Patrones de Subsistencia Purépecha
Patrones de Subsistencia Purépecha
Patrones de Subsistencia Purépecha
JAVIER CABALLERO N.
CRISTINA MAPES S.
Jardin Botanico, Instituto de Biologia
Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico
Ciudad Universitaria
Coyoacan 04510, Mexico, D.F.
ABSTRACT .-The P'urhepecha Indians, also known as "Tarascans" supplement their sub-
sistence agriculture by gathering edible mushrooms and numerous vascular plants. In addi-
tion they collect honey produced by several species of wasps. Many species of plants are
gathered for medicinal uses, firewood, omaments or household needs. These plants are col-
lected throughout the year from agricultural fields as well as from the natural environment.
For the P'urhepecha, gathering is a part of a complex year round subsistence pattem based
on multiple uses of theirnatural resources.
INTRODUCTION
THE SETTING
The Lake Patzcuaro Basin is one of the three regions that form the modern day
geographic area of the P'urhepecha culture. In prehispanic times this region was the main
center of the P'urhepecha empire. Despite the processes of social and cultural change, it
is still one of the most extensive areas of indigenous culture in Mexico.
The study area (Figure 1), known as the Lake Patzcuaro Basin, is located in the
Transverse Neovolcanic Belt, in the northern part of the state of Michoacan. It forms
part of the lacustrine system which also includes the Valley of Mexico. The area is
approximately 1,000 km2 and ranges from 2,043 to 3,200 m in elevation, with five
obvious physiographic zones: the islands in the lake, the shoreline, the hi1lsides, the
intermountain valleys, and the mountains. The lake itself occupies about 100 km2.
The basin is bordered by high mountain ranges on the west, north and south. The geo-
graphy of the area is discussed in detai1 by Barrerra (1985 ).
Although the climate is temperate (mean monthly temperature is 16°C), with mi1d
winters, several degrees of below freezing temperatures often occur during December and
January. A well-marked dry season extends from November to May, and the rainy season
is from June to October. Annual precipitation is about 1,000 mm (see Garcia, 1973, for
detai1s of the climate).
In terms of the interelations between the people in the environment two major land-
scapes can be identified: the "natural" environment and the transforrned or anthropo-
genic environment. Areas supporting primary and secondary vegetation are herein terrned
the natural environment. Forests are often dominated by oaks (Quercus spp.), pines
(Pinus spp.), and fir (Abies religiosa) with intervening shurb and grasslands. The natural
ecosystems of Lake Patzcuaro are represented by three communities of hydrophytes
occurring in the characteristic Zonation in relation to the shoreline (Caballero et. al.
101:'40-
" , .101"30'
, ~ '-J., t-c ' o< I
N ~ V'" ~70 3000
~
~ "~~:.1'-..r--;:¡1\}..
, .:J.~
o~
'--- l19"
r40'
13~ ,\.t3 ~
b~<i 400
---2700 i'1~
" ~
?
00
U9"
~ r30'
~ -J-, ~
2700 2700~ ~ / '"' I~ 3000
Km
Inl.'4~ .'~i.' " .,
FIG. 1.-Lake Patzcuaro Basin (Based on Comision de Estudios del Territorio Nacional
1977, and Gorenstein and Pollard 1983), showing major settlements. 1 = Patzcuaro, 2 =
Tzintzuntzan, 3 = Quiroga, 4 = Pichataro. Contour interval: 100 meters.
~
Summer 1985 jOURNALOFETHNOBIOLOGY 33
1981, Toledo et. al. 1980). We have recorded approximately 500 vascular plant species
in the region, and estimate the total flora to include 600 to 700 species.
The transformed environme~t is made up of areas. devo.ted to.agr~cu~ture, c~ttle ~~ L 1 Q 9
human settlement. The populatlon of nearly 80,000 mhabltants IS distnbuted m ab'0'uV " ,
100 towns and villages. The P'urhepecha population constitutes nearly 25% of the total
and is located in all of these island, shore and mountain settlements.
P'URHEPECHA ECONOMY
The P'urhepecha economy is based on agriculture, fishing, and folk art (artesanias).
