From: Baurzhan Seisembayev (20201770)

To: Assylzat Karabayeva, PhD

Date: 15 December, 2021

Subject: Final Exam

1) There have been huge changes in the world recently. However, not everyone has

yet realized that these changes are ambiguous in their impact on the further development of

individual countries, regions and our entire planet. The hopes caused by the end of the

confrontation between the two social systems, the "cold war" between them, were not justified.

The world has not become safer. It is still full of opposing tendencies, sharp contradictions,

diverse and dynamic. Moreover, the analysis of the international situation and the events of

recent years shows that the demand for military force in the politics of the leading states of the

world is growing again. Increasing attention is being paid to the modernization of the national

armed forces and the improvement of the production of weapons. New and newest means of

armed struggle are being actively introduced.

In the modern situation, all this makes it necessary for States to maintain their defense

capability, ensure military protection of their interests through the harmonious development and

continuous improvement of all elements of the military organization. An important condition for

the successful implementation of military construction, the most effective and optimal use of the

forces and means allocated for this is further in-depth understanding of the foundations of the

socio-philosophical theory of the military power of the state, deepening and clarifying our

knowledge about the theoretical, general methodological problems of the process of creating and

regulating the military power of the state.

Russia's foreign policy is certainly built on its outstanding military power, however, it

officially advocates the creation of such a system of international relations in which the

importance of this force will be minimized and its functions reduced to the task of containing
armed conflicts. Under these conditions, the importance of military force as an instrument of

foreign policy and ensuring the national interests of a particular state remains. The presence of

modern and effective Armed Forces in countries is becoming one of the conditions for their

successful and painless integration into the system of international relations under construction.

I think it's possible to talk about how the US military power affects its world domination

for a long time, but I would like to emphasize that the US costs for the military defense complex

increase the costs of all countries combined. Also, a large number of military bases allows it to

spread its foreign policy and presence on all continents. The status of a superpower certainly

allows and forces the United States to build its foreign policy based on its military potential.

At the moment, India's military power, on the contrary, allows it to be on an equal to

other big countries and force them to recognize the economic and military power of the India.

This leads to an increase in India's role in the international arena and makes it a profitable ally

for the larger powers, which in turn are trying to lure it to their side. This factor largely plays a

role in the construction of the country's foreign policy.

Thus, the situation in the world is characterized by a dynamic transformation of the

system of international relations. The formation of international relations is accompanied by

competition, as well as the desire of a number of actors to strengthen their influence on world

politics, including through the creation of weapons of mass destruction. A new kind of non-

contact international confrontation is emerging, the essence of which is the hidden influence on

the foreign policy, economy and spiritual development of the enemy. There are real threats to the

military security of countries. This requires strengthening and increasing the combat readiness of

the Armed Forces. The above factors directly play an important role in building the foreign

policy of any state.

trade, financial and transport fields, States consider it as a factor of national security and a lever

of foreign policy. Political struggle between large states and trade blocs in the XXI century. It is

increasingly relying on the use of its own trade, financial, regulatory and infrastructural

advantages over other countries. National security policy involves reducing one's own

dependence on rival countries. At the same time, the interests of the economic benefits are

increasingly being sacrificed to the national security interests of the State.

Today's China – the world leader of the last thirty years in terms of the growth of

industrial and financial potential, the owner of the second largest economy in the world - has

turned into the world's largest exporter, lender, consumer of raw materials, into a state with the

largest gold and foreign exchange reserves, the future world reserve currency, the world's largest

population and army. Global processes, in which China plays an increasingly important role,

significantly influence the formation of a new world order.

The debate about the rise of China in recent years has mainly concerned the potential

threat that China may eventually pose to the United States as an equal rival challenging the

existing world order. But there is a more pressing problem. Over the next decade, as long as

China remains relatively weak in comparison with the United States, there is a real danger that a

crisis will break out between Beijing and Washington, which can quickly escalate into an armed

conflict. Unlike the long-term strategic rivalry of the great powers, the aggravation of which is

possible, but not necessarily, the danger of a crisis involving two nuclear States is a real problem

of the near future. The last few years suggest that the risk is increasing.

