 

 



    
   
   
 


   
   

During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries

about 85 per cent of the population of India lived in
its villages. Both peasants and landed elites were
involved in agricultural production and claimed
rights to a share of the produce. This created
relationships of cooperation, competition and
conflict among them. The sum of these agrarian
relationships made up rural society.
At the same time agencies from outside also
entered into the rural world. Most important among
these was the Mughal state, which derived the
bulk of its income from agricultural production.
Agents of the state – revenue assessors, collectors,
record keepers – sought to control rural society so
as to ensure that cultivation took place and the
state got its regular share of taxes from the
Fig. 8.1
produce. Since many crops were grown for sale,
A rural scene
Detail from a seventeenth-century
trade, money and markets entered the villages and
Mughal painting linked the agricultural areas with the towns.



The basic unit of agricultural society was the village,
inhabited by peasants who performed the manifold
seasonal tasks that made up agricultural production
throughout the year – tilling the soil, sowing seeds,
harvesting the crop when it was ripe. Further, they
contributed their labour to the production of
agro-based goods such as sugar and oil.
But rural India was not characterised by settled
peasant production alone. Several kinds of areas
such as large tracts of dry land or hilly regions were
not cultivable in the same way as the more fertile

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 

expanses of land. In addition, forest areas made up

a substantial proportion of territory. We need to keep
this varied topography in mind when discussing
agrarian society.
1.1 Looking for sources
Our understanding of the workings of rural society does
not come from those who worked the land, as peasants
did not write about themselves. Our major source for
the agrarian history of the sixteenth and early
seventeenth centuries are chronicles and documents
from the Mughal court (see also Chapter 9).
One of the most important chronicles was the
Ain-i Akbari (in short the Ain, see also Section 8)
authored by Akbar’s court historian Abu’l Fazl. This
text meticulously recorded the arrangements made
by the state to ensure cultivation, to enable the
collection of revenue by the agencies of the state
and to regulate the relationship between the state
and rural magnates, the zamindars.
The central purpose of the Ain was to present a
vision of Akbar’s empire where social harmony was
provided by a strong ruling class. Any revolt or assertion
of autonomous power against the Mughal state was,
in the eyes of the author of the Ain, predestined to fail.
In other words, whatever we learn from the Ain about
peasants remains a view from the top.
Fortunately, however, the account of the Ain can
be supplemented by descriptions contained in sources
emanating from regions away from the Mughal
capital. These include detailed revenue records from
Gujarat, Maharashtra and Rajasthan dating from
the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Further,
the extensive records of the East India Company (see
also Chapter 10) provide us with useful descriptions
of agrarian relations in eastern India. All these
sources record instances of conflicts between
peasants, zamindars and the state. In the process
they give us an insight into peasants’ perception of
and their expectations of fairness from the state.
1.2 Peasants and their lands
The term which Indo-Persian sources of the Mughal
period most frequently used to denote a peasant was
raiyat (plural, riaya) or muzarian. In addition, we
also encounter the terms kisan or asami. Sources of
the seventeenth century refer to two kinds of
peasants – khud-kashta and pahi-kashta. The former

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 

Source 1 were residents of the village in which they held their

lands. The latter were non-resident cultivators who
 belonged to some other village, but cultivated lands
elsewhere on a contractual basis. People became
      pahi-kashta either out of choice – for example, when
     terms of revenue in a distant village were more
     favourable – or out of compulsion – for example,
   forced by economic distress after a famine.
 Seldom did the average peasant of north India
 possess more than a pair of bullocks and two
    ploughs; most possessed even less. In Gujarat
 peasants possessing about six acres of land were
 considered to be affluent; in Bengal, on the other
 hand, five acres was the upper limit of an average
    peasant farm ; 10 acres would make one a rich asami.
 Cultivation was based on the principle of individual
 ownership. Peasant lands were bought and sold in
 the same way as the lands of other property owners.

This nineteenth-century description of peasant


holdings in the Delhi-Agra region would apply equally
     to the seventeenth century:
 The cultivating peasants (asamis), who plough
    up the fields, mark the limits of each field, for
     identification and demarcation, with borders of
    (raised) earth, brick and thorn so that thousands

of such fields may be counted in a village.

     
1.3 Irrigation and technology
   

The abundance of land, available labour and the
 mobility of peasants were three factors that
 accounted for the constant expansion of agriculture.
Since the primary purpose of agriculture is to feed

Describe the aspects people, basic staples such as rice, wheat or millets
of agricultural life that were the most frequently cultivated crops. Areas
struck Babur as which received 40 inches or more of rainfall a year
particular to regions in were generally rice-producing zones, followed by
northern India. wheat and millets, corresponding to a descending
scale of precipitation.
Monsoons remained the backbone of Indian
agriculture, as they are even today. But there were
crops which required additional water. Artificial
systems of irrigation had to be devised for this.