Agriculture is the most important and widespread economic activity among the P'urhe-
pecha. Almost all of the harvest-maize, beans, squash, and wheat-is for self-consump-
tion. In addition to these common crops, 16 species and numerous varieties of fruit
trees-mostly pears, apples, and peaches-are cultivated in kitchen gardens (Toledo, et. al.,
1980). They cultivate fifteen species of vegetables near the lakeshore. Fishing is an
important traditional activity and fourteen species of fish are obtained from the lake
(Toledo, et. al., 1980). Animal husbandry is mostly limited to chickens and turkeys,
although some people raise a few pigs. Most families have one or two oxen and a few
families own a cow. Hunting, once an important activity, is no longer significant. Today
it is restricted to squirrels, rabbits, and about eight species of migratory ducks (Foster,
1948). The most important folk arts are ceramics, weaving based on hydrophytes (Scir-
PU.5spp. and Thypha spp.), and many different wooden objects such as fumiture, masks,
kitchen utensils, and sculpture.
GATHERING
Patzcuaro Basin P'urhepecha use has been recorded for 224 species of wild native
and naturalized vascular plants (Table I). However, not a¡¡ of these plants are currently
gathered. Approximately 60 species, or 25% of the useful flora are commonly gathered,
and these are mainly plants used for food and firewood. The majority of the 224 useful
species have been used for medicinal purposes. Various plants are also gathered for
ornamenta1 use, fodder, and tool making which includes a variety of household utensils.
Gathering is usua¡¡y carried out in association with agriculture, and is done mainly by
the men although at times the women also participate. Every morning while wa1king to
his parcel of land, the man takes note of things he wiI1 gather and carry back with him
upon his return. In general these observations are made with no preconceived plan. In
addition both men and women make special trips to gather teas and mushrooms to se¡¡ in
markets, medicinal plants a1so to be sold in markets, and specia1 foods for their own use
which they consider to be delicacies.
EDIBLE PLANTS
Fruits and roots of certain plants are commonly eaten in the field as snacks or can-
dies or to allay thirst, but are not brought home. These include the root of Phas('()lus
h('t('rophyllus which is eaten like jicama (Pachyrrizus er()su.l ) and Solanum cardi()phyl-
lum which has small tubers like common potato (the men stop to co?k it in the field
during their agriculturallabors). The P'urhepecha have shown and told us about certain
plants which they know to be edible but they do not gather or eat them.
TABLE 1.-Plant uses in the Lake Patzcuaro Basin.
In general, wild edible plants are an important complement to the everyday diet,
even though most of daily nutrition is provided by the products of agriculture: maize,
beans, squash, and wheat. Collected plants are consumed mainly in the form of fruits,
greens, and teas (Table 2). Mushrooms are an important input to thc dict but only during
the rainy season. Of the 43 species of fungi known to be eaten (Mapes et. al. 198 I ), only
10 are regularly gathered. These most highly esteemed species are gathered by the people
for their own use and to sell in the markets. The P'urhcpecha commonly consume thcse
mushrooms in soups or cooked with "chiles" (Capsicum annuum and C. pub('sc('ns) and
other spices and vegetables.
"QupliIP.s, " or greens, are among the more important food plants gathered in thc
region. As with the Tarahumara (Bye 1981), the quelit('s gathercd used by the P'ur-
hepecha are commonly associated with agriculture and anthropogenic vegctation. ¡\Iso,
as in thc case of the Tarahumara, we believe that P'urhepecha "quelile.\" are undergoing
active processes of domestication. Nine species are considered as "quelil('s" and are col-
lectively called xakua in the P'urhepecha language (Table 2). Among their more impor-
tant quelites are Amaranthus hybridu.\, Bra.\.sica campe.stri.s, and Ch(?n()p()dium b(?rlan-
di(?ri. "Qu(?lil(?\" are usually cooked with "chiles" and mixed with fish, meat or beans.
Several species of plants provide sweets and condiments. For example the young
inflorescence stalks of A,r;av(?inacquidpns are collected in January and cooked and caten
as deserts. Plants used as condiments include Tacr;pt(?smicrantha and two species of wild
Phy.salis.
Commonly gathered fruits of arborescent species include Crata(?gu.\pube.\cens, M()rus
microphylla, Opuntia spp., and Prunus .ser()tina spp. capuli. Among non-arborescent
plants that provide fruit, the most important are G()n()lobu.s numulari.\ and Rubus ad(?n()-
trichos. G()n()lobus fruit, known as talayote, is highly esteemed. It is toasted and then
eaten.