The American economy is tied to the Chinese one due to the removal of part of the

production facilities to the territory of China, the growing dependence of the American consumer

market on imports of Chinese goods, the presence of large dollar assets and American debt

obligations in China. More than 80% of American companies operating in China reported
double-digit revenue growth in 2011, while half of them had profits increased by more than 20%.

A tough confrontation with Beijing would mean a blow to Washington's own economic interests.

Therefore, the United States is implementing a scenario that combines economic "pragmatic

cooperation" and the ability to block China's growing role on a global scale.

Further development of partnership relations between the United States and China may

lead to the expansion of their cooperation in the field of trade and investment, the creation of a

free trade zone, joint actions in response to common global threats and challenges. At the same

time, as a rival, China may become a new Soviet Union for the United States, which may lead to

a new Cold war, the dumping of US debt obligations, demands for restructuring of the existing

international system in favor of China and will contribute to the growth of the Sino-American

struggle for geopolitical dominance in the new world order.

Economic interdependence significantly mitigates military-strategic and political tensions

in bilateral relations. Each of the countries is the largest trading partner for each other. China is

America's largest lender, owns bonds and other securities issued by the U.S. Treasury, worth

more than $ 1.2 trillion. The United States is the third most important investor in China. About

150 thousand Chinese students study in the USA, more than 20 thousand Americans work and

study at Chinese universities. Never in history have a world leader and his growing competitor

been so interdependent.

Kazakhstan's priorities in foreign policy are bilateral and multilateral relations, among

which the main emphasis is on the development of strategic partnership with Russia, Central

Asian countries and Turkic-speaking countries. In these conditions, more attention is paid to the

activities of integration unions, which makes it possible to consolidate efforts to solve economic,

social and political problems. These issues are relevant in the context of the intensive

development of globalization, in order to protect national interests. That’s why the concept of

economic interdependence plays an important role in building foreign policy of all countries.
3) Determining the identity of a particular state is the key to understanding foreign policy.

The formation of political identity depends on internal and external factors. The political identity

of the State is permanent. States are trying to maintain continuity. However, if we talk about

modern Germany, it can be argued that the country is now experiencing an identity crisis. After

World War II, the country was divided into 4 occupation zones. Even now there is a difference in

national identity between the regions of the country. Regional identity is often contrasted with

national identity. The crisis of German identity is caused by the problems of integration of

immigrants into society and the formation of a common civic identity. The state feels a sense of

collective guilt for the crimes committed during the Third Reich and tries to follow the European

orientation in foreign policy. The image of a new Germany, ready for international cooperation

with other states, destroyed in the European consciousness stereotypical ideas about "re fascism "

and the "Fascism threat". Thanks to his efforts, the country has become the political and

economic center of the European Union. National identity influences the adoption of foreign

policy decisions — choosing various options, a politician is more likely to accept those that

correspond to national identity. Within the framework of the European Union, however, it is

difficult to follow their national interests. That is why there is now a tendency to separate from

traditional European politics.

Germany is determined to further Europeanize its foreign policy, but the migration

problem causes disagreements between Germany and the EU countries, and the growing

skepticism in society is a brake on Europeanization. This is confirmed by the fact that Euro-

sceptics began to receive more votes in the elections. Alternative for Germany is a Eurosceptic

party, which in its program does not advocate the dissolution of the European Union, but the

termination of Germany's participation in the euro region. There believes that it is necessary to

close control at the borders of the European Union, to introduce strict control at the borders of

Germany and also adheres to a tough stance against migrants. Migrants who have asked for

asylum and have been refused should expect prompt and uncompromising deportation. And for
foreigners temporarily staying in the country, financial conditions should be created that

motivate them to leave Germany.

The split in society, which is expressed in the differences between the regions of the

country, results in the uncertainty of the population about their identity ("Am I German or

European?"). This uncertainty is also observed in foreign policy. Germany needs a clear foreign

policy identity so that its actions in foreign policy are not contradictory.

The role of national identity in Iran's foreign policy is manifested in the form of direct

influence on the national interests of the country. The most important factor determining the

national motives and interests of Iran is the identity that this country defines for itself and which,

in turn, is the result of national and supranational norms. Therefore, firstly, different identities

presuppose different interests, so that their change leads to a change in national the interests of

the country. Secondly, the key element in defining national identity determines its priorities in

the national interest. Thirdly, national interests, which simultaneously contradict each other,

entail a mismatch of interests.

