer in its portraiture of

the abuses consequent on the friars' specious popu-
larity. Fitzralph tells of their venal absolution of
heinous offenders, their ravenous inroads on parochial
fees, their insidious and self-seeking proselytism. To
parental detestationlast-named practice he
of the
attributes the great decline of numbers at Oxford, and
his argument is confirmed by the fact that the univer-
sities actually appealed to Parliament against the
2
proselytizing friars in I366. In general society the
friars are represented as a predatory horde, habitually
3
obtruding at men's tables as uninvited guests. They
aim money-making and worldly advancement, and
at
'
secure these ends by receiving the secret confessions
of princesses and women of noble rank.' 4 In making
these sweeping indictments Fitzralph appears to have
had the general sympathy of the bishops, many of
whom subscribed for the expenses of his appearance
at the Papal Court.
1
He died at Avignon in 1360, and it is uncertain whether he was
formally condemned. The pope, however, wrote to England forbidding

interference with the friars.
2 was an enactment that no scholar should be admitted into
The effect
any of the four Orders under the age of i%. Rot. Parl- ii. 290. y
' '
3
Chaucer's portrait of the frere in his Somnour's Tale has precisely
the same lineaments. Lines 27-45 are almost a versified presentation of
Fitzralph's charge.
4
Grosser charges as to abuse of the confessional are subsequently
common. Of the period of Wycliffe, Mr Trevelyan remarks that ' in this
age of vice and coarseness, when all writers agree that incontinence was
the prevailing sin of the laity, it was the friars who were singled out as
having a lower standard than even laymen.'
II
162 MEDIAEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP.VIII
The Mendicant system, however, was not the only
crying scandal in the Church. The friars could point
to the secularization of the greater prelates, the system
of jobbery that underlay the appointments to benefices,
the corruption that tainted the ecclesiastical courts.
Stratford in 1342 weakly allowed money payment to
be substituted for penance in the case of the first
notorious offence. He adds that *
commutations are
to be made
moderately, so that the receiver be not
'
l
judged rapacious ; but a general palliation of sin
in return for money was the inevitable consequence.
There is no reason to think that the blackmailing
'summoner' afterwards depicted by Chaucer is alto-
gether a caricature. appears, indeed, that the
It
more corrupt ecclesiastical courts were wont to receive
regular annual payments as a composition from wealthy
sinners. The friars threw back the indictment of
degeneracy in the celebrated tract
*
On the Last Age
of the Church,' in which the simoniacal traffic of the
clergy in holy things was depicted as the third trouble
of her history. The era of simony had succeeded
those of persecutions and heresies. Only one more
trouble remained to be revealed the reign of Anti-
christ himself.
Less open to the charge of partiality are the stric-
tures of Langland, a married Malvern clerk in minor
orders, whose writings were much quoted by Wat
Tyler's followers. The 'Vision of Piers Plowman' (dr.
1362) exhibits the rule of Truth imperilled by Falsehood
and Reward, and the way of penitence obscured by the
venal absolutions of a friar. The Plowman would fain
1
Gibson, Codex, ii. 1091. marked contrast here with the
There is a
Constitutions of Otho and Ottobon, both which absolutely prohibit taking
money for penance, as encouraging sin.
A.D. 1350-84] ECCLESIASTICISM&LOLLARDRY 163
make a pilgrimage to the abode of Truth, but she bids
him stay at home and work, and instead of a brief of
indulgence presents the connexion of everlasting life
with doing good. In contrast with this aim there is a
portraiture of selfishness, worldliness, ignorance and

1
'idolatrous teachings/ on the part of the Church's
pastors. Conscience complains of the Lady Reward
that she has infected the pope with her poison. It is
she and Master Simony who seal the papal Bulls,
consecrate bishops, be they ever so ignorant, and
secure to the clergy immunity in licentiousness.
Langland anticipates Wycliffe in his suggested specific,
the disendowment of the Church
*
If possessions be poison, and imperfect them make,
Good were to discharge them forHoly Church sake,
And purge them of poison ere more ill befall.'
Equally plain is Langland's testimony to the degene-

racy of the Regular Orders. He foretells the day when
'
the Abbot of Abingdon and all his issue for ever shall
have a knock of a king, and incurable the wound.' 2
The mendicant friar, too, is in close compact with
Lady Reward, who promises to give him a new cloister
with painted windows, so that all men shall say I am
*
a sister of your house.'

John Wycliffe, in whose system of religion all such
complaints were henceforth to be focussed, was born
about 1320, near Richmond in Yorkshire. Though
ignorant of Greek and Hebrew, he was noted at
Oxford for his profound knowledge of the Vulgate
Scriptures and of Augustinian theology,
3
and is
Langland, according to Mr Trevelyan, uses the word idolatry
1 ' '
even more frequently than Wycliffe.

2
Bk. X. 321-9.
1
He also makes large use of Chrysostom's Homilies in their Latin

rendering.
164 MEDLEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP.VIII
described as 'transcending all men in his subtlety
of thought.' His strange treatises De Dominio (dr.
1368) have been mentioned as providing useful
weapons for Lancaster's party. Wycliffe had in-

'
veighed not only against the civil rule but the '
'
possession of the clergy, and had descanted on

'
civil
1
the power of the State to disendow a corrupt Church.
The schoolman's reasoning might indeed appear to
menace other possessioners besides the prelates, and
even to justify the communistic teachings of the fana-
tical friars. Explaining man's relation to God in the
terms of feudal tenure, he argues that 'The wicked,
who do not render due service to their Lord, may rightly
be deprived,' for Dominion is founded on grace.'
'
'All who stand in grace have the same right to the

possession of the gifts of God, for all things are yours
'
whether things present or things to come.' Charity,
which seeketh not her own, seeketh to have all things
common.' 2
Of
dangers underlying such
the social
teachings Courtenay seems to have proved a better
judge than Lancaster. Wycliffe is however here,
doubtless, presenting academical or scholastic ideals,
not a practical policy. His conscientiousness is in-
disputable, but he was himself a non-resident clerical
possessioner,' holding a distant country living with a
'
3
prebend.
1
De Civ. Dom., i.
37 ; iv. 19.
2
/., i. 14.
3 He was master of Balliol in 1361
resigning probably that office,
but not changing his residence, on appointment in the same year as Vicar
of Fillingham. He resigned Fillingham for Ludgershall in 1368, and
Ludgershall for Lutterworth in 1374, still residing at Oxford with episcopal
sanction. He obtained a prebend in the collegiate church at Westbury
(cir. 1361), and apparently held along with it one at Lincoln for a short
time. While Rector of Lutterworth he held (again for a short time) a
prebend at Aust. He, doubtless, put a locum tenens in charge of his
A.D. 1350 8 4 ]ECCLESIASTICISM&LOLLARDRY 165
To
the year 1374 is now assigned Wycliffe's tract
on the papal tribute. 1 Gregory XI. had renewed
Urban VI.'s demand, and an anonymous writer chal-
lenged Wycliffe, now
a royal chaplain, to confute his
position. The reply presents the national case ably
and temperately in the imaginary speeches of seven
barons. Wycliffe writes as a 'humble and obedient
son of the Church of Rome/ who 'will assert nothing
that is unfair to that Church or offensive to any pious
ear.' The tract extended his influence to a wider
sphere, and at this point begins the story of his public
or political career a subject which is sufficiently noticed
in our Chapters VII. and IX. Its climax is reached
in 1379. Wycliffe has now baffled the hatred of the
leading prelates, and is still in high repute at Court.
His practical aims are finally expressed in the De
Officio Regis, invoking the king's aid against abuses
which the hierarchy cannot or will not check.
Hitherto Wycliffe had suggested reforms rather than
doctrinal changes, and his heterodoxy had probably not
gone much beyond an impugner of the monarchical
'
episcopate and an Erastian view of the relations of

'
Church and State. From 1379 onward, on the other

hand, the schoolman and State champion is merged
in the popular teacher, whose tracts and translations
(
of Scripture are circulated by itinerant poor priests/
A new synthesis of religion is gradually evolved.
The practice of arranging thus
living. for extended study at the University
was common, and it may be added that Wycliffe held no plurality of
cures, as did almost every distinguished contemporary divine. But it is

hard to reconcile his acceptance in 1374 of a well-paid seat on Lan-
caster'scommission abroad at \ a day and travelling expenses, with his
severe censures on all clergy engaged in secular employment.

1
See Rashdall, Diet, of Nat. Biogr.> and Tout, Political Hist. ofEngl.,
p. 434, note.
166 MEDLEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP.VIII
With seeming menace appeals from
to the Church, it
mediated agencies to personal religious experience, and

from centuries of misused authority to the primitive
rule of Holy Scripture. To understand the future story
of Lollardry,' l the student must realize its theological
'
standpoint when Wycliffe died December 1384.

in
We deal first with its negations. The Lollards now
denied ' '
2
all Transubstantiation in the Eucharist.
Wycliffe first disclaimed this dogma in twelve short
theses, published at stormy summer of
Oxford in the
1381. From the philosophical standpoint, he had now

' ' '
realized the absurdity of accident apart from sub-
ject,' and he had learnt that the Lateran dogma was
unknown to the Church for a thousand years. Hence-
forth he connected it with idolatry/ and taught that '
the believer's aim was to partake of Christ not corpor-

eally but spiritually. To
however, Wycliffe the last,
attached a peculiar efficacy to the official act of con-
secration. The Body of Christ is given and received
3
4
virtually, spiritually, and sacramentally.' For a time

this explanation was warmly espoused by the Seculars
at Oxford, though it alienated many former allies and
1
The nickname '
Lollard
'
early attached itself to the Wycliffites. It

is probably connected both with the verb 'lull,' to sing or hum psalms,
and ' loller,' an idle fellow.

2
For the titles see Lechler, John Wycliffe^ etc. , p. 368.
3
Conclusiones (1381), 4, 7, De Euch. i. 2, Trialogus, iv. 8.
Cf.
Wycliffe probably did not really hold that the official capacity is conditioned
by the worthiness of the priest, notwithstanding the De Dominio statement
'
Nullus est dominus civilis, nullus episcopus, nullus est praelatus dum
est in peccato mortali.' On the other hand, many of his successors, Huss
probably included, applied these transcendental aphorisms literally.
'
Hence the condemnation at Constance of the doctrine that mortal sin
cancels the power of the bishop or priest to ordain, consecrate, or
baptize.' The condmnatieon is endorsed in the 26th of our 39 Articles ;
also in the Apology for the Augsburg Confession, where it is styled an

'
opinion of the Donatists and Wycliffites.'
notably his patron Lancaster. The breach with the

Churchmen, however, becomes impassable when Court-
enay's commission declares it heretical (1382). Hence-
forward it is on this point that Lollardry is specially
assailable. The connexion of the Lateran dogma
with chantries and perfunctory masses partly explains
the zeal of its defenders. 1
From denial of Transubstantiation, Wycliffe advanced
to a repudiation of the pope's spiritual authority.
Hitherto he had accepted the Papacy as an institution
of Divine ordering, and even after the schism of 1378
he looked hopefully to Urban VI. as a possible reformer
of abuses. Disgust at the mutual excommunications
of the rival pontiffs, or extended historical inquiry, has
quite altered this attitude in 1382. Wycliffe is now
convinced of the spuriousness of the papal claim and
itspernicious influence on Christianity. Henceforth
he identifies the pope with Antichrist. He declares
all veneration for the papal office
'
detestable and
blasphemous idolatry,' and assails its mendicant myr-
midons with vigorous invective.
In the matter of Orders, on the other hand, Wycliffe
appears to have approached far earlier a Presbyterian
standpoint. He retained to the last his belief in a con-
tinuous official ministry, but he sharply differentiated
'
2
prelate from the primitive head of a
'
the Caesarean
college of Christian priests. It is not surprising to
1
Wycliffe seldom assails these expiatory agencies directly. He once
asserts, however, that a single good action done in a man's lifetime is of
'
more saving value than l
millions of pounds given by his executors for
such ends. Misc. Sermons, fol. 203.
1
This term, however, in Wycliffe's vocabulary connotes a curious
misconception of prae-Nicene conditions. He was convinced that the
'monarchical' bishop was the creation of Constantine. See Saints' 1
Days Sermons, xl. 81, 3, and xlvi. 93, 3.

168 MEDIEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP.VIII
find that after Courtenay's purgation of Oxford (1382)
some of his poor priests had not the credentials of
episcopal ordination. That the Church's minister
"
'
should say " I assoil when he wot not if God assoil,'
seemed latterly to Wycliffe a gross profanity. Simi-
' '
larly, he denounces the blasphemous presumption of

canonizing persons of whose merits in God's sight the
l
pope knows as little as Prester John or the Soldan.'
'
We turn to the constructive features in this new

religion. strength lay in emphasizing the need
Its
of personal apprehension of God in Christ. Outside
the best monastic circles this need had, doubtless, been
obscured. The Church, in her insistence on dogma
and organization, had presented a principle of enforced
civism rather than of personal sonship, and sunk the
thought of direct responsibility to God in that of
sacerdotal mediation. It is easy to connect with this
fundamental error the perverted doctrines, the spurious
miracles, the abundant superstitions of the mediaeval
period. In Wyclifrlsm a subjective God-conscious-
ness appears in harsh contrast to such ecclesiasticism.
Against affiliation in one visible Church was arrayed
the aim of future inclusion in a Church of Christ's elect.
The special channel of the Divine grace necessary for
this purpose Wycliffe conceived to be the Scriptures,
and these he called the Word of God.' Hence the
'
enterprise with which his name is lastingly connected

a general circulation of the Bible in the vernacular,
2
pursued from 1380 onward.
That there was as yet no discouragement to the
general reading of Scripture is certain. The only

facilities, however, offered by the English Church to
those ignorant of Latin were vernacular translations of
1 2
Trialogus, iii. 30. See Appendix, note vi.
the Psalms and Gospels (perhaps, too, of the service-

book selections from the Epistles) and the whole Bible
rendered in old court French. 1 With the leading
incidents in the sacred story men were doubtless
familiarized, not only through pastoral agencies but
by drama and art. But the presentation was vitiated
2
by worthless glosses and legends, and there was a
marked departure from the old Patristic view of Scrip-
ture, as a standard of faith, and guide for the individual
life. Wycliffe, to re-establish these claims, proposed a
dissemination of the whole Bible in the vernacular.
Much as he may have misapprehended its historical
3
position the stress laid on the open Bible at the
Reformation, its presence to-day in a million cottages,
1
French, it must be remembered, was the language of the Parliamentary
records till 1362, when Latin was substituted. In 1363 the chancellor
opened Parliament for the first time with a speech in English.
2
The clergy seem at this time to have been crammed for pulpit work
with such material, and the friars delighted in giving the practice of
glossing a more questionable elasticity. The new religion took men from
glosses to the Bible itself. The difference was appreciated by Chaucer,
' '
who, besides his ideal

persone's tale, with its ample applications of
' '
Scripture, has portrayed the frere's rule of preaching :
'
Nat al after the text of holy writ,
For hard to you as I suppose,
it is
And therefore wol I take you to the glose :
Glosinge is a glorious thing certeyn,

For " letter sleeth " as we clerkes seyn.'
3
From modern standpoint, it is obvious that in Wycliffe's idea of
the
Scripture there was the same exaggeration and one-sidedness as in his

De Dominio speculations. Not only was the term Word of God '
applied to the literature en bloc (including, of course, the Old Testament

Apocrypha), but this Word of God was viewed as if coming independ-
ently of social agencies. It might have been supposed that Christianity
did not exist before the New Testament, or Judaism before the Old.
The idea of a verbally inspired Bible, which so long dominated Protestant-
ism, may be traced back to Wycliffe. According to Lechler, he made
Christ not only the author of Scripture but, in some sort, identical with
Scripture. Op. cit. , chap. viii. 3.

1 70 MEDLEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP.VIII
and its circulation in hundreds of tongues as an acces-
sory to missionary work, are the justification of

Wycliffe's method.
Wycliffe was assisted in this task of translation by
certain Oxford followers
learned disciples doubt-
less
less multiplying copies for dissemination. It appears
that the New Testament was translated throughout
before the Old was dealt with, and that the latter was
rendered somewhat pedantic English by Nicholas
in
Hereford, who had reached the book Baruch when

apprehended and incarcerated in 1382. A plan of
revision, supposed to have been initiated by Wycliffe
himself, was carried on after his death, the result being
the edition published by John Purvey in 1388,
which, after many vicissitudes, secured a position in
Henry VI.'s time as a standard translation of the
Vulgate. Copies of this work, more or less complete,
appear to have been widely disseminated, before the
suppression of Lollardry by Henry IV. and Arundel.
Of the 135 existing MSS. we
are told that the majority
were executed between 1388 and 1428, and that twelve
are of earlier date than I4OO. 1 The effect of the enter-
prise in developing the English language, stimulating
education, and extending the mental horizon of the
lower classes, rank only second to its religious in-
fluence. Knighton bitterly complains at the century's
close that the Bible has become more familiar to lay- '
men and women able to read than it is wont to be to

2
well-lettered and intelligent clerks.'
Wycliffe's religious synthesis is broadly that of the
Lollards, whose fortunes will be traced in our succeeding
chapters. The socialistic theories of the De Dominio,
1
Cf. Fordham and Madden, vol. i.
p. xxxix. ; Lechler, chap. vii. 3.
2
De Eventibus Angtice^ col. 2644.
on the other hand, belong exclusively to the early part

of his career, when he was in alliance with the friars.
After 1381 there nothing connecting them with the
is
new religion, and they stand quite apart from the

treasonable attempts to which the Lollards sometimes
resorted under persecution. A drift to anarchy and
incivism was, however, always likely in a system so
marked by individualism. Often, doubtless, it was only
the negative and aggressive side of Wycliffe's teachings
that won adhesion, conscience and desire for religious
edification being as little operative as in the case of
their first patron Lancaster. On the other hand, there
is ample evidence that on many unobtrusive persons it
exercised the same sort of influence as the eighteenth-
century Methodism. Along with a somewhat narrow
and ill-balanced pietism, it fostered sobriety, thought-
fulness, religious earnestness and regularity of life.
That it drifted at times to strange doctrinal aberra-
tions is likely enough. No Elisha received the mantle
of the Oxford schoolman, or redressed the lack of con-
structive system evidenced in his writings, and to the
last was probably more easy to show, as Bishop
it
Pecock did, what the Lollards aspersed in the existing

system than what they actually believed. To attempt
to define the connexion of Lollardry with the sixteenth-
century Reformation would lead us outside our pro-

vince. Enough has been said to show that Wycliffe
introduced the popular conception of religion
into
elements which have never ceased to find some recog-
nition since. The question of their relation to eccle-
siastical polity may indeed be said to determine still
the cleavage lines of Christendom.

CHAPTER IX
RICHARD II
the death of Edward Lancaster allowed

III.
ON himself to be excluded from the Coalition
Council, and his effacement was confirmed when the
October returns brought back nearly a third of the
Good Parliament's knights to Westminster. Its hero,
De laMare, was re-elected Speaker, and its policy was
actively renewed Mistress Perrers being sentenced to
forfeiture of goods and exile, the Council recast and
Lord Latimer formally excluded, and the chancellor-
ship and treasurership declared to be subject to election.
The Council, when finally arranged, included three
bishops, but not the Lancastrian primate. The omis-
sion was a merited slight, but it would have been well
for Sudbury had he remained permanently outside the
thorny field of politics.

In ecclesiastical matters, too, the line of the Good
Parliament was followed. The Commons petitioned
the Crown on the subjects of alien monasteries and
the obtaining of Church preferments by papal favour,
the special grievance being, as in 1 376, the consequent
drainage of money to the curia or foreign beneficiaries.
It was voted that such money should be detained, even
though the pope resorted to spiritual reprisals. Wycliffe

was consulted by some of the Council on this subject,
and he strengthened the national case by a state-paper
emphasizing the unity of Church and State, and justify-
172
A.D. 1377-99] RICHARD II. 173
ing the proposed action by the law of nature, the law

of the Gospel, and the authority of St Bernard. 1
The appeal to Wycliffe attests an influence inde-
pendent of his injudicious alliance with Lancaster, and
is the more remarkable in that men knew he now lay
under the ban of Gregory XL Unknown enemies had

lodged complaints, which before Edward's death had
resulted in Bulls sent to Sudbury and Courtenay,
demanding his arrest and examination. A catena of
nineteen pernicious opinions was attached, and the
prelates were severely censured for tolerating them.
'
You ought to be covered with shame and blushing :
you ought to be conscience-stricken for thus passing

over these iniquities.' Presumably tidings of Courte-
nay's citation had not yet reached the curia, or its
intention had been seen to be political rather than
religious.
Sudbury, if desirous of certain reforms, had but little
in common
with Wycliffe, and had always shown him-
self an obsequious servant of the pope. But to obey
the mandate in the present temper of the nation was
not easy. He tried this winter to transfer its execution
to the University, but was countered by a vote of Con-
gregation that Wycliffe's arrest would be illegal, 'as

giving the pope lordship and regal power in England.'
The vice-chancellor, himself a monk, went so far as to
caution Wycliffe to remain within the precincts of
Black Hall, for fear of arrest but here matters halted
;
till March 1378, when the Reformer voluntarily pre-

sented himself for examination at Lambeth. His
heresy was as yet undeveloped and the catena dealt
;
exclusively with his teachings concerning Dominion,

ecclesiastical property, and the distinction of bishops
1
Cf. Fasc. Zizan., 263.
1/4 MEDLEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, ix
and For his defence he had prepared a Pro-

priests.
'
testation' of somewhat evasive character, claiming that

his words where ambiguous should be favourably inter-
preted. This Lambeth investigation, however, was as

much a fiasco as that at St Paul's. Before the court
opened, the princess dowager wrote cautioning Sudbury
'
not to presume to pronounce any sentence' on Wycliffe.
The proceedings were interrupted by the clamour of
the Reformer's sympathizers, and he adjourned the case,
and did not take it up again. This affair was the last
episcopal attempt to bring Wycliffe to trial, and it is
yet more memorable as disposing of the inquisitorial
pretentions of the pope. So strong was the feeling on
this point that the Oxford vice-chancellor, who was
already in disgrace on other grounds, was imprisoned

by the Council for connivance at an unconstitutional
encroachment. Church and State co-operated later on
to suppress heresy, but the agencies used were eccle-
siastical courts and statute law, not the authority of
Rome. succeeded,' as Mr Trevelyan says, 'in
'We
keeping out the pope's inquisitors, though we could not
keep out his collectors and his pardon-mongers.'
The death of Gregory XL a few weeks later relieved
all parties from the inconvenience of these Bulls. In
August occurred the curious episode of the desecration
of Westminster Abbey. Two knights, confined in the
Tower for not surrendering a Spanish hostage whose
possession Lancaster required to facilitate his claims to
Castile, escaped and took sanctuary at Westminster.
The governor attempted to recapture them. One of
the two was killed by his officers while fleeing round
the Abbey choir, an unfortunate sacristan also receiving
a mortal wound. Courtenay and other enemies dili-
gently utilized this sacrilege to augment Lancaster's
A.D. 1377-99] RICHARD II. 175
unpopularity, and the Abbot of Westminster not only

suspended services, but defied the king's order to
reconsecrate the polluted spot. Sudbury, Lancaster's
friend, maladroitly furthered the innuendo, by except-
ing all members of the royal family in his excommunica-
tion on all persons implicated. Lancaster, howeve^
was now recovering his prestige, as our commander-in-
chief; and the bomb exploded in the hands of his
assailants. Abuse of privilege of sanctuary was a
charge constantly raised against the Churchmen by
their opponents. When, in consequence of this sacrilege,
Parliament met at Gloucester instead of Westminster,
the episcopal attack was promptly diverted by certain
'
of the lords.' Doctors, moreover, appeared on behalf

of the crown, to defend the pursuit of the knights, and
dilate on the injustices and scandals the Church's
immunity entailed. It is illustrative of the utter failure
of Gregory's Bulls that one of these chosen champions
was Wycliffe. He read a paper showing that the Old
Testament asylum for the innocent was now misused
in the interest of fugitive criminals and fraudulent
debtors, and branding the practice as an example of
'
false piety and unjust pity.' So complete was the dis-
comfiture of the Churchmen
that they took action next
year to confine the privilege of sanctuary to debtors.
Criminals, nevertheless, continued to shelter themselves
under the Church's aegis, till less considerate hands dealt
with the abuse in 1540.
A more important subject of discussion at Gloucester
was the future direction of England's ecclesiastical
allegiance. In April Urban VI. had been instated in
the Papacy. In September the French cardinals, dis-
gusted by his tyranny, announced to Europe that they
had only voted for him under intimidation, and that
1
76 MEDIEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, ix
Cardinal Robert of Geneva was appointed to St Peter's

chair as Clement VII. The Empire, Scandinavia,
Flanders, and Portugal continued loyal to Urban but ;
Clement, who set up a papal court again at Avignon,

at once received the allegiance of France and Naples,
and later on of Castile, Arragon and Navarre. Such in
brief the story of the Great Schism which divided
is
Western Christendom for the next thirty-nine years.