FIREWOOD
The most important firewood trees (Table 3) are pines, oaks, and two species of
alder (Alnu\' ). Certain shrubs, such as Baccharis conf('rta, are also used as fuel. The
selection of one or another species depends on the kind of fire desired and availability.
For example, pine wood is used when an intense and fast-burning fire is needed, and oak
or alder wood is used when a longer-Iasting fire is desired.
Firewood for domestic consumption is usually gathered only from dead, fallen
trunks and branches found on the forest floor; living branches and trees are not cut for
domestic firewood. In contrast, there is intensive use of both living trees and dead wood
for firing ovens for commercial bread and pottery making. This use is one of the most
important causes of deforestation in the region and is responsible for the ever-increasing
distances from the villages to the forests. Long walks are now required to obtain fire-
wood.
MEDICINAL PLANTS
The major uses of medicinal plants are to prevent or cure illnesses of the digestive
tract, respiratory system, female reproductive system, traumas, and various illnesses of
domestic animals. Medicinal plants are also employed to cure supernatural illnesses such
as susto (popular term used for an ailment provoked by a sudden-and disagreeable exper-
ience, Viesca et. al., 1976).
Clay ( 1981) pointed out four possibilities of medical choice in Pichataro, a mountain
town in the Patzcuaro Basin, and the same conditions seem to hold true for the P'ur-
hepecha in general. These alternatives are: (1) self treatment, (2) curanderos (folk
healers or practitioners of folk medicine), (3) social service practitioners (pasantes,
medical students fulfilling their social service obligation), and (4) physicians. These
alternatives may represent consecutive steps in treating an illness. Treatment decision
Summer 1985 jOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 35
TABLE 2.-Common edjble wjld-gathered plants jn the Lake Patzcuaro Basjn. A = maize
and wheat fjelds, and fallow fjelds, B = shrublands of Baccharjs spp. (derjved from pjne/
oak forests), G = grasslands wjth xerohpytjc plants such as Acacja spp., and Opuntja spp.,
O = oak forests, P = pjne forests, M = specjmens collected only jn markets.
Fruits
Casimiroa edulis B April-May
Crataegus pubescens B, p October-January
Gonolobus numularis A September-October
jaltomata procumbens A August-October
Morus microphylla B June-August
Opun tia joconostle G October-January
Opuntia tomentosa G June-September
Prunus serotina B, p July-October
Rubus adenotrichos B March-May
Solanum mozinianum A July-October
Greens
Amaranthus hybridus A March-July
Amaranthus sp. A March-July
Brassica campestris A May-September
Chenopodium berlandieri A Marfh-June
Reseda luteola A January-May
Rumex crispus A, G J anuary-December
Rumex conglomeratus G January-December
Sycios microphylla A August
Teas
Agastache mexicana P,O May-November
Bidens ostruthoides P,O January-December
Hedeoma piperatum P,O September-October
Satureja laevigata P,O December-February
Mushrooms
Agaricus campestris P, B,G june-November
Amanita caesarea P, B june-November
Armillariella tabescens M May-September
Boletus edulis P, O july-September
Calvatia cyathiformis M August-September
Helvella crispa P, O july-November
Laccaria laccata P, O August-October
Lyophyllum decastes P, O May-September
Ustilago maydis A August-October
Xerocomus spadiceus p ]uly-September
36 CABALLERO 8c MAPES Vol. 5, No.1
may depend on five criteria: (1) the seriousness of the illness, (2) the knowledge or
availability of an appropriate home remedy, (3) faith in the effectiveness of folk treat-
ment as opposed to modern medical treatment, (4) the expenses of each alternative, and
(5) the availability of the different medical resources.
The first and second altematives (self treatment and treatment by the curanderos)
involve the use of wild-collected medicinal plants. Self treatment is generally a domestic
routine in most households, and involves a basic set of plants. Almost all of these plants
are col1ected when needed, by both men and women, in areas near their homes. However ,
in some cases medicinal plants are purchased at the market (El Mercado) at Patzcuaro.
