Psychology & Sexuality

ISSN: 1941-9899 (Print) 1941-9902 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rpse20

‘Cocked, locked and ready to fuck?’: a synthesis

and review of the gay male pornography literature

CJ Bishop

To cite this article: CJ Bishop (2015) ‘Cocked, locked and ready to fuck?’: a synthesis and
review of the gay male pornography literature, Psychology & Sexuality, 6:1, 5-27, DOI:
10.1080/19419899.2014.983739

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Published online: 22 Dec 2014.

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Psychology & Sexuality, 2015
Vol. 6, No. 1, 5–27, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19419899.2014.983739

‘Cocked, locked and ready to fuck?’: a synthesis and review of the gay
male pornography literature
CJ Bishop*

Department of Psychology, University of Saskatchewan, Saskatoon, SK, S7N 5A5, Canada

(Received 19 September 2013; accepted 3 February 2014)

A comprehensive review of the multi-disciplinary gay male pornography literature has

never been performed given that scholars have only recently begun to focus on gay
male pornography’s potential effects. An in-depth review would allow for the categor-
isation of the multi-disciplinary gay male pornography literature; thus, facilitating a
commentary on which topics may require additional enquiry and/or scrutiny. The
purpose of this paper is to provide an overview of the gay male pornography literature
by adapting frameworks previously used to categorise the trends within the hetero-
sexual pornography literature. Critiques of the gay male pornography literature are
provided where applicable. Also, the usefulness of these frameworks is discussed
along with proposed improvements.
Keywords: gay male pornography; pornography; gay and bisexual men

Myriad studies, exploring the potential effects of (heterosexual) pornography on consu-

mers, performers and society in general, have been conducted over the past several
decades (Wright, 2013). Comparatively, research on gay male pornography has not
been as prolific. Only recently has scientific enquiry expanded its focus to questions
relevant to gay pornography and its purported effects. As a result, there has never been a
comprehensive review of the multi-disciplinary literature on gay male pornography. This
endeavour would allow for the literature to be categorised using key frameworks thereby
enabling researchers to determine whether certain topics demand additional or modified
enquiry. Consequently, the central objective of this paper is to provide a comprehensive
review1 of the literature on gay male pornography.
A relatively brief overview of the history of gay male pornography will be provided to
offer the reader a contextual understanding of the era in which each piece of literature
being reviewed was published. Following the historical overview, four key frameworks
will be discussed which will be used to categorise the current literature. (Critiques will be
embedded within this discussion.) Finally, the usefulness of these frameworks will be
discussed and potential improvements will be delineated.

History of gay male pornography

Prior to the 1960s, gay pornography was an underground medium consisting of stag films
(i.e. short films depicting sexual scenarios but usually not anal penetration; Burger, 1995;
Thomas, 2010) which were not commercially available and were typically produced and
traded among gay men. During this time, the medium of choice for ‘gay pornography’

*Email: cj.bishop@usask.ca

© 2014 Taylor & Francis

6 CJ Bishop

was magazines that, to avoid obscenity prosecution, were marketed as male physique
publications that were artistic in nature (Burger, 1995; Valentine, 1995; Waugh, 1984).
The models appearing in these magazines were considered to be in peak physical
condition, and none would be considered ‘fat’ by today’s standards (Valentine, 1995;
Waugh, 1984). Although some models were photographed nude, these pictures were
released with black ‘G-strings’ painted over the models. These ‘censor bars’ could be
removed using a damp cloth and patience (Clarke, 2011; Waugh, 1984).
During the 1960s, physique magazines proliferated with several different studios
being founded which quickly gained popularity (Burger, 1995; Celline & Duncan,
1988; Duncan, 1989; Valentine, 1995). In 1966, censorship laws became less stringent
and studios were able to begin marketing physique magazines that offered full nudity
(Burger, 1995; Celline & Duncan, 1988; Duncan, 1989; Waugh, 1984). Also, magazines
directed towards niche markets (e.g. bondage and discipline, domination/submission and
sadomasochism [BDSM]) began to be published.
In 1971, Wakefield Poole’s The Boys in the Sand premiered to much fanfare and
anticipation which served as the springboard of budgeted feature length (hard-core) gay
pornography (Burger, 1995; Clarke; 2011; Escoffier, 2009; Thomas, 2010). The success
of The Boys in the Sand saw an expansion of gay pornography theatres which also
doubled as ‘cruising spots’ (i.e. locations where men seek anonymous sex; Burger,
1995; Clarke, 2011; Escoffier, 2009; Thomas, 2010). The new-found popularity of gay
video pornography spawned the establishment of major gay pornography production
studios (e.g. Falcon; Burger, 1995; Escoffier, 2009). Regardless of the type of gay
pornography produced, performers typically adopted the look of the ‘Castro clone’ (i.e.
gay men who present themselves as the idealised hypermasculine ‘blue-collar’ man by
donning tight jeans, flannel work shirts, construction boots and sporting moustaches or
sideburns; Burger, 1995; Escoffier, 2009; Mercer, 2003; Shortes, 1999). A shift in this
aesthetic preference emerged when Kip Noll (the first ‘twink’ [i.e. thin with youthful
features]) made his debut to much acclaim (Adams, 2011; Clarke, 2011). Bronski (1984)
suggests that the ‘twink’ aesthetic became popular because youthful features were (and
are) perceived as synonymous with innocence and naiveté, qualities not considered to be
inherent to gay men (at the time). Although the 1970s saw the proliferation of gay video
pornography, magazines remained very popular (Celline & Duncan, 1988; Duncan, 1989).
During this time, publishers were not being targeted as often for obscenity charges so
many began to drop the guise of being physique or nudism-oriented. Despite the loosen-
ing of censorship laws, some publishers still protected themselves by claiming their more
sexually explicit output documented the diversity of human sexuality and, thus, was
educational in nature. As the 1970s progressed, the sexual explicitness of publications
slowly increased, which served to normalise depictions of gay sex (Celline & Duncan,
1988; Duncan, 1989).
During the 1980s, VCRs became affordable and allowed for consumers to purchase
gay pornography and view it in the privacy of their own homes (Burger, 1995; Clarke,
2011; Escoffier, 2009; Thomas, 2010). This heightened accessibility enabled studios to
release several titles per week directly to VHS instead of having to wait for theatres to
showcase their films. The popularity of gay pornography viewed in one’s home led to the
demise of most of the theatres by the end of the 1980s (Burger, 1995; Escoffier, 2009).
Gay pornography magazines also declined in popularity, disappearing completely soon
after the advent of the Internet (known as ‘The Great Magazine Die-Off’ [Adams, in
press]).
 Psychology & Sexuality 7