In the formation of the foundations of the national identity of the Islamic Republic of Iran

or the norms constituting it, there are numerous resources and intersubjective semantic systems

that influence this process. In this work, a structure is used in which Iran's identity norms and

interests are divided into "nationalist" or "Iranian-Centrist", "Shiite-Islamist", and related to

"dominant in international relations the international value system".

Thus, the norms that constitute the identity of the Islamic Republic of Iran are diverse and

have various divisions, some of which, such as Shiite Islamism, endow Iran with roles that go far

beyond its geographical borders, while others, such as the discourse of international relations,

recognize the country's state borders as a sphere of sovereignty. In addition, each of the national

roles that arise on the basis of The norms that constitute the identity of the Islamic Republic of
Iran presuppose certain national interests. Despite this, although the norms constituting the

identity of the Islamic Republic of Iran are diverse, each of them can establish certain roles for

Iran inside and outside its geographical borders, however, none of these norms has ever

completely determined Iran's foreign policy, and Iran is guided by different norms to implement

its policy in different regions. Differences in approaches to the concept of the national interests

of the Islamic Republic of Iran are due to their value-oriented nature.

“Turkey is the east from the point of view of the West and the west from the point of

view of the East”. The peculiarity of the Turkish identity is its existence on the edge (East and

West, Christianity and Islam). Duality and inconsistency are properties of Turkish identity.

Its essence lies in a "rattling" mixture of secularism and Sunni Islam, Western lifestyle and

traditional spiritual values. Since the time of K. Atatürk's Turkish identity was openly opposed to

other identities that were part of the state: Kurdish, Armenian, Greek. The policy of superiority

of the Turks over other peoples (the legacy of Ottomanism) led to the suppression of any

national demonstrations, including the movement of Kurds who tried to defend their own rights.

The secular, almost atheistic path of development chosen by the young Turkish Republic

under the leadership of M. K. Ataturk, the course of rapprochement with the West contributed to

the fact that Arab neighbors began to be skeptical of it.

In fact, Turkey has isolated itself from the Middle East region in the hope of becoming

part of Europe. However, the Western world did not seek to embrace Turkey. Stereotypes turned

out to be strong in relation to Turkey and the Turks, with whom they had to fight for centuries.

Europeans reject the very idea that the inhabitants of Turkey are equal to them culturally, that

there are no special civilizational differences between them. Despite all the efforts made and

compliance with EU requirements, it is cultural differences that are the main obstacle to the

European community.
 The acceptance of Turkey by Europeans contributes to the fact that an increasing number

of Turks are disappointed in the European future, among them the number of Euro skepticism is

growing. The Turkish government is striving to strengthen its position in other foreign policy

areas – in Central Asia and in the Arab world. Based on its geostrategic position, Turkey

increasingly demonstrates belonging to the Eurasian region, participates in the work of the

Eurasia Dialogue platform.

It is the turning towards Islam that has become an important part of the ongoing

transformations in Turkey. Turkey continues to search for its place and role in a changing world.

Being a part of Islamic civilization, it could not ignore the vast Arab region rich in energy

resources. Pursuing purely pragmatic interests in the issue of rapprochement with Middle Eastern

countries (in conditions of fuel shortage, etc.), Turkey at the same time tried to find answers to

questions related to identity. The unique fusion of Islam, democracy and liberal economy was set

as an example for the rest of the countries of the Middle East region. Turkey positioned itself as

a model by which other states could begin to develop.

So in 2004, R.T. Erdogan defined himself as "a Muslim, a Turk and a democrat at the

head of a secular government," thus emphasizing the complex component of Turkish identity.

Noting the cultural rapprochement with the world of Islam, the Turkish Prime Minister clearly

drew the boundaries on the issue of ethnic identity. Realizing himself as a Turk, R.T. Erdogan,

thereby, opposed himself to the Kurds, which indicates that Turkey is still in search of ethnic

identity.