Appeals from both sides were read before the
Gloucester Parliament (October 1378). Sudbury pro-
nounced strongly in favour of Urban, and the ministry
after due consideration followed his lead. Scotland,
of course, proceeded to acknowledge Clement.
In January 1380 Parliament met disgusted with our
continued military reverses. The blame being laid on
the Council, it was abolished as superfluous, with the
result that once again Lancaster recovered the direc-
tion of affairs. Even in
1377 his professed sympathy
with Wycliffe had not hindered his appointing prelates
to offices of State. The Commons at his instigation
now demanded that Sudbury should be chancellor and
Bishop Brantingham treasurer. The situation this year
was of the gravest character. The
unsuccessful war
against France and Castile so reduced the exchequer
that the crown jewels were pawned our unpaid troops
:
abroad were threatening to desert at home there were

;
plain symptoms of widespread social discontent. When

the financial exigencies necessitated another session in
November, the Commons, with strange fatuity decided,
that all the wealth of England had gone into the hands
'
of the labourers and workmen.' To extend the fiscal

area, it proceeded to the celebrated poll tax.
inflict
Gross mismanagement marked the course of its assess-

ment and collection, and for this Sudbury and Sir
A.D. 1377-99] RICHARD II. 177
Robert Hales, prior of the Knights-Hospitallers, who

had succeeded Brantingham in the treasury, were justly
deemed responsible. When in mid-June 1381 London
lay at the mercy of the Kent and Essex insurgents their
fury was specially directed against Lancaster and his
incompetent ministers.
The duke, fortunately for himself, was now absent in
Scotland, but official incapacity or treachery enabled
them to effect a cruel vengeance on the chancellor and
treasurer. On June while Richard was propitiating
14,
one section of the rebels with charters and banners at
Mile-End, another was allowed to enter the Tower,
where they had taken refuge. They were found in the
chapel engaged in prayer. Sudbury forbade resistance,
saying to his attendants, To die is better than to live,
'
when by living we can no longer be of service to

others/ He was buffeted, pinioned, dragged out before
a yelling crowd on Tower Hill, and there barbarously
beheaded, along with his companions, by an extem-
porized executioner. His head was exhibited on
London Bridge, till the dispersal of the rebels, when,
by Richard's order, that of Wat Tyler was substi-
tuted. Sudbury's wretched statesmanship was
deemed to be condoned by the piety of his death,
and Walsingham records the working of some
miracles at his tomb. The assailant of pilgrimages
could, however, hardly be expected to inspire the
usual demand for canonization.
The poll-tax which thus upset England's equilibrium
was but the last straw in a pile of social grievances.
The working classes had long chafed under the cruel
Statute of Labourers (whose rigour was intensified in
1360), their failure to commute the ancient services of
villenage, their supersession in the labour market by
12
178 MEDIAEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, ix
1
foreign competition. The lower-middle stratum was
specially embittered by the denial of municipal rights
to the towns, or the impairment of those rights by
oligarchical oppression. To these discontents must
be added the influence of a
mischievous socialist
propaganda, traceable primarily to the Franciscan
1 2
spirituals,' but not without fautors among the ill-paid
lower clergy. Side by side with Jack Straw, the
mendicant enthusiast, who proclaimed the glorious
time when the saints should possess the earth, was
John Ball, the mad priest of Kent
* '
recently im-
prisoned for his turbulence by Sudbury, and now
' '
inveighing against the order of gentleman in his

famous sermon on Blackheath. Along with the Wat
Tyler affair in London came risings in many counties,
the fortnight's prevalence of jacqueries in East Anglia
being specially marked by hostility to proprietary
rights, to lawyers as their champions, even to the
clerkly skill that gave them vitality. Schoolmasters
were roughly handled, and sworn not to teach grammar
any more. A
sack of Corpus and certain Halls at
Cambridge was crowned by the seizure of the Uni-
versity muniments from St Mary's Church. These
were burnt in the market-place, to the cry, 'Away
with the learning of the clerks.'
As in 1327, there was a concentration of hostilities on
the old monastic houses, these being notorious with-
1
Thirty-four wretched Flemish artisans fled from the fury of Wat
Tyler's horde to the Church of St Martin Vintry, and were there
slaughtered in cold blood.
2
Langland had inveighed against the friars for these teachings
They preach men of Plato and prove it by Seneca
'
That all things under Heaven ought to be in common ;

And yet he lieth as I live that to the unlearned so preacheth.'
Piers Plowman, Bk. xx. 273-5.
8T. MICHAEL'S
COLLEGE
A.D. 1377-99] RICHARD II. 179
holders of municipal privileges and of the conces-

sionsnow granted by all lay landlords to tenants.
Edmundsbury and its abbey fell into the hands of John
Wraw, the priest anarchist of Suffolk. The prior was
hunted down and hastily tried and executed and his ;
head was exposed in the market place, along with that

of Wraw's more notable prisoner, chief-justice Caven-
dish. The monks had to cede a charter of liberties to
the town; and their plate, treasure and title-deeds
passed to municipal authorities of the demagogue's
creation. When Wraw was brought to justice, other
secular clergy were convicted of complicity in this
and were duly hanged and quartered. St Albans'
affair,
Abbey was to be long notorious as a conservator of

antique feudal despotism. Here too, however, William
Grindcob enforced the cession of an ephemeral charter,
securing to the town manorial liberties and large
powers of self-government. The houses at Ely and
Barnwell had already surrendered and a like fate
:
menaced Peterborough, Ramsey and Huntingdon.

Henry Despenser, a grandson of Edward II.'s favourite,
had fought for Urban V. against the Visconti, and been
rewarded with the bishopric of Norwich in 1370. He
appears in this stormy month as the only magnate
displaying courage or strategic skill, and to him was
due the suppression of the fast-spreading East Anglian
revolt. Marching hastily from Stamford, with only a
few retainers, Despenser came up in time to rescue the
monks of Peterborough and Ramsey. Moving on to
Cambridge, he restored order there by beheading a
democrat squire, deposing the mayor and imprisoning
sundry rioters. His nine days' campaign was crowned
by a pitched battle with the rebels at North Walsham.
Their leader was Litster, the dyer, who had for some
i8o MEDLEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, ix
days held sway in Norwich Castle, compelling knights

to do him menial service, and gathering in spoil of court
rolls and manorial records. Despenser defeated and
captured the Norfolk king of the commons/ and him-
'
self confessed and absolved him before relegating him

to the halter. 1
The connexion of Wycliffe's early writings with
this prevalence of anarchy has been vigorously
pressed and as vigorously denied, and may be left
an open question. The Reformer's doctrine of evan-
gelical was certainly that of the fratricelli,
poverty
whose complicity is undeniable; and Oxford's close
connexion with students from all classes of life may
outweigh the argument that the illiterate insurgents of
1381 could not possibly have read the De Dominio
in Latin. No great mental effort would be necessary
' '
to apply the gravamen against clerical possessioners

to equally wealthy laymen, and it is not immaterial
that Lancaster, whose magnificent palace in the Savoy
was now burnt and gutted, never again descanted
'
on the pride of the prelates,' or suggested spoliation of
the Church. On the other hand, anarchical and socialist
schemes were certainly no part of Wycliffe's public
teachings and the fact that within a few years after
;
1381, Lollardry secured a firm hold on the proprietary

classes argues for contemporary exculpation. That the
Reformer was disgusted by the outbreak, and, discard-
ing all academical subtleties, now descanted on the
duty of obedience to constituted authority is certain.
1
Walsingham, H.A., i.
471, ii. The
records of trials considerably
1-6.
extend the area of disturbance, and attest similar disturbances in Leicester-

shire, Yorkshire, Cheshire, Somerset, and Wilts. The anti-monastic feeling
isrepeatedly evidenced. In the Wirral of Cheshire the serfs of the Abbot of
Chester headed the rising. At Bridgewater and in North Leicestershire
certain vicars led the local insurgents against the monk impropriators.
A.D. 1377-99] RICHARD II. 181
It must be recognized, however, that even now his view

of the atrocities on Tower Hill was distorted by
'
religious prejudices. The primate, he writes, had died

in sin, holding the most secular post in the kingdom.'
'
Thoughsecular persons may take away secular things

from a fallen Church, to take away carnal life from the
x
guilty head of a Church seems too cruel a punishment.'
A
wise choice appointed the high-born and popular
Courtenay as Sudbury's successor, and he raised his
cross and crowned Queen Anne before Urban's Bull of
translation reached England.Courtenay's humanity
is perhaps attested by his resignation of the great seal
when the government initiated its ruthless measures

against the recent rebels (November 1381). As Chan-
cellor of Oxford he had, in 1367, himself conducted a
resistance to the friars' encroachments, and narrowly
escaped a citation to Avignon. But, though neither a
persecutor nor a papalist, he had a long account to
settle with Wycliffe. To his promptings, doubtless,
may be attributed the ordinance of the king and lords
(May 1382) empowering the sheriffs to arrest itinerant
sowing discord and dissension between
*
preachers as
divers estates, and exciting the people to the great
peril of the realm.'
The new Commons of October,
however, objected that this ordinance had had no
sanction from their house. It was agreed that it should
not be accepted as a statute.

An was Wycliffe's theology,
easier object of attack
which, besides disparagement of authority and monastic

vows, now included the denial of Transubstantiation.
His orthodoxy was investigated this summer by a
committee of experts (bishops and doctors of theology
and law) sitting -under Courtenay's own presidency at
1
De Officio, 27, 9. DC Blasphemia, c. 113, fol. 118, col. 4.
1 82 MEDLEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, ix
Blackfriars. Ten propositions attributed to him were

'
pronounced by the earthquake council l heretical, and

'
fourteen erroneous four of the former bearing on Tran-

substantiation and the Sacrificial Mass. This sentence
was advertised in Courtenay's name at Paul's Cross.
Its gainsayers were declared ip so facto excommunicate.
On
extending this activity to the seat of Wycliffism,
the primate at first encountered difficulties. Rugge,
the vice-chancellor, was
avowedly a supporter of
WyclifFe, and Courtenay's commissioner was outargued
by the learned Repyngdon and bullied by the younger
students. Rugge himself treated the archiepiscopal
mandate as an invasion of University privileges. But
an appeal to the young king shortly settled this affair.
Richard not only confirmed the primatial claim, but
issued a letter patent ordering the University to expel
Wycliffe, Repyngdon, Hereford and Aston within seven
days (July 23). The climax was the gathering of Con-
vocation at Oxford in November '
for the suppression of
heresy,' and a seeming extinction of the new doctrines

at their fountainhead. The inconstancy of Wycliffe's
more learned followers now and subsequently may
be attributed to the absence of logical constructive
elements in the new religion. Rugge very soon asked
pardon on his knees, and obtained it through the inter-
cession of Wykeham. Aston recanted, and was restored
to his degree this winter. He was again active as a
Lollard preacher in Richard's reign, but finally purged
his heterodoxy when menaced by the drastic methods
of Archbishop Arundel. Nicholas Hereford, the trans-
lator, fleeing abroad with the singularly ill-advised
1
So called from an occurrence on the day of session (May 21)
first
which Courtenay rather felicitously interpreted as a call to the Church

'
to throw off her noxious vapours.'
A.D. 1377-99] RICHARD II. 183
intention of appealing to the pope, experienced a three

years' detention in the Castle of St Angelo. He
escaped, preached Lollardry again in England, twice
recanted, and eventually blossomed out as chancellor
and prebendary at Hereford Cathedral. In 1417 he
resigned his dignities to end his days in the Coventry
Charterhouse. Philip Repyngdon, recanting with Aston
in 1382, entered on an ecclesiastical career of excep-
tional brilliancy, passing in 1405 from the Abbacy of
Leicester to the great bishopric of Lincoln. He
resigned this in 1419 after a protracted quarrel with
the Crown, provoked by his receiving a cardinalate
from Gregory XII. just before the Council of Pisa.
There is little warrant for the story that Wycliffe
himself was summoned to Oxford, 1 and came to terms
with the ecclesiastical authority. His expulsion having
been effected, it is probable that he was saved from
further molestation by his fame and popularity. He
appears to have resided continuously henceforth at
Lutterworth, twelve miles from Leicester. Though his
intercourse with the University was severed, his pen
was busy until his death, December 31, 1384, and to
these years belong such polemics as the Dialogus, and
the tractates on the Schism and the papal crusade.
The missionary character of his enterprise seems, how-
ever, to have been now more distinctly recognised, and
the Lutterworth output included a vast number of
devotional and practical pamphlets intended to supple-
2
ment the labours of his itinerant poor priests.
1
So Hook, Archbishops^ Bk. III. ch. xvi. The incident
presented is
'
by pseudo-Knighton. As a fact,
'
as a recantation of his heretical pravity
there is no record of Wycliffe's appearance in the registers of the Oxford
transactions.
2
On this literature, and the date and details of Wycliffe's death, cf.
Lechler, op. cit. The story that Urban VI. cited Wycliffe to Rome, and that
he excused himself on the score of failing health, is now generally rejected.
1
84 MEDLEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, ix
The
extraordinary success of Lollardry in the years
following Courtenay's display of activity was in some
measure due to the disasters that attended England's
patronage of the pope's crusade. Urban VI. pro-
claimed a holy war against his rival, and appointing
Despenser as his lieutenant in England, empowered
him to issue
'
wonderful pardons.' The Parliament of
1382 utilized this appeal, as sanctifying our hatred of
France and intervention on behalf of the Flemish
insurgents, and it swelled Despenser's vast accumula-
tions 1 by voting a grant in aid. The year closed
with a function at St Paul's, when a motley host of
mercenaries, adventurers and pietists took the cross
with the ceremonial of the old crusades. Despenser,
however, instead of fighting the
*
Clementines/ dis-
'
tinguished himself only by cruel raids in orthodox

(
Flanders, and the climax was the disgraceful retreat

of September 1383. Wycliffe lived to see his con-
demnation of the whole enterprise justified in popular
opinion, and a Parliamentary commission avenging
the disappointment. Despenser suffered sequestration
for nearly two years as guilty of presumption, mis-
management and breach of contract, and some of his

lieutenants were heavily fined.
Another factor in the resurgence of Lollardry was
the sympathy of Richard's amiable and pious consort,
the Bohemian princess Anne, who deeply appreciated
the Evangelical elements in the new religion. Anne
appears to have lent no countenance to Wycliffe's
sacramental heterodoxy, and she maintained good
relations with the bishops, and even employed the
reactionary Arundel as her spiritual adviser. Her
In the London diocese alone, according to Froissart, there was
1
collected a large Gascony tun full of money.

A.D. 1377-99] RICHARD II. 185
influence, nevertheless, must have done much to coun-

teract the effect of Courtenay's purgation of Oxford
-protection being assured to the Bohemian students

who now flocked there, attracted by the fame of
Wycliffe. Among these foreign visitors was Jerome
of Prague, and to this intercourse with Oxford may
be traced Huss' initiation of the Bohemian movement
twenty years later on lines akin to Wycliffe's.
But probably the most telling influences on behalf
of Lollardry were the growing disrepute of both popes,
and the scandalous implication of the bishops in the
political struggle of 1386-9. The Wycliflite gravamen
gained fresh point in such incidents as the obtrusion
of Arundel and Gilbert into the offices of chancellor
and treasurer, and Arundel's supersession of Neville of
York. Nor were these the only Churchmen interested
in the usurpation of the Appellants. The political cleav-
age itself prevented united episcopal action against the
spread of Lollardry, and it was a natural consequence
that the ill-used Richard turned from the prelates to
their enemies for advice and support. Despite his
own aversion for heterodoxy, he found himself forced
to make use of notorious partisans of Lollardry.
Clifford, Story and Clarevow became influential
members of the Council ;
the last-named being the
king's ambassador to France in 1389. Undisguised
sympathy for the new was displayed by
religion
Richard's confidante, John Montagu, Earl of Salisbury,
one of his eight lords appellant in 1397, and among
the few found faithful in 1 399.
Courtenay's officious mentorship of the young kinghad
early impaired his influence at court, and he seems to
have given little heed to the spread of Wycliffism after
his display of energy in 1
382. Though a man of amiable
1 86 MEDIAEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, ix
character, he was doubtless ill qualified to appreciate

its underlying truths and little inclined to enlist the
' '
zeal of the poor priests in the service of the Church.
His attention was concentrated on the old pedantries
of ecclesiastical organization, on the extent of his own
rights as visitor in other sees, on the lawfulness
of a monk
varying the prescribed dress of his Order.
He has the credit of one salutary Constitution for the
* '
restraint of choppe churches or simoniacal traffickers
in livings. Unlike Sudbury, however, he was quite out
of touch with the new religious thoughts, and he lost
the popularity of his London days by deferring as
much as Sudbury to the encroachments of the pope.
Under these favourable conditions the work of
Wycliffe's missioners assumed a new complexion, being
boldly pursued and finding unconcealed sympathy in
almost every class. It was aided by the contributions
of wealthy London merchants and, despite their
;
occasional lack of episcopal ordination, the itinerant

preachers were welcomed by many incumbents, and
found pulpits at their disposal alike in town and
country. Their chief strength was doubtless in the
midlands, where, Knighton says, almost every second
'
'
person was a Lollard.

Despenser's threats of burning
as yet kept the preachers from the Norwich diocese,
afterwards a hot-bed of Lollard teachings. But prob-
ably few other parts save the extreme north were
unaffected,and as early as 1 390 the poor priests were
rousing the Welsh dioceses of St David's and Llandaff.
Their immunity in the country districts is attributed
by the canon of Leicester to their popularity with the
local magnates. The knight was always at the
*
preacher's side, ready to protect him should anyone

'
dare to oppose his person or his doctrine.' Their dis-
A.D. 1377-99] RICHARD II. 187
course
'
adds this hostile witness
'
was at the
beginning fullof sweetness and devotion, but towards
the end it broke out into jealousy and calumny.
Nobody, they was upright and pleasing to God who
said,
did not hold the word of God as they preached it.' l
There is no need to confirm Thorpe's description of
a passing ruly man and innocent in his
(
his master
living . the most virtuous and godly man that ever

. .
I heard of or knew.' It would seem that the Lollards
mostly did John Wycliffe justice. They were recog-

nizable as scouting intemperance and laxity of life,
dissociating themselves even from Church ales, and
regarding worldly pomp and the prevalent passion for
war from much the same standpoint as the later
Quakers. They were opposed also to the now general
2
practice of profane swearing, and, as was said afterwards
'
of Oldcastle, babbled the Bible and eschewed unedify-
'
ing talk. On
the other hand, English Lollardry not in-
frequently displayed much of the profanity, intolerance
and aggressive bigotry that marked its Bohemian con-
gener after the death of Huss. There were Wycliffites
whose piety asserted placarding church doors
itself in
with articles aspersing the clergy and the pope, or in
wreaking outrages on the images of saints. Sometimes
the sacramental elements were deliberately insulted,
and there is record of a London woman doing penance
for teaching her daughter to burlesque the action of
the priest at Mass, with dress and tonsure all complete. 3
In 1387 a conspicuous instance of turbulence occurred
1
De Eventibus Anglice, col. 2664.
2 '
Chaucer's host promptly ' smells a loller in the wind when the poore
'
persone protests against the shipman's profane ejaculation Goddes

bones.' It is said that, later on, such oaths were utilized as a test in
connexion perhaps with the Lollards' denial of Transubstantiation.
3
Capes, Hist, of Eng. Ch.> p. 147.
1 88 MEDLEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, ix
in London. A convert from the Augustinian friars

undertook to lecture at St Christopher's against the
religion of the Regulars, and to make dark disclosures of
its Certain Augustinians took up the chal-
scandals.
lenge, and their leader interrupted the preacher with his
contradictions. The Lollards in the congregation, not
content with expelling the intruders, pursued them to
their convent, and a sheriff of London had to intervene
to prevent them burning it down. After this, they
proceeded to attach their convert's charges to the
door of St Paul's, where it was read and copied by
1
many.
The St Christopher's affair may perhaps have
suggested the anti-Lollard measures
of 1388. An
appeal was now made in both Houses against the
schismatic and turbulent character of the new religion,
and Richard responded with injunctions to the bishops
to use vigorous action. Letters patent were issued
for the appointment of visitors in the counties, who
were to search for those who maintained those wicked '
and scandalous opinions,' and seize their 'books,

treatises and pamphlets.' Whether this policy was
of Courtenay's initiating is unknown, but he now
appears holding a visitation at Leicester, and securing
the persons of certain iconoclast Lollards by laying
an interdict on the town. They were absolved and
reconciled on condition of a slight public penance. 2
Whatever their view of Lollardry, there was now
unanimity among the laity on the subject of papal
1
Walsingham, Hist. Anl., ii.
157; cf. Foxe, Acts and Monuments,
iii. 201.
2 who had broken up a
E.g. William Smith, Saint Catharine for firewood,
walked Sunday Mass in shirt and breeches carrying another image of
to
the insulted saint, and repeated the penance on Saturday in the market
place.
A.D. 1377-99] RICHARD II. 189
usurpations, and on this point Richard's reign spoke

as decisively as his grandfather's. Much occurred
shortly after the outbreak of the Great Schism to
sink the Papacy in men's esteem. The rapacity and
recklessness of our pope were such that in 1385 certain
cardinals conspired to curb his powers by the device
of a commission. Urban seized these foes and cruelly
tortured them, even putting some to death. Richard
had himself interposed to save the life of Adam
Easton, a cardinal of
English birth. Clement's
cardinals were more fortunate, but equally unedifying
was the spectacle of his rewarding their obedience
by wholesale fleecings of the Church of France, and
when Urban died there was no inducement to press
the claims of his rival. The Roman conclave now
elected Tomacelli, a young Neapolitan, who, as
Boniface IX. (1389) at once adopted new methods
of exaction, and became notorious for unabashed
venality. To recruit his depleted exchequer, Boniface
devised a thirty-three years' jubilee, accompanied by
a scandalous sale of plenary indulgences. His agents
came boldly offering the same spiritual blessings for
gold as for the pilgrimage to Rome, and Courtenay
was ordered to swell the proceeds
by levying a special
subsidy from the clergy. He weakly yielded, and
they were only saved by a petition of Parliament on
their behalf. To the general sense of the dangers
to be apprehended in such a pontificate we may
ascribe the brisk renewal of the Edwardian legislation,
despite remonstrances from the lords spiritual.
1
In
1390 the Statute of Provisors was renewed, with
additional safeguards forfeiture and banishment being
decreed against future transgressors. Next year the
1
See Appendix, note IV.
great Statute of Mortmain was given a wider scope.

In 1393 the Statute of Praemunire was re-enacted, and
pointed more directly at the pope. Forfeiture of goods
was henceforth the penalty of procuring from Rome
any Bulls or instruments affecting the crown or realm.
Such legislation was scarcely calculated to stem the
tide of Lollardry. It continued to swell, and despite
occasional exercise of activity, 1 the episcopal attitude
seems to have been usually one of extraordinary
tolerance. To what
length the Lollards thought to
push this immunity was seen in 1395, when their
representatives in the Commons, headed by Latimer
and Story, presented their memorial of eleven con- '
clusions.' For the first time in its history the House

was invited to determine doctrinal issues. If one
conclusion in this manifesto revived the old cry against
statesmen-bishops, and two protested against such
social abuses as luxury and militarism, no fewer than
nine directly invaded the sphere of Convocation, and
even traversed the authorized theology of Western
Christendom. The sacerdotalism of Rome, the step- '
mother of the English Church/ was contrasted with

'
recognized by Christ and His

*
the holy priesthood
'
Apostles Wycliffe's view of the Eucharist with the

;
pretended miracle of the sacrament of bread' which

leads almost all men into idolatry.' The memorial
1
exposed the 'shameful evils' consequent on clerical

celibacy and women's vows of chastity
*
the necro- ;
'
mancy of official exorcism and benediction of material

* '
things ;
the false charity of special prayers for
1
Here and
there, doubtless, turbulent preachers were confined, by virtue
of Richard's letters, in the bishop's prisons. Occasionally, too, excessive
zeal for the new religion was chastised at Oxford. Courtenay had
suspended a Lollard chaplain at Exeter College in 1384, and Arundel, as
ex officio visitor, once interposed similarly at Queen's.
A.D. 1377-99] RICHARD II. 191
departed souls, and of pilgrimages, and oblations to

'
blind crosses and deaf images of wood and stone.' It
'
connected auricular confession with pride of priests
and secret conferences, leading to much evil.'
It was the last open manifesto of Lollard

religion,
and by far the boldest, for its anti-clerical patrons in
the Commons were usually careful to steer clear of
doctrinal matters. The memorialists seem to have
failed to attract much attention in Parliament. They
thereupon posted up their document on the doors of
the Abbey and St Paul's. The bishops in dismay
despatched Arundel and Braybrooke hastily to
Ireland, where the widowed Richard was seeking dis-
traction for his deep grief in active business. Their
appeal marks the beginning of a less tolerant religious
policy. The king returned in one of his frenzies of
passion, vowing Lollards, and speedily
to hang all
reduced the memorialist knights to submission. Story

was compelled to forswear his reforming designs in
the royal presence. And I swear to you,' responded
'
Richard, that if ever you break your oath I will slay

'
you by the foullest death that may be.' No spiritual

process against these influential agitators is recorded,
but the king did not let the matter drop. Acting
under his orders, the chancellor of Oxford now pro-
claimed the heresy of Wycliffe, expelled certain
Lollards, and publicly condemned the Trialogus a
work indemand among the students. Four
great
Nottingham suspects were summoned, too, this year,
to Court of Chancery, and there, in Arundel's
the
presence, swore 'to worship images' and 'no more
despise pilgrimages.' The promotion of Arundel to
Canterbury in 1396 gave plainer indication of the
uncompromising dogmatism which marks the Church's
IQ2 MEDIAEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, ix
attitude under Henry IV.