Some of these wild-collected and market-purchased plants are also widely used elsewhere
in Mexico for the same purposes: common examples are Gnaphalium spp., Sida rhom"
bifolia, and Tagetes spp. (Table 4). The majority of curanderos are men, and they almost
always collect their own medicinal plants. They frequently store their plants in a dried
form in order to have them on hand when needed.
ORNAMENTALPLANTS
The gathering of wild plants to make soap and a variety of household utensils (Table
4) has been declining in recent years. Nowadays most of the people prefer to purchase
manufactured soaps and household utensils such as brooms. Nevertheless, the people
recognize that using local plants is cheaper and usually more effective. On the other
hand, gathering certain shrubs to make work implements, such as fish traps or cattle-herd-
ing poles. is still a common practice.
Although most of the plants gathered are destined for family consumption, there
are some species which are collected in substantial quantity and sold in several regional
markets. In some cases the P'urhepecha themselves sell these plants in markets as far
away as Guadalajara and Mexico City. For the most part these are several fruits, such as
CTataegus pubescens, PTunus seTQtina, and Rubus adenQtTichQs and certain teas, such as
SatuTeja laevigata and to a lesser extent Agastache mexicana. The mushrooms often sold
in these distant markets are Amanita caesaTea, HyPQmyces lactifluQTum. RamaTia flava,
and UstilagQ maydis.
wASPS
The honey gathered from certain wasps is appreciated even more than honey from
domestic bees. Wasp honey is eaten daily, and especially esteemed durinK the local
Summer 1985 jOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 37
TABLE 4.-Common non-edible gathered p lants. A = maize and wheat fields and fallow
fields, B = bushlands of Baccharis spp. ( de rived from pine/oak forests), F = fir forests,
G = grasslands with xerophytic plants such as Acacia spp., and Opuntia spp., H = hydro-
phytes, O = oak forests, pine forests.
Medicines
Ornaments
to adorn homes Begonia gracilis B,O
Bidens aequisquama G,O
Rumfordia floribunda B,G
Household Utensils
soaps Michrosechium ruderale G,B
Phytolacca icosandra G,B
Work Implements
fish traps Ceanothus coeruleus B
38 CABALLERO & MAPES Vol. 5, No.
fiestas (religious celebrations such as those dedicated to certain saints and weddings).
We have identified two species of wasps which provide the P'urhepecha with honey:
Polybia occidentalis subsep. nigratella Brysson, and P. parvulina Richards. In addition,
the larvae of another wasp, Vespula pen.l.ylvanica Saussure, are gathered as a delicacy.
This wasp makes subterrainean nests, locaIly caIled talpanales. in the pine forest. Groups
of people go to dig up the nests. This activity is a social event, similar to the collecting
of talayote (Gonolobus) fruit. The larvae are taken home and toasted or cooked with
chile col()rad() (red chile sauce ).
The P'urhepecha of the Lake Patzcuaro Basin collect products from the natural
environment as much as from agricultural lands. The milpa.l (cultivated fields) and
fallow fields provide the people with some of their most important food plants such as
IfU(,lil('s (greens) as well as medicinal plants. These are mostly collected in maize fields
but sometimes also may be taken from wheat fields. Shrub lands with Bacchari.~ spp. and
grasslands provide important fruits, e.g., Cralaegus pubescen.l, G()n()l()bu.l numularis,
Opuntia spp., Prunu\, ser()lina and Rubus aden()trich().I. Oak and coniferous forests pro-
vide mushrooms, teas, and firewood. AII of these plant communities provide medicinal
plants, but on a comparative basis, the fallow fields and anthropogenic vegetation are the
major sourccs of medicinal plants (Figure 2).
FIG. 2.-Profile showing origins of wild-gathered plants and products in the Lake Patz-
cuaro Basin. F = fir forest, P/O = pine, oak and mixed forests, A = maize and wheat
fields, and fallow fields, P = pine forest, B = shrublands with Baccharis spp., G = grass-
lands with xerophytic plants such as Acacia and Opuntia spp., H = aquatic plant com-
munities. 1 = fruits, 2 = greens, 3 = teas, 4 = condiments, 5 = sweets and condiments,
6 = mushrooms, 7 = medicinal plants, 8 = omaments, 9 = household utensils, 10 = work
imDlements.