2022-23
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Source 2



          




        

 
Compare the
 irrigation devices
 observed by Babur with
 what you have learnt
 about irrigation in
 Vijayanagara
 (Chapter 7). What kind
 of resources would each
 of these systems
 require? Which systems
          
could ensure the

participation of peasants

in improving
 agricultural technology?


Fig. 8.2

A reconstructed Persian
 wheel, described here


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 

Irrigation projects received state support as well.

For example, in northern India the state undertook

digging of new canals (nahr, nala) and also repaired
     old ones like the shahnahr in the Punjab during Shah
     Jahan’s reign.
 Though agriculture was labour intensive, peasants
 did use technologies that often harnessed cattle
    
energy. One example was the wooden plough, which

was light and easily assembled with an iron tip or

coulter. It therefore did not make deep furrows, which

      preserved the moisture better during the intensely
 hot months. A drill, pulled by a pair of giant oxen,
      was used to plant seeds, but broadcasting of
      seed was the most prevalent method. Hoeing and
    weeding were done simultaneously using a narrow
 iron blade with a small wooden handle.
    1.4 An abundance of crops
     Agriculture was organised around two major
    
seasonal cycles, the kharif (autumn) and the rabi

(spring). This would mean that most regions, except

those terrains that were the most arid or
inhospitable, produced a minimum of two crops a
year (do-fasla), whereas some, where rainfall or
irrigation assured a continuous supply of water, even
gave three crops. This ensured an enormous variety
of produce. For instance, we are told in the Ain that
the Mughal provinces of Agra produced 39 varieties
of crops and Delhi produced 43 over the two seasons.
Bengal produced 50 varieties of rice alone.
However, the focus on the cultivation of basic
  staples did not mean that agriculture in medieval
India was only for subsistence. We often come across
 the term jins-i kamil (literally, perfect crops) in our
 sources. The Mughal state also encouraged peasants
     to cultivate such crops as they brought in more
   revenue. Crops such as cotton and sugarcane were
    jins-i kamil par excellence. Cotton was grown over a
   great swathe of territory spread over central India
    and the Deccan plateau, whereas Bengal was famous
   for its sugar. Such cash crops would also include
   various sorts of oilseeds (for example, mustard) and
  
lentils. This shows how subsistence and commercial
    
production were closely intertwined in an average

peasant’s holding.
     

During the seventeenth century several new crops
from different parts of the world reached the Indian

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subcontinent. Maize (makka), for example, was

introduced into India via Africa and Spain and by  Discuss...
the seventeenth century it was being listed as one Identify the technologies
of the major crops of western India. Vegetables like and agricultural practices
tomatoes, potatoes and chillies were introduced from described in this section that
the New World at this time, as were fruits like the appear similar to or different
pineapple and the papaya. from those described in
Chapter 2.

The above account makes it clear that agricultural
production involved the intensive participation and
initiative of the peasantry. How did this affect the
structure of agrarian relations in Mughal society?
To find out, let us look at the social groups involved
in agricultural expansion, and at their relationships
and conflicts.
We have seen that peasants held their lands in
individual ownership. At the same time they belonged
to a collective village community as far as many
aspects of their social existence were concerned. Fig. 8.3
There were three constituents of this community – An early nineteenth-century
the cultivators, the panchayat, and the village painting depicting a village in
headman (muqaddam or mandal). the Punjab

2.1 Caste and the rural milieu


Describe what women and
Deep inequities on the basis of caste and other caste-
men are shown doing in the
like distinctions meant that the cultivators were a illustration as well as the
highly heterogeneous group. Among those who tilled architecture of the village.
the land, there was a sizeable number who worked
as menials or agricultural
labourers (majur).
Despite the abundance of
cultivable land, certain caste
groups were assigned menial
tasks and thus relegated to
poverty. Though there was
no census at that time, the
little data that we have
suggest that such groups
comprised a large section of
the village population, had
the least resources and were
constrained by their position
in the caste hierarchy, much
like the Dalits of modern
India. Such distinctions had
begun permeating into other

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communities too. In Muslim communities menials like

the halalkhoran (scavengers) were housed outside the
boundaries of the village; similarly the mallahzadas
(literally, sons of boatmen) in Bihar were comparable
to slaves.
There was a direct correlation between caste,
poverty and social status at the lower strata of
society. Such correlations were not so marked at
intermediate levels. In a manual from seventeenth-
century Marwar, Rajputs are mentioned as peasants,
sharing the same space with Jats, who were accorded
a lower status in the caste hierarchy. The Gauravas,
who cultivated land ar ound Vrindavan (Uttar
Pradesh), sought Rajput status in the seventeenth
century. Castes such as the Ahirs, Gujars and Malis
rose in the hierarchy because of the profitability of
cattle rearing and horticulture. In the eastern
regions, intermediate pastoral and fishing castes
like the Sadgops and Kaivartas acquired the status
of peasants.
2.2 Panchayats and headmen
The village panchayat was an assembly of elders,
usually important people of the village with hereditary
rights over their property. In mixed-caste villages,
the panchayat was usually a heterogeneous body. An
oligarchy, the panchayat represented various castes
and communities in the village, though the village
menial-cum-agricultural worker was unlikely to be
represented there. The decisions made by these
panchayats were binding on the members.
The panchayat was headed by a headman known
as muqaddam or mandal. Some sources suggest that
the headman was chosen through the consensus of
the village elders, and that this choice had to be
ratified by the zamindar. Headmen held office as long
  as they enjoyed the confidence of the village elders,
failing which they could be dismissed by them. The