Arundel, immediately after
his installation, convened a synod to deal with
Wycliffe's sacramental teachings. The Catholic doc-
trine of seven sacraments was confirmed, and the
Reformer's great heresy condemned. To his old
opponent Woodford the Franciscan was now com-
mitted the task of a scientific refutation, the result
being his tractate 'Against the errors of Wycliffe in
the Trialogus.' But the revival of the old quarrel
with the Appellants prevented king and primate
from further co-operation in this reactionary
movement. Though Richard's Westminster epitaph
boasts that 'he overthrew the heretics and laid
their friends low,' the fitful efforts we have recorded
seem to be the measure of his activity on behalf of
orthodoxy.
In the events that led on to the revolution of 1399
the new primate of Canterbury was deeply concerned.
Thomas Arundel, like Courtenay, was of 'grete blood,'
and was second cousin to the future Henry IV. In
1374 his high interest secured him the Bishopric of
1
Ely at the age of 22, by papal provision, though he
had no Oxford degree. His brother the Earl was
one of the gang of malcontent nobles who in 1387-8
'
appealed
'
Suffolk and theand sent them
'
favourites,'
to exile or the block. Bishop Thomas had been their
spokesman, and received from them the great seal
in October 1386. When the 'merciless Parliament'
declared Archbishop Neville a traitor, he was elevated
from Ely to York (April 1388), the pope being per-
suaded to remove Neville by a fictitious translation to
'
1
constantly mentioned in the papal dispensations
*
Nobilitas generis is
of this time as a justification for such breach of canon law. Similar cases
were those of Henry Beaufort and George Neville.
A.D. 1377-99] RICHARD II. 193
St Andrew's in schismatic Scotland. 1 In May 1389

Richard recovered his position but seemingly forgave
the appellants. In September 1391 Arundel was again
chancellor, and he retained the office for the next five
years without friction with the Crown. It would seem
that Richard'smind was permanently unhinged by the
loss of his beloved Anne. In 1396 he broached his
strange scheme of a marriage with the French child
Isabella. The acquiescence of the Arundels was
desirable, and to secure this, the unusual step was
taken of promoting the northern primate to Canter-
2
bury. Arundel united the ill-matched couple at
Calais in November, and Richard, who could hence-
forth count on France as an ally, shortly changed from
a sober constitutional king to an extravagant vindic-
tive despot. His first feat was to rake up the old
and appeal in turn the surviving appellants of
quarrel,
1387. His uncle Gloucester and the earls of Warwick
and Arundel were treacherously apprehended, and in
September 1397 eight persons of Richard's appoint-
ment impeached them in their absence before a packed
and coerced Parliament. Bushy, the Speaker, was in-
structed to demand justice also on Archbishop Arundel,
as Gloucester's chancellor and privy to all his treason-
'
able deeds.' Richard with feigned amity counselled

1
A memory of the pope's connivance on this occasion is to be seen in
the Commons' petition of 1392, which complains that the pope translates
'
English prelates out of the realm, without the king's consent or their own
consent.' Courtenay's protestation in reply anticipates the clerical quali-
fication to the Prsemunire Statute of 1393. 'It is none of his intention to
affirm that the Holy Father cannot excommunicate a bishop ... or
make translation of prelates according to the laws of Holy Church, etc.':
see Appendix, note IV. Neville really died serving a petty cure in
Flanders.
2
The translation was without precedent. It has been repeated five
times since.
13
the primate await the issue at Lambeth, and

to
telling the Parliament that he had confessed his

guilt, pronounced sentence of deprivation and banish-
ment (September 25). Next day his brother the earl
was hastily condemned as a traitor and executed
on Tower Hill. The exiled primate made his way to
Italy only to find Boniface IX. won over by letters

from the king, and by a curious coincidence or
Richard's whimsical application of the lex talionis he
too was translated to St Andrews. Richard at the
same time secured a Bull, appointing to Canterbury
Roger Walden, his treasurer and Dean of York,
and Walden, though afterwards pronounced a usurper,
was recognized as our primate till September 1399.*
Arundel took the line of declining the honours of
translation, and he appears to have secured a papal
promise that in case of his righting himself Roger's
elevation would be deemed invalid.
continued despotism and the story of
Richard's
the banishment of Norfolk and Henry Bolingbroke
are outside our purview. We notice, however, that to
reconcile his uncle Lancaster to the blow at the house
of Derby, special favour was shown to Henry Beaufort,
his son by Catharine Swynford, who was now thrust
into Lincoln at the age of 22. 2 The duke, nevertheless,
refused all solace for the other Henry's exile, and died
a year later broken hearted. His connexion with the
new religion had been little more than an accident of
politics, and it was quite broken after Wycliffe's pro-
mulgation of his Eucharistic doctrine. His life had
1
The unknown. He received the pall from
date of his consecration is
Wykeham's hands in February 1398 and held a convocation in March.

2
Bockingham, the actual bishop, was arbitrarily removed to the poorer
see of Lichfield.
A.D. 1377-99] RICHARD II. 195
been grossly immoral, but such religion as he had was

probably centred, like his son's, in the materialistic
doctrine of Transubstantiation. 1 point From this
events moved rapidly, John of Gaunt's death being
immediately followed by Richard's iniquitous confisca-
tion of his duchy, and this by the Lancastrian invasion.
In little more than six months Henry of Bolingbroke
had realized the ambitions imputed to his father in
1376-7. A leading part was played throughout by
Arundel. He had appeared at Paris, disguised as a
friar, to concert with his cousin the plan of operations,
and he was at his side throughout the almost blood-
less revolution which enthroned three generations of
the House of Lancaster. On Michaelmas Day, 1399,
Richard was in the Tower, executing a formal deed
of resignation, in which he owned himself insufficient
and useless. He appointed Arundel and Trevennant,
Bishop of Hereford, his proctors to present this docu-
ment in Parliament. The next day witnessed Parlia-
ment's acceptance of Henry's claim to the Crown by
conquest and by descent, and as 'sent by God to
recover his right when the realm was in point to be
undone.' The ceremony of his enthronement was
accompanied by a discourse from Arundel, the text
2
being *Vir dominabitur populo.' Finally, on October
13, Arundel officiated at the coronation, assisted by
Scrope, Archbishop of York. The chrism was

supplied by two vessels given by the Blessed Virgin
to St Thomas when he was at Sens, and Becket's
'
1
Time-honoured Lancaster really died aged 59. Gascoigne relates
'
that his vices had left a terrible legacy of loathsome disease. On his
'
hatred of the Lollards' detestable opinions on the sacrament of the altar,'
see Fasc. Ziz., 318.
2
Rot. Parl. y iii. 423.
own credentials attested her

promise that the
sovereigns anointed with this sacred unguent should
prove true champions of the Church. They had lain
in obscurity at Poitiers till the days of Edward III.
Discovered by a certain holy man,' and given to the
'
Black Prince, they had been overlooked at Richard's

coronation and though he had noticed them among
;
the regalia in the Tower, he had, it was said, vainly

1
implored Arundel to repeat the hallowing rite. The
primate now fulfilled the intentions of the donor, and
devoted them to the consecration of a sovereign who
was to execute judgment and do justice on the earth.' 2
*
1
See Walsingham, Upodeigma Neustrice, p. 388; Hist. AngL, ii. 240.
2
On October 2jrd Arundel put the question what was to be done with
Richard. Sentence of perpetual imprisonment was passed on him on the
27th on the 29th he was removed at midnight from the Tower.
;
CHAPTER X
HENRY IV AND HENRY V
course of ecclesiastical affairs throughout the

THE reign of Henry IV. was guided by Archbishop
Arundel, who was also chancellor in the years 1407-9
and 1412-3. He had resumed his place as president of
Convocation two days before he crowned King Henry,
but to strengthen his position he secured letters patent
for his restoration and destroyed the register of Wai-
den's primacy. Boniface IX. readily yielded to the
force of facts, professed to have acted under misinforma-
tion, and declared his supersession uncanonical.
1
The
deposed Walden appears to have retired into privacy
till 1405. Arundel then took pity on him and had him
made Bishop of London, but he died in the course of
the next year.
The change of dynasty, though unacceptable to many
religious men of the old school, really inaugurated a
closer alliance of Church and Throne, which remained
unimpaired the end of our period.

till Beneath the
many inconsistencies in Henry IV.'s character may be
discerned real religious earnestness of the narrowest
type, and policy and conviction alike suggested a
warmer support of the cause of orthodoxy than had
been accorded by the fallen Richard. On October 8
the southern Convocation received at St Paul's his
1
Letters for Arundel's restoration were issued October 19 ; Concilia,
iii. 246 seq.
197
MEDIAEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, x
assurance that he would refrain from demanding grants

of money, and would take vigorous measures to sup-
press heresy. Arundel, with his grateful reply, presented
a memorial denouncing the activity of the Lollards.
One two royal pledges was to be duly
at least of the
honoured, and it was significant that in the new Parlia-

ment Cheyne was kept out of the Speakership at the
instance of Arundel and the clergy. 1 Royal instruc-
tions were shortly issued to the sheriffs, warning them
against preachers whose nefarious opinions are repug-

'
nant to the canonical doctrines of Holy Church.' In

Henry's lenient procedure against the fautors of the
recent tyranny no prelate suffered but Merks, Bishop
of Carlisle, the confidential adviser of the late king.
His temporalities were sequestrated, but he was com-
pensated with a manor and forty marks a year. The wild
attempt of Richard's friends to capture Henry himself
at Windsor in January 1400 provoked severe measures,
and many were now executed. The pope was shortly
persuaded to translate Merks to Samosata in partibus
infidelium?'
Arundel probably above-mentioned con-
utilized the
spiracy. In Henry's second Parliament (January 1401)

'
Convocation presented a petition against illicit
conventicles' and 'treasonous books,' as the special

fomenters of sedition. Ecclesiastical discipline was
said to be powerless to check these dangers to Church
and State, as the heretics evaded it by shifting from
one diocese to another. The Commons were so
impressed that they now petitioned the king that those
'
imprisoned for Lollardry should have such judgment

as they deserved, as an example to that wicked
1
Rot. ParL, iii. 466, 467 ; Concilia, iii. 252.
2
He died rector of Todenham in Gloucestershire.
A.D. 1399-1413] HENRY IV. 199
sect.' 1 The was that Henry and his Council, with

result
the approval of the House of Lords, framed the Statute
De Hceretico Comburendo, arming the bishops with
terrible powers. Henceforward the person they con-
victed of heresy was to be handed over to the sheriff or
mayor, who was to burn him before the people in some
*
public place, in order to strike terror into the minds of

others.' The Commons passed the new Statute 2 with a
request that it should not be operative till Whitsuntide.
Before their dissolution (March n), and while it still
lacked formal confirmation from the Crown, William
Sautre was burnt at Smithfield.
The De Hceretico was an innovation as enlisting the
State in the correction of religious error. But the
process that now received
sanction was sufficiently
civil
familiar, and had been employed abroad on an extensive

scale in the cases of the Albigenses and Templars.
The Church's had long been that the suspect of
rule
heresy should be tried by an ecclesiastical court, and,

if convicted, committed to the secular arm to be burnt.
Against any affectation of impotency in that quarter

she provided such stimulants as excommunications and
interdicts, and their efficacy had been evinced in the
Albigensian matter by the deposition of the sluggish
Raymond of Provence. But England, though conspic-
uous afterwards as the cradle of strange sects, was
throughout the mediaeval times unaffected by theologi-
cal vagaries. The intruding Publicani had found no
followers in 1164. The charge of heresy against the
Templars was evidently discredited. Throughout our
1
Rot. Par!., iii. 473.
2
2 Henry IV. c. 15, Statutes II. 123. The odium of Richard's
tyranny had evidently now impaired the popularity of the new religion,
Cheyne and other Lollard knights were not returned for this Parliament,
Clifford formally renounced Lollardry in 1402.
200 MEDLEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, x
period there had only been a single case of burning.

The victim was a deacon who, to win the affections of
a Jewess, had renounced Christianity and submitted to
circumcision. His immolation in 1222 is shown by
Professor Maitland to have been a violation of English
common law. 1
The persons most responsible for the new Statute
were undoubtedly Arundel and Henry IV. But there
is no record of any opposition in Parliament, nor of
any sense of horror elsewhere at the barbarity of the

sentence. Jealousy of the bishops sufficiently accounts
for the Commons' petition of 1406 that the officers of
the Crown should make direct inquest for heretics and
present them before Parliament a demand which found
favour with Henry apparently but was not accepted by
the Lords. A
more distinct Lollard sympathy, how-
ever, is observable in 1410, and the same knights who
then suggested measures of Church disendowment
appear to have asked for a modification of the law
authorising the summary arrest of heretics and their
committal to the bishops' prisons. 2 According to Wal-
singham, the only answer Henry vouchsafed was to the
effect that the law ought to be made even more severe.
In the next reign we shall see Lollardry attaching
to itself fresh odium as associated with political dis-
1
He was condemned by Archbishop Langton's court at Oseney, and
subsequently burnt by Falkes de Breaute as sheriff of Oxfordshire.
This occurred when England was conspicuously under the thraldom of
Rome, and Langton had lived mostly in France, where such deference
to ecclesiastical law was familiar. Dr Maitland suggests that the sub-
servience of the unprincipled Falkes may have been prompted by
desire to palliate his own numerous offences against religion (Canon
Law, etc. Essay VI.). It should be added that there is some evidence
that the canonical penalty had since been inflicted two or three times
in Ireland.
2
Rot. Part., iii. 626; Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 283.
A.D. 1399-1413] HENRY IV. 201
affection ;
and no reaction on the ground of humanity
need be looked for in the ensuing period, marked as it
was with growing indifference to the sanctity of life.

Nor did the Reformation at first suggest more tender
treatment of heresy in England or elsewhere. Pro-
testants showed themselves as ready to vindicate their
orthodoxy by the same barbarous methods as Roman-
ists,despite their different definition of the crime.
Even in the reign of James I. the sentence of burning
was inflicted on Legate the Arian and others. It was
not a third century was on the
till wane (1677) that the
canonical penalty was banished for ever from the
English Statute book.
William Sautre, chaplain of St Osyth's, Wallbrook,
had formerly preached at Lynn against transubstantia-
tion and the efficacy of pilgrimages. He had been
brought before the Bishop of Norwich's court, and had
recanted. With strange want of judgment he appeared
before the Commons on Henry's accession, petitioning
for leave to dispute on points of religious doctrine.
He was referred to Convocation, with the natural result
that he was now Arundel's prisoner. The case was
complicated by his previous abjuration, which he had
the weakness to deny till it was proved by reference to
the Norwich register. He bravely persisted, however,
in repudiating Transubstantiation, and was accordingly
condemned as a relapsed heretic by the Convocation
sitting under Arundel's presidency at St Paul's on
February 12. Having been stripped successively of
his seven orders (priest, deacon, subdeacon, acolyte,
exorcist, reader, sexton), and so reduced to a lay status,
he was delivered to the marshal to await the king's
pleasure. Though the new Statute was not yet passed,
Henry, 'by the advice of the lords spiritual and tern-
202 MEDIAEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, x
poral,' commandedthat Sautre should be burnt, 'for

detestation of his crimes and the manifest example of
1
other Christians.' This sentence was executed on
March 2. That the king was stimulated by Arundel in
thus iniquitously forestalling the Statute can hardly be
doubted, and the primate's precipitation is probably to
be attributed chiefly to that jealousy of secular obtru-
sion on spiritual causes which has been so often noticed
in our story. It is fair to add, however, that a common
taunt of the anti-clerical politicians had been the inert-
ness of the prelates in checking the growth of heresy.
By a horrible perversion, the bond of Christian fellow-
ship was henceforth to appear recast as a weapon of
destruction, it being determined that the scholastic
dogma of Transubstantiation should be the test of
orthodoxy. Wycliffe, as we have seen, recognized the
virtual presence of the Saviour in the Sacrament, while
maintaining that there was no change in the material

elements, and impugning the schoolmen's idea of
accident existing without subject. However we account
for Wycliffe had ended his days in peace.
it, When
in March 1410 another example was made, the victim
was a tailor of Evesham, who held precisely the same
view as Wyclifife. One would imagine that William
Badby was but ill-equipped for the discussion of such
high themes. He appears, however, to have maintained
his position with considerable ability. Pronounced
heretical by the diocesan court of Worcester, he was
brought before Arundel's committee of bishops and lay

assessors. He
temperately disclaimed the identity of
the bread actually consecrated by Christ with the hand
that held it, and denied the pretended power of the
priesthood to
'
make God.' Though on all other points
1
Rot. Part. iii. , 459 ; Fcedera, viii. 1 78.
A.D. 1399-1413] HENRY IV. 203
his orthodoxy was unimpeachable, he was consigned by

Arundel, as president of the court, to the secular
authorities and burnt. The future Henry V. displayed
great interest in Badby's trial, and attended at the
execution. Misinterpreting the groans of the wretched
victim, he had him dragged from the pile when half
burnt, vainly urged him to retractation by offer of
a free pardon and a pension of three pence a day, and
then remitted him to the flames. 1 No other Lollards
were burnt under Henry IV. Some like Purvey, the
2
translator, in March abjured their heresies and
i<\.O2
were pardoned after penance. Others, remaining faith-
ful to their convictions, were relegated to the
bishops'
prisons. Probably few suffragans shared ArundePs
desire to utilize the barbarous penalty.
Despite the terrors of the Statute, Oxford retained a

Lollard complexion, and in 1406 a testimonial to
the orthodoxy and innocence of Wycliffe was issued,
3
professing to have the formal sanction of the University.
Arundel's response to this disaffection was the pro-
vincial synod at Oxford which issued the noted re-
pressive of January 1409.

Constitutions Besides a
formal condemnation of 267 passages from Wycliffe's
Walsingham, H. A., s.a., and Upod, Neustr.> p. 428.

1
Purvey was in 1402 given the Vicarage of West Hythe, and his
2
reconciliation perhaps helps to explain the anomaly that his translation

was afterwards in use in the Church. He reverted, however, in his later
years to some form of Lollardry, and was imprisoned on this account by
Chicheley in 1421.
8
It was afterwards alleged that Peter Payne secured these cre-
dentials by some misuse of the University seal. Payne, however, was
allowed to be vice-principal of St Edmund's Hall from 1410 to 1415, and
his devotion to Lollardry seems to be antedated. He
subsequently went
to Bohemia, and encouraged the Hussites with assurances that Oxford was
permeated with Wycliffism. He represented their cause at the Council of

Basle, and survived till 1455.
works, a strict censorship was now established on

the province of theological publication and pronounce-
ment. Preaching was henceforth prohibited save with
special licence from the diocesan.
1
No one of his own *
'
authority was to translate any passage of Holy

'
Scripture into English in a book, booklet, or tract.'

Even the reading of the recent Wycliffite translations
was forbidden under pain of excommunication, 'until
such translation has been approved and allowed by the
diocesan of the place, or, if need be, by the provincial
council.'
Arundel probably found that in this matter of the
Wycliffite translations he had overrated his powers,
and there is ample evidence of their securing a footing
informally among the orthodox a generation later.
The Constitution may have been effective against
Lollard pamphlets and glosses, but the aim doubtless
was to stop the general reading of the New Testament,
especially the Pauline Epistles, and so to disarm the
Bible-men.' 2 For such attempts it was twenty years
'
too late. So intolerant, indeed, was the country of the

Oxford legislation, that Arundel himself did not dare
to face another Parliament as chancellor. The
diplomatic Henry bowed before the storm, and re-
placed him with his own half-brother Thomas Beaufort,
1
The licence was not required in the case of friars preaching against
Lollardry. The evil effects of Arundel's measure will be noticed in
Chapter XI.
2
The same aim doubtless underlies Arundel's complaint to the pope in
expedient of a new translation in the mother tongue.'
'
1412 of Wycliffe's
Eren in 1390 a had been proposed in the Lords for confiscating all
Bill
vernacular translations found in the hands of the common people. Lan-
caster's argument on this occasion sufficiently corroborates our view of
'
Wycliffe's enterprise Let us not be the dregs of all nations, seeing that
:
other nations are likewise translating the Word of God into their own
languages.' See further, Appendix, note VI.
A.D. 1399-1413] HENRY IV. 205
a layman, and, as some thought, an ally of the anti-

clericalists.
Even Badby's immolation, Lollard tendencies
after
maintained their hold at Oxford. The old claim to
independence was renewed, and appeal made to a papal
Bull of 1395 exempting the University from primatial
jurisdiction.Henry's decision, however, quashed this
pretext and quelled the academical disturbance the
chancellor being degraded, the University proctors
committed to the Tower, and the noisier scholars
whipped (1411). A holocaust of heterodox literature
was effected at Carfax, and it was ordained that a
copy of the 267 damnable excerpts should be conserved
in the library of St Mary's Church. ArundePs purga-
tion was of more permanent effect than Courtenay's,
and Wycliffism will scarcely be noticeable again at
Oxford. The story of retractations was repeated, and
among those now reconciled was Richard Fleming, who
eventually followed Repyngdon, as Bishop of Lincoln
and Oxford's diocesan (1420). Fleming lived to
execute the Constance ordering the re-
decree of
moval of the great leader of heresy from consecrated
' '
ground a barbarity already suggested by the ruthless

Arundel. Respect for his former master probably in-
duced Repyngdon to ignore this mandate, and Fleming
himself did not execute it till Martin V. sent a per-
emptory letter in 1428. The remains at Lutterworth
were then exhumed and burnt, and the ashes cast into
the little river Swift.
Henry's tenure was throughout precarious and de-

1
pendent on the Commons, and, besides difficulties with
Scotland and France, Wales was from 1401 to 1408
1
Never before and never again for more than 200 years were the
'
Commons so strong as they were under Henry IV.' Stubbs' Const. Hist.
practically under the rule of Owen Glendower. The

Welsh war and rebellions caused heavy taxation, from
which no class suffered so severely as the clergy. The old
murmurings of the anti-clerical party were nevertheless
'
renewed. In the unlearned Parliament 1 of Coventry
'
(1404) certain knights boldly proposed that, to provide

funds, the lands in clerical possession should be appro-
priated for one year. Arundel turned the tables on
this party by demonstrating that they had themselves
diverted a possible source of revenue by obtaining
certain rents of alien priories. Even so,' he said, *
*
the king were now to comply with your request he
if
would not be a farthing richer.' He thought it neces-

sary, however, to fall on his knees and implore Henry
to remember his coronation oath. The king replied
that he would sooner sacrifice his life than do anything
to injure the Church. In 1410, as we have seen, the
Churchmen's cause was disparaged by Arundel's Con-
stitutions. The execrable crowd of Lollard knights,'
'
2
including perhaps the afterwards notorious Oldcastle,
now broached an elaborate scheme of disendowment.
'
The temporal possessions and lands which by the
bishops, abbots, and priors were spent and wasted,'
were to be appropriated for increased military expendi-
ture, and the support of the poor. Funds, it was con-
jectured, would still be left for the maintenance of
40,000 priests, each receiving seven marks a year.
'
When, however, these reformers were brought to the