Summer 1985 jOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 39
The various wild-gathered plant products are available seasonally, and this is espec-
ially important in the case of the food plants. Almost all of the wild edible plants are
gathered during the rainy season. There is an enormous variety and quantity of wild
edible plants products available from July through September. The P'urhepecha say
that during the rainy season there is such abundance of wild plant-derived food that
it cannot all be used: "es tanta la comida que hay que se desperdicia. " In contrast,
during the dry season, from November through May and especially in January and Febru-
ary, the quantity of available wild food products is much less. Nevertheless, there are
important dry season wild harvests, e.g., certain important teas such as Satureja laevigata,
and edible fruits of Casimiroa edulis, Crataegus pubescens, and Rubus adenotrichos. The
latter is available from the end of the dry season through the beginning of the rainy
season (Figure 3). With the exception of these teas, wild-gathered edible plants are not
stored.
On the other hand, medicinal plants and firewood are collected the year round. Some
medicinal plants are stored dried for use when needed and plants for household and work
implements are likewise often stored.
Various ornamental plan ts are available throughout the year. According to the date
of the celebrations, there are specific flowers for each riesta. For example, the beautiful
orchid La('lia autummalis is the flower for the "dia de muertos " (Day of the Dead) in
November, while Laclia ,ii;randiflora is one of the flowers for the "fiesta de Corpus"
(Feast of Christ) in June.
Wilken (1969) pointed out that animal and plant gathering in the highlands of
Mexico have commonly associated with poverty. Some anthropological studies of the
P'urhepecha reaffirm this concept. Beals (1946) says that gathering is important only
AGRICULTURE
HORTICULTURE
TREE CULTURE
GATHERING
FISHING
AQUATIC
HUNTING
JAN FEB MAR APR MAV JUN JUL AUG SET OCT NOV DIC
in times of hunger or an an occassional practice to bring variety into the diet. Brand
(1951) describes that use of more than 30 plant species for food, dying, household
utensils and other different purposes. However, he states that these plants do not play an
important role in the life of the m~ority of the people of the Municipio of Quiroga in
the Patzcuaro Basin. Foster (1948) points out that at the time of his study gathering was
not a significant economic activity at Tzintzuntzan due to the state progress reached by
people.
Certainly in the region of Lake Patzcuaro the gathering of food plants and animals
has a low prestige among the non-Indian population. Nevertheless, a remarkable persis-
tence of this practice is observed among the P'urhepecha. There are several levels of
significance of this practice to the life of the P'urhepecha. Of course, gathering provides
fruit for emergency and during times of need or economic stress, wild plants have been
a generalized source of food. Not only supplimentary foods have been obtained but also
some substitutes for ordinary staples. The older men and women remember when they
ate tortillas of maize mixed with acorns during the Mexican Revolution of 1910-1917.
Today people say that they gather wild plants when there is nothing else to eat. How-
ever, in another sense, some people say that they gather plants or honey to give as gifts
to friends at occassions of social events. As it is currently practiced, gathering affords a
meaningful input to the agricultural subsistence. In addition to firewood and medicines,
gathering provides dietary diversity.
Through the year, the primary dietary souces are maize in its multiple forms, beans
and '(hil(' ". Secondarily, wheat is part of the basic diet. It is consumed as bread and
sometimes mixed with maize and made into "t(}rtillas. " These constitute the basic source
of protein and energy .Protein is also obtained from fish from the lake and, to a lesser
extent, by meat from chickens or pigs. At certain times of the year other cultivated
plants, mainly 'squash' and some fruits, provide additional food, vitamins and minera]s.
In the lakeshore towns some vegetables are grown. Most of these, as well as most of the
planted tree fruit crops, go to the market for sale. Thus, quelites and gathered fruits are
the major source of vitamins and minerals essential for nutrition among the Purepecha.