The mid-1980s saw the emergence of the AIDS crisis and the discovery that unpro-
tected anal sex was a key agent of HIV transmission. As a result, the gay pornography
industry was crippled – albeit temporarily (Burger, 1995; Clarke, 2011; Escoffier, 2009).
Surprisingly, most gay pornography studios did not immediately adopt safer-sex policies;
indeed, the first video to do so was released in 1985 (Burger, 1995).
The early 1990s, however, saw the widespread adoption of safer-sex policies by many
gay pornography studios. The rationale for doing so was to (i) ensure the protection of
performers, (ii) eroticise condom use for consumers and (iii) eroticise sexual practices
that were ‘low-risk’ but financially lucrative (e.g. auto-fellatio with a ‘Fleshlight Mouth’)
(Burger, 1995; Clarke, 2011; Escoffier, 2009; Thomas, 2010).
Technological developments, introduced during the 1990s, also created profound
shifts in the manufacturing and disseminating of pornography (Clarke, 2011; Escoffier,
2009; Thomas; 2010). For example, with the Internet, consumers were no longer required
to purchase physical copies of films. A digital platform also granted consumers the
opportunity to become performers and distribute their work online (Clarke, 2011;
Escoffier, 2009). Tube sites (which offer an array of gay pornography free of charge)
and (web)cam sites (which offer the opportunity for consumers to view live sex or
masturbation shows or interact with performers one-on-one) also exploded in popularity
(Clarke, 2011; Escoffier, 2009). This open market required many studios to close or to
dramatically alter their business models to survive (Clarke, 2011; Escoffier, 2009;
Thomas, 2010). Clarke, for instance, reports that DVD sales have plummeted by more
than 50% since 2006 while Escoffier views the DVD medium as anachronistic.

Definitions
Within the gay pornography literature, varying terms are used. For example, some
researchers, particularly those affiliated with the Public Health framework, use the term
‘men who have sex with men (MSM)’ rather than ‘gay and bisexual men’. This perspec-
tive also seems to be more neutral in tone. Young and Meyer (2005) explain that the term
MSM was initially intended to help alleviate the stigma associated with HIV research, as
HIV is sometimes considered a disease restricted to gay men. The logic was that
popularising identity-free terms would serve to focus research on the behaviours of
individuals as opposed to specific social and cultural groups. However, Traeen et al.
(2014) acknowledge that the terms ‘MSM’ and ‘gay and bisexual’ may represent different
population groups (i.e. presumably some MSM opt to identify as heterosexual).
Problematic in this distinction is that much of the literature chooses to conflate these
two constructs (e.g. Hald et al., in press; Wilkerson et al., 2012) by examining MSM in
terms of sexual orientation. Since its original intention was to provide an identity-free
term, conflating this descriptor with sexual orientation (i.e. how one self-identifies) is of
concern.
Another effort at neutrality (most common among adherents of the Public Health
framework) is evident in use of the term ‘Sexually Explicit Media (SEM)’ instead of
‘pornography’ (e.g. Hald, Smolenski, & Rosser, 2013; Rosser et al., 2013). Rosser et al.
(2012) explain that the term ‘pornography’ has become value-laden and, for some
audiences, possesses a negative connotation. The extent to which neologisms such as
SEM are conceptualised as neutral may be questioned (i.e. regardless of the term selected,
one is still researching media depicting graphic sexual content). Although a sizable
portion of the Public Health literature uses the term ‘SEM’, it is by no means the
dominant practice.
8 CJ Bishop

Also, some authors feel the identifier ‘gay’ within gay pornography is a misnomer and
that its use should be replaced with the term ‘all-male’ (Cante & Restivo, 2004). The
rationale is that not all performers depicted within gay pornography self-identify as gay;
hence, identifying them as such is inappropriate (e.g. self-identified heterosexual perfor-
mers who are ‘gay-for-pay’ [Escoffier, 2003]). However, gay pornography has been
identified as ubiquitous in the gay male community (Morrison, Morrison, & Bradley,
2007) and, thus, as an important component of the medium that is inextricably linked with
gay culture, the prospect of being identified as gay should be acknowledged and accepted.