1
called because the crafty Henry prohibited the election of lawyers,
So
hoping, doubtless, to silence troublesome criticism. Justification, how-
ever, was perhaps found in the Commons'
petition of 1372, that lawyers
should not be eligible, as tempted to use the parliamentary position in the
interests of clients.
2
So Capgrave, ///. Henr., 121, but his concern in the matter is very
doubtful. He was summoned to Parliament as a baron in 1409.
A.D. 1399-1413] HENRY IV. 207
test of figures they wanted in their account, and while

loving vanity they sought a lie.'
l
The Prince of Wales
stoutly resisted the scheme, and the king gave orders
that they should not again presume to propose it.
Despite Henry's zeal for orthodoxy, a clerical element
is discoverable in most of the rebellions of the reign.
The cause of the late king was specially cherished by

the friars. Eight of them were hanged in a batch at
Tyburn 1402 for conspiring on behalf of the counter-
in
feit Richard. Others suffered at Lancaster and Bristol,
and the Franciscan wardens at Lancaster and Notting-
ham and the Dominican priors at Winchester and
Norwich were imprisoned. More executions followed
Percy's defeat at Shrewsbury 1403, and on this
in
occasion there was reason to suspect certain abbots.
Henry's exorbitant fiscal demands doubtless sufficiently
explain the growing alienation of the secular clergy.
Notwithstanding his promises, a tenth was usually wrung
from the Convocations, as against a lay fifteenth and ;
from 1406 onward it was supplemented by an exaction

of a noble (6s. 8d.) from every stipendiary priest. The
oppression had already provoked the pious Scrope of
York to utilize Northumberland's formidable rebellion
of 1405. Scrope issued a manifesto demanding relief
for all classes, and especially the clergy, also freedom
from royal interference with Parliament. 2 He ex-
pounded this document in his minster, and promised
indulgences to the clergy and laity whom it brought
armed to York. Westmoreland's vilely treacherous
1
See Walsingham, H. A., ii. 482 ; U. N., 429. The new beneficiaries
were to be '15 earls, 1500 knights, 6200 squires, and loo poorhouses.'
The proposal is not mentioned in the Parliamentary Rolls, but is attested
by Fabyan.
2 There is no *
proof of his complicity in the Percies' aim of deposing
the perjured king' and enthroning 'the right line.'
capture of Scrope and Mowbray at a parley saved the

situation for Henry, and in his
subsequent procedure
he outraged all principles of justice. Disregarding
their right to a trial by their peers, and heedless of the
entreaties of Arundel and Gascoigne, he had his two
prisoners tried hastily before a small commission, under
the presidency of Sir William Fulthorpe, and Fulthorpe
hurried them off the same day to execution outside the
Skeldergate at York. Scrope, though a papalist, was
universally revered, and he died proclaiming himself a
martyr in the cause of liberty. Miracles followed his
burial in York lady chapel, and, in spite of royal inter-
ference, his shrine became a resort of pilgrims, and the
northerners long honoured him as a saint. Though
the political horizon brightened, this affair seriously
damaged Henry's reputation, and the leprosy or eczema
which henceforward afflicted him was regarded as a
Divine judgment on his crime. He secured reconcilia-
tion, however, with Innocent VI L, who had threatened
excommunications against all concerned, by audaciously
pleading that his own better judgment had been over-
'
1
ruled by the violence of his followers.' Clerical dis-
loyalty was again evidenced in Northumberland's last
attempt of 1408, when the Bishop of Bangor, the Prior
of Hexham, and the Abbot of Hayles were all impli-
cated. The bishop and prior were imprisoned for a
time, and the impenitent Henry did not scruple to hang
the abbot.
Scrope was succeeded by Henry's confidante, Bowet.
Bowet's fidelity to the Lancastrian family had nearly
cost him his head under Richard II., and he was
1
The story that he sent Scrope's armour with the message See now
'
if this be thy son's coat or no,' and that the pope solaced himself with the
context
'
An evil beast hath devoured him,' is borrowed from a similar
episode abroad.
A.D. 1399-1413] HENRY IV. 209
repeatedly utilized henceforward as our ambassador

abroad. The employment of prelates in secular work
may now be said to have surmounted all the opposition
of canon law, Lollard scrupulosity and lay jealousy.
The two great offices were filled usually
by bishops
e.g. Arundel, Bowet, Stafford, Langley and Bubwith.
Only in the periods 1399-1401, 1410-12 was there a lay

chancellor. Equally conspicuous was the other familiar
abuse tenure of pluralities. Practically the antipapal
Statutes had completely triumphed, and Henry some-
times refused to consider the claims of worthy can-
didates, simply because they were recommended for
elevation by the pope. Rome might keep up the form
of Bulls of Provision on appointment they were stulti-
:
fiedby the new bishop's repudiating before installation

every expression to the prejudice of the Crown. Our
emancipation, however, had not deepened the sense
of spiritual responsibilities, nor were our complaints
of papal maladministration emphasized by a better
example at home. Chicheley, our delegate at Pisa,
though afterwards an exemplary prelate, first appears
as a mere lawyer engaged in State service, and rewarded
with a pile of archdeaconries, prebends, and livings.
Similar is the account of Bubwith, afterwards one of
our delegates to Constance. Robert Hallam of Salis-
bury (1407-17) would have been a credit to any age of
the Church, but if the papalist manifesto attributed to
Scrope is to be credited, Hallam must have contrasted
markedly with his brethren. This document declared
that there was scarcely a bishop who did not dispose
of patronage by simoniacal contract, that benefices
were given to young illiterates, that the universities
were being ruined through neglect to encourage learn-
It, of course, connects
these abuses with the
ing.
14
1 '
nefarious abolishing the pope's power to

statutes
present to bishoprics. Certainly the royal example
was ill-calculated to impress men with any sense of the
impiety of the Lollard confiscatory schemes. In 1408,
though there was now no danger from France, Henry
appropriated for his household expenses all the revenues
of the alien priories. A
more startling procedure was
his claiming at the same time the incomes of all vacant
bishoprics and abbeys. Delays in filling up the high

places of the Church were the inevitable consequence.
Both appropriations were said to be effected by the
advice of the king's council.
The first half of the fifteenth century is memorable
for its revival of free CEcumenical Councils, suggested
primarily by the disgraceful prolongation of the

schism, but associated an aim of reforming
with
abuses, specially those connected with papal absolutism.
The three famous Councils Pisa, Constance, Basle
belong respectively to the reigns of our three Lan-
castrian kings, and in the two first England played
a part of considerable importance. The story of
Pisa (1409) runs briefly thus. The aged Venetian,
Gregory XII., had been elected (November 1406) after
giving a solemn promise to treat with Benedict XIII.
of Avignon, and to resign, if necessary for the re-
storation of unity. The antipope had himself given
a similar promise on his elevation in 1394; and his
evasion of it had given deep umbrage in France, and
been specially resented by the University of Paris. The
promise on the Roman side stimulated Charles VII.
to active measures, but all negotiations were obstructed
by the obvious determination of each pontiff to retain
his seat. Resort was had to the two colleges of
cardinals, which at last, braving the anathemas of their
A.D. 1399-1413] HENRY IV. 211
respective heads, consented to convene jointly a General

Council at which both popes should be induced to
resign. The summons to Pisa (March 1409) was
honoured by almost all countries save Spain, Scotland
and Scandinavia; and, besides the 180 bishops who
responded person or by proxy, four eastern patri-
in
archs attended. 1 The Council voted both popes con-
tumacious and perjured its doctors of theology gave
:
judgment that they might be excommunicated and

deprived. This sentence was pronounced by the
Patriarch of Alexandria, the Frenchman Simon de
Cramault; and the first phase of the great constitutional
struggle closed with the election of a new pope by a
conclave of both colleges. 2 Their choice fell on the
irreproachable Franciscan, Peter Philargi of Milan, and
he was enthroned forthwith as Alexander V.
France and the Paris theologians played the leading
part in this reassertion of constitutional principles.
England, however, had readily accepted the device of
a free Council. A deputation of cardinals had been
entertained here at the public expense and its request ;
that no papal dues should be paid till the Church had

an undisputed head was accepted by Arundel's synod
at St Paul's, and by the king and parliament. Our
deputation to Pisa included Bishops Hallam, Strick-
land and Chicheley. The priors of Christ Church,
Canterbury and of Jervaulx also attended, and proctors
represented the sees of Canterbury, York, London and
Winchester, and the Universities. Hallam was already
recognized as a leader of the orthodox reforming party
1
The would-be emperor Robert alone protested against the Council's
self-constituted authority. Even Spain sent one or two bishops.
1
Ten cardinals of Benedict's obedience and fourteen of Gregory's joined
in this election.Alexander's legitimacy is undisputed, but Pisa finds no
place in the Roman enumeration of Councils.
men who hoped to a

purgation of the
secure
Church from within, beginning with St Peter's chair.
His learning had secured him the chancellorship of
Oxford, and Innocent VII. had done his best to make
him Scrope's successor at York. 1 The English con-
tingent was received at Pisa with peculiar honour, in
deference to the legend of the conversion of our island
by Joseph of Arimathaea. Hallam preached before the
Council, pressing the necessity of reunion, and doubt-
less used all his influence to secure the deposition of
the rival pontiffs.
An important principle was established at Pisa, but
the hopes of such men as Gerson and Hallam were
completely disappointed. Though Alexander V. had
promised reforms, his activity was only shown in efforts
to rehabilitate the friars. He invested the four orders
with ubiquitous powers to hear confessions. He ordered
the Bull to this effect to be read by all incumbents.
Amid the loud protests against this reactionary policy
the two ex-popes began to lift up their heads. Worse
still was the condition of the Church after Alexander's
death in 1410, for the coercion of Louis of Anjou,

or some extraordinary infatuation, now induced the
Roman conclave to elevate Balthasar Cossa, the piratical
tyrant of Bologna. Three popes were, in fact, afield
when Henry died in March 1413, and all of tarnished
reputation. The appeal had only arrayed
to Councils
against the perjured Gregory and Benedict a John

XX I II., defamed by charges of sanguinary cruelties,
avarice and unbridled lust.
Henry's jealousy prevented this, but Hallam was consoled with Salis-
1
In the letter giving him the temporalities he is described as late

'
bury.
archbishop of York.' It is curious that this champion of constitutionalism
was twice selected as the subject of papal favours John XXIII. offering
him a cardinalate in June 1411.
A.D. 1413-22] HENRY V. 213
Thechief feature in the insular story under Henry

V. (March 1413-August 1422) is the complete efface-
ment of all Lollard influences. Henry IV., despite his
zeal for orthodoxy, had not scrupled latterly to employ
such men as Cheyne, Savage and Oldcastle in affairs
of State. The new king had been recently diverted
from youthful follies by a deep sense of his religious
responsibilities, and had early learnt to regard theo-
logical aberration from the standpoint of a bigot. He
made no secret of his resolve to extirpate Lollardry in
high places. That this aim was attained was largely
due to the conspiracy and petty disturbances that
followed the attempt to deal with Oldcastle. The
supposed predilection of the Lollards for treasonable
designs lost them their hold, alike on the upper and the
middle classes. No more will be heard of those anti-
clerical schemes in the Commons which have been so
often exemplified since 1371.
Sir John Oldcastle, who sat among the Lords as
representing his wife's barony of Cobham, had won
distinction as a soldier, and his services had been
used in our co-operation with Burgundy against the
Orleanists in 1411. A pronounced sympathizer with
Lollardry, he had gone so far as to make his castle at
Cowling the centre of a preaching mission, which, pro-
tected byarmed retainers, permeated the dioceses
his
of Rochester and London, and his native
county,
Hereford. Arundel complained on this subject to the
new king, who, after vainly endeavouring to bring Sir
'
John back to the unity of the Church,' sanctioned his

arrest. He appeared before the primate and two other
2i 4 MEDLEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, x
prelates for examination in September 1413, and was

confronted like Badby with the crucial doctrine of
Transubstantiation. Though a soldier, Oldcastle was
a man of considerable learning, and had studied Aris-
totle and the Fathers.
Against Transubstantiation he
maintained the view of Wycliffe. Arundel, not satisfied
with his prisoner's belief that 'the most worshipful
sacrament of the altar is Christ's body in the form of
bread,' sent him back to the Tower. Examined later
on the doctrine of the power of the keys/ Sir John
'
fairly lost his temper, and at last declared his con-

viction that 'the pope was the head of the great
antichrist, the bishops, priests, and monks his body,
and the begging friars his tail.' 1 The result was that
Arundel left him as a heretic to the secular judgment,'
'
and he was sentenced to be burnt on November 4

should he not recant. Friendly hands contrived his
escape from the Tower before the fatal day, and he is
next heard of as the secret instigator of the Lollard
insurrection of January 7, 1414. The king was in-
formed that the Lollards had fixed a night to assemble
in St Giles Fields, invade London, depose him from
the throne and destroy palaces and churches. An
enterprise that might have repeated the feats of 1381
was frustrated by his own promptitude and strategy.
Keeping the information secret, he quietly collected
forces, closed the city gates on the appointed night,
and surprised the assembled Lollards before they had
time to strike a blow. The prisoners appear to have
been largely from the midlands, and among them were
a few persons of good position.Thirty-seven priests
and laymen were hanged next day, the bodies of seven
1
Arundel, Processus Magnus, Fasc, Ziz., 433 ; cf. Walsingham, H.A.
ii.
291-297.
A.D. 1413-22] HENRY V. 215
being afterwards burnt, as those of heretics. But

rewards were vainly offered for the apprehension of
Oldcastle, who found refuge in Hereford and Wales,
and gave some trouble for the next three years with
raids and petty insurrections. 1 He was at last surprised
in the Welsh marches by Lord Charlton of Powys, and
wounded, and was brought to London to be exhibited

before Parliament (December 1417). He is said to
have appealed for mercy, and then broken out
first
into denunciation of the Lancastrian dynasty and

assertions of the pseudo-Richard's claims to the throne.
By Bedford's orders he was hanged at Smithfield, and
his body burnt.
The St Giles' affair caused a panic highly favourable to
the king's policy, and when Parliament met at Leicester,
in April 1414, his uncle,Bishop Beaufort, the chancellor,
opened the session with a speech advocating more
stringent dealings with the heretics. It was now agreed
to supplement the De Hceretico with an Act empowering
justices and sheriffs to deal directly with suspected

persons without episcopal intervention. Trial in the
spiritual court was to follow, and the convicted heretic,
besides being burnt, was to forfeit all his lands and
chattels to the Crown. There was no wish, however, to
use this Act vindictively, and proclamations were issued
in May offering pardons to certain fugitive Lollards on
condition of personal application. 2
1
Mr Oman when invading Worcestershire he displayed
notices that
the standard afterwards adopted by the Hussites in Bohemia a golden
chalice on a red field. Bedford exhibited it in London as a trophy on
the occasion of Henry's triumphant return (November 1415).
'
Their professions are stated, and Hook observes that there were as
many clergymen as goldsmiths, plumbers, fleshers, coopers, weavers,
hosiers, and honey-mongers,'
Arundel died in February, and had no concern in

this legislation. His successor was Henry Chicheley,
who for the last two years had forsaken secular business,
and was drawn reluctantly from his diocese of St
David's. He did not sit as Archbishop in the Leicester
Parliament, and Hall's story of his suggesting the
French war to distract the attention of a Lollard
House of Commons is quite baseless, notwithstanding its
appropriation by Shakespeare. The fiction may have

been suggested by the actual effects of this enterprise
in diverting restless spirits from the Lollard propa-
ganda. The French claim and extraordinary success

its
evoked universal enthusiasm, and despite his reserved

demeanour and stern pietism few kings have surpassed
Henry V. in popularity. Chicheley, it may be added,
abetted the national cause with patriotic and somewhat
unclerical zeal. He did not
the important
resist
measure of 1414 which dissolved and appropriated the
long jeopardized alien priories, nor the diversion of
Peter's pence from the pope to meet the cost of the
campaign. He actively encouraged the arraying of
the clerical militia now summoned by proclama-
1
tion, to assist England's defence during the king's
absence abroad. His gratitude for Agincourt was
evinced by his making St George's festival a greater
double, and paying like honours to St Crispin, St
Crispinian and St John of Beverley. Against any
recrudescence of Lollardry during the king's absence,
Chicheley provided a new safeguard in the odious form
of a system of delation. Twice every year, according
to his Constitutions of 1416, the bishops were to search
in every rural deanery for suspects. Men of good
report were to be appointed in every parish to de-
1
May 28, 1415. See Fcedera, ix. 253.
A.D. 1413-22] HENRY V. 217
nounce them, with power to seize questionable

literature. Wycliffe's teachings had now, it must be
remembered, been branded by the sentence of a
General Council. Menaced with awful civil penalties,
exposed to Christendom as a heresy, and disparaged

by its connexion with unpatriotic designs, Lollardry
stagnated henceforward. John Claydon, a currier of
London, was burnt in August 1415 as a lapsed heretic,
but no other application of the extreme penalty is
recorded save the immolation of William Taillour, the
Lollard priest, in 1422, after a public degradation at
St Paul's. Some twenty-five persons are said by Foxe
to have recanted or been imprisoned by the bishops.
Our attention must now be directed to the second
episode in the great constitutional struggle of the
Western Church. No small concern had England in
the Council of Constance, forced on John XXIII. by
Sigismund with the threefold purpose of suppressing
the Hussite heresy, extinguishing the still smouldering
papal Schism and effecting ecclesiastical reforms. In
the vast assemblage that honoured this citation our
l
Church was at first represented by Bishops Hallam,
Bubwith, Mascall and Nicolls, the Abbot of West-
minster and the Prior of Worcester. Two canons
came on Chicheley's behalf; Warwick, Fitzhugh and
other laymen represented the English king. The
Council was opened by John (November 5, 1414), and
devoted its immediate attention to the Lollard heresy.
In May 1415 it condemned 206 articles attributed to
Wycliffe as 'heretical, erroneous, or scandalous,' and
January 1415. After Hallam's death the members of the delegations

were increased. Besides Beaufort, the bishops of London, Lichfield and
Norwich joined the Council ; also the University chancellors and twelve
doctors.
218 MEDIAEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP x
decreed that his writings should be burnt and his

remains expelled from consecrated ground. Its sub-
sequent atrocious dealings with Huss and Jerome need
not be recounted. We note, however, that Huss was
ostensibly condemned as endorsing Wycliffe's doctrine
of Dominion, and that both disowned his sacramental
tenets. 1 The only recorded remonstrance against the
vindictive spirit of the Council was made by Hallam.
Once at least he appealed to the text God willeth not '
the death of a sinner, but rather that he should be con-

verted and live.'
Despite its treatment of the two heretics, the
Council of Constance had already so far recognized the
truths underlying Wycliffe's strange aphorisms as to
dethrone a legitimate pope. In February 1415 the
scandalous charges against John XXIII. were being
investigated. He made an insidious offer to resign
should his rivals do so too, and this not availing, fled
disguised to Schaafhausen and drew off certain cardinals.
The sessions were nevertheless continued. In April it
was decided, in] spite of much Italian opposition, that
'
all men, even the pope, are bound to obey the
Council,' and that the Council has received from Jesus

'
Christ power for the reformation of the Church

. . .
in its head and in its members.' John was brought

back to Constance and again given an opportunity
for defence. He accept the conciliar
preferred to
decision, and was deposed from St Peter's chair as

unworthy and harmful (May 29). The Council had
succeeded in pushing the Pisan principle one step
further.
It remained to give that principle permanency.
How Hallam's party interpreted the Church's need
Milman, Bk. XIII., ch. ix.
A.D. 1413-22] HENRY V. 219
may be gathered from the gravamen drawn up by

the University of Oxford at the king's request a
little earlier. This document exposed from the
orthodox standpoint the chief corruptions of the
Church, pointedly connected them with the
and
example of the Papacy. It dealt with the hawkings
of Indulgences by the agents of Rome, and the hamper-
ing of pastoral work by her appropriations, grants of
benefices in commendam and tolerance of pluralities. It
complained of the encouragement given to disorder
and vice by the exemption of the Regulars from
episcopal control. It connected with the existing
system a general prevalence of simony and nepotism.

That the Council missed the golden opportunity for
purging the Papacy of these corruptions was chiefly
due to our war with France, whose divines, Gerson
and had hitherto headed the demand for
d'Ailly,
reformation. In October 1415 occurred our victory
at Agincourt in August 1416 Sigismund himself was
;
in England concluding a treaty against France with
Henry V. United action on the part of the reformers

was precluded by this undercurrent of national hostility.
An irritating debate on Jean Petit's justification of
Burgundy's foul murder of Louis of Orleans in 1407
increased the tension, and it found a new expression
when Spain was won to the Council in the autumn.
'
Only four nations had as yet been recognized at

'
Constance. The French impudently endeavoured to

fuse England with Germany rather than accept the
principle of five nations.
In January 1417 Sigismund was again at Constance.
The pretender Benedict, who had declined to imitate
Gregory XII. 's voluntary abdication of his claims, was
now declared contumacious and deposed, and, all three
pontiffs being disposed of, the way seemed open for
reforming measures under the imperial presidency. To

the Italians, however, reform was an unpalatable subject.
They pressed the necessity of first electing a pope, and
the French jealousy of England and Germany drew off
even Gerson and D'Ailly to the Italian side. Of
momentous consequence in the decision of this issue
was the death of Hallam (September 7), who had played
a leading part at Constance, and had strongly abetted
Sigismund's demand for prompt dealing with the
curial abuses. The English policy was henceforward
dictatedby the king's uncle, Bishop Beaufort. In a
few weeks all the resistance to the Italians collapsed.
Henry Beaufort appears in this and the following
reign as a wise statesman of great financial ability,
ambitious, but intensely patriotic, and ever ready to
assist our French pretentions with his great wealth.
Lax though he may have been in earlier life, 1 Shake-
speare's malignant and unprincipled cardinal has no
counterpart in actual history, and the sincerity of his
convictions is sufficiently attested by his self-expatria-
tion and devotion to the cause of the Hussite crusade.
He may be safely regarded as nothing worse than an
earnest, intriguing reactionist, convinced that Lollardry
was the one crying danger of Christendom, and that it
could only be combated by a restoration of vigour to
the Papacy. Beaufort resigned the English chancellor-
ship suddenly in July. In October he appeared at
Constance, uniting to the lustre of his high birth the
eclat of a contemplated pilgrimage to Jerusalem. It is
probable that he could appeal, too, to instructions

on the part of Henry V., who had followed the
1
He had a daughter by Lady Alice Fitzalan, Archbishop Arundel's
sister, whom presumably he privately married before his consecration.
A.D. 1413-22] HENRY V. 221
procedure with interest, and who, despite

Council's
his alliance with Sigismund, was doubtless averse
to any high-handed impairment of the papal dignity.
Beaufort became practically the arbitrator in the
momentous issue, and strongly advocated the election
of a pope. All that the constitutional party secured
was the appointment of thirty nominees (six for each
nation) to co-operate with the cardinals in this
business, and a promise that measures of reform
should be pursued directly afterwards, On St Martin's
Day, 1417, this mixed conclave announced its decision.
The cardinal-deacon, Oddo Colonna, was the elected
pope. The Reformation was postponed for another
hundred years.
Martin V., the only pontiff of the great Ghibelline
family of Rome, may be said to have atoned to the
Papacy for the part played by Sciarra Colonna in 1305.
Though he had followed John XXIII. in his flight to
Schaafhausen, he was really not the candidate most
favoured by the Italians. His future policy was so
unsuspected by our delegates that he united all the
1
English suffrages. Its trend was speedily revealed.
The new pope at once assumed his superiority to the
General Council, and on the day after his election
published a Brief confirming all regulations of his pre-
decessors even those of John XXIII. In February
1418 the points in the papal system most odious to the
reformers Reservations, Expectancies, Commendams,
Annates, and Indulgences all received from Martin V.
an emphatic authorization. To the reformers' appeals
1
Gascoigne attributes Martin's elevation to Beaufort's intrigues :
'
Alius bonus doctor de Francia electus fuisset, nisi fraus et labor episcopi
tune Wintoniensis Henrici Beaufort impedivisset.' Loci 6 libra Veritatum,
P- 155-
Sigismund could reasonably reply, I had power before

