777006

research-article2018
JIVXXX10.1177/0886260518777006Journal of Interpersonal ViolenceAlvarez et al.

Original Research
Journal of Interpersonal Violence
1­–24
Latina and Caribbean © The Author(s) 2018
Reprints and permissions:
Immigrant Women’s sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav
DOI: 10.1177/0886260518777006
https://doi.org/10.1177/0886260518777006
Experiences With journals.sagepub.com/home/jiv

Intimate Partner
Violence: A Story of
Ambivalent Sexism

Carmen Alvarez, PhD, CRNP, CNM,1

Maria Lameiras-Fernandez, PhD,2
Charvonne N. Holliday, PhD, MPH,1
Bushra Sabri, PhD, MSW,1
and Jacquelyn Campbell, PhD, RN, FAAN1

Abstract
Despite extensive descriptive work on intimate partner violence (IPV) among
Latina and Caribbean immigrant women (LCIW), culturally appropriate
interventions for primary and secondary prevention of IPV for this population
remain lacking. Developing culturally appropriate and effective prevention
interventions for abused LCIW requires a more nuanced understanding
regarding the dynamics of cultural values, immigration status, and manifestations
of IPV. The purposes of this study were to examine LCIW’s experiences of
domestic violence, using a gender stereotype framework, and to describe how
ascribing to gender stereotypes perpetuates and normalizes experiences of
abuse. Thirty semistructured individual interviews were conducted with LCIW
(a) who were at least 18 years old and (b) who had experienced abuse from an
intimate partner within the last 2 years. Overall, women described themselves

1Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, MD, USA

2University of Vigo, Ourense, Spain
Corresponding Author:
Carmen Alvarez, School of Nursing, Johns Hopkins University, 525 North Wolfe Street,
Baltimore, MD 21205, USA.
Email: calvare9@jhu.edu
2 Journal of Interpersonal Violence 00(0)

as communal—being caretakers, submissive, and dependent on men. From

their perspective, they described their male abusers as being controlling, angry,
and violent. The risk for experiencing violence increased when women defied
their prescriptive gender roles by seeking employment and by developing
their social networks and activities. Substance abuse and alcohol misuse
also compounded their partners’ abusive behaviors. Despite some women
experiencing more abuse after migration to the United States, coming to the
United States exposed them to other opportunities and ways of being a woman,
which facilitated an awareness about their abuse and was a motivator for help-
seeking and ending abuse. Our findings highlight the importance of addressing
traditional gender stereotypes for secondary prevention of IPV.

Keywords
Latina Caribbean, intimate partner violence, gender stereotypes, Latina and
cultural contexts

Introduction
Intimate partner violence (IPV) remains a major public health problem that
disproportionately affects women. For many abused women, IPV is cyclic—
such that there are recurrent periods of abuse and nonabuse within the inti-
mate relationship (Childress, 2013; Nicolaidis & Touhouliotis, 2006).
Immigrant women are particularly vulnerable to chronic IPV, though the data
are mixed about whether they experience higher rates of IPV. Immigrant
women do, however, experience even greater challenges accessing formal
support to overcome (stop the violence or leave the relationship) IPV relative
to women of other racial/ethnic groups (Ingram, 2007; Reina, Lohman, &
Maldonado, 2014). These challenges are frequently interconnected and com-
plicated by sociopolitical, language, and sociocultural barriers, including
gender stereotypes. For purposes of this article, we focus on Latina immi-
grant women from Mexico, Latin America, and the Caribbean.

Barriers to Help-Seeking
Immigration status is not only a suggested risk factor for IPV among Latinas but
also a barrier for women to safely leave their abusive partners. Immigration laws
can influence gender inequities by contributing to legal dependency where the
woman’s legal status is tied to her spouse (Erez, Adelman, & Gregory, 2008).
Women in such scenarios who experience any form of IPV may be more reluc-
tant to seek help or to report the abuse for fear of exportation (Montalvo-Liendo,
Alvarez et al. 3

Wardell, Engebretson, & Reininger, 2009). Furthermore, in cases when women

were ready to disclose the IPV or leave the relationship, English literacy and
understanding the U.S. social, health, and legal systems can serve as significant
barriers for safety. As such, Latina immigrants experiencing IPV need innova-
tive interventions to help end abuse.
Gender roles and stereotypes have been consistently identified as predic-
tors of IPV among Latina populations (Bent-Goodley, 2007; Moreno, 2007)
and may pose even greater risk for Latina and Caribbean immigrant women
(LCIW) who have migrated to the United States. These gender roles are often
manifested through cultural values that prescribe ideal behavior. Some of
these values include marianismo, the value that women should maintain vir-
ginity until marriage, should avoid talking and learning about sex, and leave
sex decision-making to the male partner/husband; machismo, the belief that
men are the decision-makers, providers, and protectors of the home; simpa-
tía, the belief that a woman should not be confrontational and rather always
aim to maintain harmonious relationships with her partner and family mem-
bers; and familismo, the belief of loyalty and respect for the family, in consid-
ering the family when making decisions about one’s life (Faulkner &
Mansfield, 2002). Latinas who are experiencing IPV and ascribe to these
cultural values are posited to be more likely to not seek formal assistance and
services, may be more accepting of the abuse, and opt to resolve the problem
within the family (Vidales, 2010).
Despite extensive descriptive work on IPV among immigrant Latina
women, culturally appropriate interventions for primary and secondary pre-
vention of IPV for this population remain lacking. From a health services
perspective, primary and secondary prevention interventions include build-
ing awareness about IPV and helping women recognize when they are being
abused (Moreno, 2007). Developing culturally appropriate and effective pre-
vention interventions for abused Latina immigrant women requires a more
nuanced understanding about the dynamics of cultural values, immigration
status, and manifestations of IPV.

Theoretical Framework
We use the gender stereotype framework (Lameiras, Fernández, & Castro,
2013) and the ambivalent sexism theory (Glick & Fiske, 1996) to illustrate
how cultural values and gender stereotypes contribute to expressions of IPV.
Within patriarchal systems, masculinity and femininity often follow the
dichotomy of “agency-independence” (self-assertive, confident) versus
“expressiveness-dependence” (sensitive to other’s feelings, kind; Bem, 1974;
Spence & Helmreich, 1980). This dichotomy represents the dimensions of
4 Journal of Interpersonal Violence 00(0)

Table 1.  Gender Stereotypes Framework.