Selection of key frameworks

Several different models/theories to provide a means of classification of heterosexual
pornography research have been provided; however, their reliance upon psychological
mechanisms restricts their suitability to social scientific research.2 Contextualising this
assertion, Gauntlett (1998) provides 10 points which argue that a media effects model
represents both an unproductive and inappropriate means of exploring human behaviour.3
In addition, many heterosexual-based models are built upon the premise that pornography is
complicit in the subjugation of women. Consequently, it seems that these models would
require substantial modification to appropriately map onto gay pornography literature,
modifications that would render them unintelligible.
Since the empirical models associated with the heterosexual pornography literature (in
their current form) are not relevant to gay male pornography, alternate means of classi-
fication must be sought. Prior to the aforementioned models being developed, three
ideological perspectives4 emerged which represented both the philosophical underpin-
nings of heterosexual pornography research and eventually spawned the aforementioned
modes of classification. These perspectives can be understood as broad classifications for
interpretations and opinions regarding heterosexual pornography (Hald, Seaman, & Linz,
2013). Given that this paper’s focus is on multi-disciplinary literature regarding gay
pornography, adapting such broad classifications seems to represent an ideal starting
point to classify a body of literature that, while possessing some similarities, is arguably
distinct from heterosexual pornography.

Key frameworks
Given that gay male pornography is neither marketed towards nor depicts women, the
‘Anti-Pornography Feminist’ framework, first conceptualised by Linz and Malamuth
(1993) and later revisited by Wright (2013), will be renamed as ‘Harms-based’. This
framework encompasses literature that frames gay pornography in a harmful way and
typically recommends its prohibition.
Wright (2013) introduces the ‘Public Health’ framework which he notes has emerged
in recent years. Originally, this framework focused upon how heterosexual pornography
may promote behaviours such as sex in exchange for money, multiple sexual partners and
not using prophylactics and how these behaviours may be correlated with sexually
transmitted infections and unwanted pregnancy. This framework has been modified to
accommodate research that expresses concern over the impact gay pornography may have
in terms of riskier sexual choices such as unprotected anal intercourse (i.e. ‘bareback’
sex). ‘Public Health’ constitutes the second framework.
The third framework is referred to as ‘Polymorphous’5 (initially referred to as the
Liberal perspective; Linz & Malamuth, 1993). According to Weitzer, Polymorphous (sex
 Psychology & Sexuality 9

work) researchers do not subscribe to a predetermined hypothesis (i.e. Harms-based

scholars espouse the position that gay pornography is harmful before any data are
collected) and accept results regardless of their outcome. Applying this term to gay
pornography research allows for the categorisation of literature which adopts a more
neutral stance.
Taken from the sentiments of Lucas (2006), the final framework is known as ‘Gay
Affirmative’, which asserts that by offering an unabashed and unapologetic depiction of
same-sex sexual activity, gay pornography serves to affirm gay men’s identity. Given that,
until recently, mainstream media largely ignored gay male sexuality (and still does in
many respects), the medium of gay pornography could be viewed as fulfilling and
maintaining a vital function by making visible gay men’s sexual desire.

Selection of research
McNair (1996) proposes a taxonomy meant to differentiate between varying levels of
impact precipitated by pornography. This taxonomy suggests that pornography research
can be categorised based on its purported effects upon (i) behaviour; (ii) attitudes, beliefs
and cognitions; (iii) performers, producers, directors and retailers; (iv) social constructs;
(v) communities; and (vi) local, state and/or national economies. This taxonomy appears
better suited to describe the effects of heterosexual pornography given that gay porno-
graphy has been described as ‘ubiquitous’ within gay culture (Morrison et al., 2007). This
ubiquity limits the application of this taxonomy to the gay pornography literature. For
example, it is difficult to discern whether gay pornography is having an effect upon
behaviour, attitudes, beliefs and/or cognitions as proposed by this taxonomy or if gay
pornography is affecting gay culture as a whole which in turn affects the individual.
Paradoxically, gay pornography’s ubiquity within gay culture could also contravene the
above since it is equally possible that gay culture, which is populated by individual beliefs
and attitudes, could be influencing gay pornography itself, adhering to the collective
demands of what is desired by the community.
Technological advancements also were not available when McNair first developed this
taxonomy. In this scenario, gay (and bisexual) men are now free to create their own
‘amateur’ gay pornography and post it either for posterity or for profit. Should these
people be viewed as being influenced by gay pornography at the individual level? Are
they considered performers given that they have sex on camera and make it available
publicly? Does this group represent some sort of hybrid of consumer/performer that has
yet to be described? Should these individuals still be considered consumers and described
as merely emulating ‘actual’ performers? To date, answers to these questions are not
available.
Thus, literature is included that corresponds to the first four groups listed earlier, under
the assumption that the boundaries between these categories are thinly defined within the
context of gay pornography and may be conflated to a higher degree than McNair’s
proposed taxonomy suggests. To avoid potential confusion, research corresponding to
performers within the industry is clearly delineated.6

Harms-based
A thorough review of the literature suggests there are two separate paradigms at work
within the Harms-based framework. Although both paradigms make a similar argument –
namely, that gay pornography is harmful – their proposals for alleviating these harms
10 CJ Bishop

differ. The first paradigm is parallel to the ‘Oppression’ paradigm described by Weitzer
(2010) in relation to sex work. The main focus of the Oppression paradigm is that all
women involved in sex work are fundamentally oppressed; thus, all forms of sex work
should be prohibited to ensure women’s protection. Although applied to women,
Weitzer’s concept of ‘prohibitionists’ is similar to the stance adopted by adherents to
the first (Oppression) paradigm.
The second distinct paradigm makes reference to the harm caused by gay pornography
to members of ethnic and cultural minorities; however, it does not advocate for the
prohibition of gay pornography. Instead, researchers whose work embraces this second
paradigm argue that gay pornography needs to be produced in a more egalitarian manner
(i.e. ethnic and cultural minorities should not be packaged and marketed for the delecta-
tion of white Western consumers). This second paradigm shall be referred to as
‘Objection’.