chief function of the headman was to supervise the

    preparation of village accounts, assisted by the
 accountant or patwari of the panchayat.
 The panchayat derived its funds from
     contributions made by individuals to a common
 financial pool. These funds were used for defraying
 the costs of entertaining revenue officials who
 visited the village from time to time. Expenses for
community welfare activities such as tiding over

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natural calamities (like

floods), were also met from
these funds. Often these
funds were also deployed in
construction of a bund or
digging a canal which
peasants usually could not
afford to do on their own.
One important function of
the panchayat was to ensure
that caste boundaries among
the various communities
inhabiting the village were
upheld. In eastern India all
marriages were held in the
presence of the mandal. In other words one of the Fig. 8.4
duties of the village headman was to oversee the An early nineteenth-century
painting depicting a meeting of
conduct of the members of the village community
village elders and tax collectors
“chiefly to prevent any offence against their caste”.
Panchayats also had the authority to levy fines 
How has the artist
and inflict more serious forms of punishment like differentiated between the
expulsion from the community. The latter was a village elders and the
drastic step and was in most cases meted out for a tax collectors?
limited period. It meant that a person forced to leave
the village became an outcaste and lost his right
to practise his profession. Such a measure was
intended as a deterrent to violation of caste norms.
In addition to the village panchayat each caste
or jati in the village had its own jati panchayat.
These panchayats wielded considerable power
in rural society. In Rajasthan jati panchayats
arbitrated civil disputes between members of
different castes. They mediated in contested claims
on land, decided whether marriages were performed
according to the norms laid down by a particular
caste group, determined who had ritual precedence
in village functions, and so on. In most cases,
except in matters of criminal justice, the state
respected the decisions of jati panchayats.
Archival records from western India – notably
Rajasthan and Maharashtra – contain petitions
presented to the panchayat complaining about
extortionate taxation or the demand for unpaid
labour (begar) imposed by the “superior” castes or
officials of the state. These petitions were usually
made by villagers, from the lowest rungs of rural
society. Often petitions were made collectively as

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 

well, by a caste group or a community protesting

against what they considered were morally
illegitimate demands on the part of elite groups.
These included excessive tax demands which,
especially in times of drought or other disasters,
endangered the peasants’ subsistence. In the eyes
Fig. 8.5 of the petitioners the right to the basic minimum for
A seventeenth-century painting
depicting textile production
survival was sanctioned by custom. They regarded
the village panchayat as the court of appeal that

Describe the activities that would ensure that the state carried out its moral
are shown in the illustration. obligations and guaranteed justice.
The decision of the panchayat in
conflicts between “lower -caste”
peasants and state officials or the
local zamindar could vary from
case to case. In cases of excessive
revenue demands, the panchayat
often suggested compromise. In
cases where reconciliation failed,
peasants took recourse to more
drastic forms of resistance, such as
deserting the village. The relatively
easy availability of uncultivated land
and the competition over labour
resources made this an effective
weapon in the hands of cultivators.
2.3 Village artisans
Another interesting aspect of
the village was the elaborate
relationship of exchange between
different producers. Marathi
documents and village surveys
made in the early years of British
rule have revealed the existence of
substantial numbers of artisans,
sometimes as high as 25 per cent of
the total households in the villages.
At times, however, the distinction
between artisans and peasants in
village society was a fluid one, as
many groups performed the tasks
of both. Cultivators and their
families would also participate in
craft production – such as dyeing,
textile printing, baking and firing
of pottery, making and repairing