Men Women
Descriptive roles—How men and women are regarding intellect, personality,
physique
 Intellectual Knowledgeable Attractive
 characteristics Able to reason/logical Sensitive/compassionate
  Intuition
 Personality Independent Dependent
traits Assertive Submissive/passive
Dominant  
 Physical Athletic Thin
appearance Dynamic Rigid
Strong Weak
Independent—fundamental Dependent—expressive
Agentic Communal (caring, emotional)
Self-perception—an To be a mother & concerned with
individual relationships & the needs of others.
and independent Self-esteem & identity is conditioned
on the ability to relate & maintain a
bond with others.

Prescriptive stereotypes—Where men and women should function

 Spaces Public Private
Serving in government, Domestic life
politics, and other
organizations of power
Productive Reproductive

the Stereotype Content Model—“competence” and “warmth”—developed

by Fisk and others (Fiske, Xu, Cuddy, & Glick, 1999). In the stereotype con-
tent model, the authors argue that a paternalistic prejudice is expressed toward
those who are perceived as warm and incompetent (i.e., traditional women),
and an envious prejudice toward those perceived as competent but not warm
(i.e., successful businessmen).
Lameiras et al. (2013) build on this prior work to categorize gender stereo-
types into two categories: descriptive and prescriptive characteristics (Table 1).
Descriptive gender stereotypes refer to intellectual and personality characteris-
tics of men and women. Men are described as agentic—knowledgeable and able
to reason, independent, aggressive, and strong. Women, on the other hand, are
described as communal—sensitive, compassionate, submissive, emotional, and
dependent. Prescriptive gender stereotypes refer to how men and women should
Alvarez et al. 5

function: the roles men and women should have including appropriate occupa-
tions. Lameiras et al. (2013) argue that the prescriptive roles stem from the
descriptive stereotypes such that men’s agentic characteristics make them suit-
able for functioning in public spaces and being productive (i.e., being a bread-
winner), and women are best suited for reproduction and a domestic life. Glick
and Fiske (1996) then describe the attitudes toward women and men based on
these stereotypes in the Ambivalent Sexism Theory, according to which, society
has benevolent sexism (positive attitudes toward women in traditional roles
such as being nice, focusing on family) and hostile sexism (negative attitudes
toward women who exhibit agentic characteristics). Ambivalent sexism and
gender stereotypes have been examined in college students in relation to atti-
tudes toward domestic violence (Bermúdez, Sharp, & Taniguchi, 2015; Vandello
& Cohen, 2003); however, we are unaware of these frameworks being examined
with women’s actual experiences with domestic violence.

Study Purpose
Overlapping the gender stereotypes are the cultural values (such as marian-
ismo and machismo), which implicitly prescribe roles for Latina men and
women. Other studies that have examined the relationship between gender
roles and IPV among Latino populations highlight issues of changes in rela-
tionship power dynamics and alcohol misuse as predictors of IPV(Neff,
Holamon, & Schluter, 1995; Perilla, Bakeman, & Norris, 1994). While find-
ings from these quantitative studies reveal potential predictors of IPV, the
study designs limit opportunities for more in-depth understanding about the
extent to which LCIW ascribe to cultural values and gender roles and how
ascribing to these values and norms may impact their perceptions and
response to IPV. Understanding this relationship may inform framing mes-
sages to support primary and secondary prevention interventions for at-risk
and abused immigrant Latina women. The purposes of this qualitative study
were to examine LCIW’s experiences of domestic violence, using a gender
stereotype framework, and to describe how ascribing to gender stereotypes
perpetuate and normalize experiences of abuse. Furthermore, we examine the
impact of the immigration process on challenging traditional gender roles.

Method
Data Source and Procedures
The interviews used for this analysis were conducted as part of a larger study
aim to gain perspectives on cultural risk and protective factors for IPV among
6 Journal of Interpersonal Violence 00(0)

immigrant women from around the world living in the United States. This
formative information would then be used to adapt a lethality assessment to
be more culturally appropriate for immigrant women experiencing IPV. This
was a multisite study involving organizations (social services, shelters) serv-
ing immigrant and refugee survivors of IPV in Massachusetts, New York,
Minnesota, Virginia, Arizona, California, and Washington, DC. The selected
sites were chosen based on their extensive experience serving immigrant and
refugee survivors of IPV. Women who were at least 18 years old, self-identi-
fied as Latina, and who experienced abuse from an intimate partner within
the past 2 years were eligible to participate in the study. Eligible women self-
selected to participate in the study. Interviews were conducted from September
2016 to January 2017 by trained research staff onsite and an interpreter in the
respective service organizations. All but two interviews were conducted with
Spanish interpreters because many interviewees were not fluent in English.
Interviews lasted approximately 1 hr and participants were compensated
US$25 for participation in the interview and US$10 for travel. We recruited
up to 30 women in anticipation of reaching saturation with this sample size.
Approval for this study was obtained from the Johns Hopkins University
Institutional Review Boards at the home institutions of the study investiga-
tors, and all other partner sites.

Data Collection and Recording

Based on the study aims, an interview guide was developed by the research
team to facilitate discussions with the survivors. The interview guide included
questions about current relationship status, gender role expectations, and per-
ceptions about abuse including risk and protective factors. The interview
guide started with very general demographic questions, “How old are you?”
“How many children do you have?” and then transitioned into questions
about current living status and history of abuse, such as “What actions would
you consider abusive by your partner/husband?” and “What actions would
you consider serious enough to leave your partner/husband?”