Oppression paradigm
One characteristic of the literature within the Oppression paradigm is its general lack of
empiricism. Opinions of the authors take precedent, which articulate the harms purport-
edly caused by (both the consumption and production of) gay pornography. Kendall
(1993, 1997, 1999, 2004a, 2004b, 2004c), arguably the most prolific author within the
Oppression paradigm, draws upon pivotal court cases within Canadian law to suggest that
a precedent has been set allowing for the prohibition of gay pornography.
Kendall’s position emanates from a radical feminist perspective, with his initial work
(1993, 1997, 1999) calling attention to the similarities between heterosexual and gay
pornography, and articulating how the power differential that exists between gay porno-
graphic performers may be attributed to a patriarchal social system that subjugates and
oppresses women. He argues that the act of penetration (vaginal or anal) is indicative of
the power differential that exists between men and women and, thus, is redolent with
patriarchal overtones. Differences between same-sex and other-sex relations are elided: in
both cases, the penetrative partner (i.e. ‘top’) ‘dominates’ the receptive partner (i.e.
‘bottom’).
Kendall’s (2004a, 2004b, 2004c) later works address more specific sub-groups of gay
men. For example, he suggests that gay men are failing gay youth by not offering a more
meaningful introduction to gay sexuality beyond a legacy of gay pornography. Kendall
(2004b) also explores gay pornography’s role in the occurrences of gay male rape and
partner abuse. Two ‘extreme’ examples of textual gay pornography are cited, which
profile ‘straight’ sadistic men deriving pleasure through the sexual assault of gay men,
and it is suggested that these materials are complicit in incidences of gay male sexual
assault/abuse.
Kendall also describes how gay pornography offers viewers a dichotomous represen-
tation of gay male sexuality in which one can embrace aggression and violence towards
one’s sexual partner(s) or be the target of said aggression and violence. This dichotomy is
rooted in the concepts of ‘object’ and ‘subject’ first explicated by Mulvey (1975). Kendall
explains that the male who takes on the insertive role during anal intercourse (i.e. ‘top’) is,
by definition, the subject in contrast to the receptive partner (i.e. ‘bottom’) who is the
object. Both performers are ‘coded’ in different ways, with the ‘top’ being larger (in terms
of physique and penis size), and more dominant and aggressive than the ‘bottom’. As the
former more closely approximates hegemonic standards of masculinity, he is subject to
certain privileges denied his ‘submissive’ counterpart.
 Psychology & Sexuality 11

While Kendall does acknowledge that role reversal (i.e. when gay partners are
‘versatile’ and alternate between the roles of ‘top’ and ‘bottom’) occurs, he disagrees
that such an occurrence subverts the power differentials at work within society. This
stance runs contrary to the viewpoint expressed by Stychin (1992, 1995) and Lucas (2006)
who contend that such versatility is the sine qua non of truly egalitarian sex. When
refuting such counter-arguments, Kendall’s critique focuses on ‘extreme’ examples of
pornographic content (e.g. speciality BDSM material is cited as abusive and dangerous).
Problematic here is that Kendall disregards literature related to BDSM discourse. It is
unlikely that gay men not engaging in BDSM will consume this type of material or
participate in the acts depicted.
Other authors situated within the Harms-based paradigm and advocating for the
prohibition of gay pornography adopt a (somewhat) more balanced approach than
Kendall. For example, Harris (1997) problematises depictions of the body in gay porno-
graphy. He contends the medium emphasises physical aesthetics instead of sexual plea-
sure and instils in viewers a desire to emulate the physical appearance of the performers
and to attract partners that map onto the ‘pornographic ideal’. However, Harris does not
provide any empirical evidence to substantiate this concern.7
Seven years after Harris published his work, Duggan and McCreary (2004) reported
that, among a small sample of gay male participants (n = 67), consumption of gay
pornography (via magazines, DVDs and the Internet) was positively correlated with social
physique anxiety. While lending credence to Harris’ arguments, to date, this finding has
not been replicated consistently. For example, Morrison et al. (2007)8 found that, among
an online survey of gay men (N = 66), exposure to gay pornography correlated positively
with the drive for muscularity, but did not correlate with internalised homonegativity,
genital self-esteem and sexual-esteem.

Objection paradigm
The Objection paradigm also perceives gay pornography to be harmful; however, it differs
from the Oppression framework in that it emphasises the importance of adopting more
egalitarian modes of production (i.e. in its current form, gay pornography, which is
produced for a predominantly white Western audience, stereotypes, objectifies and eroti-
cises ethnic and cultural others). Obendorf (2006) refers to this as dominance over the
other; namely, how (white) Western consumers presume an ownership or dominance of
gay ethnic or cultural minority men because of the former’s perceived inflated social
status.
Fung (1991) was the first author to criticise how Asian men were (are) presented
within gay pornography. He discusses how they are almost exclusively relegated to the
role of submissive and feminised ‘bottom’ with the sole purpose of pleasing white men.9
Analysing three gay pornographic titles from 1985, Fung describes how the only recog-
nisable Asian performer at the time (yet by no means a ‘star’), ‘Sum Yung Mahn’,10 was
almost always relegated to a submissive ‘bottom’ status in his roles. Fung notes that in one
performance, Mahn assumed the role of ‘top’, which was such a rarity in gay pornography
at the time that it actually garnered headlines within gay-related sexual media. However,
when examining this (seemingly) fundamental shift in the portrayal of gay Asian men, it
is evident that the white ‘bottom’ is in control (i.e. he instructs Mahn how to adequately
pleasure him; Fung, 1991).
According to Fung (1991), it was almost unheard of for two Asian men to perform a
scene alone since this would not provide the ‘average white viewer’ with a referent point.
12 CJ Bishop