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 

agricultural implements. Phases in the agricultural

calendar when there was a relative lull in activity,
as between sowing and weeding or between weeding
and harvesting, were a time when cultivators could
engage in artisanal production.
Village artisans – potters, blacksmiths, carpenters,
barbers, even goldsmiths – provided specialised
services in return for which they were compensated
by villagers by a variety of means. The most common
way of doing so was by giving them a share of the
harvest, or an allotment of land, perhaps cultivable
wastes, which was likely to be decided by the
panchayat. In Maharashtra such lands became the
artisans’ miras or watan – their hereditary holding.
Another variant of this was a system where
artisans and individual peasant households entered
into a mutually negotiated system of remuneration,
most of the time goods for services. For example,
eighteenth-century records tell us of zamindars in
Bengal who remunerated blacksmiths, carpenters,
even goldsmiths for their work by paying them “a
small daily allowance and diet money”. This later
came to be described as the jajmani system,
though the term was not in vogue in the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries. Such evidence is
interesting because it indicates the intricate ways
in which exchange networks operated at the
micro-level of the village. Cash remuneration was
not entirely unknown either.
2.4 A “little republic”?
How does one understand the significance of the
village community? Some British officials in the
nineteenth century saw the village as a “little
republic” made up of fraternal partners sharing
resources and labour in a collective. However, this
was not a sign of rural egalitarianism. There was
individual ownership of assets and deep inequities
based on caste and gender distinctions. A group
of powerful individuals decided the affairs of the
village, exploited the weaker sections and had the
authority to dispense justice.
More importantly, a cash nexus had already
developed through trade between villages and towns.
In the Mughal heartland too, revenue was assessed
and collected in cash. Artisans producing for the
export market (for example, weavers) received their

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 

advances or wages in cash, as did producers of

commercial products like cotton, silk or indigo.


  Discuss...
     In what ways do you think the panchayats
 described in this section were similar to or
      
different from present-day gram panchayats?

             
   
     
     
As you may have observed in many different societies,

the production process often involves men and
women performing certain specified roles. In the
contexts that we are exploring, women and men had
to work shoulder to shoulder in the fields. Men
tilled and ploughed, while women sowed, weeded,
threshed and winnowed the harvest. With the growth
of nucleated villages and expansion in individuated
peasant farming, which characterised medieval
Indian agriculture, the basis of production was the
labour and resources of the entire household.
Naturally, a gendered segregation between the home
(for women) and the world (for men) was not possible
in this context. Nonetheless biases related to women’s
biological functions did continue. Menstruating
Fig. 8.6
A shroff at work women, for instance, were not allowed to touch the
plough or the potter’s wheel in western India, or
enter the groves where betel-leaves (paan) were
grown in Bengal.
Artisanal tasks such as spinning yarn, sifting and
kneading clay for pottery, and embroidery were among
the many aspects of production dependent on female
labour. The more commercialised the product, the
greater the demand on women’s labour to produce it.
In fact, peasant and artisan women worked not only
in the fields, but even went to the houses of their
employers or to the markets if necessary.
Women were considered an important resource in
agrarian society also because they were child bearers
in a society dependent on labour. At the same time,
high mortality rates among women – owing to
malnutrition, frequent pregnancies, death during
childbirth – often meant a shortage of wives. This
Fig. 8.7
led to the emergence of social customs in peasant
A woman spinning thread and artisan communities that were distinct from

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those prevalent among elite groups. Marriages in

many rural communities required the payment of
bride-price rather than dowry to the bride’s family.
Remarriage was considered legitimate both among
divorced and widowed women.
The importance attached to women as a
reproductive force also meant that the fear of losing
control over them was great. According to established
social norms, the household was headed by a male.
Thus women were kept under strict control by the
male members of the family and the community.
They could inflict draconian punishments if they
suspected infidelity on the part of women.
Documents from Western India – Rajasthan, Gujarat
and Maharashtra – record petitions sent by women to
the village panchayat, seeking redress and justice.
Wives protested against the infidelity of their
husbands or the neglect of the wife and children by
the male head of the household, the grihasthi. While
male infidelity was not always punished, the state
and “superior” caste groups did intervene when it came
to ensuring that the family was adequately provided
Fig. 8.8 a
for. In most cases when women petitioned to the
The construction of Fatehpur Sikri –
panchayat, their names were excluded from the women crushing stones
record: the petitioner was referred to as the mother,
sister or wife of the male head of the household.
Amongst the landed gentry, women had the right
to inherit property. Instances from the Punjab show
that women, including widows, actively participated
in the rural land market as sellers of property inherited
by them. Hindu and Muslim women inherited
zamindaris which they were free to sell or mortgage.
Women zamindars were known in eighteenth-century
Bengal. In fact, one of the biggest and most famous of
the eighteenth-century zamindaris, that of Rajshahi,
had a woman at the helm.

Fig. 8.8 b
 Discuss... Women carrying loads
Migrant women from neighbouring
Are there any differences in the access men and villages often worked at such
women have to agricultural land in your state? construction sites.