Data Analysis
All interviews were audio-recorded and transcribed verbatim by a third party.
The transcripts were entered into QSR NVivo 10 software to support the cod-
ing and collocation of quotes. After preliminary readings of the interviews by
the authors, a directed content analysis using the gender stereotypes frame-
work (see Table 1) was selected to analyze the data (Hsieh & Shannon, 2005).
Qualitative content analysis is a method used to systematically classify text
Alvarez et al. 7

into categories of similar meaning. We selected this method to both validate

the contribution of gender stereotypes and ambivalent sexism to IPV and to
demonstrate how the process of immigration can alter prescriptive roles, and
how both contribute to as well as stop abuse.
Two coauthors and a research assistant developed predetermined codes
based on the characteristics outlined in the gender stereotypes framework
(e.g., “dependent,” “assertive,” “dominant”). We collocated text represent-
ing each code within a document and then reviewed the quotes selected by
all coders. We discussed areas of disagreement, and if consensus could not
be reached, the text was removed for the selected category. We developed
new codes for text that could not be coded using predetermined codes
(e.g., witnessing domestic violence—childhood); these codes were later
determined to represent subcategories of existing codes (e.g., prescriptive
stereotypes).

Results
Although all the women were from Latin America and the Caribbean, there
was diversity in the sample (Table 2). Notably, there was variation in the level
of education, with most women having completed high school and having
some college education. All but four women had children. Most the women
were employed, primarily in service areas such as housekeeping, food prepa-
ration, and nail care. All women had left their abusers, with a few still in
contact with them for purposes of coparenting. All forms of abuse emerged
from the women’s stories (Table 2). All women reported some form of psy-
chological abuse—from verbal insults to being locked in a room. Most
women had experienced a form of physical abuse—being slammed against a
wall, pushed, or being cut with a knife. Fewer women reported strangulation
and rape. Reasons for leaving their partners ranged from one day deciding
that she had had enough, to her partner strangling her.
Overall, women described themselves as communal—being caretakers,
submissive, and dependent on men. From their perspective, they described
their male abusers as being controlling, angry, and violent. The risk for
experiencing violence increased when the women defied their prescriptive
gender roles by seeking employment and developing their social networks
and activities. In addition, for most women, coming to the United States
exposed them to other opportunities and ways of being a woman; this
exposure facilitated an awareness about their abuse and was a motivator to
seek help and end the abuse. Participants quotes end with their native
region and a number to demonstrate the range of comments coming from
different participants.
8 Journal of Interpersonal Violence 00(0)

Table 2.  Demographics of Participants.

Total Sample (N = 30)

Characteristics M (SD) or n (%)

Age 37.5 (11.1)
Length of time in the United States (years) 9.6 (6.5)
Country of origin  
 Mexico 10 (33.3)
  Central America  
  El Salvador 4 (13.3)
 Guatemala 3 (10.0)
 Honduras 1 (3.3)
 Caribbean  
 Jamaica 1 (3.3)
  Dominican Republic 7 (23.3)
  Puerto Rico 1 (3.3)
  South America  
 Colombia 1 (3.3)
 Peru 2 (6.7)
Educational attainment  
  Some high school or less 8 (26.7)
  High school graduate 5 (16.7)
  Some college or more 13 (43.3)
 Other 4 (13.3)
Employment status  
 Working 19 (63.3%)
Type of abuse experienced  
  Physical (pushing, pulling hair, hitting, etc.) 26 (86.7)
 Strangulation 7 (23.3)
  Psychological abuse (verbal insults, yelling, being 30 (100)
locked in a room)
  Sexual abuse (rape) 8 (26.7)
Reasons for relationship ending or leaving partner  
 Infidelity 2 (6.7)
  Partner left 4 (13.3)
  Mutual break-up 1 (3.3)
  Decided she had enough 2 (6.7)
  Partner called the cops on her 1 (3.3)
  Child(ren) were being abused 4 (13.3)
  Partner threatened to kill her 3 (10.0)
  Partner strangled her 4 (13.3)
  Partner beat her while she was pregnant 1 (3.3)
  Partner arrested for domestic violence 1 (3.3)
  Physical violence escalated 3 (10.0)
Still in contact with abuser 4 (13.3)
Alvarez et al. 9

Feminine Identity Following Gender Stereotypes

Descriptive gender characteristics. When asked to describe expectations of
women in their culture, participants shared; for example, “You have to put
up with everything, whatever they say. Whatever they do. Whatever they
say. That’s how they bring you up” (Caribbean, 6). Many also shared that
they were completely dependent on their partners and could not envision
themselves living independent of their abuser. Some women also recognized
that being dependent on their partners was an expectation or desire of the
former abuser, particularly when children were involved. For example, some
women shared,

Well, actually, that’s what he wanted. He wanted me to depend on him totally.

(Central American, 7)

A Mexican woman expressed her dependency and fear of leaving due to hav-
ing five children of various ages.

It’s true. I see myself in this situation. I understand the problem that I’m in. I
know that there’s help, but I’m afraid. I have 5 children: 13, 12, 10, 6 and 5. I
think. “Where am I going to go with five children?” I want to get better. I want
to move ahead, more forward, but I feel that if I-that if I don’t depend on
someone else’s help, I’m not gonna be okay. Sometime whatever they do to me.
I need them. (Mexican, 1)

Along with being dependent of a partner, women also expressed their fear of
being alone, particularly later in life once their children were grown.

I was scared. Sometimes, you’re scared, because you live with them, and you’re
afraid to live alone, ’cause you think you can’t live alone. (Caribbean, 5)

. . . sometimes you don’t wanna be left alone, and people are afraid of being
alone, because you think sometimes if you’re with a man, you’re gonna have
company for the rest of your life, because the kids grow up, and then they
leave, and them they have their own families, and then we’re left alone. (Central
American, 7)

Prescriptive gender characteristics.  The prescriptive characteristics for women

were clearly identified by the women as being in the home, a “good wife,”
cooking, cleaning, taking care of the family, and most importantly, her part-
ner. One women shared, “They bring you up so that you can be in charge of
the house so you’ll be a good wife” (Caribbean, 6). A woman’s ability to
perform the domestic activities of cleaning and cooking was connected to her
perceived value, including from the perspective of other men.
10 Journal of Interpersonal Violence 00(0)

When my daughter was gonna marry her husband, he said to the boyfriend,
before they got married, he said, “Do you know who you’re gonna marry? That
girl doesn’t know how to do anything. She’s not worth anything. You need a
girl that knows how to cook for you.” (Central American, 7)

Taking care of children was also not only a prescriptive role, but one that
was also descriptive such that women were explicit about motherhood as a
part of their identity.