Fung calls for ‘independent porn’ (p. 164) in which gay Asian men serve as producers,
performers and intended consumers. This would allow for a more egalitarian gay porno-
graphy where Asian men are awarded the sexual versatility experienced by their white
counterparts (i.e. equal representation) and little to no exoticisation of the gay Asian male
body.
Fung’s (1991) initial work spawned a debate focusing on whether gay pornography
has evolved and responded to his initial criticisms. Tsang (1999), for example, claims that
gay pornography produced in the late 1990s showcased an evolution of the sensibilities of
consumers and producers since gay sexuality was now depicted between Asian men
without a third (white) partner. Tsang argues this depiction affords a more democratised
and egalitarian form of gay sexuality. He recognises Brandon Lee (typically marketed as
an ‘Asian top’ and the first ‘famous’ Asian gay pornography performer) as an ambassador
for the sorts of roles gay Asian men can assume.
Hoang (2004) and Obendorf (2006) strongly disagree with Tsang’s claims about
Brandon Lee because, although marketed as a ‘top’, his on screen persona was not that
of an ‘Asian’ (Filipino) man, but as an ‘American’, a designation that would confer
privileges not granted to other Asian performers. Further, as all of the Asian men with
whom Lee had sex were presented as immigrants and foreigners (i.e. others), the notion of
an American (i.e. Western) man ‘having his way’ with an Asian foreigner (object) is
reinforced. Hoang also observes that Lee is only a ‘dominant top’ in scenes with other
Asian performers. In the one, and only, scene where Lee penetrates a white ‘bottom’, the
latter assumes control of the encounter (Obendorf, 2006).
Stereotypic representations also are evident when Arab, Latino and Black men appear
in gay pornography, with members of these groups typically depicted as dominant and
hypermasculine (Mahawatte, 2004; Ortiz, 1994). Often coded as heterosexual, these three
ethnic groups are usually presented as dominating other white performers and penetrating
them, almost feminising them to a degree, which is meant to imbue an insatiable sexual
appetite (Mahawatte, 2004; Ortiz, 1994). However, there are occasions where Latino and
Black men appear together which Ortiz (1994) claims restricts these performers to sexual
objects designed to be lusted over by the target audience (gay white men) regardless of
their top or bottom status. He explains that having a scene comprised solely of ethnic
minorities allows the white viewer a unique opportunity to objectify whichever performer
he chooses based on his preferences (Ortiz, 1994). Arab men typically appear within the
confines of a narrative where white men travel to North Africa or the Middle East for the
sole purpose of having sex with an ‘insatiable’ Arab man (Cervulle, 2008; Cervulle &
Rees-Roberts, 2009; Mahawatte, 2004).
Coding Arab or Latino performers as hypermasculine and, by extension, likely
heterosexual is problematic because it elides them from gay culture (i.e. Arab and
Latino men are not only coded as ethnic others but also as outsiders from the gay
community). Aside from Ortiz (1994), who briefly mentions Black men within his
article, only one other publication was identified that explores the depiction of this
group (Mercer 1991). Mercer does not address this topic from the vantage of gay male
pornography, but does contend that Black men have an inability to become the subject
within certain artistic (nude) photography due to the tendency for them to be depicted as
well-endowed (and by extension, hypermasculine). Mercer maintains this pervasive
objectivity is due to the unseen agent of the gaze (the subject) who is invariably a
white male. The subject derives enjoyment from the poses assumed by the black model
which accentuates elements of his skin tone along with his endowment which leaves him
a fetishised ‘other’. This also seems likely to be the case within gay male pornography;
 Psychology & Sexuality 13

however, additional research regarding how Black men are depicted in this medium is
required.
Similar to the ways in which ethnic minorities are portrayed in a stereotypic manner so
as to appeal to a Western white audience, Radel (2001) explores how white cultural
minorities are also objectified within the confines of gay male pornography. Analysing
different films featuring eastern European men, Radel describes how even white men can
be eroticised for their cultural differences. For example, an accent or an inability to speak/
understand English can be used as points of difference intended to arouse a Western
audience. Radel also describes how the Western consumer becomes an observer of the
newly liberated former Communist part of Europe (and Russia) by watching lean and
pretty ‘boys’ with stereotypical Slavic features experience ‘gay’ sexual awakening.
Although Radel’s analysis does not emphasise the same sort of racism identified by
researchers focusing upon ethnic minorities, anyone considered ‘other’ can be (and
usually is) objectified within gay pornography produced for a Western audience.

Public Health
Much of the literature within the Public Health framework examines the role gay
pornography plays in the decisions made by gay and bisexual men to engage in risky
sexual encounters (i.e. unprotected or bareback sex). Hurley (2009) describes how con-
temporary gay pornography ‘celebrates’ bareback sex by according it greater visibility. He
also cites increased competition from the Internet along with decreased regulation in some
parts of the world as being instrumental in the proliferation11 of bareback gay pornogra-
phy. Aside from a profit incentive, Hurley notes how some gay and bisexual men view
condoms as detrimental to intimacy and contends that bareback gay pornography serves to
eroticise bareback sex. Other researchers suggest that ‘barebacking’ as a sexual practice
and ‘barebacking’ within gay pornography are only modestly inter-related (i.e. the ‘bare-
back phenomenon’ existed long before it was (re-)eroticised within gay pornography;
Haig, 2006). If Haig is correct and there was a group of gay and bisexual men who
endorsed bareback sex as more intimate and preferable prior to the emergence of this
activity in gay pornography, then it becomes difficult to determine how much influence
SEM has had on the eroticisation of bareback sex.
Within the Public Health framework, gay pornography is viewed as playing an
important role in the sexual decision-making processes of gay and bisexual men.
Rosser, Wilkerson, Grey, Iantaffi, and Smolenski (2011) interviewed 76 gay and bisexual
men via online focus groups and message boards. The authors report that discussants
viewed gay pornography as ubiquitous within gay culture thus normalising its consump-
tion. Also, discussants reported using gay pornography as educational material regarding
novel sexual acts or to supplement sexual fantasies. Using Sexual Script Theory12 as a
framework, the authors describe how intrapsychically discussants reported exploring
novel sexual behaviours by imagining scenarios that may or may not be acted out
interpersonally at a later date. These intrapsychic ‘high-risk’ scripts were more likely to
be acted out interpersonally by discussants who reported problematic13 usage of gay
pornography. Discussants who reported only using gay pornography for fantasy (as
opposed to the pedagogic function of learning novel sexual behaviours) were less likely
to engage in ‘high-risk’ sex.
In an online study (N = 1391), Rosser et al. (2013) found that consumption of gay
pornography was not associated with risk of HIV infection. However, participants who
reported greater exposure to bareback pornography reported greater likelihood of
14 CJ Bishop