Gathering provides foods mainly during the rainy season, from May through October
(Figure 2). When these wild-harvested foods are combined with the other foods, a
balanced nutrition may be achieved. The importance of the gathered plants lies not only
in their intrinsic nutritional value, but also in their role in varying or relieving the mono-
tony of the everyday staples. Wild edible plants are mixed and cooked with maize or
beans and chile and sometimes are also combined with meat. As the different species
of quclite.l, fruits, and mushrooms appear throughout the seasons, different dishes are
prepared. Indeed, P'urhepecha cuisine is wonderfully attuned to the availability of the
different wild resources through the year. Thus during the dry and hot season, one of the
most common dishes is tamales of maize with "blackberry' (Rubus adenotrich(}s). These
tamales are much appreciated because they are made with fresh ingredients. On the other
hand, during winter, "at(}le " (gruel) with the chile and leaves of Satureja laevigata is com-
monly consumed. It has a good taste and warms the body. During the middle of the
rainy season some of the common dishes are quelites or mushrooms cooked with beans
or fish, as well as atole of unripe maize (green corn) or mushrooms cooked with beans or
fish, and atole of unripe maize flavored with Tagetes micrantha.
The diversification of subsistence strategies is the underlying fact in the diversified
nutrition. Toledo et. al. (1980) pointed out that in Patzcuaro as well as in many other
peasant regions of Mexico, the Indian patterns of subsistence are based on the multiple
use of the ecosystems. This results in the utilization of more than one ecosystem, the
integration and combination of different practices, the multidimensionality of human
activities, and the diversification of the products obtained from each ecosystem. This
strategy may operate as much on the level of the family as at the level of the entire
region. This pattern is carried out through time and space. On the spatial axis maximum
utilization is sought of all of the available ecosystems. In terms of time, the goal is to
Summer 1985 jOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 41
obtain a maximum number of necessary products which each ecosystem offers through-
out the year.
This diversified gathering strategy has formed the basis of the P'urhepecha society
development since antiquity, as has been documented in the studies of Pollard (1982),
Caballero (1982) and Gorenstein & Pollard (1983) on the protohistoric P'urhepecha
(Tarascan) cultural system. Upon these basis gathering, as a forming part of a complex
subsistence strategy , could be regarded as a practice that possesses a very long tradition.
Palynological or archeaological evidences for P'urhepecha plant gathering are lacking,
and there are no clear references to plant gathering in historical documents such as the
Relacion de Michoacan (1541) or the Relaciones Geograficas de la Diocesis de Michoacan
(1579-1580). However, reports of use, consumption or economic exchange of non-culti-
vated plants does occur in these sources. Moreover, on the basis of the Relacion de
Michoacan, Gorenstein and Pollard (1983) state that non-cultivated fruits such as capuljn
(Prunus ser()tina), tejocote (Crataegus pubescens), tunas (Opuntia spp.) and zapote blanco
(Casimir()a edulis) formed part of the diet of the ancient P'urhepecha.
Quelites, or xakua, have been to the P'urhepecha as the cultivated vegetables have
been to the European culture. Although there are no specific references on their early
use in the Lake Patzcuaro region, clear reports are provided for other areas. For example,
in the Relaciones de Tuxpa and Jiquilpan (Relaciones geograficas de la Diocesis de
Michoacan, 1579-1580) reports on consumption of quelites:
"Las comidas de que antiguamente usaban dicen que eran de maiz y frijoles
y benados y chile y muchos generos de yerbas cocidas."
" ...y la comida de ellos era tortillas, tamales, frijoles y otras yerbas de la tierra
Gorenstein and Pollard (1983) identified xakua of the P'urhepecha region as Chen(}-
p(}dium spp. However, on the basis of our ethnobotanical field works it may be assumed
that xakua, or quelites, involves at least eight different species. There are many refer-
ences to the collecting of firewood and use of non-cultivated medicinal plants in the
Relacion de Michoacan and other sources such as the works of Francisco Hemandez
(1959) and Fray Francisco Ximenez (1888). In the same way, oral tradition among the
modem P'urhepecha suggests the past importance of plants for food and other purposes.
Indeed, the most significant features about gathering amonth the P'urhepecha are
its antiquity and persistence. In general, this practice is declining in the Patzcuaro region
because of cultural and socioeconomic changes. Habits for collecting certain plants and
the ways of consumption are disappearing. For example, certain meals such as "tamales"
with mushrooms or the "atole" with "aguamiel" (fresh unfermented Agave juice) which
were common in the past are no longer prepared. Nevertheless, plant collecting is still a
daily activity among the less acculturated P'urhepecha. Many P'urhepecha gather most
of the non-cultivated plants resources mentioned in the historical documents and in the
oral tradition. Moreover, at present, gathering of certain teas, fruits and mushrooms for
sale at the markets is increasing.