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 


4.1 Beyond settled villages
There was more to rural India than sedentary
agriculture. Apart from the intensively cultivated
provinces in northern and north-western India,
huge swathes of forests – dense forest (jangal) or
Fig. 8.9 scrubland (kharbandi) – existed all over eastern
Painting of Shah Jahan hunting India, central India, northern India (including the
nilgais ( from the Badshah Nama) Terai on the Indo-Nepal border), Jharkhand, and in
peninsular India down the Western Ghats and the
 Describe what you see Deccan plateau. Though it is nearly impossible to
in this painting. What is the set an all-India average of the forest cover for this
symbolic element that helps period, informed conjectures based on contemporary
establish the connection sources suggest an average of 40 per cent.
between the hunt and Forest dwellers were termed jangli in
ideal justice? contemporary texts. Being jangli, however, did
not mean an absence of “civilisation”,
as popular usage of the term today
seems to connote. Rather, the term
described those whose livelihood
came from the gathering of forest
produce, hunting and shifting
agriculture. These activities were
largely season specific. Among the
Bhils, for example, spring was reserved
for collecting forest produce, summer
for fishing, the monsoon months
for cultivation, and autumn and
winter for hunting. Such a sequence
presumed and perpetuated mobility,
which was a distinctive feature of
tribes inhabiting these forests.
For the state, the forest was a
subversive place – a place of refuge
(mawas) for troublemakers. Once
again, we turn to Babur who says that
jungles provided a good defence “behind
which the people of the pargana
become stubbornly rebellious and
pay no taxes”.
4.2 Inroads into forests
External forces entered the forest in
different ways. For instance, the state
required elephants for the army. So
the peshkash levied from forest people
often included a supply of elephants.

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In the Mughal political ideology, the hunt Pargana was an administrative

symbolised the overwhelming concern of the state subdivision of a Mughal province.
to relate to all its subjects, rich and poor. Regular
hunting expeditions, so court historians tell us,
enabled the emperor to travel across the extensive
territories of his empire and personally attend to the
grievances of its inhabitants. The hunt was a subject
frequently painted by court artists. The painter Peshkash was a form of tribute
resorted to the device of inserting a small scene collected by the Mughal state.
somewhere in the picture that functioned as a symbol
of a harmonious reign.

Source 3

   

 



          













 




What forms of intrusion into
the forest does the text evoke?
 Compare its message with that
 of the miniature painting in
 Fig. 8.9. Who are the people
identified as “foreigners” from the

perspective of the forest dwellers?

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 
Source 4

    










      

What are the modes of 
transport described in this         
passage? Why do you think      
they were used? Explain what 
each of the articles brought from 
the plains to the hills may have       
been used for. 

The spread of commercial agriculture was an

important external factor that impinged on the lives
Fig. 8.10 of those who lived in the forests. Forest products –
A peasant and a hunter listening like honey, beeswax and gum lac – were in great
to a sufi singer demand. Some, such as gum lac, became major items
of overseas export from India in the seventeenth
century. Elephants were also captured and sold.
Trade involved an exchange of commodities through
barter as well. Some tribes, like the Lohanis in the
Punjab, were engaged in overland trade, between
India and Afghanistan, and in the town-country
trade in the Punjab itself.
Social factors too wrought changes in the lives of
forest dwellers. Like the “big men” of the village
community, tribes also had their chieftains. Many
tribal chiefs had become zamindars, some even
became kings. For this they required to build up an
army. They recruited people from their lineage
groups or demanded that their fraternity provide
military service. Tribes in the Sind region had armies
comprising 6,000 cavalry and 7,000 infantry. In
Assam, the Ahom kings had their paiks, people who
were obliged to render military service in exchange
for land. The capture of wild elephants was declared
a royal monopoly by the Ahom kings.

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 

Though the transition from a tribal to a

monarchical system had started much earlier, the  Discuss...
process seems to have become fully developed only Find out which areas are
by the sixteenth century. This can be seen from currently identified as forest
the Ain’s observations on the existence of tribal zones in your state. Is life in
kingdoms in the north-east. War was a common these areas changing today?
occurrence. For instance, the Koch kings fought Are the factors responsible for
and subjugated a number of neighbouring tribes in these changes different from
a long sequence of wars through the sixteenth and or identical to those
seventeenth centuries. mentioned in this section?
New cultural influences also began to penetrate
into forested zones. Some historians have indeed
suggested that sufi saints (pirs) played a major role
in the slow acceptance of Islam among agricultural
communities emerging in newly colonised places
(see also Chapter 6).


Our story of agrarian relations in Mughal India will
not be complete without referring to a class of
people in the countryside that lived off agriculture
but did not participate directly in the processes of
agricultural production. These were the zamindars
who were landed proprietors who also enjoyed certain
social and economic privileges by virtue of their
superior status in rural society. Caste was one factor
that accounted for the elevated status of zamindars;
another factor was that they performed certain
services (khidmat) for the state.
The zamindars held extensive personal lands
termed milkiyat, meaning property. Milkiyat lands
were cultivated for the private use of zamindars,
often with the help of hired or servile labour. The
zamindars could sell, bequeath or mortgage these
lands at will.
Zamindars also derived their power from the fact
that they could often collect revenue on behalf of
the state, a service for which they were compensated
financially. Control over military resources was
another source of power. Most zamindars had
fortresses (qilachas) as well as an armed contingent
comprising units of cavalry, artillery and infantry.
Thus if we visualise social relations in the
Mughal countryside as a pyramid, zamindars clearly
constituted its very narrow apex. Abu’l Fazl’s account
indicates that an “upper-caste”, Brahmana-Rajput