engaging in ‘high-risk’ sexual practices (e.g. bareback sex). Another recent online study
of gay and bisexual men (N = 751) conducted by Stein, Silvera, Hagerty, and Marmor
(2012) obtained congruent findings. Participants who reported viewing a greater propor-
tion of gay pornography depicting bareback sex were more likely to engage in either
receptive or insertive anal sex without condoms.
A pen and paper survey (N = 149) found that the length of time spent consuming gay
pornography, as opposed to the type consumed, was associated with engaging in ‘bare-
back sex’ (Eaton, Cain, Pope, Garcia, & Cherry, 2012). The authors also report that
elevated substance use (drugs and alcohol) and less understanding of risk factors for
contracting HIV were associated with greater time spent consuming gay pornography. The
correlation between substance use and the amount of time spent viewing gay pornography
did not emerge in Stein et al.’s (2012) work.
Another study, drawing from the same online sample as Rosser et al. (2013), exam-
ined potential mediators of the relationship between consumption of gay pornography and
likelihood of engaging in ‘high-risk’ sex among MSM14 (N = 1391; Traeen et al., 2014).
The authors report a significant association between consumption of gay pornography
depicting bareback sex and one’s propensity to engage in unprotected anal sex. Also,
condom use self-efficacy (defined as one’s ‘self-perceived ability to use condoms’ [p. 15])
was found to mediate the association between consumption of bareback gay pornography
and subsequent bareback sex. Specifically, participants who reported greater bareback
pornography consumption had lower condom use self-efficacy scores and were subse-
quently more likely to report engaging in unprotected sex.
Using an online focus group methodology, Wilkerson et al. (2012) asked gay and
bisexual discussants’ (N = 79) questions regarding their gay pornography viewing habits
and sexual behaviour. Based on the discussants’ responses, the authors generated a new
conceptual framework of how gay pornography influences the risky behaviours of gay
and bisexual men by categorising each man on one of five distinct pathways. The first
pathway involves the maintenance of pre-existing sexual intentions and behaviours
because a consumer is not exposed to a novel sexual behaviour. The second pathway
involves the maintenance of pre-existing sexual intentions and behaviours because a
consumer is not aroused by the novel sexual behaviour to which he was exposed. In
the third pathway, one’s sexual intentions and behaviours are maintained because initial
exploration of a novel sexual behaviour was not pleasurable. The fourth pathway involves
consumers who modify their sexual intentions but, ultimately, do not modify their
behaviour. The fifth and final pathway describes consumers whose sexual intentions
and behaviours are modified. Empirically based research attesting to the efficacy of the
SEM risk behavior model could not be located.
A central limitation of studies investigating possible associations between understand-
ing HIV-risk factors and exposure to gay pornography is that participants’ concern about
contracting HIV is not measured. It is possible, for example, that among those relatively
unconcerned with contracting HIV, understanding of the disease and condom self-efficacy
account for little variance in terms of sexual risk-taking and/or the type of pornographic
material that is viewed. As well, additional research is required to determine the ways in
which gay pornography potentially influences the sexual practices of consumers during
their sexual encounters.
Moving away from sexual decision-making, Silvera, Grov, Stein, Hagerty, and
Marmor (in press) have shifted their focus to factors that are germane to gay and
bisexual men. These authors examine ‘level of outness’ about one’s sexual orientation
and its association with pornography viewing choices. Results from a large online
 Psychology & Sexuality 15