Although, modem day gathering is normally associated with conditions of poverty
(Wilken 1969), in the case of the P'urhepecha it is more closely associated with the per-
sistence of a strong cultural tradition than to poverty. From the poin t of view of indus-
trial society the P'urhepecha live in conditions of poverty. The use of wild plants for
food and other basic needs has often been taken as clear evidence of poverty by European
ethnocentric members and modem agroindustrial society. These processes must be criti-
cally considered in the light of integral man-nature relations from P'urhepecha culture of
antiquity to the present day. The persistence of gathering throughout history is not an
incidental fact! It corresponds to man-nature interaction which has proven its adequacy
for thousands of years. The better understanding of the cultural, socioeconomic and
42 CABALLERO & MAPES Vol.5,No.l
biological factors involved in this process could form the basis for more rational use of
natural resources by the present and future societies.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
We thank our P'urhepecha friends of the Lake Patzcuaro region for their hospitality,
patient and generous assistance. This study was done as a part of the "E tnobiologia
P'urhepecha del Lago de Patzcuaro" research project. We thank, too, the Direccion
General de Culturas Populares, Subsecretaria de Cultura y Recreacion, Secretaria de
Educacion Publica, of Mexico for financial support. The encouragement of anthropolo-
gist Leonel Duran was invaluable. We thank Drs. Robert Bye and Richard Felger for
reading, commenting on and correcting the English version. We also thank Dr. Robert L.
Jeanne from the Department of Entomology from the University of Wisconsin, Madison
and Dr. O. W. Richards from London, England, for the identification of the wasp speci-
mens collected for this study.
NOTES
1 An earlier version of this paper was presented by J. Caballero, C. Mapes and N. Barrera
at the 3rd Conference of Ethnobiology in Tucson, Arizona in March 1981. The present
paper is a revised and modified version of that presentation.
2The P'urhepecha names used in this paper are written phonetically according to the
criteria of Gomez, Perez and Rojas (1984).
4"Foods that they were using, they say that they were maize and beans and deer an
chile and many kinds of pot herbs." (Relacion de Tuxpa).
" ...and their foods were tortillas, tamales, beans and other herbs of the land that the
name quiletes." (Relacion de Jiquilpan).
In the relation of Jiquilpan the word quelites was erroniously written as quiletes
APPENDIX 1.-Vascular Plants utilized by the P'urhepecha in the Lake Patzcuaro Basin.
1 = species, 2 = family, 3 = life form, 4 = plant part utilized, 5 = P'urhepecha name,
6 = Spanish name, 7 = collection number. O. Caballero & C. Mapes).
648,1009,1102.
CABALLERO & MAPES Vol.5,No.l
APPENDlX 2.-Fungi used for food by the P'urhepecha in the Lake Patzcuaro Basin.
1 = species, 2 = P'urhepecha name, 3 = Spanish name, 4 = collection number. (C.
Mapes, deposited in the Herbarium of the Escuela Nacional de Ciencias Biologicas of the
Instituto Politecnico Nacional, ENCB).
Ascomycetes
Hypocreales
Hypomyces lactiflorum (SCW. ex Fr. Tul; 2 kuxtereko; 3 trompa de
puerco.
Pezizales
Helvella crispa Scop. ex Fr. 2 -sirat angants urapiti; 3- oreja de raton blanca;
4- 26, 29.
Basidiomycetes
Ustilaginales
Ustila,t;() maydis (DC.) Corda; 2- t'ukuru; 3- viejito; 4- 97
Hymenomycetes
Aphy llophorales
Clavariaceae
Ramaria flava (Fr.) Quel.; 2 -k 'uin ants'ir terekua; 3 -patita de pajaro
4-27,28.
Agaricales
Tricholomataceae
Armjllarjella tabescens (Scop. ex Fr.) Sing; 2 -paxakua; 3 -montoncito
4- 95.
Lacarja laccata (Scop. ex Fr.) Berk & Br.; 3- sikitereko; 4- 96.
Book Review
The Analy~.;$,Of Prehistoric Diets. Edited by Robert I. Gilbert, Jr. and James H. Mielke.
456 pp., illu~ Academic Press, Orlando. 1985. $65.00.
Alison Galloway
Human Identification Laboratory
University of Arizona
Tucson, Arizona