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 

combine had already established firm control

over rural society. It also reflects a fairly large
representation from the so-called intermediate castes,
as we saw earlier, as well as a liberal sprinkling of
Muslim zamindaris.
Contemporary documents give an impression that
conquest may have been the source of the origin of
some zamindaris. The dispossession of weaker people
by a powerful military chieftain was quite often a
way of expanding a zamindari. It is, however, unlikely
that the state would have allowed such a show of
aggression by a zamindar unless he had been
confirmed by an imperial order (sanad ).
More important were the slow processes of
zamindari consolidation, which are also documented
in sources. These involved colonisation of new lands,
by transfer of rights, by order of the state and by
 purchase. These were the processes which perhaps
    
permitted people belonging to the relatively “lower”
    castes to enter the rank of zamindars as zamindaris
 were bought and sold quite briskly in this period.
 A combination of factors also allowed the
 consolidation of clan- or lineage-based zamindaris.
 For example, the Rajputs and Jats adopted these
strategies to consolidate their control over vast
swathes of territory in northern India. Likewise,
peasant-pastoralists (like the Sadgops) carved out
powerful zamindaris in areas of central and south-
western Bengal.
Zamindars spearheaded the colonisation of
agricultural land, and helped in settling cultivators
by providing them with the means of cultivation,
including cash loans. The buying and selling of
zamindaris accelerated the process of monetisation
in the countryside. In addition, zamindars sold the
produce from their milkiyat lands. There is evidence
to show that zamindars often established markets (haats)
to which peasants also came to sell their produce.
Although there can be little doubt that zamindars
were an exploitative class, their relationship with the
peasantry had an element of reciprocity, paternalism
and patronage. Two aspects reinforce this view. First,
the bhakti saints, who eloquently condemned
caste-based and other forms of oppression (see also
Chapter 6), did not portray the zamindars (or,
interestingly, the moneylender) as exploiters or
oppressors of the peasantry. Usually it was the

2022-23
 

revenue official of the state who was the object of their

ire. Second, in a large number of agrarian uprisings  Discuss...
which erupted in north India in the seventeenth The zamindari system was
century, zamindars often received the support of the abolished in India after
peasantry in their struggle against the state. Independence. Read through
this section and identify
reasons why this was done.

Revenue from the land was the economic mainstay
of the Mughal Empire. It was therefore vital for the
state to create an administrative apparatus to ensure
control over agricultural production, and to fix and
collect revenue from across the length and breadth
of the rapidly expanding empire. This apparatus
included the office (daftar) of the diwan who was
responsible for supervising the fiscal system of the
empire. Thus revenue officials and record keepers
penetrated the agricultural domain and became a
decisive agent in shaping agrarian relations.
The Mughal state tried to first acquire specific
information about the extent of the agricultural
lands in the empire and what these lands produced
before fixing the burden of taxes on people. The
land revenue arrangements consisted of two
stages – first, assessment and then actual collection.
The jama was the amount assessed, as opposed to
hasil, the amount collected. In his list of duties of
the amil-guzar or revenue collector, Akbar decreed
that while he should strive to make cultivators pay
in cash, the option of payment in kind was also to
be kept open. While fixing revenue, the attempt of
the state was to maximise its claims. The scope of
actually realising these claims was, however,
sometimes thwarted by local conditions.
Both cultivated and cultivable lands were measured
in each province. The Ain compiled the aggregates of
such lands during Akbar’s rule. Efforts to measure
lands continued under subsequent emperors. For
instance, in 1665, Aurangzeb expressly instructed his
revenue officials to prepare annual records of the
number of cultivators in each village (Source 7). Yet
not all areas were measured successfully. As we have
seen, forests covered huge areas of the subcontinent
and thus remained unmeasured.

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 
Source 5
Amin was an official responsible
for ensuring that imperial
    
regulations were carried out in
the provinces. 






        
         


What principles did the 

Mughal state follow while

classifying lands in its territories?

How was revenue assessed?

Map 1 Samarqand
The expansion of the Mughal Empire
Balkh
Babur’s reign, 1530

What impact do you think
Akbar’s reign, 1605
the expansion of the empire Kabul
Aurangzeb’s reign, 1707
would have had on land revenue
Qandahar
collection? Lahore

Panipat
Delhi
Agra
Amber
Ajmer Patna
Rohtas

  

 
    

     
    Arabian Sea Goa Bay of Bengal


    




Sketch map not to scale

2022-23
 

Source 6 Source 7

   

     

             
           
  
    
         
    
 
 
      
         
      
      
        

 


Why do you think
 the emperor insisted
 on a detailed survey?