'
a pope was elected now I have none.' The sessions

:
dragged on after this till Whitsuntide under Martin's

presidency, but the party secured
constitutionalist
nothing beyond a promise that General Councils should
be held every five years. Each nation was really left to
effect its own concordat with the pope. The Parlia-
ment of Paris rejected Martin's petty concessions, and
for a time protected the French Church from papal
exactions for Vacancies, and Annates.
Provisions,
England, on the other hand, relying on her antipapal
Statutes, and rashly committing her interests to
Beaufort, bade fair to be thoroughly exploited. The
pope ignored the subject of abuses, but ceded it as a
favour that Englishmen should be eligible for offices in
the Roman Court. No better arrangement could have
been devised for re-establishing the old encroachments
and silencing all clamour for reform.
With theclosing of the Schism and the failure of the

constitutionalists at this Council, we enter on a new
era in England's papal relations ;
and St Peter's chair,
if not morally rehabilitated, will henceforth appear
invested with a pale reflexion of the lustre of the
Hildebrandine age. The necessity of impressing
England with a deeper sense of dutifulness to Rome
was at once perceived by the crafty Martin. To effect
this, he contemplated a reversion to the old practice of
securing afoothold for the papal legates. Our fourteenth-

century legislation had, however, made it impossible to
obtrude foreign legates on England as in the days of
Henry III. The obvious alternative was to find in
the national Church the requisite material. Archbishop
Chicheley had given but little promise of being a service-
able tool. To Beaufort, on the other hand, the Papacy
A.D. 1413-22] HENRY V. 223
largely owed its recent escape from the pruning-knife

of the reformers. Martin accordingly proposed to
repeat the tactics of Innocent II. in the days of
Stephen with curious exactitude. The English pri-
mate's long recognized prerogatives as papal ordinary
and titular legate were to be ignored, and the pope
was to be represented directly by another Henry of
Winchester.
As
early as November 1417 Martin suggested to
Henry V. that his uncle should be appointed cardinal
and papal legate, retaining his see of Winchester in
commendam. Chicheley, however, was apprized of the
intended abatement of his dignity, and wrote imploring
the king's refusal. He showed that appointments of
'
legates in times past had been exceptional, and for

some great and notable cause.' He prognosticated
for what power the legate may have in
'
aggressions
special of the pope's grace no man can wot.' Henry
V. desired no legate, and bluntly told his uncle he
would as soon see him invested with the crown as the
red hat. Nevertheless his reverence for the Papacy
or his absorption abroad completely reversed his
father's policy in the matter of ecclesiastical appoint-
ments. Martin had a free hand with the bishoprics.
As many as thirteen were filled by Provision within
the next few years. Royal connivance, however, was,
Martin felt, a very different thing from statutory
indemnification. In 1421 he wrote suggesting an
abrogation of those formidable obstacles to the new
policy, the Provisors and Prasmunire Acts. Apparently
he received no answer. A new opening offered itself
next year, when death removed the mighty conqueror
of France and the sceptre passed nominally to a
baby
nine months old.
A genuine if sudden conversion 1

had changed Henry
V. from a frivolous, hot-headed prince to a chaste,
abstemious, narrow-minded, ruthless king, who was
regarded while living as the mirror of Christian
knighthood, and of whom his eulogist could justly
'
say that all his intent had been to lyff virtuously in

meyntenynge of holy church.' His detestation of
Lollardry had the excuse of a consistent
piety
lacking in his father's case. Repeatedly too, and to
he connected his preposterous French
his last breath,
claim and sanguinary wars with the interests of religion.
His appropriation of the alien priories noticed above
is not inconsistent with this portraiture, despite the
precedent it established for the dealings of his un-
scrupulous Tudor namesake. Not only had it long
been recognized that these foreign outposts were a
real source of danger during hostilities with France,
but against the Dissolution must be set as Gasquet
shows a scheme for diverting all the appropriated
endowments pious objects of less exceptionable
to
kind. 2 A
large part was bestowed on other monas-
teries, including the king's new foundations, and the rest
was devoted in the next reign to educational founda-
tions. Challenged on this subject, our ambassador at
Basle stated that Pope Martin himself had sanctioned
the diversion of the confiscated property to religious
houses, colleges, and other pious purposes. Not only
had this been effected, but compensation had been
paid to the foreign impropriators too. As a founder,
1
See, on this subject, Walsingham, ii. 290 ; Capgrave, Chron., p. 303 ;
Fabyan, p. 577.
2
King John had example of attacking the revenues of the
set the first
alien priories. It was repeated by Edward III., Richard II., and
Henry IV. The houses dissolved in 1414 numbered one hundred and
forty, thirty-eight being Cluniac, the remainder Benedictine.
A.D. 1413-22] HENRY V. 225
the sympathy of Henry V. was extended, might be as
expected, to monastic Orders of the severest type and

least blemished reputation. He established and en-
dowed a Carthusian house at Sheen, also the celebrated
Sion houses at Isleworth for monks and nuns of the
Order of St Bridget 1 He was a liberal benefactor, too,
to Westminster, and shortly before his death he sum-
moned there the abbots of great houses to discuss the
possibility of monastic reform.
1 '
Walsingham also mentions a foundation for Celestines bound to
'
perpetual seclusion as begun in 1414.

CHAPTER XI
HENRY VI TO HENRY VII
sixty- three years covered by this chapter wit-

THE nessed no ebbing in the tide of papal rehabilita-
tion, no new religious movements, and only one Statute
(and that in Roman interests) on the relations of Church
and State. The Council of Basle, 1431-49, found little
sympathy in England, and its failure proclaimed again
the futility of the constitutionalist programme and the
impossibility of securing reforms from within. Thence-
forward it is a period of unbroken stagnation. For our
purpose, indeed, there are few more important events in
all these years than Beaufort's appointment as cardinal
legate in 1426, and his indemnification by the above-

mentioned Statute in 1432. Beaufort's achievements
really demolished all lingering ideas of Anglican inde-
pendence. The result was a succession of home-grown
cardinals which lasted till the downfall of Wolsey.
On the death of Henry V. Martin again turned his
attention to our anti-papal Statutes, and wrote to the
Council asking for their repeal. No effect being pro-
duced, he deliberately picked a quarrel with Chicheley
as a conniver at this impious legislation. 1 The primate
received in 1423 an insolent rebuke for a recent issue
of the usual indulgences for pilgrimages to Canterbury.
The pope compared England's pride in the national
1
For the correspondence with Chicheley see Wilkins' Concilia, iii.
471 seq.
226
A.D. 1422-85] HENRY VI. TO HENRY VII. 227
sanctuary to that of the fallen angels, who desired to

'
set up on earth their seat against the Creator.' letter A

addressed to the venerable brothers York and Canter-
*
'
bury (not Canterbury and York) rated the English

hierarchy for habitual disregard of the pope's provisions
to benefices. Whatever the English law, submission to
his claims was the paramount duty. Renewed dis-
obedience would be punished with excommunication
and deprivation of the patronage. Chicheley's timid
'
reply, asserting his 'Abel-like innocence and loyalty to

Rome, only elicited another withering rebuke. His
fealty must be vindicated by deeds not words. 'Labour,
therefore, with all
your might, that the execrable Statute
against the Church's liberties be repealed, and neither
observe it yourself nor let it be observed by others.'
Meanwhile England's strength was being sapped by
the dissensions in the Council representing the infant
king. In 1424 Beaufort received the great seal. Be-
tween him and Gloucester there subsisted an implacable
animosity. It found public expression in the absurd
attempt of the nephew to charge the chancellor with

treason in the 'Parliament of Bats' (February 1426).
This attack, so far from benefiting the anti-papal party,
ensured the success of Martin's scheme for Beaufort's
elevation. Acting with remarkable tact and temper,
Beaufort bowed before the storm, cleared himself,
resigned the chancellorship, and emerged with un-
blemished reputation and a claim to solace. His other
nephew, Bedford, the great soldier and French regent,
had been brought over to England by this phase of the
family quarrel, and the two left England together. As
a compensation for the abandoned seal, Bedford
sanctioned Beaufort's acceptance of the long-coveted
red hat, and with this authority he was nominated at
228 MEDIEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, xi
Rome and papal legate (May 1426).

cardinal-priest
The latter appointment was adroitly connected with the
call to suppress the insurrection of the Hussites. For
the next two years, therefore, Beaufort was abroad,
acting with the emperor's sanction as the apostle of
this crusade, and gallantly but unsuccessfully pitting
his own religious zeal against that of the Utraquist
priest-general Procopius. Paying England a visit in
September 1428 he experienced much heckling on

Gloucester's part, but was allowed by the Council to
enlistan English force, fuller recognition of his legatine
capacity being left for future decision. Next year
Beaufort shocked Martin, but considerably increased
his popularity at home, by allowing his men to serve
for a time with Bedford in France. The death of Martin
(February 1431) ended his legation and connexion

with the crusade, and he now devoted himself entirely
to our French affairs, taking a leading part in the
1
judicial murder of Jeanne d'Arc in May, and con-
ducting the coronation of Henry VI. at Paris in

December. At home, however, Gloucester still did his
best to fan the flame of anti-papal sentiment and when ;
Beaufort finally returned in 1432, he found himself

2
faced by a praemunire for
accepting papal offices
without the Council's consent, and by a scheme for
depriving him of Winchester. But the popularity of
only other English prelate concerned in this crime was Bishop

The
1
Alnwick, the persecutor of the Norwich Lollards. Its guilt attaches
chiefly toBedford and Pierre Cauchon, Bishop of Beauvais,

Chicheley was persuaded to attach his name to this writ.
2
It was
no brutum fulmen. Valuable jewels belonging to Beaufort were seized
at Sandwich, and only redeemed by a pecuniary deposit retained till his
indemnification. Certain other bishops abetted the attack on Beaufort.
It was averred that some desired personal advancement to the great see
of Winchester.
'good duke Humphrey was now waning, and the cardi-

'
nal, by a seasonable contribution to the war expenses

and a spirited demand to vindicate his honour in Par-
liament, emerged triumphant (May 1432). On the
petition of the Commons, a Statute was passed
exoner-
ating him from all penalties for accepting papal offices
and executing Bulls in England. 1 The Lords had
agreed in December 1429 that he should keep his place
on the Council, for all business not relating to the Holy
See.
We must now revert to the story of Martin's dealings
with Archbishop Chicheley. Gloucester whatever his
motives had not misconstrued the significance of his
uncle's elevation. In the spring of 1427 a Bull had
come, not only suspending Chicheley from his duties
as legate ex officio, but depriving him of all jurisdiction
over cathedral dignities. 2 Tidings of its contents had
preceded it, however, and Gloucester, who now claimed
the title Protector, told Chicheley to send it him
8
unopened, as derogatory to the dignity of the Crown.
The pope shortly received a formal intimation that his
messenger had been apprehended and menaced with
heavy penalties should he offend again. Chicheley
himself ventured to write to Martin, citing his right
to appeal to a General Council against the invasion
of his primatial prerogatives. But he was at pains
to renew his assertions of loyalty to Rome, and he
weakly secured attestations to his own integrity and
pastoral activity from his University and certain lay
4
peers. Probably the Bull was regarded as ineffective,
for Martin now vents his spleen on Chicheley as a
1
Rot. ParL, iv. 392 ; see Rymer, x. 516.
2 3
Wilkins' Concilia, iii. 484, 5. Ib. 486.
See Stubbs' Const. Hist., iii. 301.

230 MEDIAEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, xi
dumb dog that cannot bark,' a coward who heed-

' '
'
lessly tolerates insults to the Apostolic See.' Viper-

like penalties are promulgated against the Roman
clergy, such as are not promulgated even against Jews

and Saracens.' It is as if the superintendence of the
English Church had been granted by Christ to the
English king and not to Peter. In another letter
Chicheley is taxed with wickedly attributing the

assault on the Statutes to sordid mercenary aims.
Martin, who was
really notorious for his avarice, and
who about this time made his boy-nephew Prospero
archdeacon of Canterbury, 1 attempts a tu quoque retort
on the munificent founder of All Souls'.
Such was the pressure to which Chicheley succumbed
in 1428. He appeared before the Commons accom-
panied by eight spiritual peers.
2
He declaimed from
the text Render unto Caesar,' and depicting the horrors
*
of a possible interdict, tearfully implored a repeal of

the Provisors' Acts. Fortunately in the present House
Gloucester's party preponderated. It compassionated
the aged primate, but would none of his proposals.
It voted that envoys should be sent to remove the
pope's prejudices. It even affirmed that an insult had
been offered to the Church of Canterbury which we '
be all holden to worship and sustain as much as in

> i
US IS.
But
though the execrable Statutes survived, the
pope's insistence had really succeeded in breaking
1
A littleProspero was appointed a cardinal at the age of eighteen.
later
Eugenius IV. made him disgorge our lucrative archdeaconry, but allowed
him to hold two other English benefices in commendam to the value of
100.
2
Archbishop Kemp, the Bishops of London, Ely, Bath and Wells,
Norwich, and St David's, the Abbots of Westminster and Reading.
3
Rot. Par!., iv. 322 ; Acts of Privy Council, iii. 301.
a long tradition of insular independence. The sym-

pathies of Gloucester's political opponents were
naturally enlisted on the papal side, and with the
indemnification of Beaufort in 1432 there passed away
England's old intolerance of resident cardinals and
legates. 1440 Kemp, too, was made a cardinal,
In
and Parliament not only permitted him to retain
York and all other preferments he held abroad, but
thanked Eugenius for the honour done to England.
Precedence was not allowed him in the House of
Lords, but an appeal to Rome gave him elsewhere
superior rank to Chicheley.
Chicheley lived on to his eightieth year only the
third English ecclesiastical dignitary, but reconciled to
the new papal policy and at peace with its partisans.
In 1442 he wrote to Eugenius resigning office on the
score of old age, and petitioning for the translation of
Stafford, a prelate of Beaufort's party. Henry VI.
made request to the same effect, but before the Bull
sanctioning Stafford's promotion reached England death
vacated the primatial chair. That it had lost much
of ancient dignity seems undeniable.
its Indeed, it
is difficult to identify the Chicheley of 1428-42 with the
strong prelate of the reign preceding, who withheld

Peter's-pence, claimed a metropolitan's authority over
the conquered provinces of France, and superseded
the French diocesan courts with judges of his own
appointment. It may be conjectured that the influence
of his official, William Lyndwood, the celebrated
canonist, played some part
our primate's emascu-
in
lation. Strikingly at variance with the Constance
doctrine of the relations of popes and councils is the
language of mouthpiece of curial pretentions.
this
Lyndwood's gloss affects complete nescience of all

the constitutional action that had so recently made

and unmade pontiffs. It boldly asserts that no
General Council can be summoned without the
authority of the Apostolic See. The pope is above
all law, and superior to a General Council. Every
papal constitution is binding two months afterwards,
even on those who are ignorant of it. 1
Beaufort survived till 1445. His influence may be
detected in the indifference of England to the Council
of Basle, and it was not without reason that he was
repeatedly charged with sacrificing our Church's in-
terests to those of Rome. In politics, however, he is to be
credited with a patriotism and far-sightedness to which
his unscrupulous nephew has no claim. As early as
1435 the failure of the negotiations at Arras, the death
of Bedford, and the reconciliation of Philip of Bur-
gundy with France, prognosticated the disastrous issue
of our war. Beaufort, though ever ready to subsidize
fresh efforts, appears henceforth labouring to secure
an honourable peace, and ever hampered by Duke
Humphrey's malice. The celebrated trial of the
Duchess Eleanor for witchcraft in 1441 perhaps stands
outside this personal quarrel, and the cardinal is
certainly to be acquitted of concern in Gloucester's

arrest and sudden end at Edmundsbury (February
1445). He had now retired

from political life, and seven
weeks later a peaceful death terminated his own long
tenure of Winchester. His pastoral duties had sat
lightly on him, and till 1441 he committed his see to
the care of a bishop in partibus. He spent much of
1
See Maitland, Canon Law, etc., Essay I. Lyndwood's gloss on the
provincial constitutions was finished, it must be remembered, about 1430,
and before the opening of the Council of Basle.
his great wealth, however, on the completion of the

cathedral, and as if to emulate his prototype Henry
of Blois established at St Cross the endowed asylum
* '
for noble poverty still existent.
The long struggle of the Council of Basle, 1431-
1449, must be excluded from these pages. Briefly,
the story is one of renewed conciliar effort to end the
Bohemian difficulty and reform abuses, successfully
countered by the craft and absolutism of Eugenius IV.
The turning-point was the death of the Emperor
Sigismund (December 1437). The Basleites under the
presidency of the rash French cardinal D'Allemand,
despite many pushed the conflict to ex-
defections,
tremes, pronounced Eugenius deposed and chose an
1
antipope. Against these impolitic foes Eugenius
IV. cleverly played off his own Council of Ferrara-
Florence, where he coerced the submission of the
patriarch and prelates sent by John Palaeologus in
view of his own obsession by the Ottoman Turks
(May 1439). The achievement still commemorated
on the doors of St Peter's was really as unsubstantial
as that of Gregory X. in 1274, but it considerably
increased the papal prestige. The northern Council
dragged on ostensibly for another decade, but its end
was depletion and capitulation to Nicholas V. on
honourable terms. Save for its influence on the French
Pragmatic Sanction of 1438, it had effected nothing but
a needless schism, and with it passed away all hope of
enforcing curial reforms.
1
The monk-duke Amadeus of Savoy was given the title Felix V. (Novem-
ber 1439), and was recognized by the empress-dowager and the dukes of
Bavaria and Austria, also by the University of Paris (though not by
the French Church) and by several German Universities. Nicholas V.
in 1449 allowed him to descend to the position of senior cardinal.
He is the last antipope.
234 MEDLEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY [CHAP, xi
cannot be said that the successes of Martin and

It
Eugenius did anything to check the growing moral

depravity of this period, and our story henceforward
sufficiently attests the dominance of the old ecclesiasti-
cal abuses, side by side with increased neglect of
pastoral work. Socially too the Church's influence is

waning. Her bishops retain the high offices of State,
but the real political guidance is evidently passing into
the hands of the nobility. Even in the field of letters,
once her monopoly, she does next to nothing.
Chicheley was succeeded by John Stafford, primate
from 1443 to 1452. An illegitimate scion of an
illustrious house and an able ecclesiastical lawyer,
Stafford had been made treasurer in 1422, and two
years later he secured by Beaufort's influence the
1
bishopric of Bath and Wells. In 1432 he received the
great seal, and he retained it for eighteen years, acting
usually with Beaufort's party and sharing with Suffolk
the odium of the royal marriage with Margaret of
Anjou in 1445. His resignation of the chancellorship
in January 1450 was well timed. In February, Glouces-
ter's party avenged his death by impeaching Suffolk.
Suffolk's exile and murder in May were followed by the

Kentish rebellion, and July brought the sacrifice of Lord
Say and the reign of Jack Cade in London. August
crowned our disasters abroad with the loss of Cher-
bourg, our last Norman fortress. Cade's rebellion was
attended by serious disturbances in Norfolk, Sussex
and Wilts, and, though unconnected with Lollardry,
they gave ample illustration of the unpopularity of
the clergy and the waning influence of the Church.
Clerical non-residence was now terribly avenged in
'
1 '
Gascoigne states that he had sons and daughters by a nun, while
holding this see.
the case of Ayscough, Bishop of Salisbury, the king's

confessor, who was murdered by the mob at Edington.
has always lived at court,' men cried, and never
'
'
He
lived among us, or kept open house, so let him die.'
Similar disregard for episcopal sacro-sanctity had been
shown in January, by the murder of Moleyns of Chi-
chester at Portsmouth, in connexion with the disaffec-
Attempts were also made this
1
tion of our troops.
summer to harass the Bishops of Norwich and Lich-
field and certain incumbents in Kent and Wilts, and
Gascoigne records how the Dean of Salisbury and

other good men attributed this anti-clerical temper
'
to pastoral neglect.
'
he remarks, are
Therefore,
*
bishops and priests in contempt and hatred, because

they do not exhibit an example of good life or offer
2
teaching to the people, but amass money, and do
not reside in their cures nor display hospitality.'
Stafford, though no longer chancellor, took the lead
in the recovery of London, and he and Waynflete
endorsed Kemp's promises of general pardon. These
were effective in securing the dispersion of Cade's
adherents. But probably it did not augment episcopal
prestige that the pledge was as little honoured, when
the danger passed, as that given to Wat Tyler's horde
in 1381. Stafford's doings in his spiritual capacity
are scarcely worth recording. Our subservience to
Rome was rewarded in 1446 by Eugenius' sending
Henry VI. the golden rose, and our primate happily
Moleyns had recently resigned the privy seal, and was regarded as
sharing Suffolk's responsibility for the surrender of Maine. The soldiers
allowed him to be killed by the sailors, though he was actually bring-
ing their own long-delayed pay from London.
!
He connects this neglect with Arundel's Constitution of 1409, and

says that the licence to preach was only rarely accorded, and a substan-
tial pecuniary equivalent demanded.
evaded a suggestion that the clergy should requite

this favour by paying a tenth for a crusade against the
Turks. He also protected the ecclesiastical lawyers
from vexatious applications of the Praemunire Statutes,
and he bequeathed a Constitution for the stricter
observance of the festival of Edward the Confessor.
Stafford'ssuccessor, John Kemp, 1452-4, had also
risen to notice as an ecclesiastical lawyer, and Arundel
had employed him as counsel in the trial of Oldcastle.
Kemp had since had a peculiarly varied experience of
offices in Church and State. Canterbury was his fifth see,
he wore the red hat, and was in his second chancellor-
ship. We
have noticed his adhesion to Eugenius at the
time of the two Councils, and England's gratitude on
his appointment as a cardinal-priest. Kemp, however,
did nothing to endear himself to the northerners during
his twenty-six years' tenure of their primacy (1426-52).
He lived in London or his native Kent, rarely entered
his province,and is said to have provided bad men and
'
foreigners and Roman courtiers' to the diocesan

dignities and benefices. He issued certain Constitu-
tions against clerical immoralities and monastic mis-
appropriations, but they were probably little heeded in

the north. Henry VI. himself had to issue a proclama-
tion against invaders of his parks and manors, and
against certain 'sons iniquity/ who

of published
'
imaginary statements, destitute of all truth, against

the Venerable Father John and his Church.' When,
repeating Arundel's feat, Kemp secured translation to
the greater primacy, Nicholas V. pretended to be
the sole author of his elevation. Large payments and
extraordinary oaths of allegiance to Rome were
demanded, and Kemp
shortly received diplomas as
a cardinal-bishop and papal legate. He had received
the great seal in 1450, and so changed were the times

that he retained it to the last. The intimation of his
death was not realized by Henry VI. till his recovery
from his insanity a year later. His remark Then one :
'
of the wisest lords in all this land is dead/ was justified.