I’ve always been a hard-working woman. I’m a woman that’s always at home
with my children. No one can ever say that I was out there doing something . . .
(Caribbean, 4)

This identity of motherhood was also the driver and motivator for women
to move forward and improve their lives.

I know I have to work, because I have a baby. I wanna study. I wanna do well.
It’s not just for me. It’s more for my baby. I’m trying to do well. That’s why I’m
here. I’m trying to better myself. (Caribbean, 6)

This identity of being a mother was not only the impetus for women leav-
ing their abusive partners but also a reason for remaining in the relationship.
Some women described wanting to leave but believed that this would upset
their children. For other women, the women acted to leave once their partners
began to physically abuse the children despite the abuses they experienced
themselves. One women shared how her son motivated her to leave.

My son, that’s 15 years old, said, “Okay, Mom. No more. Let’s leave.” I think
if it wasn’t for that, then I’d probably still be with him. I wouldn’t have left him
if it wasn’t like that. (Central American, 7)

Another woman reported leaving with her children when the police and child
protective services responded to a domestic violence call. The social worker
reported that she had to remove the children from the home, and gave the mother
a choice. She said, “I have to take your kids.” She said, “I’m gonna make this
question only once. Do you wanna go with your children or do you wanna
stay?” (Mexican, 2). The mother made the choice to leave with her children.

Masculine Identity
Descriptive characteristics.  Controlling–possessive–jealous, these were char-
acteristics women associated with their partners that were also reinforcing of
Alvarez et al. 11

descriptive roles for women; characteristics also associated with an aggres-

sive and violent personality. One woman shared her definition of control:

Control and power that a person has over you is when you have to tell them
everything. If they’re not in agreement, then you can’t go. They don’t give you
permission. Afterwards, there will be problems. (Caribbean, 5)

Women described partner controlling behaviors that resulted in being isolated—

not being able to be in contact with family or friends.

If he says you can’t go out, you can’t go out. (Caribbean, 5)

He wouldn’t let me visit my family. (Caribbean, 6)

I couldn’t go out anywhere. If I went to see a friend-if I was at a friend’s house

for three hours, he’d be outside waiting for me. He wouldn’t give me any space.
(Caribbean, 4)

Women also talked about being locked in the house and having their clothes
thrown out so that they could not get dressed to leave the home.

My baby’s father would throw my clothes out, because he’d say I don’t need
the clothes. He said all I needed to do was always stay home and wait for him
to come home. (Caribbean, 6)

This woman also described not being able to use the phone:

One thing that’s here, he wouldn’t let me talk to anybody on the phone. There
was a phone like that one. If he wasn’t there, the phone had to be disconnected.
If he was in the house, I’d always have to put the phone on speaker, even if it
was my mom. It didn’t matter who it was. He always had to hear what we were
talking about. I feel like every person should have some space, even if you have
a partner. (Caribbean, 6)

Even when leaving the home was necessary to keep up with responsibilities
of being a mother, it still resulted in conflict.

I would have to get up early, take my children to school and go to work and
pick up my children with the babysitters. I would have to stop and get food. If
I had appointments with the doctor, and sometimes you don’t get home at the
time that I am supposed to be home. That was a reason for him to be angry.
(Mexican, 1)
12 Journal of Interpersonal Violence 00(0)

Women also described their partners as being not only controlling but also
possessive and jealous. In fact, some women identified these characteristics
as being culturally acceptable in their countries of origin. “Usually, Dominican
men-the Dominican culture, they’re jealous. They are jealous and they are
possessive” (Caribbean, 2). They also identified jealousy as a risk factor for
intimate partner homicide among women, “Most of the men that kill over
there, it’s because they’re jealous. It’s because they’re jealous. That’s why
they kill” (Caribbean, 4).
Despite the men being the ones to exhibit the jealous behaviors, women
shared that their partners would project and instead accuse the women of
being jealous. This occurred especially when the men’s conduct created feel-
ings of distrust; they would then accuse their female partners of being jealous
and use this as a justification for being abusive.

When he worked, he’d stay at work and he’d never tell me. He’d wake up and
work the next day, and he wouldn’t even tell me that he slept there, so I’d have
to call his boss. I’d have to find out through the person at work, and he would
just say, “Oh no, he just stayed here working.” Then he started hitting me
because I’d try to find out where he was. I thought that was normal. When he’d
come home, I’d ask him, “Hey, wait a second. Why didn’t you tell me that you
were there, that you decided to stay there working?” Then he said. “You’re just
being jealous. You’re being jealous.” And then he would hit me. (Central
American, 7)

Violent and angry personality.  All the different forms of violence that the sur-
vivors experienced—physical, psychological, and sexual—were laden with
intense anger toward their partners. Most of the women described their part-
ners as always being angry and getting angry about everything. The anger
and violent behavior was frequently expressed in their partners’ conduct. “He
would get angry about everything. . . . He was always angry” (Mexican, 2).
Women described violent behavior against objects or physical spaces,
such has hitting walls and throwing glasses.

He would break things . . . he would throw everything. He would break chairs.

He would break them. He made me panic, because I always thought he was
gonna throw something at me, because at the beginning, he would hit me.
(Central American, 7)

I didn’t like the way he would throw things around and break things. He was
violent, and that was dangerous. (Caribbean, 2)

Violent behavior was also directed at women in the form of physical

violence.
Alvarez et al. 13

He would choke me. He would cover my face with a pillow. Once he put tape
on my mouth so I wouldn’t scream. He would cover my nose. He would take
my clothes off, and he would jump on top of me. That would make me very
scared that he would kill me. (Mexican, 2)

The last time he hit me, he broke all the red veins in my face. He wanted to
throw me down the stairs. (Caribbean, 6)

Women also described insults, scorn, and humiliations that they perceived as
more harmful than the physical violence and left them feeling “marked” for life.