4) In June 2016, British citizens voted in a referendum for the country's withdrawal

from the European Union (Brexit). Negotiations on the format and conditions of withdrawal

from the EU continued for many months, and the political situation became increasingly tense.

The failure to reach agreement with Parliament on the withdrawal agreement led to the

resignation of the Prime Minister. The political crisis associated with props has been left behind,
but it has obviously had a significant impact on British society. For many months, the political

system has been built and debugged The UK was practically in a stalemate, and this had a

negative impact on all areas, from the economy to the country's reputation in the international

arena.

Based on this situation, it can be concluded that the political life of society and the power

relations developing in it are influenced by many factors. Public opinion is one of them. It can

act as a creative or destructive force, a powerful partner or opponent of the state, parties, the

media and other socio-political institutions. As practice shows, in some cases public opinion is a

factor of political stability, a stimulator of mass activity in the implementation of certain national

social development programs, in others it is a disintegrator of public order, an explicit or veiled

antagonist of the existing system of power.

It is usually assumed that democracies are limited by public opinion and various interest

groups, while non-democracies are not, but the overall picture is more complex. In the field of

foreign policy, the leaders of both democratic and non-democratic countries may be free from

specific views of the public (even when the public has clearly formulated its attitude to foreign

policy), but are still limited by the general prevailing orientation or "mood" of the public.

Considering the example of Kyrgyzstan, we can say that in case of dissatisfaction with

the chosen foreign policy course and the government's unwillingness to change it in any way, the

Kyrgyz people can and will go on strikes, which will eventually develop into a real coup of

power. Of course, this factor depends not only on foreign policy, but also on domestic politics

and the low level of well-being of citizens. However, based on the historical context, it can be

said that the desire to participate in political life and determine the external course of

development of the country among the Kyrgyz people is at a very high level
 With the growth of Japan's economy and military power, requests from the international

community for increased assistance in resolving military conflicts have also increased. However,

instead of sending soldiers to the battlefield, the Japanese government, decided to pay off with

money. A very impressive amount was spent, which was equivalent to the fact that every

Japanese who pays taxes gave 100 dollars for this payoff in the form of financial assistance. I

tend to believe that exactly this case clearly demonstrates that the power of public opinion in

Japan is very strong and really contributes to the construction of their foreign policy.

5) In the development of the main principles of India's foreign policy in the first 17

years of independence, an outstanding role belongs to Jawaharlal Nehru, whose way of thinking,

primarily in preaching nonviolence, was strongly influenced by Gandhi. Already on the eve of

Nehru's ten-year stay in power, he was considered one of the brightest living on Earth, whose

personality was imprinted in world public opinion, "a man who became a prominent figure in the

world political arena after the Big Three of the war years - Churchill, Stalin, Roosevelt - came

down from it".

He stated that India intends to stay away from opposing groups of states, and will strive

to establish friendly relations with all countries, primarily Asia. He stressed that his homeland is

particularly interested in the liberation of colonial and dependent countries and completely

rejects the racist doctrine, wherever and in whatever form it is applied. Thus, the main content of

Nehru's foreign policy was the refusal to participate in military blocs, which aimed to ensure the

independent national development of India.

I believe that thanks to such a leader and his ideas, India has made tremendous progress

in economic, military and cultural development. Without the direct contribution of J. Nehru India

as we know it today would not have taken place as one of the fastest growing economies and a

strong military power in the international space.

country and of all mankind. He characterized the ideas for which Mandela fought as follows:

"Throughout my life I have devoted myself entirely to the struggle for the African population. I

fought both against the domination of "whites" and against the domination of "blacks". I honored

the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all citizens live in harmony and have equal

opportunities. This is the ideal for which I am ready to live and to which I aspire. But if it is

necessary, then for the sake of this ideal I am ready to die."

Without a doubt, the main merit of Nelson Mandela is the abolition of apartheid in the

country. In 1948, the National Party won the elections and passed a number of laws restricting

the rights of the black population. The ultimate goal of this policy was to create a "South Africa

for whites", while blacks were supposed to be deprived of South African citizenship. During

apartheid, blacks were actually partially or completely deprived of the following rights: the right

to citizenship of South Africa; the right to participate in elections and be elected; the right to

freedom of movement (blacks were forbidden to go out after sunset, as well as to appear in

"white" areas without special permission from the authorities, that is, in fact, they were forbidden

to visit major cities because they were in "white" areas); the right to mixed marriages. In

addition, all the main educational institutions were located in "white" areas, and employers were

officially granted the right to apply racial discrimination in hiring. Thanks to the hard work of

Nelson Mandela, these discriminatory laws were repealed.