But Kemp's career had scarcely been that of an ideal
diocesan.
Spiritual interests were, however, far more flagrantly
neglected in the northern province after Kemp's transla-
tion. His successor at York was William Booth, Bishop
of Lichfield, an ignorant upstart whom the Commons
had included in their list ofthe king's unworthy favourites
in His promotion caused general disgust, and
1450.
Gascoigne describes him as alike immoral and illiterate,
and as outdoing Kemp's malappointments by his shame-
less promotion of his young relations.
The author cited has left a gloomy picture of the
Church in the reign of Henry VI. His own melancholy
temperament may have darkened the shadows, but
the testimony is at least that of one who hated
Lollardry and was convinced that the papal intention
was always right. The learning of Thomas Gascoigne
was such that he was repeatedly Chancellor of Oxford,
and it was only conscientious scruple that kept him
from preferment in the Church. Asked by Henry VI.
why he was not a bishop, he replied
'
Sir, I tell you if
:
I wished to
honestly get money, I would rather be a
good tailor than the most learned doctor in Eng-
land, while matters hold as they do in modern times.'
Gascoigne depicts the contemporary prelates as very
seldom preaching, largely non-resident, doing little or
no good in their dioceses, and provoking a cry Woe to '
bishops who grow rich, and wish to be called lords and

to be served on bended knee, and desire to do nothing
in the way of preaching the word for the salvation

of souls.' He attributes their demoralization to the
evil example of Martin's curia. Appalling instances are
given of the general misuse of patronage. The arch-
deaconry of Oxford, twelve prebends and a rectory
or two were held, in Gascoigne's time, by a half-witted
layman 'who had been the playmate of a great person-
age.' His friends boarded him at Oxford, and he
received such returns from his benefices as a rascally
agent thought fit. A married physician is described as
holding two deaneries, two prebends, and a great rectory
too. Patrons had learnt the trick of saddling their
nominee with a yearly tax on his benefice; and the
monks, who were the chief offenders, were wont to
exact an oath before induction that there should be no
subsequent suing for the full amount of the revenue.
Papalist though he is, Gascoigne repeatedly emphasizes
the connexion of the Church's corruptions with curial
example, and especially with the papal sales of indulg-
"
ences.
'
Modern sinners say I do not care what and
how many sins I commit
God's sight, because I can
in
easily and speedily get a plenary remission granted me

by the pope, whose writing and grant I have bought for
fourpence or for a game of tennis." The character
'
of the vendors finds illustration in the story of Peter de

Monte leaving England with and swearing
his spoil
that the pope should not have a penny till he made him
Archbishop of Milan.
1
The appointment of unworthy
bishops and dignitaries, non-residence, pluralities, ap-
propriation of titles by those who have no cure of
souls, perfunctory absolutions, abuse of indulgences,
indiscriminate grants of dispensations these Gascoigne
1
Thorold Rogers notices that he actually succeeded in getting the
bishopric of Brescia.
depicts in a University sermon as the seven streams

'
'
of Babylon by whose banks the Church sits down and

1
weeps.
That orthodox writers took an equally sombre
less
view is more than likely, but Lollardry had not Gas-
coigne's immunity and has seldom left its verdict. In
1428 there had been a revival of persecution, stimulated
doubtless by Bohemia's successful resistance to the
crusade and the notoriety of the English Hussite,
Peter Payne. It was heralded by a council held by
Chicheley at St Paul's. Five persons were immedi-

ately afterwards examined and impelled to recant, and
Ralph Mungyn, a friend of Payne's, was sentenced to
imprisonment for life. A In wick, Bishop of Norwich,
followed up this with a ruthless campaign
initiative
against the Lollards in his diocese. William White, a

priest who after an enforced recantation in 1422 had
thrown up his orders and become a Lollard preacher,
was now burnt at Norwich, and the example induced
120 persons to abjure and submit to penance. Two
other priests, William Whadden and Hugh Pye by
name, were burnt at Norwich in 1430, and the St
Albans chronicler attests the consequent 'confusion
of the infidels, and exultation of them who believe in
the Catholic Church.' Similar horrors were to be
witnessed in London. A ribald tiler of Essex was
' '
burnt on Tower Hill, also Richard Hoveden, a wool-

winder, who believed in no sacrament of the Church
'
save matrimony only.' As in 1415, persecution incited

combined resistance. Next year Gloucester had to
suppress a rather serious disturbance at Abingdon,
'
where William Perkins the bailiff collected a meinie of
1
See Thorold Rogers' Loci e libra veritatum, pp. 35, 42-3, 53-99, 132,
168, 176. Gascoigne died March 1458.
risers against men of holy Church/'promising them three

priests'heads for a penny.' Perkins and five followers
were hanged, drawn and quartered at Oxford, others
in Coventry and London. Probably, as in Oldcastle's
case, the terror of the rising strengthened the clerical
cause; but it is obvious that this affair may be con-
nected in more ways than one with the failure of
Gloucester's anti-papal party to unseat Beaufort.
Nine years later, Richard Wyche, a respectable Essex
vicar, was burnt as a Lollard on Tower Hill. Despite
all that had been done such victims had admirers in
the lower orders, and the mayor and aldermen had to

guard against visitors who carried off his ashes as
relics. A few more instances of the atrocious penalty
occur in the succeeding reigns. The most noted names
are William Barlow of Saffron Walden, who despised
'
the sacrament of the altar, and would make no

confession to no priest' (1466), and John Goss, the
intrepid martyr who demanded a good and competent
shall pass a little shower or I
'
dinner, saying I
go to supper' (1484). Both were burnt on Tower

Hill.
Within the Lollard sphere of influence were doubtless
many persons opposed to the ritual and superstitions
rather than the dogmas of the Church, and particularly
impatient of the negligence and worldliness of her
Represser of overmuch weeting of
'
pastors. Pecock's
'
the clergy (1449-55) presents six somewhat heterogen-
eous bugbears. It defends seriatim images, pilgrim-
ages, clerical tenure of land, the graded hierarchy, the
legislation of prelates, and the existence of monastic
orders. Five others are mentioned more cursorily in
this answer to the Bible men,' viz., invocation of
*
saints, costly decorations, the ceremonial celebration

of sacraments, the taking of oaths, the tolerance of

war and capital punishment.
The author * '
Represser was, however, himself

of the
to suffer on the score of heterodoxy, and his contribution
to Protestantism is as recognizable as that of Lollardry.
If Wycliffe supplied the idea of the transcendent im-
portance of subjective religion, Pecock, whatever his

mistakes, claims credit as the first English exponent
of the principle of critical research. But the curious
feature in this case is, that his application of the scien-
tific methods so familiar nowadays left the investi-
gator convinced of the infallibility of the pope. A
Welshman of profound learning but conceited disposi-
tion, Reginald Pecock became Bishop of St Asaph in
1444. In his antagonism to Lollardry he undertook to
justify not only the secularization of the bishops and
their neglect of preaching, but their subordination to
papal provisions and curial exactions. The pope, he

argued, was only claiming his own, for bishops were
but bailiffs for the Papacy and all their authority
emanated therefrom. This of course was only an ap-
plication of the teaching of the canonists. But Pecock
reached his position by a circuitous route. He had
read enough to realize the fallibility of the Fathers and
ancient Councils. He turned, it seems, in desperation
to the conception of an infallible Papacy, and combined
a disparagement of other authorities with his defence of
Roman encroachments. Naturally this strange fusion
of rationalism and ultramontanism was peculiarly
offensive to his
contemporaries. Pecock arrayed
against himself the orthodoxy that attributed divine
inspiration to Fathers and Councils, the nation-
alism that appreciated the wisdom of Provisors
Acts, the piety that deplored the corruptions of
16
the Church and connected them with curial

example.
Pecock 1447 excited public indignation by
in
defending at St Paul's Cross the diversion of bishops

from pulpit ministrations, and the pope's claim to
'provide' to benefices and exact annates. Stafford
remonstrated, but seemingly it was by his influence
that the indiscreet champion was promoted to
Chichester in 1450. His love of disputation now led
him to publish divers works in which critical research
was carried to perilous lengths. He conceitedly paraded
his discovery that the current form of the Creed was
not to be ascribed to the Apostles. He omitted the
' '
Descent into Hell altogether in his Donet or para-
'
phrastic Introduction to Chief Truths.' It was even

said that he denied the doctrine of the Personality of
the Holy Ghost.
1
The odium was doubtless aug-
mented by his arrogance as a controversialist and his
habitual assumption of a pose of intellectual superiority.
His downfall, however, was really due to an imprudent
letter, in which he warned Cannyng the lord mayor
against the trend of Yorkist ambitions (1456). The

retort of the assailed party was an allegation of heresy
2
which was re-echoed from the London pulpits. The
1
The heterodoxy is of course not to be estimated
real extent of Pecock's
by the six opinions he repudiated under compulsion. It would be easy

' '
for enemies to infer from a denial of the Descent into Hell (or of the
current materialistic explanations of it ?) denial of the articles relating
to the Holy Ghost, the Catholic Church and the Communion of Saints.
The other two heresies he abjured were denial of infallibility of Councils,
and claim to private judgment in the interpretation of Scripture. On these
points he was of course guilty.
2
That the attack on Pecock was prompted by political exigencies seems
clear. The Yorkist prelate Neville was particularly active. The court
party, however, readily followed the lure, and Henry VI. afterwards in-
serted a clause in the statutes of King's College requiring the expulsion
of any Fellow who was a disciple of Wycliffe or Pecock.
Yorkist primate Bourchier seized the opportunity for a

commission of inquiry, and the conclusion was reached
that Pecock had 'disparaged the sacred councils,' and
presumed plainly to go against the sayings of the more
*
ancient doctors.' Bourchier gave him the alternatives

of abjuration or the 'secular arm/ and the result was
Pecock's public repudiation of six heresies at St Paul's
Cross. An accessory of this function was the burning
of the offensive literature eleven quartos and three
folios and the London mob, always ready to harry a
papalist, would fain have consumed their hapless author
too (1457). A similar holocaust followed at Carfax,
Oxford, and Bourchier, arguing that Pecock's heresies
antedated his elevation to the episcopate and that the
consecration of a heretic is ab initio defective, declared
the see of Chichester vacated. Pecock appealed to
Calixtus III., and
pope is said to have issued
this
Bulls for his reinstatement which Bourchier evaded.
His successor, Pius II. (1458), however, went against
Pecock, and the end was that he was incarcerated by
Bourchier in Thorney Abbey. He was to have but '
one person that is sad and well disposed to make his

bed and to make him fire, no books to look on but only
a porteous and a mass book, a psalter, a legend and a
Bible, nothing to write with, no stuff to write upon.'
The author '
of the earliest piece of good philosophical
1
disquisition of which our literature can boast' survived
this intellectual starvation little more than a year.
To interweave a continuous ecclesiastical chronicle
1
Pliancy of expression, argumentative sagacity, extensive learning and
'
'
critical skill distinguish almost every chapter so Babington describes

Pecock's
'
remarkable that the papalist Pecock was the
Represser'. It is
first Englishman to admit the spuriousness of Constantine's Donation to
the Holy See. It appears undiscoverable whether he was enlightened
by the investigations of the contemporary Italian critic Valla.

with the tangled political story after 1455 would be a

needless task, for the repeated dynastic changes had
really no effect on Church affairs. Henry VI. was
deservedly reverenced for his saintly life, but in public
affairshe had been almost a nonentity. The sway in
Church and State was exercised by his ministers till
1445, and then by the domineering Margaret. After
1453 his effacement was justified by his attacks of
mental disease. Edward IV. and Richard III. de-
spite or because of their unedifying lives perpetuated
Henry's interest in religion and deference to the Papacy.
The usurper of 1483 was at pains to send two bishops
to perform that filial and catholic obedience which
*
was of old due, and accustomed to be paid by the

kings of England, to the Roman pontiffs.'
l
As on former occasions of upheaval, one result of our

civilwars and dynastic disputes was an advance of
papal interests. Everywhere, indeed, Rome was now
recognized as the seat of a temporal sovereignty whose
dignity it concerned other European potentates to
maintain. She gave toleration to gross social and
ecclesiastical She was protected in return
abuses.
against renewal of the old demands of Gerson and
Hallam. Lollardry and constitutionalism were stamped
out, but the new ultramontanism signally failed to
justify itself as a controller of moral conduct. Never
in English public life were perfidy, inhumanity and
vindictive hatred more conspicuous than during these
disordered times, and England was only exhibiting
under peculiar conditions a demoralization common to
Western Christendom.
The period of unsettlement is almost exactly spanned
by the primacy of Thomas Bourchier, who was elevated
1
Rymer, xii. 253, 254.
in the year before the first battle of St Albans and

lived to marry Henry VII. to Elizabeth of York. His
adaptations to political environments seem marvellous,
but such elasticity appears to have been the general
characteristic of the bishops, and his story illustrates
not only the Church's moral decadence but her in-
significance in national affairs. The Bourchier family
had supplied England's first lay chancellor in 1340.
It had since intermarried with the line of Edward III.
and attained an earldom, and its importance in these
times was increased by the marriage of Thomas's
eldest brother, Lord Bourchier, with the only sister
of Richard Duke of York. Fresh illustrations of the
misuse of patronage meet us as we follow the ascent
of Thomas Bourchier. Interest in high places, rather
than any spiritual or intellectual qualifications, secured
him Worcester at the age of thirty (1435). Neverthe-
less, within two years he was discovered negotiating
with Eugenius IV. for a translation to the sublimer
sphere of Ely. Gloucester defeated this scheme, but
the actual result was a more discreditable Government
job, Ely being made over to Cardinal Louis of Luxem-
1
burg, to provide him a salary as our chancellor of
France. Bourchier's ambition was gratified in 1443,
but only on the day of his installation did he officiate
in Ely Cathedral, though reigning a full decade.
When Kemp died (March 1454), York was 'lieutenant
of the king/ and to his influence may be attributed the
petition of the Commons that Bourchier should be
for his grete merits and grete blood.'
'
promoted
Waynflete of Winchester, the most meritorious of the
leading prelates, was accordingly passed over, and
1
Louis took the revenues of Rouen too. He never entered his English
diocese alive, though brought for burial to Ely Cathedral.
Bourchier was installed at Canterbury. His career

henceforth was that of a mitred Vicar of Bray.' He (
appears as Margaret's chancellor this Christmas, and as

York's after the fray at St Albans in May 1455.
Becoming convinced of the legitimacy of the Yorkist
claim, he crowned Edward IV. in 1461, and three years
later he crowned Elizabeth Woodville too. Becom-
ing Richard's tool, he secured the widow's surrender of
the younger prince from the sanctuary at Westminster, 1
and, having easily digested the story of Edward's prior
marriage, he conducted the usurper's splendid corona-
tion in June 1483. With equal readiness he repeated
Henry VII. after Bosworth Field (October
the rite for
1485). The only occasion when Bourchier's star had
seemed to wane was the brief counter-revolution of
1470-1. He now lay low in Lambeth Palace, while
Warwick and his brother, Archbishop Neville, en-
throned the poor demented Henry, and paraded him
in the London streets. In Holy Week, 1471, however,
Bourchier was greeting the Yorkist sovereign with a
rival function at St Paul's; and with his blessing
Edward marched out on Easter Day to the bloody
field of Barnet. The victor shortly afterwards allowed
Waynflete to invest him with the red hat in Lambeth
2
Chapel.
Less faithful was fortune to Bourchier's wealthy and
sumptuous brother-primate. George Neville's early
enjoyment of the good things of the Church seems to
'
1 I will pawn my soul "and body for
Saying, according to More,
his safety.' The whole affair attests, as Hook observes, a great de-
'
preciation of privilege of sanctuary' since 1378.

2 record of Edward's applying for his elevation to the
There is
cardinalate in 1465, and of the request being granted in 1467. The

delay in airing the honour in England shows
that the old prejudices
still lingered in the Yorkist party.
have been justified by learning and political ability.

But his share in the defection of his family was great,
and Edward punished it with characteristic duplicity.
He was ostensibly forgiven after a short detention in
the Tower, and next year the king proposed to come
and make merry with him at Moor Park. Neville
* '
made great preparations for this honour, but at the

eleventh hour there came royal officers who seized his
splendid accumulation of plate, and confiscated his
vast wealth. His richly jewelled archiepiscopal mitre
supplied a setting for Edward's new crown, and after
four years' confinement he was deported in poverty to
Calais. His sorrows were increased by Sixtus IV.'s
availing himself of this occasion to abate the dignity of
the northern Province. Scotland's protracted disloyalty
to Rome during the Great Schism had enabled York
to renew her old claim to hegemony, in spite of the
emancipatory Bull of 1188. This pretension was now
annihilated by a Bull (Aug. 1472) constituting St
Andrews a primatial see with twelve suffragan bishop-
rics, and Neville pleaded vainly to Sixtus for compen-
sation for the loss. Edward pardoned him in the
summer of 1475, but he returned broken-hearted and
died next year.
remains to notice the extraordinary career of John
It
Morton, who is the Bishop of Ely in the strawberry

*
scene' of Shakespeare's 'Richard III.,' and who followed

Bourchier in the primacy. Morton's distinction as a
lawyer under Henry VI. secured him promotion to the
Privy Council, and when the civil war broke out he was
chancellor of the duchy of Cornwall, rector of Blokes-
worth, sub-dean of Lincoln, and a holder of three pre-
bends. Though the clergy at this time seldom appeared
in arms, he fought at Towton (1461), and was attainted
by the victorious Yorkists. He fled the realm, came

back for the counter-revolution, fought again at Barnet,
and did not forsake the Lancastrian cause till the fatal
day of Tewkesbury. Tendering his adhesion to the
House of York, he was not only pardoned, but by a
remarkable turn of fortune rose rapidly to the highest
favours Edward making him Master of the Rolls,
Chancellor, and Bishop of Ely. Morton and Rother-
ham (who followed Neville at York) are said to have
particularly benefited by Louis XL's douceurs on the
occasion of the Treaty of Picquigny in 1475, but both
contrast pleasingly with Bourchier in their loyalty to
Edward's memory. It is evident they were regarded
as obstacles to the usurpation, and after Richard's cele-
brated quarrel with the Council both were put in con-
finement. Rotherham submitted before the coronation.
Morton, put under charge of Buckingham in Brecon
Castle, secured his custodian's adhesion to the plot to
enthrone Richmond. The duke made the ill-timed
attempt that cost him his head. The bishop escaped
1
again abroad, in disguise, and aided Richmond's cause
in Flanders. He is to be heard of again as chancellor,
primate, and a cardinal.
Enough has been said to illustrate the laxity of these
times, and the divorce of ecclesiasticism from high
moral aims. The gloomy picture is to some extent
relieved by evidences of great activity in building and
enlarging churches, and adapting them to that spacious
Perpendicular style in which Gothic architecture had
found its climax. The loss of freedom and imagi-
nativeness, and the drift of the prevalent norm to
artificiality and over-elaboration, have sometimes been
Bishops Woodville of Salisbury, and Courtenay of Exeter, were also

1
implicated, and iled abroad.

criticized as characteristic of the spiritual barrenness of

the age. Equally obvious, however, are its grandeur
and suitableness to congregational purposes, and the
advance in technique is admitted by all. The Dean's
chapel, Canterbury, the Lady chapel, Gloucester, the
Beauchamp Warwick, King's chapel, Cam-
chapel,
bridge the parish churches of Fotheringhay, Wolver-
hampton and S. Mary's, Edmondsbury the towers
of Crowland, Ripon, Gloucester and Taunton suggest
themselves as examples of an activity which in hum-
bler forms might really be illustrated from every rural
deanery. To what extent these pious labours were

stimulated by sales of indulgences it would perhaps be
ungrateful to inquire, but the papal practice no doubt
commended itself for home use to many prelates. An
instance which shocked Gascoigne was Kemp's ordering
the vending of the ordinary absolution in the confes-
sionals to secure the completion of York Minster. The
central tower of Ripon too was rebuilt with the aid of an
indulgence issued by Abbot Booth in 1459. The addi-
tions of private chantries, with endowments for Mass-
went on as briskly as in the days before Wycliffe.
priests,
On the other hand, there were hardly any new Regular
establishments, the last-mentioned method of composi-
tion with Heaven having superseded the once fashion-
able bequests for the prayers of monks and friars.
A more unselfish form of munificence is attested in
the story of the Universities. Before the death of
Henry V. Bishop Fleming had added Lincoln College
to Oxford. Chicheley, besides helping the Cistercians
to raise St Bernard's now St John's founded and
endowed All Souls'. Wykeham's educational institu-
tions were copied by the pious Henry VI. in his
foundations of Eton and King's, and the provision for
Cambridge scholarship was supplemented by Margaret

with Queen's College in 1448. Scarcely second as an
encouragement to the cause of learning was Duke
Humphrey's gift of the library to Oxford. Gloucester's
form of munificence was rightly regarded as contribut-
ing to the loving of God and increase of clergy and
*
cunning men,' and it was repeatedly imitated on a

humbler scale by donors lay and clerical. In 1480
such efforts were crowned by the addition of the
exquisite Divinity School of Oxford, the morning-star
of a purer faith, and the actual scene of many stirring
episodes in the long Reformation conflict. If as
Gascoigne avers the chief cause of the decadence of

his University since Wycliffe's times had been episcopal
discountenance of learning, some amends were made by
Bishops Gray and Morton. Oxford showed its gratitude
in 1483 by interceding for Richard's prisoner as 'a
liberal patron, eminent son and indulgent father.'
Nor must we forget that Bourchier has the merit of
subsidizing the new art of printing. Caxton, with his
assistance, published at least one work at Oxford,
before setting up his celebrated press at the West-
minster almonry (dr. 1471).
With the above exceptions, however, the Church was
conspicuous by her absence in the intellectual revival,
and it is significant of her degradation that, in this
matter, the most prominent names are those of laymen

Arundel, Essex, Hastings, even Richard III. rather
than of clerics. A
similar evidence of her stagnation
is the rarity of all controversial literature after the
extinction of the hapless Pecock, and the cessation of
even output as monastic chronicles.
such Some
awakening of the clergy to a sense of their pulpil
responsibilities seems arguable from the popularity
ol
John Merk's Liber Festivalis published in 1450.

first
This assistant to the ill-equipped pastor provided not

only detailed expositions of the Lord's Prayer, Creed
and Ten Commandments, but a series of discourses for
the Sundays and chief festivals. How far Lollard
criticisms were provocative of Merk's enterprise must
be left to conjecture, but he notices in his preface the
'
prevalent neglect of this form of duty. Many have,

as excuse, the want of books and the difficulty of read-
ing.' This work must have found a fairly wide market,

for it was one of the first issued from Caxton's press,
and other editions of it appeared before the century's
close. Such publications, however, can scarcely be
regarded as stimulants to originality of thought. The
renascence, retarded by our civil troubles, can indeed
scarcely be said to be above England's horizon when
our period closes, and, despite all the addition of
colleges and libraries, it would really be difficult to
find a counterpart between 1135 and 1485 for the
rareness of intellectual fertility. Curiously enough, its
worst phase was in the years immediately succeeding

the introduction of the press. Readers, not authors,
flocked to the red pale at Westminster, the value of
the invention as a cheap distributive agency being
recognized long before it became a stimulus to
independent thought. It had been a time of com-
pilations and translations, not original work. We can
scarcely find an exception in the large output of treatises
'
on alchemy and magic the fungous growth,' as J. R.
'
Green says,which most unequivocally witness to the
progress of intellectual decay.' There is not,' he adds,
'
a single work either in Latin or in English which we

'
1
can refer to the last years of the reign of Edward IV.
When Bourchier patronized Caxton it was, we may be
sure, with no suspicion of the part the new invention

would play in the reformation of the Church. Even
its application to the dissemination of Holy
Scripture
was not tolerated. There is evidence enough of MSS.
of an English Bible which has been satisfactorily
*
identified with Purvey's translation finding place in
the libraries of the learned. But the old suspicion of
uneducated readers long haunted our Church, and the
press was not used for the multiplication of copies.
All that was allowed, apparently, was such an incor-
poration of the Pentateuch and Gospel narratives as
appears in Caxton's Golden Legend of 1493. In
Germany the press was early used, with ecclesiastical
sanction, for the dissemination of a vernacular Bible,
and many editions of it antedate our Henry VIII.
But no printed English Bible appeared before Tyndal's
new versions of 1526-30, and these were strongly
opposed by our prelates on the score of Lutheran
annotations.
A few words may be added on the general aspect
of the Western Church. Our volume closes at a time
when, notwithstanding an increase of abuses, the papal
system appeared to have triumphed over all its critics.
The Italian intellectual revival, which was now nearing
its zenith, had as yet but contributed fresh lustre to the
Holy See. Nicholas V., the pacificator of Italy, had

reigned with unsullied reputation, conspicuous as a
patron of learning and art. No papal jubilee had been
more successful than that of the mid-century, and his
schemes Vatican Palace and
for the extension of the
for the complete rebuilding of St Peter's might them-
selves seem to augur an agejof glory, surpassing the
conceptions of Boniface VIII. The Turkish capture
1
See Appendix, Note vi.
of Constantinople in 1453, though it broke the heart

of Nicholas, really strengthened the position of the
Papacy, as removing from its path the rival claims of
the once formidable Eastern patriarchate. Nor must
it be forgotten that a final flicker of religious zeal of
the old kind noticeable in the reign of Pius II.

is
(1458-64). That Piccolomini, once the Imperialist

secretary at Basle, lived to issue a papal anathema
against all appeals to Councils and to quash the
independence France, may almost be deemed
of
pardonable, in view of his devotion to the cause of
the crusade against the aggressive Mohammedan.
Our miserable civil troubles prevented any English
response to Pius's appeal, and but little of the old
enthusiasm was aroused in the other European king-
doms. There is, however, an undeniable impressive-
ness in the spectacle of a pontiff himself heading the
cause of outraged Christendom, and dying engaged in
the last and most justifiable of the Crusades.
To the sensuality and profligacy of Pius's successors,
and the enlightening influence of the renascence, we may
attribute the loss of the position so cleverly recaptured
by Martin and Eugenius, and the preparedness of
Western Christendom for the great sixteenth-century
Reformation. The popes of our period are the
last
disreputable nepotists, Sixtus IV. (14/1) and Inno-

cent VIII. (1484) and their immoralities will be far
;
surpassed by the infamous Borgia pontiff, Alexander

VI., with whose sanction Savonarola was burnt at
Florence and the Inquisition's atrocious persecution
of the Jews and Moors inaugurated in Spain. How
the foundations of the misused absolutism were mean-
while sapped by a new learning which blasted the
reputation of the False Decretals and unconsciously
accumulated material for constructive reformation in

the revived study of Greek, it is not our business to
relate. To reshape the ill-balanced programmes of
Wycliffe and the constitutional reformers, to expurgate
mediaeval theology by the light of Scripture and the
early Fathers, to secure for her Church independence
without loss of continuity, was, we can perhaps see,
the task inevitably awaiting England. But there was
little realization of her maladies in the bad times
of the Yorkist dynasty, and the remedies were to

be prescribed by a new generation of Churchmen,
and in connexion with political accidents as yet
undreamt of.
LIST OF POPES, COUNCILS, AND SOVEREIGNS,
1135 TO 1485
POPES
Innocent II. 1130 Honorius IV. 1285
Anadetus II. Nicholas IV. 1288
Victor IV. 138 Vacancy 1292
Celestine II. Celestine V. 1294
Lucius II. 144 Boniface VIII. 1294
Eugenius III. Benedict XL
Anastasius IV. 153 Clement V. 1305
Hadrian IV. 1154 Vacancy
Alexander III. John XXII. 1316
Victor IV. 1159 Nicholas V. 1328
Paschal III. 1164 Benedict XII. 1334
Calixtus III. 1 1 68 Clement VI. 1342
Lucius III. 1181 Innocent VI. 1352
Urban III. 1185 Urban V. 1362
Gregory VIII. 1187 Gregory XI. 1370
Clement III. 1187 Urban VI. 1378
Celestine III. 1191 Clement VII.
Innocent III. 1198 Boniface IX. 1389
Honorius III. 1216 Benedict XIII. 1394
Gregory IX. 1227 Innocent VII. 1404
Celestine IV. 1241 Gregory XII. ,
1406
Vacancy . 1241 Alexander V. 1409
Innocent IV. 1243 John XXIII. 1410
Alexander IV. 1254 Martin V. 1417
Urban IV. 1261 Eugenius IV. M3 1
Clement IV. 1265 Felix V. .