That he told me in my face, “I don’t love you. You’re too fat. I don’t feel anything
for you.” The worst thing was that he was with me, that he was with me because
he needed someone to cook, to clean, to clean his clothes. Just to take care of him,
so like a maid. That he was only with her because of that. (Caribbean, 2)

[John] humiliated me, especially verbally. I feel that [John] did more damage
to me with his words than ever. (Caribbean, 5)

He mistreated me and he humiliated me, too. It really marked me for life,

because after him, I haven’t-t had a boyfriend. I’m really afraid to have a
relationship with somebody because I’m afraid the same thing’s going to
happen. (Caribbean, 6)

Also, almost all the women described instances of rape or, as they phrased it,
being “forced to have sex” with their partners.

I didn’t want to have sex . . . but just the threatening that he would call
immigration on me, I just go ahead and do it. Even when I’m so tired. I be
cleaning the house all day, cooking, washing, and then in the night, I have to go
have sex with him. (Mexican, 2)

He obligated me to have sex with him just because I was living with him . . .
The last time he abused me, that he obligated me to have sex with him and he
mistreated me . . . when he obliged me to have sex with him, the last time, I was
pregnant. (Caribbean, 6)

The aggressive/violent behaviors were also often exacerbated by substance

abuse.

He used to like to drink. I noticed that when he would get intoxicated, he would
lose consciousness. Then he started using illicit substances. Smoking. I was
afraid that in one of those moments, him being under the influence, that something
would happen to me while he was under the influence. (Caribbean, 2)
14 Journal of Interpersonal Violence 00(0)

Prescriptive characteristics.  Unlike the stereotype of women being the caretak-

ers and homemakers, the stereotype of men being the breadwinners and pro-
viders of the home was less defined in this study. One woman shared that in
her country (El Salvador), it is the expectation that “the man is the one that
always has to work and sustain the house” (Central American, 5). However,
women in this study generally described their partners as not being interested
in their family life or being providers; for example,

He doesn’t take care of me. He doesn’t do anything for me. If I say, “Let’s do
this for the kids”, he’ll just answer, “You do it yourself.” If I tell him to please
do something for the kids, he’ll say, “I can’t.” (Caribbean, 8)

Other women commented about their partners not wanting to work or provide
for the home.

He doesn’t keep a job. Also, he doesn’t like to work. (Mexican, 7)

He doesn’t leave any money and he expects food on the table. (Mexican, 4)

In fact, from the women’s perspective, rather than being a provider, their
partners were often financially abusive and taking money from the women.

He wanted to know about the money I was making. (Mexican, 1)

Then, he would take my money. (Mexican, 2)

It got to a point where he would be askin’ me for money daily. He stole money
from me, from my purse. (Caribbean, 2)

Sometimes, he would look at my personal papers. He would take my bank card,

and he would take my money out. He knew how to sign the way I sign, One
day, I was gonna pay for rent, and he had taken the money out. (Caribbean, 5)

One woman even shared that once she started working, her partner stopped
working and she was left to pay the bills. Also, a woman who was providing
for herself and her children used male characteristics to describe herself
because she was being the provider.

I consider myself a very strong woman because I’ve always worked very hard.
I was a single mother with three children. I’ve always had two jobs. I’ve
worked like a man. (Caribbean, 7)
Alvarez et al. 15

Experiencing Abuse When Not Meeting the Gender Stereotype

Many women described their partners’ anger intensifying; the women expe-
rienced abuse whenever they started to focus on themselves and tried to
improve themselves. Whether they made efforts to look more physically
attractive or improve their level of education, there was a backlash from their
partners.

If I would wear make-up or get dressed up, it was a reason why he would get
really mad. If I wanted to go to school, take classes—English classes,
computers—he would be very mad, because he would tell me that wouldn’t be
good for me. . . . If class would last three or four weeks, he wouldn’t talk to me
during that time even if we were in the same home. He would say that that was
not good for me. (Mexican, 1)

Whenever I got prepared for an interview at a job, he would say that I didn’t
speak enough English and that I wouldn’t get the job because I didn’t know
enough English. (Mexican, 8)

This negative response was reported even when the women wanted to learn
how to drive. “He didn’t each me to drive.” (Caribbean, 1).
When women were working, and contributing to the home, some experi-
enced psychological abuse. One woman described how her husband belittled
her contributions:

I would buy my clothes and my daughters’ clothes. I think that was a lot of help
in the house. He would always say that my money was worthless. (Mexican, 4).

Another woman shared that her husband’s abusiveness increased when she
was unable to become pregnant. He would say to her, “You’re not good for
anything. You can’t get pregnant. You’re not good for nothing” (Caribbean, 2).

I Thought It Was Normal

Many women described that they initially thought that the abuse they experi-
enced was “normal,” or something that was part of being married. In a few
cases, women attributed the acceptance of the abuse to what they had seen
growing up or social norms. When asked about family and community expec-
tations for women, one participant said, “They expect that you just stay in
your situation of being abused. Just let yourself be abused” (Caribbean, 3).
Similarly, another woman shared,
16 Journal of Interpersonal Violence 00(0)

I felt like I had to just put up with it, because that’s what I saw in my country,
as if it was normal. My mom always said that you had to just put up with it,
because you can’t be living with one person and then with another person.
(Caribbean, 5)

One woman described how she began to consciously accept the abuse:

I just thought my life was gonna end up being like that forever. You just learn
to live like that. You feel like you have no choice. I just thought my life was
gonna end up being like that forever. You just learn to live like that. You feel
like you have no choice. (Central American, 6)

There were also situations in which women were unaware that some of the
behaviors they were experiencing were not normal. In response to questions
about identifying “warning signs” or “red flags” in abusive relationships,
women acknowledged that they were unaware of what abuse is.