survey (N = 1995) indicate that men who only consumed gay pornography depicting
condom use were more likely to be single, HIV-negative, less ‘out’ to family and
friends and more likely to report that their sex life resembled pornography. In contrast,
men who consumed gay pornography only depicting bareback sex were more likely to
be non-monoamorous, HIV-positive and less likely to report their sex life was reflected
in the pornography they saw. The authors do not provide data related to the sexual
behaviours these participants engage in related to their preferred type of gay pornogra-
phy. However, if one compares these findings with those above, it seems plausible that
respondents preferring bareback gay pornography are also more likely to engage in
‘high-risk’ sex.
A defining characteristic of the aforementioned literature is that it focuses on con-
sumers and not performers. However, some of the research best categorised as falling
under the Public Health rubric focuses on the content of pornography. For example, in a
review of DVD-based pornography (gay and heterosexual), Grudzen et al. (2009a) report
that 78% of the gay pornography reviewed depicted condom use in scenes with anal sex
(condoms were not used for oral sex in any of the pornography analysed for content).
Silvera, Stein, Hagerty, and Marmor (2009) critique Grudzen et al.’s study on the grounds
that by focusing solely on DVD-based pornography, their content pool did not capture
materials designed for Internet consumption; materials that may be more likely to depict
bareback sex. Silvera et al. also criticise the manner in which Grudzen and associates
defined ‘condom use’ during a scene: if a condom was visible, the sexual episode was
classified as ‘safer-sex’ regardless of whether the condom was used for the duration of the
scene. Responding to these criticisms, Grudzen et al. (2009b) claim that when their study
was conducted, ‘most’ Internet-based pornography was taken from DVD releases and
posted online.15
Although Public Health researchers are beginning to explore potential mediating
variables, the myopic selection of topics targeted for enquiry is of concern. As mentioned,
much of the published work focuses upon associations between consumption of gay
pornography and consumers’ propensity to engage in ‘high-risk’ sex. However, none of
the research has explored personality characteristics that typify those falling within a
‘high-risk’ for HIV infection category. For example, is someone who scores high on
sensation-seeking measures more likely to engage in ‘high-risk’ sex than someone who
obtains a lower score? Roberti (2004) suggests this is the case; however, the literature
within the Public Health framework does not take these psychological correlates into
account.
Researchers also fail to consider myths related to HIV that may be endorsed by
members of their samples. One common myth is that, with the advent of anti-retroviral
drug cocktails, AIDS is no longer a ‘death sentence’ but, rather, a ‘manageable disease’
(Haig, 2006). A related misperception is that, due to medical management, individuals
who are HIV-positive do not need to concern themselves with its transmission. Taking the
endorsement of such myths into account would assist researchers in understanding what
role, if any, they play in relation to ‘high-risk’ sexual behaviours and the preferred type of
pornography consumed (i.e. bareback or not).

Polymorphous
The Polymorphous framework encompasses the most eclectic literature that views gay
pornography as neither inherently positive nor negative. It allows authors to report
findings without having to adhere to specific notions of harm or benefit that may be
16 CJ Bishop

(indirectly) required of other frameworks. Among the literature reviewed herein are
several accounts of the personal effects and intricacies of gay pornography.
The influential film scholar, Richard Dyer (1989), attempts to reconcile the cognitive
dissonance he experiences related to his personal relationship with gay pornography. He
identifies as a consumer of gay pornography who possesses strong feminist sympathies.
Dyer acknowledges that gay pornography can be perceived as depicting strong power
imbalances due to gay men being subjected to the ‘gay gaze’, which absolves performers
of their masculinity and endows them a socially inferior status. However, Dyer also
questions why gay pornography is subject to a level of interrogation absent from other
filmic genres such as horror, action or melodrama.
Waugh (1985) similarly adopts a political stance when he suggests that gay porno-
graphy challenges hegemonic masculinity by providing a space for gay male sexuality.
Further, he contends that gay male pornography undermines the anti-pornography femin-
ist claims that penetration is synonymous with victimisation. However, he does not regard
gay male pornography as intrinsically feminist. Rather, by failing to offer a ‘safe space’
for women and, indeed, by rendering them (largely) invisible, Waugh suggests that gay
male pornography is complicit in the oppression of women.
Some authors examine the issue of ethnic and cultural representation within gay
pornography using a more balanced approach than those found in the Objection paradigm.
For example, some depictions of Arab men in French gay pornography are viewed as
problematic, while others are seen as more egalitarian (Cervulle, 2008; Cervulle & Rees-
Roberts, 2009). Cervulle and Rees-Roberts discuss how some types of French gay
pornography are produced in a way that fetishises Arab men and makes them objects of
desire for a white audience. However, in breaking with the Objection paradigm, the
authors discuss the studio Citébeur and describe how their offerings provide a visual
distance from the stereotypical ‘hypermasculine and insatiable Arab’ commonly displayed
in gay pornography. This is accomplished by depicting a sense of vulnerability among the
Arab performers (by showing nervousness on camera) and also allowing for sexual role
versatility in scenes which depict more than one performer.
Cante and Restivo (2004) examine the issue of transnationalism within gay porno-
graphy. The authors explore several films by director Kristen Bjorn whose early works are
regarded as ‘nation-based’ in that local performers were recruited to appear in titles which
fetishised a particular ethnic/cultural group (e.g. Brazilian men). Confirming these asser-
tions, Westcott (2004) describes how Bjorn exploits performers’ alterity (and by extension
their respective cultures’) in order to appeal to Western/white consumers. However,
beginning in 1995, Bjorn began to recruit more heterogeneous casts and shot his films
in multiple locations with varying narratives. He abandoned the myths associated with the
typical active/passive (top/bottom) dichotomy inherent to most gay pornography (e.g.
‘only masculine men are “tops”’) insisting instead upon sexual reciprocity between
performers. The authors view this amalgam of varying ethnicities and sexual reciprocity
as emphasising a form of transnationalism, one where men are not confined by internal or
external borders or cultural boundaries.
Regarding cultural differences which are not rooted in ethnicity, Healey (2010)
discusses Russian gay pornographic depictions. In the late 1990s, soldier and military
themes were employed to acknowledge that (with exceptions) military service is manda-
tory for all Russian males aged 18 to 27. These depictions are noted to have been among
the most popular, likely based on the universality of military service. A paradoxical
element of Russian gay pornography is that effeminacy and vulnerability emerged as
the dominant aesthetic in contrast to the hypermasculinity evident in Western gay
 Psychology & Sexuality 17