During the five years of his presidency, this man has made a huge contribution to the

development of the country. The reforms he introduced helped to overcome socio-economic

inequality in the country. Under Nelson Mandela, South Africa received free medical care, a

cash allowance for the maintenance of children, equality in employment and much more.

In the Central Asia region, Turkmenistan is the most closed state from an information

point of view. Many processes and trends occurring within the country either remain unknown or
appear in the information field with a significant delay. At the same time, the geographical

position of Turkmenistan, its economic and resource potential are becoming increasingly

important both for the region and for influential players in the modern system of international

relations.

The rule of a charismatic leader is institutionalized. The personal style of government is

extremely contradictory in content in everything that does not concern the problem of preserving

and strengthening the power of the president. The personnel policy is characterized by severe

periodic repressions (i.e. removal of objectionable officials from power by dismissal, transfer to

lower positions or with the use of punitive measures up to criminal prosecution) and continuous

"shuffling". The biggest achievement of the country was the official acquisition of neutral status.

After that, Turkmenistan refrains from actively participating in any integration projects, since

any international integration imposes restrictions on the authoritarian style of government. Due

to the coming to power of the new president, the political system is undergoing certain

transformations towards liberalization.

In addition to being closed, the main feature of Turkmenistan's political system is the

concentration of all power in the hands of one person – the president of the country (first

S.A.Niyazov, then G.M.Berdimuhamedov) and a narrow circle of his closest ministers and

advisers. Accordingly, the process of forming domestic and foreign policy, as well as making

decisions on key areas of development, remains the prerogative of a relatively small number of

political and economic figures.

One of the most important factors of influence are tribal and clan ones, which have deep

historical roots in the life of Turkmens and, in a broader sense, any Central Asian society. A

clear geographical division, the presence of a complex of contradictions and the struggle for

positions in the highest circles of power formed the peculiarities of the relationship between the

clans.
 In many ways, the modern political elite of Turkmenistan consists of representatives of

the ruling clan to which the president belongs. Accordingly, career prospects in politics are also

determined by clan affiliation. The process of making foreign policy decisions in Turkmenistan

is characterized by opacity, since its implementation is mainly attended by parties not interested

in public advertising of their activities. There is also a general specificity of the political process

in the country, characterized by extreme closeness from the public and the world media. The

Ministry of Foreign Affairs in modern Turkmenistan is actually only a conduit for ideas

and decisions made by the President and his entourage. With the exception of the Foreign

Minister, who has some independence, the rest of the officials are tightly controlled by the

central government. Information about the work of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of

Turkmenistan is also little advertised in the official media and on its own website.

The program announced by the current President G.M. Berdimuhamedov to liberalize the

political regime has not yet led to any significant changes. The complete transfer of legislative

power under the jurisdiction of Parliament and the creation of several new "alternative" parties

have only a formal visible effect and do not affect any direction of domestic and foreign policy.

The peculiarities of the process of making foreign policy decisions in Turkmenistan

include the so - called the "shadow elite" represented by presidential advisers of non-Turkmen

origin, who had a serious influence, including on the process of forming foreign policy. The

"shadow advisers" had a serious influence on S.A. Niyazov and managed to enter the circle of

G.M. Berdymukhamedov's confidants almost unchanged. Another group of influence is foreign

companies with branches and, accordingly, serious business interests in Turkmenistan. They are

mainly engaged in mining, construction, manufacturing and agriculture. Thus, economic and

financial groups are directly interested both in preferences for themselves and in further

improving relations between Turkmenistan and their own countries of registration.

policy, it should be emphasized that the policy carried out is primarily based on individual

personal characteristics. they become the foundation of the leader's image abroad and the source

of his decisions. The personality of the leader and his decisions and reforms for many years

determine the future course of the country and its foreign policy.