We don’t really know to see the symptoms. We don’t really know what the
symptoms are first. (Caribbean, 3)

. . . because frankly, a lot of times we don’t realize it, what that is actually
domestic violence. We think that’s normal, because he had a hard day, or he’s
mad at work. I used to think that that was normal. (Central American, 7)

Impact of Immigration Experience

Although not explicit, migrating to the United States impacted some wom-
en’s experiences with domestic violence. For some women, abuse escalated
on migrating to the United States with their partners. For example, one
women shared that while living with her partner in Mexico, “He would drink,
but he wouldn’t get aggressive. He would get aggressive toward others. . . .
He would come home and break things. He didn’t throw things at me.” Once
in the United States, she described how he became angrier, abused alcohol
more, and the abuse escalated.

He started drinking again. I don’t remember why we started having problems.

The only thing I remember was he was very angry once he entered our room,
and he pushed me to the floor. He picked me up by my hair. The abuse escalated
from there. Until my son was born, he was a few months old. There was sexual
abuse at home. It was like a person that I didn’t know was raping me. A stranger.

Other women described similar experiences ranging from their partners

“changing”—being less affectionate and interested in family, to becoming
more controlling and physically violent.
Alvarez et al. 17

Despite negative changes in their relationships, all women reported out-

weighing benefits of migrating to the United States from their countries of
origin. For many women, it was an opportunity to see another way of life and
other ways of being a woman; as a result, they felt empowered to change their
abusive situations. One woman shared,

I’ve seen that other women have not put up with abuse and I see women here
that are more liberal. (Mexican, 1)

In this country I’ve liked it much more, because the woman can actually
develop herself. She has the freedom to say what she wants and what she
doesn’t. She can study if she wants to. She can work. She can have a normal
life. (Caribbean, 8)

Women also became more attuned to their self-worth, value, and felt more
empowered.

One of the factors that has helped me is to bother yourself to know your worth
and to know that you’re important. That you were not born to be abused. That
you were born to get up and work, and the wives are not-as wives we’re not
there to be abused by any form, verbally, psychically, emotionally. We are there
to be a support to them. (Caribbean, 2).

Discussion
The goal of this study was to examine LCIW’s experiences of domestic vio-
lence juxtaposed to the gender stereotype framework and the theory of
ambivalent sexism. We learned that the more women ascribed to gender ste-
reotypes, the more they endured the abuse. For many women, abuse also
worsened on migration to the United States and when they attempted to
become more independent either through advancing their education or work-
ing. Despite these challenges, living in the United States exposed these immi-
grant women not only to other opportunities for improving their lives (e.g.,
education, work) but also to resources that could facilitate safely leaving their
abusers. Prior research has also shown that as women’s financial contribu-
tions to the household increase, so does their victimization (Perilla et al.,
1994). Our findings reveal another component of this narrative which is the
personal growth that women experience through migration to the United
States that also facilitates ending the abuse.
Findings from this study aligned with the theory of gender stereotypes and
ambivalent sexism theory (Glick & Fiske, 1996). When asked to describe
gender expectations in their countries of origin, many women described char-
acteristics identified in the gender stereotype framework. Women described
18 Journal of Interpersonal Violence 00(0)

themselves as being submissive and dependent on their partners. Many inter-

nalized this role to the degree that they believed enduring their abuse was part
of their role. At the same time, women who wanted more opportunities for
themselves—to learn English, earn an income—in other words, those who
started exhibiting characteristics associated with men, experienced various
forms of abuse from their partners and were discouraged from self-improve-
ment and their ambitions. In other words, they were more likely to experience
hostile sexism. Among Latino males, Bermúdez et al. (2015) also found an
association between hostile sexism and greater credence in traditional gender
roles—believing that women should stay at home and that guys only hit their
girls when they deserve it; there was no data on reports of actual perpetuation
of violence in Bermúdez’s study.
Benevolent sexism—the other component in the ambivalent sexism
theory—refers to women being treated well for adhering to traditional
gender roles. However, our participants did not discuss any details which
suggested they were treated well for “adhering to traditional gender roles.”
Instead, women with greater credence in traditional gender roles seemed to
be more willing to endure the abuse. Our participants whose identity was
tied to being a “good woman”—taking care of the children and the home—
likely also ascribed to the idea of familismo—prioritizing the needs of the
family over those of the individual—and therefore endure the abuse for the
purposes of keeping the family together.
These findings underscore partial infidelity to traditional gender norms
among Latina and Caribbean immigrant men regarding their descriptive
roles. Whether consciously or not, being a partner and/or mother was an
important role that our participants worked hard to fulfill. Like findings from
previous work (Perilla et al., 1994) women’s efforts to move beyond their
traditional roles were met with some form of violence from their partners. Yet
their partners were often not living up to the expectation of being a protector
and breadwinner for the family. Although, women complained about their
partners not meeting these expectations, the men never experienced the hos-
tility and retaliation that the women described for being “more than” a part-
ner and/or mother. This increase in male-to-female abuse when women
“break” gender stereotypes suggests a potentially earlier risk factor (com-
pared to when one is trying to leave the relationship) for severe violence for
immigrant women. Therefore, service providers working with women who
may be experiencing abuse should also be attuned to these more nuanced risk
factors for severe violence and consider this issue of navigating gender ste-
reotypes when developing a safety plan.
Implicit in our participants’ stories was the frustration and anger of their
partners. Almost, all the women described their partners as being angry and
Alvarez et al. 19