What difference would each of the systems
of assessment and collection of revenue have
made to the cultivator?

 Discuss...
Would you consider the land revenue system of
the Mughals as a flexible one?


The Mughal Empire was among the large territorial
empires in Asia that had managed to consolidate power
and resources during the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries. These empires were the Ming (China),
Safavid (Iran) and Ottoman (Turkey). The political
stability achieved by all these empires helped create
vibrant networks of overland trade from China to the
Mediterranean Sea. Voyages of discovery and the
opening up of the New World resulted in a massive
expansion of Asia’s (particularly India’s) trade with Fig. 8.11
Europe. This resulted in a greater geographical A silver rupya issued by Akbar
diversity of India’s overseas trade as well as an (obverse and reverse)

2022-23
 

expansion in the commodity composition of this trade.

An expanding trade brought in huge amounts of silver
bullion into Asia to pay for goods procured from India,
and a large part of that bullion gravitated towards
India. This was good for India as it did not have
natural resources of silver. As a result, the period
between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries was
also marked by a remarkable stability in the
availability of metal currency, particularly the silver
rupya in India. This facilitated an unprecedented
expansion of minting of coins and the circulation of
money in the economy as well as the ability of the
Mughal state to extract taxes and revenue in cash.
The testimony of an Italian traveller, Giovanni
Careri, who passed through India c. 1690, provides
Fig. 8.12 a graphic account about the way silver travelled
A silver rupya issued by Aurangzeb across the globe to reach India. It also gives us an idea
of the phenomenal amounts of cash and commodity
transactions in seventeenth-century India.

Fig. 8.13
An example of textiles produced in
the subcontinent to meet the
demands of European markets

 Discuss...
Find out whether there are
any taxes on agricultural
production at present in
your state. Explain the
similarities and differences
between Mughal fiscal
policies and those adopted
by present-day state
governments.

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Source 8

    









             













The Ain-i Akbari was the culmination of a large
historical, administrative project of classification
undertaken by Abu’l Fazl at the order of Emperor
Akbar. It was completed in 1598, the forty-second
regnal year of the emperor, after having gone through
five revisions. The Ain was part of a larger project
of history writing commissioned by Akbar. This
history, known as the Akbar Nama, comprised three
books. The first two provided a historical narrative.
We will look at these parts more closely in Chapter
9. The Ain-i Akbari, the third book, was organised
as a compendium of imperial regulations and a
gazetteer of the empire.
The Ain gives detailed accounts of the organisation
of the court, administration and army, the sources
of revenue and the physical layout of the provinces
of Akbar’s empire and the literary, cultural and
religious traditions of the people. Along with a
description of the various departments of Akbar’s
government and elaborate descriptions of the

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 

various provinces (subas) of the empire, the Ain

gives us intricate quantitative information of
those provinces.
Collecting and compiling this information
systematically was an important imperial exercise.
It informed the emperor about the varied and diverse
customs and practices prevailing across his
extensive territories. The Ain is therefore a mine of
information for us about the Mughal Empire during
Akbar’s reign. It is important, however, to keep in
mind that this is a view of the regions from the
centre, a view of society from its apex.
The Ain is made up of five books (daftars), of which
the first three books describe the administration.
The first book, called manzil-abadi, concerns the
imperial household and its maintenance. The second
book, sipah-abadi, covers the military and civil
administration and the establishment of servants.
This book includes notices and short biographical
sketches of imperial officials (mansabdars), learned
men, poets and artists.
Fig. 8.14 The third book, mulk-abadi, is the one which deals
Abu’l Fazl presenting the with the fiscal side of the empire and provides rich
manuscript of the completed quantitative information on revenue rates, followed
Akbar Nama to his patron
by the “Account of the Twelve Provinces”. This section
has detailed statistical information, which includes
the geographic, topographic and economic profile of
all subas and their administrative and fiscal
divisions (sarkars, parganas and mahals), total
measured area, and assessed revenue ( jama ).
After setting out details at the suba level, the Ain
goes on to give a detailed picture of the sarkars below
the suba. This it does in the form of tables, which
have eight columns giving the following information:
(1) parganat/mahal; (2) qila (forts); (3) arazi and
zamin-i paimuda (measured area); (4) naqdi, revenue
assessed in cash; (5) suyurghal, grants of revenue in
charity; (6) zamindars; columns 7 and 8 contain
details of the castes of these zamindars, and their
troops including their horsemen (sawar), foot-soldiers
(piyada) and elephants (fil ). The mulk-abadi gives a
fascinating, detailed and highly complex view of
agrarian society in northern India. The fourth and
fifth books (daftars) deal with the religious, literary
and cultural traditions of the people of India and also
contain a collection of Akbar’s “auspicious sayings”.