1439
Vacancy . 1269 Nicholas V. M47
Gregory X. 1271 Calixtus III. M55
Innocent V. 1276 Pius II. .
Hadrian V. 1276 Paul II. .

1464
John XXI. 1277 Sixtus IV. 1471
Nicholas III. 1277 Innocent VIII. 1484
Martin IV. 1281
255
256 MEDIAEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY
(ECUMENICAL COUNCILS
ROMAN COMPUTATION
10. Second Lateran 1139 .
[Pisa . .
1409]
11. Third Lateran 1179 . 16. Constance {partly)
12. Fourth Lateran 1215 .
1414-18
13. First of Lyons 1245 .
/ Basle (partly) 1
431-49
14. Second of Lyons. 1274 '\ Ferrara- Florence 1438-42
15. Vienne .
1311-12
KINGS OF ENGLAND
Stephen, Dec. ii35-Oct 1154.

Henry II., Oct. ii54-July 1189.
Richard I., July n89-Apr. 1199.
John, May ii99-Oct. 1216.
Henry III., Oct. I2i6-Nov. 1272.
Edward I., Nov. 1272-July 1307.
Edward II., July 1307-Jan. 1327.
Edward III., Jan. 1327-June 1377.
Richard June 1377-Sept. 1399.
II.,
Henry IV., Sept. 1399-March 1413.

Henry V., March I4i3-Aug. 1422.
Henry VI., Aug. 1422-March 1461.
Edward IV., March 1461 -Apr. 1483.
Edward V., Apr. 1483-June 1483.
Richard III., June i483~Aug. 1485.
EMPERORS
Lothair the Saxon 1125 Otho IV. . .1208
*Conrad III. .
1138 Frederic II. . . 1212
Frederic I. 1152 Henry Raspe, rival .
1246
Henry VI. 1190 William of Holland,
*Philip, Otho IV., rival .
1246-7
rivals 1197 *Conrad IV. .
1250
*
Not crowned at Rome.
LIST OF POPES 257
Vacancy .
1254 Charles IV. (of Lux- 1347
*Richard, Earl of 1257 emburg), (Gunter
*
Cornwall, and Al- of Schwartzburg,
fonso, K. of Castile, rival)
rivals *Wenceslaus (of Lux-
*Rudolf I.
(of Haps- emburg) . .
1378
burg) .
1273 *Rupert (of the Pala-
*Adolf (of Nassau) .
1292 tinate) . .
1400
*Albert I. (of Haps- Sigismund (of Lux- 1410
burg) .
1298 emburg), (Jobst of
Henry VII. (of Lux- Moravia, rival)
emburg) 1308 *Albert II. (of Haps-
Lewis IV. (of Bavaria), burg) . .
.I43 8
(Frederic of Austria, Frederic III. (of
rival) Hapsburg) . . 1440
KINGS OF FRANCE
Louis VI. . . 1 1 08 Philip V. 1316

Louis VII. . .
1137 Charles IV. 1322
1 180
Philip II. (Augustus). Philip VI. 1328
Louis VIII. . .
1223 John II. .
135
Louis IX. (St Louis) . 1226 Charles V.
Philip III. . .
1270 Charles VI. 1380
Philip IV. .
.1285 Charles VII. 1422
Louis X. . . .
1314 Louis XL 1461
John I. . .
.1315 Charles VIII. 1483
Not crowned at Rome.

APPENDIX
NOTE I
Canterbury -, York, and the Legatine Office
(cf. pp. 12, 44, 54, 106-7, 142, 223)
THE principle of the False Decretals was that the pope as

Universal Bishop had power to appoint his representative
or legate in every national Church. The English accounts
of the intrusion of a legate a latere in 1126 suggest the
prevalence of an idea that the southern primate was legate
by virtue of his office. It is clear, however, that Rome did
not as yet acknowledge this prerogative. She appointed ;
and delayed the appointment till assured of the primate's
subservience. She also superseded him at will by legates
a latere. Some change was seemingly effected by Langton's
visit to Rome in 1221. The primates henceforward 'received
the ordinary legatine commission as soon as their election
was recognized at Rome. They were legati nati, and the
title of legate of the Apostolic See was regularly given them
in all formal documents.' x But they still remained liable to
supersession by legates a latere.

The case of Henry of Blois' elevation over the primate
(1139) is unique, for the legation of William Longchamp
(1190) had the excuse of the absence of Baldwin abroad.
The powers of both these legates extended over York ; so,
too, did those of Archbishop Hubert, legate for all England
from 1195 to
1198. Ordinarily, however, York in this
period maintained an independence of all legates save those
from the papal court. Some of her primates (e.g. Roger and
Walter de Gray) were certainly appointed legates for the
1
Stubbs, Const. Hist., iii.
p. 300.
northern province. This prerogative was probably recognized
in the inter-primatial concordat of 1353, for there is proof of
almost all de Thoresby's successors receiving the appointment
till the time of Martin V.
Martin, in the appointment of Henry Beaufort, probably

designed to introduce a system of direct government over-
riding all those primatial prerogatives. But this scheme
must have been dropped, for Stafford, Dene and Warham,
though not cardinals, were certainly legates ex officio^ and so,
too, probably were their contemporaries at York.
The rivalry of the two primates was specially illustrated
in the times of Anselm, William Corbeuil, Becket, Hubert,
Richard, Baldwin, and Peckham the commonest occasion
of collision being the claim of the northern primate to elevate
his cross within the southern confines. By the concordat of
1353 (effected between Simon Islip and John de Thoresby
at the instance of Edward III.) the
precedency of Canterbury
was distinctly acknowledged. The southern archbishop was
'
to bear the title primate of all England,' and, though the
'
northern had the title primate,' he was to make at the time
of his consecration an offering at St Thomas' shrine. With '
certain restrictions the bearing of the cross was allowed to

each in both provinces.' Umbrage, nevertheless, adds Mr
Makower, was taken,
'
when Wolsey, Archbishop of York
but not yet cardinal, caused his cross to be borne before him
in presence of the cross of Canterbury.' l
NOTE II
Canon Law in the National Church

(cf. pp. 1 6, 55, 83, 231-2)
THE old theory, that Roman Canon Law

was not held
binding in the English spiritual courts till confirmed by our
own Provincial Constitutions, seems to have been confuted
by Professor Maitland. Sufficient evidence is given that the
great English canonists, John of Ayton (dr. 1330) and William
1
Makower, Const. Hist., p. 285
seq.
APPENDIX 261
Lyndwood (dr. 1425), regarded the Roman Decretals as

directly authoritative so far as the temporal power suffered
their enforcement. To override the qualification was the
aim of the high churchmen from Becket onward and their ;
attitude is exemplified by Grosseteste's lamentation about the

civil restraints that, in defiance of canon law, kept advowsons
and presentations outside the sphere of the Church's courts.
But in these courts whose range was defined by such com-
promises as those of 1285, 1316 Roman canon law was
operative. There is no sign of our ecclesiastics evolving a
spiritual jurisprudence representing the national Church. The
relation of Constitutions to papal decretals was
provincial
thus, it seems, somewhat like that of our County Council
bye-laws to Acts of Parliament. The Archbishop,' says
'
Dr Maitland, may make for his Province Statutes which

'
are merely declaratory of the jus commune of the Church,

Statutes which amplify it and give it a sharper edge. He
may supplement the papal legislation, but he has no power
to derogate from, to say nothing of abrogating, the laws
made by his superior.' This applies, too, according to
Lyndwood, not only to papal Decretals, but to the Con-
stitutions of the legates a latere sent to England. Despite
the legatine prerogatives of our primates, no English prelate,
no English council, has any power, e.g., to repeal or override
the Constitutions of Otto or Ottobon, or even to put a statutory
interpretation on them in any case of ambiguity (cf. Lyndwood,
ed. 1679, pp. 154, 1
246). Lyndwood was, of course,
60,
an extreme papalist, but on the point of our subservience
to Rome Ayton gives precisely the same testimony, and
there according to Dr Maitland, absolutely no evidence
is,
existent of contrary opinion. 1
1
Maitland, Canon Law in the English Church, Essay I.
NOTE III
Convocation
(cf. pp. 121, 140, 145, 189)
THE two provincial assemblies, commonly called Convoca- '
tion,' took their permanent shape in 1295. They represented

the clergy for fiscal purposes till 1665.
Evidence of election of delegates for the ecclesiastical
synod is found in 1225, when a southern synod includes
besides deans and priors proctors sent as representatives of
chapters. In 1254 this system was adopted for civil pur-
poses, two knights from each shire and clerical representatives
for each diocese being summoned to vote an aid. Similarly,
in 1283, after the clergy had demurred to a subsidy on the
score of their inadequate representation at the council at
Northampton, Peckham was ordered to summon a council
at London, including two proctors for the parochial clergy
of each diocese.
In 1295 Edward summoned a Parliament, including the
same representative lay elements that have ever since
appeared. As a counterpart to the lay knights and burgesses,
the bishops were charged by the prcemunientes clause of the
writ to bring with them the following heads of chapters,
archdeacons, one proctor for each chapter, two for the clergy
of each diocese. It might have been expected that the
result would be an amalgamation of the lay and clerical
elements the prelates combining with the lay nobles for
fiscal purposes, as in the House of Lords, and the proctors
combining with the commoners. But the Churchmen reso-

lutely refused such fusion. 'From 1295 to X 337j' savs Sir
'
Travers Twiss, there were continual contests between the
spiritualty and the Crown,' the former pressing
*
their con-
stitutional right to vote their subsidies in their provincial
Convocations, the Crown insisting on the immediate

. . .
attendance of the clergy in Parliament/ In 1337 Edward

III. gave up the struggle so far as to authorize the metro-
politans to convene their clergy in

provincial assemblies.
Nevertheless the prcemunientes clause was continued in the
APPENDIX 263
Parliamentary writs issued to the bishops. The clerical
proctors, therefore, sometimes put in an appearance in

Parliament (see note IV.), but not for the voting of
supplies.
In 1296, 1297, the whole clerical body resolved itself into
four houses, thus (i) Bishops, (2) Regulars, (3) Deans and
:
archdeacons, (4) Proctors of parochial clergy. But eventu-

ally each province had its separate Convocation, and in each,
early in the fourteenth century, there was an adaptation to
the twofold division of Parliament. The bishops and abbots,
opening session, remained to form an independent
after a joint
Upper House.' The other members withdrew to deliberate

'
as a Lower House.' No place, however, was found for

*
proctors from Wales in Convocation till the reign of Henry

VIII., for save in Edward II.'s Parliament of York, 1322,
Wales was not represented in the Commons.
The summons to vote taxes was by no means always cheer-
fully responded to by the proctors, and all prospect of Con-
vocation's emergence as a kind of spiritual Parliament was
precluded, first by the prelates retaining their seats in the
House of Lords, and secondly by the weakness of the pro-
vincial system. A really national clerical council could not
easily be called, in view of the standing inter-primatial
jealousies, nor is there a trace of one between 1294 and
1537. Makower, however, notices the considerable influence
exercised by the Convocations in religious and political
'
matters. They were able, by a liberal employment of eccle-
siastical methods of coercion, to procure obedience to their
resolutions (which they did not submit to the king for rati-
fication) even from the laity. In virtue of their right to
determine the taxes they were in a position to exert
. . .
constant pressure on the Government.'

Therepresentative principle seemingly embodied in Con-
vocation was really always quashed by the predominance of
nominees of the king or bishops, the disproportion being
specially marked in the southern province, which had two
proctors only each diocese.
for Even in the northern
province, where each archdeaconry contributed two proctors,
the representative element must have been balanced, as now,
by almost as many deans, archdeacons, and canons as
nominees of the parochial clergy.' l
NOTE IV
The Clergy in Parliament
(cf. pp. 121, 140, 145, 189)
THE prejudice amalgamating with the laity for
against
fiscal purposes in no way impeded the prelates from taking
an ample part in the conduct of State affairs. Besides the
twenty-one bishops, there were in the House of Lords some
twenty-five abbots, two priors, and three heads of orders ;
and with their ranks thus swelled the spiritual peers slightly
outnumbered their lay brethren. In the Reformation
Parliament of 1529, before the attack on the monasteries,
the proportion was forty-eight of the former to forty-four
of the latter. 2 The ecclesiastics were allowed to abstain
from voting when measures involving any shedding of blood
were to be passed, and they usually took the same course
when as in the reigns of Edward III. and Richard II.
Statutes directed against the Papacy were in hand. In the
Provisors Statutes of 1351, 1353, there is no mention of
the clerical estate, and against that of 1365 it recorded the
protest quoted in our text. So again, to the Provisors Act
of 1390 there was attached a protest against anything that
should tend ' in restrictionem Potestatis Apostolicae aut in
subversionem enervationem seu derogationem ecclesiasticse
libertatis.' A similar attitude to the Praemunire Statutes of
1393 is evidenced.
A marked contrast to the Upper House was offered by the
Commons, the clerical proctors being usually contented with
the burden of attendance in the Convocations. Traces of the
clerical element however, discoverable under Richard II.,
are,
Henry IV., and Henry VI. A noted instance is that of Canon
1
The retention of the mediaeval system in the revived Convocations
of to-day gives only 54 proctors in a Canterbury 'lower house' of 175
members. In that of York there are some 30 proctors, and nearly as
many deans, archdeacons, and canons. Makower finds a precedent for
the more liberal York arrangement as far back as 1279.
2
Makower, op. ctt., p. 209.
APPENDIX 265
Haxey, against whom Richard II. took proceedings in 1397

for moving in the Commons that the management of the royal
household was inordinately expensive. In the same year the
Lower House animadverted on the common absence of the
clergy, and secured the appointment by Convocation of a
layman, Sir Thomas
Perry, to represent the clerical opinion.
Thenceforward to the sixteenth, and perhaps the seventeenth
century, there are instances of the clergy and chapters sending
such lay representatives to Parliament.
In 1621 a theory of clerical incapacity was broached
on the ground that the clergy had a voice in the Convoca-
*
tion House.' It survived the extinction of the fiscal duties

of Convocation, and was legalized in 1801-2 for political
purposes, though Convocation was now not even allowed to
conduct debates. This injustice was professedly redressed
in 1870 by an admission of the clergyman to the ordinary
privilege of English citizenship on condition of renunciation

of his holy orders.
NOTE V
Demoralization of the Monasteries
(cf. pp. 18, 134-5, 160, 163, 190)
STRIKING evidence of early laxities in the monastic system
and of their defying episcopal activity is presented by the
now published Registers of Bishop Grandisson. In 1334-5
*
the prior of St James' near Exeter is described as often-
'
times convicted of embezzlement and fornication, regardless
of the services and fabric, wandering about the country,' and
'
discarding 'the modesty of his monastic profession.' Grandis-

son writes in vain to the parent house of St Martin, and
in 1338 this prior is still reigning. In 1328 the Abbot
of Tavistock is depicted as a drunken brawler who 'holds
himself aloof from all worship.'
religion He holds
and
office still in 1333, 'committing many offences which we
pass over in silence through reverence for the monastic

order,' while the house is brought to the verge of ruin.
Grandisson, who has corresponded with the pope since 1328,
now succeeds in deposing him, but his successor is little
better, and complaints ranging from 1338 are not redressed
till 1348, when he is degraded 'as defamed by many ex-
cesses,' which have caused general demoralization and much
damage to the property. An equally bad case is that of
Barnstaple, 1322. The prior has retired to Paris and put
in a substitute, who is accused of rearing a family at the
expense of the house and is suspected of embezzlement.
Grandisson is unable to remove him, and he dies in 1334
leaving the house in a state of grave financial embarrassment.
There is no reason to believe that the Regulars of the
Exeter diocese were exceptionally depraved. On the other
hand, few bishops had will, leisure, or power to conduct such
visitations as are recorded in these Registers, In view of the
common allegations in serious devotional literature as well
as in that of a satirical or a Lollard character, Mr Coulton
seems justified in concluding that before the Black Death
the monastic system was lax and often tainted with grave
moral scandals, and that after the rise of Lollardry things
went from bad to worse, the diocesans being henceforward
induced to cloke them. 1 The charges, he remarks, are suc-
cessively made by Bacon, Bonaventura, Jacques de Vitry,
Rulman Merswin, Langland, Wycliffe and Gower, and find a
repetition in the orthodox French reformer Gerson. De Vitry
excepts only the Cistercian nunneries, in his terrible indict-
ment, Mr Coulton shows that the Visitations of Bishop
Nicke of Norwich (1514-20) reveal almost as grave instances
as Grandisson's, for both monasteries and nunneries. It
was by this general decadence and its defiance of episcopal

activity that a plausible pretext was given for the unscrupulous
calumnies of Henry VIII.'s infamous commissioners.
NOTE VI
Pra- Reformation Translations of Scripture
(cf. pp. 168-70, 204, 252)
THAT translations of the Gospels and Psalms were current

before Wycliffe's time is now recorded of
uncontested. It is
Archbishop Fitzralph that he sometimes read the whole Sun-

1
Medieval Studies, i. and vi.
APPENDIX 267
day's Gospel in English (presumably from a current version),

before preaching on it. Arundel, too, when preaching the
funeral sermon over Richard's Bohemian queen, extolled her
for her study of the Gospels in English, along with orthodox
commentaries of his providing. Two versions of the Psalms
are known, one by William of Shoreham, a parish priest,
the other by Richard Rolle, the hermit of Hampole. Both
date circa 1335.
Of translation work beyond the limits mentioned on pp. 168,
169 there is no evidence, unless we adopt Dr Gasquet's view
that the versions commonly attributed to the Wycliffites are
'
our prae-Reformation fore-
in reality the Catholic versions of
fathers.' The recent controversy *
on this subject appears to
have resulted in a complete corroboration of the traditional
view. The version usually said to be edited by Purvey in
1388 has been shown to bear in
convincing its preface
proof of Lollard
authorship. Equally strong evidence
connects the so-called Wycliffite version of 1380-4 with
Hereford the follower of Wycliffe. Moreover, the theory
'
that the Lutterworth group only issued glosses on an
'
already translated Bible is confuted by the language alike

'
of Wycliffe and his enemies. This Master John Wycliffe,'
says Knighton, 'translated from Latin into English the
Gospel which gave to clerks and teachers of the
Christ
Church so that they might sweetly minister to the sick and
infirm. In this way he made it common, etc.' Wycliffe
himself records how one '
great bishop is evil pleased that

God's law is men, and pursueth
written in English to lewd
a priest because he writeth to men this English, and
summoneth him.' He devotes a whole chapter in the
De Officio Pastorali to the friars and their supporters, who
say it is heresy to write God's law in English. 'The
commons of England,' he argues, 'know it best in their
mother tongue.' '
This moveth somemen to tell in English
Paul's Epistles, for some men may better know thereby what
2
God meaneth by Paul.'
1
See Mathew, Authorship of the Wycliffite Bible; Kenyon, Our Bible
and the ancient MSS. ; Gasquet,Pra- Reformation English Bible.
2
Cf. Mathew, op. cit., zudSefat Works ofJohn Wycliffe^ 209, 429, i.
430.
268 MEDLEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY
That the Church eventually quite altered her attitude to
this Wycliffite Bible is perhaps explainable by the conditions
obtaining abroad. There were French and German transla-
tions of the Bible before Wycliffe's times, and England's
alliance with the orthodox reforming party abroad may well
have swept aside the repressive policy contemplated by
Arundel. The Church, therefore, we suppose, instead of
suppressing the Wycliffite translations took them into her
protection, treating them as literature allowable to readers
' '
of certain qualifications. It is from Purvey that Pecock
makes all his
Scriptural quotations. Henry VI. himself gave
the Carthusians a handsomely-bound copy of this version.
There isevidence thenceforward of its possession by monastic
libraries, and it appears to have been used by such reactionary
bishops as Tonstal, Heath and Bonner. In this complete
rehabilitation presumably lies the explanation of Sir T.
More's account of fair and old MSS. of the English Bible
*
provided with the knowledge of the bishops/ and of his