often resorting to abusing substances, mainly alcohol and sometimes other

illegal drugs. Many women attributed much of their partner’s violent behav-
iors to alcohol misuse and/or drug use. Other researchers (Ames, Cunradi,
Duke, & Todd, 2013; Field & Caetano, 2005) have also found alcohol misuse
to be associated with IPV. The anger and substance abuse may also stem in
part from the stresses and vulnerabilities one may feel when migrating to a
new environment. Part of the stressors and feelings of vulnerability may have
been from not being able to fulfill their roles as breadwinners (Davis &
Chavez, 1985). In his writings about “manhood” and codes of conduct, Peter
Wilson (1969) presents the notion of reputation and respectability.
Respectability refers to codes of conduct and etiquette for men, such as being
able to provide for one’s family. Reputation refers to the proof of wealth and
worth for being a respectable man. For many of the men described by our
participants, when in their countries of origin, they lived in economies in
which their jobs fulfilled their reputation and respectability. Immigration sta-
tus likely challenged these men’s opportunities for earning an income that
would support their families, challenging both their reputations and respect-
ability. Perpetrating acts of violence may have been for some men an effort to
regain a sense of control or respectability. We do not consider issues of repu-
tation and respectability as reasons for abuse, rather factors to consider when
working with perpetrators of IPV.
Another potential contributor to male-perpetrated violence is premigration
exposure to political violence, such as violent acts (kidnapped, detained,
beaten) committed by police or other authority groups (Gupta et al., 2009).
Gupta et al. (2009) found that immigrant men who had been exposed to polit-
ical violence in their countries of origin were more likely to report perpetuat-
ing any type of IPV.
The narrative from our participants suggests that the immigration
experience was more positively transformative for women compared with
their male partners, most of whom were also immigrants. Our participants
were not exempt from the challenges one may experience being in a new
culture: not knowing the main language and in some cases, being undocu-
mented. At the same time, women revealed positive aspects of their
migration. Exposure to “American” culture enlightened many of the
women about alternative feminine identities: mother and employed, inde-
pendent, and so forth. Contrary to their countries of origin, where male-
to-female abuse was not criminalized and somewhat “normalized,” being
in the United States also helped sensitize women to the fact that partner
abuse is not normal and a crime. As a result, some women felt empowered
to seek help for the abuse they were experiencing and to leave their abu-
sive partners.
20 Journal of Interpersonal Violence 00(0)

Practice Implications
Immigration status and acculturation add an additional layer of complexity to
our understanding of IPV perpetration and prevention. Our findings present
some practice implications when working with immigrant women experienc-
ing IPV. Given the importance of family, working with both partners in the
relationship is essential. Both the women and the men described in this study
needed support reconciling traditional gender roles, their identities pertaining
to these gender roles, and their immigration and socioeconomic status—all of
which are intertwined.
In a previous study, reconstructing traditional gender norms and attitudes
at the community level successfully reduced IPV perpetration and victimiza-
tion among Ugandan men and women who participated in a cluster random-
ized controlled trial (Abramsky et al., 2016). In addition to family-based
interventions, there is a need for community programs serving immigrant
Latinos to support job training so that both men and women can maximize
their potential for themselves and their families. As researchers and practitio-
ners continue to develop interventions for both victims and perpetrators, con-
sidering the underlying issues of employment and gender identity within
these interventions may be effective for primary and secondary prevention of
IPV (Fulu, Jewkes, Roselli, & Garcia-Moreno, 2013).
Finally, like other studies, our findings also highlight the coexistence of
alcohol misuse and IPV (Gilchrist, Radcliffe, Noto, & d’Oliveira, 2017; I. M.
Wilson, Graham, & Taft, 2017). While we know that alcohol misuse does not
cause IPV, alcohol is frequently involved in cases of male-to-female IPV and
is associated with IPV severity. This may be another issue to address with
women experiencing IPV. In addition to addressing the issue of alcoholism
within a family-based intervention, women may simultaneously need guid-
ance on safety strategies when dealing with an intoxicated partner.

Limitations
We note several limitations with this study. The data represent findings pri-
marily from a convenience sample of women who had left their abusers. As
such, the data may be more reflective of immigrant women experiencing
more extreme forms of violence. Also, almost all women were Spanish-
dominant (i.e., less acculturated to the United States), further complicating
their vulnerability and management of abuse. These findings may not be
generalizable to other immigrant women who enter the United States with
mastery of the English language and greater ability to assimilate into the
mainstream. Finally, our study was conducted from the perspectives of
Alvarez et al. 21

women. Additional studies should gauge the perspectives of Latino immi-

grant men in the context of gender stereotypes to maximize the effectiveness
of shifting culturally supported gender norms.

Conclusion
The goal of this study was to use the theory of gender stereotypes to illus-
trate expressions of IPV among LCIW. The data fit the theory and helped
illustrate how for some women, assuming behaviors that do not meet their
circumscribed gender role expectations may be a risk factor for abuse. This
risk for abuse may be increased, particularly with men who are unable to
meet expectations of being a breadwinner and who misuse alcohol. These
findings have practice implications for health care workers serving immi-
grant families coming from communities that espouse traditional gender
roles. More research is needed to identify how to best support such families
navigate essential changes in traditional gender roles as well as primary and
secondary prevention of IPV, particularly for those who wish to remain
with their partners.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research,
authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research,
authorship, and/or publication of this article: This study was funded by the Eunice
Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health and Human Development
(5R01HD08117903).

References
Abramsky, T., Devries, K. M., Michau, L., Nakuti, J., Musuya, T., Kiss, L., . . . Watts,
C. (2016). Ecological pathways to prevention: How does the SASA! community
mobilisation model work to prevent physical intimate partner violence against
women? BMC Public Health, 16(1), Article 339.
Ames, G. M., Cunradi, C. B., Duke, M., & Todd, M. (2013). Contributions of work
stressors, alcohol, and normative beliefs to partner violence. Journal of Studies
on Alcohol and Drugs, 74, 195-204.
Bem, S. L. (1974). The measurement of psychological androgyny. Journal of
Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 42, 155-162.
Bent-Goodley, T. B. (2007). Health disparities and violence against women why and
how cultural and societal influences matter. Trauma, Violence, & Abuse, 8, 90-104.
22 Journal of Interpersonal Violence 00(0)