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 

Source 9











       






           
         
          
           
            




          


           

            



         




 


List all the sources that Abu’l Fazl used to compile his
work. Which of these sources would have been most useful
for arriving at an understanding of agrarian relations?
To what extent do you think his work would have been
influenced by his relationship with Akbar?

2022-23
 

Although the Ain was officially sponsored to record

detailed information to facilitate Emperor Akbar

govern his empire, it was much more than a
 reproduction of official papers. That the manuscript
 was revised five times by the author would suggest
     a high degree of caution on the part of Abu’l Fazl
    
and a search for authenticity. For instance, oral
   
testimonies were cross-checked and verified before

being incorporated as “facts” in the chronicle. In
    
the quantitative sections, all numeric data were
    
 reproduced in words so as to minimise the chances
 of subsequent transcriptional errors.
 Historians who have carefully studied the Ain point
 out that it is not without its problems. Numerous
 errors in totalling have been detected. These are
 ascribed to simple slips of arithmetic or of
 transcription by Abu’l Fazl’s assistants. These are
generally minor and do not detract from the overall
quantitative veracity of the manuals.
Another limitation of the Ain is the somewhat
skewed nature of the quantitative data. Data were
not collected uniformly from all provinces. For
instance, while for many subas detailed information
was compiled about the caste composition of the
zamindars, such information is not available for
Bengal and Orissa. Further, while the fiscal data
from the subas is remarkable for its richness, some
equally vital parameters such as prices and wages
from these same areas are not as well documented.
The detailed list of prices and wages that the Ain
does provide is mainly derived from data pertaining
to areas in or around the imperial capital of Agra,
and is therefore of limited relevance for the rest of
the country.

These limitations notwithstanding, the Ain remains

an extraordinary document of its times. By providing
fascinating glimpses into the structure and
organisation of the Mughal Empire and by giving us
quantitative information about its products and
people, Abu’l Fazl achieved a major breakthrough
in the tradition of medieval chroniclers who wrote
mostly about remarkable political events – wars,
conquests, political machinations, and dynastic
turmoil. Information about the country, its people

2022-23
 

and its products was mentioned only incidentally

and as embellishments to the essentially political
thrust of the narrative.
The Ain completely departed from this tradition as
it recorded information about the empire and the people
of India, and thus constitutes a benchmark for
studying India at the turn of the seventeenth century.
The value of the Ain’s quantitative evidence is
uncontested where the study of agrarian relations
is concerned. But it is the information it contains on
people, their professions and trades and on the
imperial establishment and the grandees of the empire
which enables historians to reconstruct the social
fabric of India at that time.




1526 Babur defeats Ibrahim Lodi, the Delhi Sultan,

at Panipat, becomes the first Mughal emperor
1530-40 First phase of Humayun’s reign
1540-55 Humayun defeated by Sher Shah,
in exile at the Safavid court
1555-56 Humayun regains lost territories
1556-1605 Reign of Akbar
1605-27 Reign of Jahangir
1628-58 Reign of Shah Jahan
1658-1707 Reign of Aurangzeb
1739 Nadir Shah invades India and sacks Delhi
1761 Ahmad Shah Abdali defeats the Marathas
in the third battle of Panipat
1765 The diwani of Bengal transferred to the
East India Company
1857 Last Mughal ruler, Bahadur Shah II,
deposed by the British and exiled to Rangoon
(present day Yangon, Myanmar)

2022-23
 

 

1. What are the problems in using the Ain as a source for

reconstructing agrarian history? How do historians deal
with this situation?
2. To what extent is it possible to characterise agricultural
production in the sixteenth-seventeenth centuries as
subsistence agriculture? Give reasons for your answer.
3. Describe the role played by women in agricultural
production.
4. Discuss, with examples, the significance of monetary
transactions during the period under consideration.
5. Examine the evidence that suggests that land revenue
was important for the Mughal fiscal system.

 


6. To what extent do you think caste was a factor in

influencing social and economic relations in agrarian
society?
7. How were the lives of forest dwellers transformed in the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries?
8. Examine the role played by zamindars in Mughal India.

Fig. 8.15 9. Discuss the ways in which panchayats and village

A seventeenth-century painting headmen regulated rural society.
depicting jewellers

2022-23
 



10. On an outline map of the world, mark the areas

which had economic links with the Mughal Empire, 
and trace out possible routes of communication. 


   


11. Visit a neighbouring village. Find out how many
people live there, which crops are grown, which 
animals are raised, which artisanal groups reside 

there, whether women own land, how the local

panchayat functions. Compare this information

with what you have learnt about the sixteenth-
seventeenth centuries, noting similarities and 
differences. Explain both the changes and the 
continuities that you find. 
12. Select a small section of the Ain (10-12 pages, 
available online at the website indicated below).

Read it carefully and prepare a report on how it

can be used by a historian.




Fig. 8.16 

A painting depicting a woman selling sweets 















2022-23