'
mistaken inference that translations were already well done
before Wycliffe's days.' 1 More's misconception may have
been facilitated by the later Lollard practice of issuing trans-
lations of less honest character, accompanied by partisan
glosses. The existence of these is evidenced by the ex-

communications denounced by Beckington (Bath and Wells,
1443-66) against those 'who make English translations of
the Bible and those who copy them,' and by the account of
Bishop Fitzjames destroying a copy of Scriptures used by
the London Lollards in 1515.
1
Dialogues, fol. cviii., cxi., cxiv.
INDEX
Baldock, Archd., 131, 132
Baldock, Ralph, Bp. of London,
Albericus, legate, 3-5 125, 126
Albigenses, sect of, 70, 199 Baldwin, Abp. of Canterbury, 42-
Alexander, Bp. of Lincoln, 6 44, 47, 48
Alexander of Hayles, 100, IOI Ball, John, 178
Alexander III., Pope, 23, 24, 32-37, Basle, Council of, 224, 226, 232,
41 233
Alexander IV., Pope, 92, 93, 96 Basset, Fulke, Bp. of London, 87,
Alexander V., Pope, 21 1 91
Alice Perrers, 153, 156, 172 Battle Abbey, 25
Alien Priories, 20, 140, 155, 206, Beaufort, Henry, Lincoln
Bp. of
210, 216, 224-225 and Winchester, 194, 220, 222-
Anacletus II., Antipope, 1-3 223, 227-229, 232-233
Annates, 96, 221, 222, 242 Beaufort, Thomas, 204, 205
Anne of Bohemia, 184-185 Becket, St Thomas, Abp. of Can-
Appellant, Lords, 185, 192, 193 terbury, 11, 13, 14, 24-37, 39-
Appropriated Benefices, 18, 19, 54, 41, 60, 159, 160, 226-227
143, 180 Bek, Antony de, Bp. of Durham,
Architecture, Ecclesiastical, 41, 97, 109, in, 118
98, I34>. 248, 249 Benedict XIII., Antipope, 58, 210,
Aristotle, influence of, 99-101 212, 219
Arthur, legend and literature, 20, Benedictine monks, II, 17
21 Bernard, St, I, 12, 13, 16, 100
Articuli Cleri, 107 Bible Translations, 168, 169, 203,
Arundel, Thomas, Abp., of York 204, 266-268
and Canterbury, 190-208, 216, Black Death, 141-143, 160
267 Black Friars, 104. Order of, vide
His Constitutions, 203-204, 268 Mendicant
Aston, John, 182, 183 Blois, Henry Bp. of Winchester,
of,
Augustinian Canons, 20 2, 7-11,35, 258
Ausculta Fili, Bonifice VIII.'s, Bonaventura, St, 73, 100, 102
119 Boniface VIII., Pope, 97, in,
Avignon, seat of the Papacy, 120 ; 113-116, 119-120, 126, 133
Antipopes at, 176 Boniface IX., Pope, 189, 194, 197
Ay ton, John de, 260, 261 Boniface of Savoy, Abp. of Canter-
bury, 86-88, 91-93, 104
Booth, William, Abp. of York, 237
B Bourchier, Robert, Chancellor, 140
Thomas, Abp. of Canterbury,
Bacon, Roger, 101, 102 243-246, 250, 251
Badby, William, 202, 203 Bovill, Sewall de, Abp. of York, 91
269
2/0 MEDIAEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY
Bowet, Henry, Abp. of York, 208, Charters, of towns, 47, 50, 178
209 Charter, the great, vide Magna Carta
Bracton, Henry, 80 Chaucer cited, 73, no, 159, 161,
Bradwardine, Thomas, Abp. of 169
Canterbury, 141 Cheyne, John, 198, 199, 213
Brantingham, Thomas, Bp. of Chicheley, Henry, Abp. of Canter-
Exeter, 152, 176 bury, 209, 211, 216, 222, 223,
Breakspeare, Nicholas, vide Ha- 226-231
drian IV. Chilleden, Adam de, 104
Breaute, Falkes de, 78, 200 Christchurch Chapter, 4, 37, 40,
Broc, Randulf de, 35, 36 42-44, 50, 51, 59, 60, 84, 135
Bruges, Commission of, 152, 153 Circumspecte Agatis, Boniface
Bubwith, Nicholas, Bp. of London, VIII.'s, 107
and Bath and Wells, 209, 217 Cistercian monks, 16-20, 43, 61, 68,
Buildings Ecclesiastical, 10, n, 97, 266
98, 134, 248, 249 Clarendon, Constitutions of, 23, 30,
Burgesch, Henry, Bp. of Lincoln, 3i> 38
130, 132 Clement IV., Pope, 93, 94
Burgh, Hubert de, 78, 79, 82 Clement V., Pope, 117-20, 123-128
Burghsted, Stephen, Bp. of Clement VI., Pope, 120, 141, 147
Chichester, 92 Clement VII., Pope, 176, 189
Burnell, Robert, Bp. of Bath and Clericis Laicos, Boniface VIII.'s,
Wells, 104, 106, no 113. "4
Cluniac monks, 20, 224
Cobham, Lord, vide Oldcastle.
Cobham, Thomas, 129
Cade, Jack, 234, 235 Collegiate Foundations, 98, 130,
" Caesarean Bishops," 167 142, 143, 150, 156, 224, 249.
Cambridge University, 98, 150, 250
161, 178 Confessional, abuse of, 161, 191
Its colleges, 143, 242, 249, Confirmation, Papal, 148
250 Congt d'dlire, 4, 66, 146, 147
Its relations to the Friars, 99, Constance, Council of, 210, 217-
161 222
Canon Law, 7, 15, 16, 80, 83, 95, Constitutions, Primatial, 54, 105,
96, 113,231, 232, 260,261 106, 137, 142, 192, 216, 217, 260,
Cantilupe, St Thomas, Bp. of 261
Hereford, 108 Legatine, 83, 95, 96, 162, 261
Cantilupe, Walter, Bp. of Worces- Convocation, 95, 114, 121, 197,
ter, 83, 91 262-264
Canterbury Cathedral, 37, 38, 39, Commutations, 162, vide Indul-
41, 159, 226 gences
"Canterbury Tales," 159, 160, 161, Corbeuil, William, Abp. of Canter-
169 bury, 2, 3, 260
Carthusian monks, 20, 38 Councils, General, 5, 41, 70, 86, 88,
Castles fortified by Bishops, 6, 10, II 89, IO3, 124, 126, 210-212, 217-
Caxton, William, 250-252 222, 226, 232, 233, 256
Celestine II., Pope, 9 Courtenay, William, Abp. of Can-
Celestine V., Pope, in terbury, 156, 157, 181-186, 193
Chapters, Cathedral, 4, 48, 66, 146, Courts Christian, 28, 31, 106, 107,
147 261
Charles of Anjou, 93, 103 Coventry Chapter, 48
INDEX 271
Crusa.de, Second, 16 Etsi de Statu, Boniface VIII. 's,

Third, 46, 48 114
Fifth, 8 1 Eugenius III., Pope, 12, 14
Seventh, 103, 104 Eugenius IV., Pope, 230, 233, 235,
Against Albigenses, 7 236
Anti-Imperial or Sicilian, 75> Eustace Prince, Coronation of, 14,
79, 86, 89 25
Against England, 63, 93 'Evangelical poverty, 73, 74, 133,
Pius II. 's, 253 157, 161
Evesham, Battle of, 76, 94
Exactions, papal, 75, 79, 84, 88,
D 89, 96, 127, 153, 154, 172, vide
Tribute
D'Ailly, Peter, 219, 220 Execrabilis, John XXII. 's, 127,
Decretals, "False," 15, 243, 253 146
Papal, 1 6, 231, 232, 260-261
De Dominio, Wycliffe's, 151, 164,
166, 173, 180, 218
Defence of the Curates^ Fitzralph's,
161 Ferrara-Florence, Council of, 233
De Haretico Cotnburcndo, Statute, Fitzherbert, William, Abp. of York,
199, 202, 215 .12, 13
De Officio Regis, Wycliffe's, 165. Fitzjocelyn, Reginald, Abp. -elect
De Religiosis, Statute, vide Mort- of Canterbury, 50, 51
main Fitzosbert, William, 53
Despensers the, favourites of Ed- Fitzpeter, Geoffrey, 53, 56
ward II., 122, 129 Fitzralph, Richard, Abp. of Ar-
Despenser, Henry, Bp. of Norwich, magh, 73, 160, 161
179, 1 80, 184 Fitzwalter, Hubert, Bp. of Salis-
De Tallagio, Statute, 115 bury, 55
Disendowment schemes, 152, 163, Fleming, Richard, Bp. of Lincoln,
164, 206, 207 205, 249
Dominican Friars, vide Mendicant Foliot, Gilbert, Bp. of Hereford
Donation of Constantine, 15, 243. and of London, 26, 33, 39, 40
Foreign clergy, holding English
benefices, 80, 84, 109, 144, 146,
E 154
Franciscan monks, vide. Mendicant
Ecclesiasticism, its corruptions, Frederic I., Emperor, 23, 24
159-163, 234, 239, 244, 248-254 Frederic II., Emperor, 75, 79, 81,
Edmund, St, of Canterbury, vide 88
Rich. Fretteville, Becket at, 34, 35
Edmundsbury, 52, 65, 135, 159, Friars, Coming of, 71, 72, vide
179 Mendicant
Edward I., 76, 103-118
Edward II., 118, 120, 122-135
Edward III., 119, 135, 138-160,
262
Edward IV., 244, 246-248 Gaunt, John of, 151-158, 172, 175,
Eleanor of Poitou, 16, 22, 51, 52 177, 180, 194, 195, 204
Eleanor of Provence, 81, 86, 94, Gascoigne, Thomas, 221, 237-9
109 Geoffrey, Archd. of Monmouth, 20
272 MEDLEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY
Geoffrey, Archd. of Norwich, 62 Honorius III., Pope, 68, 78
Geoffrey Ridal, vide Ridal Hubert, Abp. of Canterbury, 47,
Geoffrey Plantagenet, Abp. of 5i 53, 56-59
York, 44, 49, 53, 54 Hugh, of Avalon, Bp. of Lin-
St,
Gerson, Jean, 212, 219, 220 coln, 38, 45, 55, 56
Giffard, Walter, Abp. of York, 94, Huntingdon, Henry, Archd. of, 20
103 Huss, John, 166, 185, 218
Giraldus de Barri (Cambrensis), Hussite war, 220, 228-229, 233, 239
Archd. of Monmouth, 20, 48,
57, 58
Glanvil, Ranulf de, 39, 47, 51
Gloucester, Humphrey, Duke of,
227-232, 239-240, 250 Ilchester, Richard of, Bp. of
Gloucester, Robert, Earl of, 2, 5, Winchester, 33, 39, 50
7, 20 Immunities, clerical, 7, 28-31
Grandisson, John, Bp. of Exeter, Indulgences, 46, 73, 93, 97, 168,
74, 137 184, 189, 238, 249
His registers cited, 265, 266 Innocent II., Pope, I, 3
Grant, Richard, Abp. of Canter- Innocent III., Pope, 57, 58-70
bury, 76-81 Innocent IV., Pope, 86, 88-91
Gratian's Decretum^ 15, 16 Innocent V., Pope, 147
Gray, John de, Bp. of Norwich, 59, Innocent VII., Pope, 208, 212
62, 64 Innocent VIII., 253
Gray, Walter de, Abp. of York, 67, Interdict of 1208, 60-62
69, 76, 259 Ireland, papal grant of, to Henry II.,
Gray, William, Bp. of Ely, 250 22, 23

Gregory IX., Pope, 72, 78, 84, Irish Metropolitans, appointed, 4,
86 12
Gregory X., Pope, 103 Islip,Simon, Abp. of Canterbury,
Gregory XI., Pope, 152, 154, 155 141-143, 260
Gregory XII., Pope, 210, 212, 219
Grim, Edward, 29, 36
Grosseteste, Robert, Bp. of Lincoln, J
74, 80, 88-91
Gualo, legate, 69, 77 Jeanne D'Arc, 228
Jews, oppression of, 46, 50, 109,
no
H John, King, 48, 49, 50, 56-69
John of Oxford, Dean of Salisbury,
Hadrian IV., Pope, 22-24 Bp. of Norwich, 33, 39
Hakington College, 43 John of Salisbury, 23
Hallam, Robert, Bp. of Salisbury, John XXII., Pope, 120, 127, 128,
209, 211, 217, 218, 220 133, 138
Haymo, Bp. of Rochester, 137 John XXIIL, Pope, 212, 217, 218
Henry II., 9, 22-45
Henry III., 75, 81-85, 87-89,
90-94 K
Henry of Blois, Bp., vide Blois
Hereford, Nicholas, 170, 182, 183 Kemp, John, Abp. of York, and
Hilary, Bp. of Chichester, 25 Canterbury, 231, 235-237
Hildebrandine doctrine, 15, 16, 32, Kilwardby, Robert, Abp. of Canter-
58-65, 8O, III-II6, II9-I2I, 222 bury, 104, 105
INDEX 273
Kings of Britain, Geoffrey of Mon- Longchamp, William, Bp. of Ely,

mouth's, 20 47, 49,
Knighton, Henry, cited, 186, 267 Longespee, Bp. of Lichfield, 109
Louis VII. 33, 34
,
Louis VIII. (Prince Louis), 69, 77

Louis IX., 89, 92
Luci, Richard de, 26, 33
Labourers, Statute of, 143, 177 Luxemburg, Louis of, Bp. of Ely,
Lambeth College, 43, 58 2 45
Lambeth, treaty of, 70, 77 Lyndwood, William, 231, 232, 260,
Lancaster, John, Duke of, vide 261
Gaunt Lyons, First Council of, 86-89
Langham, Simon, Abp. of Canter- Second, 103, 104
bury, 149, 150
Langland, William, cited, 73, 162, M
163
Langley, Thomas, Bp. of Durham, Magna Carta, 66
209 Effects on the Church, 66, 67
Langton, John, Bp. of Chichester, Denounced at Rome, 67
125, 126 Ratified by Gualo, 69, 77
Langton, Simon, 65, 69 Confirmed, 88, 115
Langton, Stephen, Abp. of Canter- Mapes, Walter, Archd. of Oxford,
bury, 59, 60, 63-66, 68, 69, 76 20
78 Mare, Peter de la, 155, 157, 172
Langton, Walter, Bp. of Lichfield Married Clergy, 50, 62, 95, 96, 220
ii7, 134 Marshal, Richard, 82
Last Age of the Church, 162 Martin, Papal envoy, 88
Lateran, Second Council, 4, 5 Martin V., Pope, 221-230
Third, 41, 50 Mascall, Robert, Bp. of Hereford,
Fourth, 70 217
Latimer, Lord, 153, 172 Matilda of Anjou, 2-8
Latimer, Sir Thomas, 190 Mayoralty of London, 49, 155, 157,
Lavanga, Frederic, appointment 158
of, 89, 90 Mendicant Orders,
Legates, a Zatere, 3, II, 44, 65, 77, Coming of, 71, 72
83, 88, 94, 95, 222 Demoralization of, 73, 74, 160,
Their Constitutions, 261 161
Legates, ex officio, 12, 78, 259, 260 Their Schoolmen at Oxford, 99-
Litster, John, 179, 180 102
Lollardry, 134, 159, 166-171, 180 Their relations to the Templars,
Suppressions of, 181, 182, 191, 125
192 To Wycliffe, 75, 157, 167, 182,
Revival of, 184-187 192
Its extravagances, 187-188 Vide Evangelical Poverty
Injunctions against, 188 Meopham, Simon, Abp. of Canter-
Its Manifesto, 190, 191 bury, 137, 138
Its martyrs, 198-203, 217, 239 Merks, Thomas, Bp. of Carlisle,
240 198
Its extirpation at Oxford, 203 Michael Palseologus, 103
205 Monasteries,
Bp. Pecock on, 240-243 Their independence of Bps.,
Longbeard, vide Fitzosbert 18, 42, 43, 48, 50, 53, 84
18
Monasteries continued Oxford, ii
Demoralization of, 134, 265, University, 98
266 Its colleges, etc., 98, 130, 142,
Unpopular as landlords, 135 143, I5o I5 1 * 156, 249
179 Its relations to ecclesiastical
Scourged by Black Death, 142 authority, 151, 173, 182, 205,
Vide Cistercians and Re 243
gulars To Wycliffism, 173, 174, 181-
Montagu, John, Earl, 185 5, 191, 203-5
Montfort, William, Dean, 112 To the Friars, 99, 161
Montmirail, Becket at, 33, 34 Itsschoolmen, 99-102
Montreuil, Treaty of, 119 Synod at, 203, 204
Mortmain, Statutes of, 106, 107,
190
Morton, John, Bp. of Ely, 247, 248,
250
Murdac, Henry, Abp. of York, 12,
14 Pandulf, papal envoy and legate
'
63, 64, 68, 77, 78

Parliament, de Montfort's, 94
N The Mad, 76, 91, 92, 95
The Model, 112, 262
of York, 246,
Of Lincoln, 115
Neville, George, Abp. Of Carlisle, 118, 119
247 The Good, 153
Nicholas III., Pope, 105
Nicholas V., Pope, 236, 252, 253
The Packed, 155
Nicholas of Tusculum, legate, 65
Of Gloucester, 175, 176
The Unlearned, 206
Nicolls, Benedict, Bp. of St David's,
Of Bats, 227
217 Clerical relations to, 263-5
Nigel, Bp. of Ely, 6
Patronage, ecclesiastical, 4, 24, 29
Nogaret, William, 119, 124
30, 54, 79, 80, 84, 89, 90, 144-
Nonant, Hugh, Bp. of Lichfield
146, 209, 223, 258
47, 48
Pavia, Council at, 24
Northburgh, Roger, Bp. of Lich-
field, 139
Payments of Clergy, 96, 97, 143
Payne, Peter, 203, 239
Peckham, John, Abp. of Canter-
bury, 105-109
O Pecock, Reginald, Bp. of St
Asaph, and Chichester, 240-
Occam, William of, 100, 133, 134 243
Oldcastle, Sir John, 206, 213-215 Perkins, William, 240, 241
Ordainers, Lords, 123 Peter Lombard, 99
Orleton, Adam, Bp. of Hereford, Peter's pence, 23, 148, 216
Worcester and Winchester, 128, Peter of Pontefract, 64
131, 132, 138, 139 Peter of Rivaux, 82
Otto, legate, 83, 84, 88 Philip II. (Augustus), 51, 63, 69
His constitutions, 83, 162, 261 Piers Plowman, vide Langland
Ottobon, legate, 94 Pilgrimages, 159, 160, 191, 201,
His constitutions, 95, 96, 162, 226
261 Pisa, Council of, 183, 210-212
Owen Glendower, 58, 206 Pius IT., Pope, 253
INDEX 275
Pluralism, 25, 83, 95, 146, 148, i

Roger, Bp. of Salisbury, 6, 7
149, 209, 238 Roger, de Pont 1'Eveque, Abp. of
Pontigny, 32, 33, 63, 85 York, 32, 34, 35, 36, 44, 259
Praemunire, statutes of, 144, 145, Rotherham, Thomas, Abp. of York,
190, 236, 264 248
Preaching, 71, 204, 235, 251 Rugge, Robert, 182
Privilege of clergy, 28-31, 41, 208 Rustand, Papal legate, 89, 91
Of Sanctuary, 174, 175, 246
Proctors for Convocation, 121, 262,
263, 264
Proselytizing Friars, 73, 161
Provisions, Papal, 80, 96, 144, 222, Saints, English, 13/37, 56, 85,
227 108
Provisors, Statutes of, 144-147, 189, Sanctuary, Privilege of, 174, 175,
223, 230, 264 246
Publicani, sect of, 42, 199 Sautre, William, 199, 201, 202
Puiset, Hugh de, Bp. of Durham, Savoy, Palace, 86, 157, 180
47. 49, 50 Savoyards in England, 81, 83, 86,
Purvey, John, 170, 203, 252, 267 87, 91, 92
Schism, Papal, 1-3, 24, 25
The great, 45, 155, 167, 175-6,
R 184, 189, 2IO-2II, 217-218,
247
Reading, Synod at, 105, 106 Schoolmen, 98-102
Reginald, elected to Canterbury, Scimus Filij Boniface VIII.'s,
59,6o 119
Regulars, encroachments of, 4, 12 Scotland and Abpric. of York, 45,
150 247
Influence of, 17-19 Scotland and the Papacy, I, 45,
Vide Monasteries 176
Represser, Pecock's, 240-243 Scrope, Richard, Abp. of York,
Repyngdon, Philip, Bp. of Lincoln 207-210
182, 183, 205 Seculars, in cathedrals, 4
Reservations, 80, 96, 144 As authors, 20, 21
Reynolds, Walter, Abp. of Canter- Support Wycliffe, 166, 182, 205
bury, 123, 128-130. Sigismund, Emp., 217-220, 233
Rheims, Council of, 10, 12, 13 Sixtus IV., Pope, 247, 253
Richard L, 46-56 Soissons, Council at, 63
Richard II., 177, 182, 185, 188-189, Speculum Regis, Islip's, 141
191-196 Stafford, John, Abp. of Canterbury,
Richard III., 244, 246-248, 250 234-236
Richard, Abp. of Canterbury, 40 Standard, battle of, 6
41 Stapledon, Walter, Bp. of Exeter,
Richard of Devizes, cited, 46, 48 130, 132
Richard, St, of Chichester, vide Stephen, King, 1-9, 12-14
Wych St Giles' Fields, rising at, 214, 215
Rich, St Edmund, Abp. of Canter- Story, Richard, 185, 191
bury, 8 1, 82, 85 Stratford, John, Abp. of Canter-
Ridal, Geoffrey, Archd. of Canter bury, 130-133, 138-141, 162
bury (Bp. of Ely), 27, 35, 39 Stratford, Robert, Bp. of Chiches-
Roches, Peter des, Bp. of Win- ter, 139
chester, 62, 66, 78, 81, 82 Straw, Jack, 178
276 MEDIEVAL CHURCH AND PAPACY
Sudbury, Simon, Abp. of Canter- Urban IV., Pope, 93
bury, 153, 156, 157, 160, 172 Urban V., Pope, 147, 149, 150, 151
176, 177 Urban VI., Pope, 175, 184, 189
Usury, 109, no
Utraquists, the, 215, 228
IT
Templars, Knights, 123-126 V

Testa, William de, Papal envoy
1 08
Valence, Aylmer of, 92
Theobald, Abp. of Canterbury, 4,
Vatican, the papal residence, 155
8, 11-14
Vezelay, Becket at, 33
Thokey, John, Abbot of Gloucester, Vicars, 54, 143
135, 136 Victor IV., Antipope, 24
Thomas, St, vide Becket
of vide
Vienne, Council of, 124, 126
Thomas, St, Hereford,
Cantilupe
Thoresby, John de, Abp. of York,
142, 260 W
Thurstan, Abp. of York, 6
Tonbridge Castle, 29, 80 Walden, Roger, Abp. of Canter-
Toulouse, Council at, 24 bury, 194, 197
Tours, Council at, 24 Wallingford, treaty of, 9, 14
Translations of Bishops, 51, 128, Walter of Coutances, Abp. of
129 Rouen, 45, 49
Transubstantiation proclaimed by Walter, Hubert, vide Hubert,
Innocent III., 70 Abp.
Rejected by Wycliffe, 166 Waynflete, William, Bp. of Win-
Earthquake Council on, 182 chester, 245, 246
Assailed in Parliament, 190 Welsh ecclesiastical dependence,
Defended by Woodford, 192 57,58
Deniers of burnt, 201, 202, White Monks, vide Cistercians
214, 239, 240 Whittlesey, William, Abp. of Can-
Trial by Peers,
82, 139 terbury, 150, 15.1
Trialogus, Wycliffe's, 168, 183 Wickwaine, William, Abp., 107
Tribute, Papal, 64, 65, 88, 147, William, Abp. of Sens, 33
148 William of Malmesbury, 20
Wycliffe on, 165 William, St, of York, vide Fitz-
Trinity Sunday, 27 herbert
Twenge, Sir Robert, 79, 80 Winchelsey, Robert, Abp. of Can-
Tyler, Wat, Insurrection of, 177-18 terbury, iu-n8, 123-127
Winchester, Councils at, 2, 8
Siege of, 8
U Wives of clergy, vide Married
clergy
Ufford de, Abp. -elect of Canter Woodlock, Henry, Bp. of Win-
bury, 140, 141 chester, 118
Ugo Falcodi, vide Clement IV. Wraw, John, 179
Unam Sanctam, Boniface VIII. 's Wych, St Richard de la, Bp. of
119 Chichester, 85
Universities, vide Oxford, Cam- Wycliffe, John, of Canterbury Hall,
bridge
INDEX 277
Wycliffe, John, reformer, 151 Wycliffe,John continued

His De Dominio, vide s.v. Later works and death, 183
Tracts on papal tribute, 152 Wycliffism, vide Lollardry
165 Wykeham, William, Bp. of Win-
Relations to the Friars, 73, 57, chester, 143, 146, 148, 152, 155-
157, 167 158, 182
To Lancaster, 152, 156
164, 195
To the rebellion, 180, 181
His religious system, 165-168
Trials, 157, 174 York, Primate, pretensions of, 32,
Expulsion from Oxford, 182 44, 106, 107, 142, 259, 260
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3

HANDBOOKS OF ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY

JOHN HENRY BURN, B.D., F.R.S.E.

THE MEDIAEVAL CHURCH AND

I. THE FOUNDATIONS OF THE ENGLISH

II. THE SAXON CHURCH AND THE NORMAN

III. THE MEDIEVAL CHURCH AND THE

IV. THE REFORMATION PERIOD (A.D. 1485-

1603-1702). By BRUCE BLAXLAND, M.A.

ARTHUR G. JENNINGS, M.A.

First Published in 1909

I. The Foundations of the English Church (to

The names of the six scholars, who have accepted

gained, by preventing a writer from giving free expres-

THE story in its connexion with the religious life of

relations to the Papacy. From

that England's unsatisfactory experience was unique.

complaint from the thirteenth century onwards. The

vehemently denying the existence of doctrinal flaws

bishoprics, and it would seem that the anti-papal

Statutes of the fourteenth century have often been

disputed elections to the sees. A

Hildebrandine principle made for liberty and justice.

engines of oppression, and we shall see them hereafter

The connexion of Wycliffism with the sixteenth-

plague of the mid-century. The loss of high ideals

Lollardry prejudiced by its connexion with supposed

heresy. If the bishops show a munificent care for

learning and zeal on behalf of orthodoxy, they but

scanty proof that her moral principles have influence

extinct' Such is Bellarmine's description of the

Lutheran and Calvinistic heresy.' l

PREFACE BY THE GENERAL EDITOR V

RICHARD I AND JOHN 46

EDWARD I .... CHAPTER V

EDWARD III ..... CHAPTER VII

LIST OF POPES, COUNCILS AND SOVEREIGNS . .

APPENDIX ....... 259

^HE period treated in this volume opens with the

acknowledged him at Chartres. Innocent, however,

strength to strength. Barren as Stephen's reign was

important precedents for future papal encroachments,

consolidation of clerical ideas and interests throughout

by compulsion, and that English customs did not

were comforted with a story that Henry had ere his

Stephen paid for this episcopal support with an oath

Pisa, and succeeded in getting a private letter acknow-

by the pope as one of the grounds for his tenure of the

of all jurisdiction over clerical persons to their

Though Stephen was now generally acknowledged,

not scruple to utilize Matilda's pretentions and his ;

capriciousness and carelessness soon indicated personal

and he obtained Stephen's leave to land a legate who

Scotland. With the consentof Archbishop Thurstan

a council at Westminster itself. He had somehow

The meaning of this Council was that the trium-

the lower clergy. 1 Every ecclesiastical dignity was

and the bishops continued to be the chief bulwark of

son and namesake chancellor, his nephew Nigel