Bermúdez, M. J., Sharp, E. A., & Taniguchi, N. (2015). Tapping into the complexity.
Journal of Family Issues, 36, 1274-1295. doi:10.1177/0192513X13506706
Childress, S. (2013). A meta-summary of qualitative findings on the lived experience
among culturally diverse domestic violence survivors. Issues in Mental Health
Nursing, 34, 693-705.
Davis, S., & Chavez, V. (1985). Hispanic househusbands. Hispanic Journal of
Behavioral Sciences, 7, 317-332. doi:10.1177/07399863850074001
Erez, E., Adelman, M., & Gregory, C. (2008). Intersections of immigration and
domestic violence: Voices of battered immigrant women. Feminist Criminology,
4, 32-56.
Faulkner, S. L., & Mansfield, P. K. (2002). Reconciling messages: The process of
sexual talk for Latinas. Qualitative Health Research, 12, 310-328.
Field, C. A., & Caetano, R. (2005). Longitudinal model predicting mutual partner
violence among White, Black, and Hispanic couples in the United States general
population. Violence and Victims, 20, 499-511.
Fiske, S. T., Xu, J., Cuddy, A. C., & Glick, P. (1999). (Dis) respecting versus (dis)
liking: Status and interdependence predict ambivalent stereotypes of competence
and warmth. Journal of Social Issues, 55, 473-489.
Fulu, E., Jewkes, R., Roselli, T., & Garcia-Moreno, C. (2013). Prevalence of and fac-
tors associated with male perpetration of intimate partner violence: Findings from
the UN Multi-Country Cross-Sectional Study on Men and Violence in Asia and
the Pacific. The Lancet Global Health, 1(4), e187-e207.
Gilchrist, G., Radcliffe, P., Noto, A. R., & d’Oliveira, A. F. P. L. (2017). The preva-
lence and factors associated with ever perpetrating intimate partner violence by
men receiving substance use treatment in Brazil and England: A cross-cultural
comparison. Drug and Alcohol Review, 36(1), 34-51.
Glick, P., & Fiske, S. T. (1996). The ambivalent sexism inventory: Differentiating
hostile and benevolent sexism. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,
70, 491-512.
Gupta, J., Acevedo-Garcia, D., Hemenway, D., Decker, M. R., Raj, A., & Silverman,
J. G. (2009). Premigration exposure to political violence and perpetration of inti-
mate partner violence among immigrant men in Boston. American Journal of
Public Health, 99, 462-469.
Hsieh, H.-F., & Shannon, S. E. (2005). Three approaches to qualitative content analy-
sis. Qualitative Health Research, 15, 1277-1288.
Ingram, E. M. (2007). A comparison of help seeking between Latino and non-Latino
victims of intimate partner violence. Violence Against Women, 13, 159-171.
doi:10.1177/1077801206296981
Lameiras, M., Fernández, M. V. C., & Castro, Y. R. (2013). Sexualidad y salud: el
estudio de la sexualidad humana desde una perspectiva de género [Sexuality and
Health: Human Sexuality from a Gender Perspective]. Vigo, Spain: Servizo de
Publicacións da Universidade de Vigo, 36310.
Montalvo-Liendo, N., Wardell, D. W., Engebretson, J., & Reininger, B. M. (2009).
Factors influencing disclosure of abuse by women of Mexican descent. Journal
of Nursing Scholarship, 41, 359-367. doi:10.1111/j.1547-5069.2009.01304.x
Alvarez et al. 23

Moreno, C. L. (2007). The relationship between culture, gender, structural factors,

abuse, trauma, and HIV/AIDS for Latinas. Qualitative Health Research, 17,
340-352.
Neff, J. A., Holamon, B., & Schluter, T. D. (1995). Spousal violence among Anglos,
Blacks, and Mexican Americans: The role of demographic variables, psycho-
social predictors, and alcohol consumption. Journal of Family Violence, 10(1),
1-21. doi:10.1007/bf02110534
Nicolaidis, C., & Touhouliotis, V. (2006). Addressing intimate partner violence in
primary care: Lessons from chronic illness management. Violence and Victims,
21, 101-115.
Perilla, J. L., Bakeman, R., & Norris, F. H. (1994). Culture and domestic violence:
The ecology of abused Latinas. Violence and Victims, 9, 325-339.
Reina, A. S., Lohman, B. J., & Maldonado, M. M. (2014). “He said they’d
deport me”: Factors influencing domestic violence help-seeking practices
among Latina immigrants. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 29, 593-615.
doi:10.1177/0886260513505214
Spence, J. T., & Helmreich, R. L. (1980). Masculine instrumentality and femi-
nine expressiveness: Their relationships with sex role attitudes and behaviors.
Psychology of Women Quarterly, 5, 147-163.
Vandello, J. A., & Cohen, D. (2003). Male honor and female fidelity: Implicit cul-
tural scripts that perpetuate domestic violence. Journal of Personality and Social
Psychology, 84, 997-1010. doi:10.1037/0022-3514.84.5.997
Vidales, G. T. (2010). Arrested justice: The multifaceted plight of immigrant
Latinas who faced domestic violence. Journal of Family Violence, 25, 533-544.
doi:10.1007/s10896-010-9309-5
Wilson, I. M., Graham, K., & Taft, A. (2017). Living the cycle of drinking and vio-
lence: A qualitative study of women’s experience of alcohol-related intimate
partner violence. Drug and Alcohol Review, 36, 115-124.
Wilson, P. J. (1969). Reputation and respectability: A suggestion for Caribbean eth-
nology. Man, 4, 70-84.

Author Biographies
Carmen Alvarez, PhD, CRNP, CNM is an Assistant Professor in the Johns Hopkins
University School of Nursing. Her work focuses on supporting the unique needs of
trauma survivors, particularly among underserved and ethnic minority women.
Maria Lameiras-Fernandez, PhD is a Professor of Psychology and Chair of
Gender and Sexuality Research at the University of Vigo, Spain. Her research inter-
ests include sexual diversity, gender equality, sexual education, and intimate part-
ner violence.
Charvonne N. Holliday, PhD, MPH is an Assistant Professor in the Johns Hopkins
Bloomberg School of Public Health. Her research is centered on understanding racial/
ethnic disparities in women’s experiences of gender-based violence and related sex-
ual/reproductive health outcomes.
24 Journal of Interpersonal Violence 00(0)

Bushra Sabri, MSW, PhD is an Assistant Professor at Johns Hopkins University

School of Nursing. Her research focuses on the intersecting epidemics of violence,
mental health, substance use, HIV, and reproductive-sexual health problems, specifi-
cally among women from marginalized and underserved communities.
Jacquelyn Campbell, PhD, RN, FAAN is Anna D. Wolf Chair and a Professor in the
Johns Hopkins University School of Nursing. She has been conducting research on
intimate partner violence and health outcomes for more than 20 years.