pornography. Even the position of ‘bottom’ achieved a vaunted status based on the belief
that ‘bottoms’ elicit lust within viewers, while the ‘dominant top’ was all but absent.
Healey’s article suggests that the Russian gay pornography aesthetic is diametric to
preferences evident in Western gay pornography.
A smaller corpus of research falling within the Polymorphous framework focuses
upon the experiences of ‘professional’ performers and what occurs ‘behind the scenes’
within gay pornography. Escoffier (2003) examines the ‘gay-for-pay’ phenomenon within
the industry. Within heterosexual pornography, male performers are routinely paid far less
than their female counterparts; thus, as a means of supplementing their income, many
male performers who self-identify as ‘straight’ choose to appear in gay pornography
(Escoffier, 2003, 2009). Escoffier describes how these ‘gay-for-pay’ performers compart-
mentalise their participation in same-sex scenes by adapting the term ‘situational
homosexuality’16 (p. 531) which allows for ‘heterosexual’ men to justify same-sex sexual
behaviour in certain instances. In order for a ‘gay-for-pay’ performer to adequately
navigate the gay pornography industry for the duration of his career, a persona is adopted.
This adopted persona can be conceptualised as a ‘conscience’ regarding the particular
sexual behaviours the individual will perform (e.g. ‘top’ or ‘bottom’), the character he
wishes to project (e.g. a hypermasculine ‘power-top’) and so forth.
Continuing with his research on performers in gay pornography, Escoffier (2007)
describes a common career path experienced by men within the industry. Income tends to
be unstable and one’s earning potential is subject to a ‘retrogressive dynamic’ (p. 187–
188). The retrogressive dynamic refers to the tendency for a performer to become ‘over-
exposed’ which results in lessened audience interest and diminished earnings. To renew
audience interest, performers might retire and then return or, more often, assume a role
that is unexpected, given their well-established persona (e.g. an exclusive ‘top’ may opt to
‘bottom’). However, as audience interest fades once more, other activities must be
incorporated into the performer’s persona as a means of renewing audience interest
(e.g. the exclusive ‘top’ that has ‘bottomed’ might now be ‘fisted’ and so on). The
‘retrogressive dynamic’, ultimately, terminates in the performer ending his career due to
loss of audience demand/interest. Research examining whether this retrogressive dynamic
is an experience unique to ‘professional’ performers is needed. If ‘amateur’ performers are
subject to this dynamic and page views decrease as a result of consumers losing interest,
are these individuals likely to modify their ‘personas’ in the same manner as their
‘professional’ counterparts? Also, are amateur performers susceptible to the potential
psychological issues related to not being considered ‘sexually desirable’ any longer or
is this experience tied to monetary gain?
Finally, Scuglia (2004) provides unrestricted access to what typically occurs on the
sets of gay pornography films. A director of gay pornography, and writer of an influential
blog (Gay Porn Times), he notes that he is asked most often: ‘What is it like on the set of a
gay porn film?’ While those who enquire presumably expect to hear that it is a sexually
charged environment the likes of which mere mortals could never imagine, Scuglia
succinctly replies that it is ‘boring’ (p. 186). He describes how a single scene can take
8 hours to shoot and recounts examples where some performers have taken hours to
‘cum’ or required the use of a ‘stuntman’.

Gay Affirmative
The inclusion of the Gay Affirmative framework accounts for literature that positions
itself as advocating for the potential benefits of gay male pornography. This framework
18 CJ Bishop

can be conceptualised as being comprised of three distinct types of literature: (i) empiri-
cally based, which analyses data collected from sizable samples of gay and bisexual men,
(ii) opinion-based, which eschews empirical evidence for that which is anecdotal and (iii)
literature which emphasises affirmation that is not restricted to gay self-identity. Although
different mechanisms are employed within each of these types, their goal is the same: gay
pornography serves an affirmative purpose.
In a mixed-methods study, Mustanski, Lyons, and Garcia (2011) examined how young
gay and bisexual men use the Internet and how this relates to their sexual health. Phase
one consisted of a survey of 329 young gay and bisexual men but did not ask questions
related to gay pornography. Phase two consisted of qualitative interviews of 16 men
selected on the basis of scores from phase one. During the interviews, four respondents
reported past consumption of gay pornography, which they described as being integral to
their gay identity development (i.e. initial exposure served as confirmation of their same-
sex sexual desires). The authors do not report any interviewees revealing negative
experiences regarding their exposure to gay pornography.
Two similar mixed-method studies corroborate these findings. Kubicek et al.’s (2010)
study was comprised of both a quantitative (N = 526 participants) and qualitative phase
(consisting of interviews with 58 men selected at random [stratified for ethnicity]). The
qualitative results indicated that the majority of respondents viewed gay pornography as
playing an integral role in their introduction to gay culture and development as gay men.
Gay pornography was described as serving a pedagogic function due to the absence of
education regarding gay sexuality in school. Although not necessarily described as
negative, a small minority of respondents reported that their initial exposure to gay
pornography was with fetish material (i.e. fisting), which they regarded as frightening.
Drawing from the same initial quantitative phase as above, Kubicek, Carpineto, McDavitt,
Weiss, and Kipke (2011) selected 24 men on the basis of their quantitative scores. Similar
to the aforementioned findings, initial viewing of gay pornography was likely to be
respondents’ first exposure to gay sexuality which validated their same-sex desires.
Also, some respondents described gay pornography as serving a pedagogic function
(e.g. depicting the mechanics of anal sex).
Hald et al. (2013) study examined the perceived effects of gay pornography among
gay and bisexual men. The authors administered a survey which included their modified
version of the Pornography Consumption Effects Scale (PCES) to 1333 men. Among their
sample, 97% reported gay pornography as serving a positive pedagogic function, promot-
ing greater enjoyment of (and interest in) sex, facilitating a greater understanding of their
sexual orientation and promoting a more positive attitude towards sex. The remaining 3%
indicated negative effects of consumption regarding either their attitudes towards sex or
reported enjoyment of (solo) masturbation.
This corpus of literature (i.e. empirically based) may appear to have been erroneously
categorised within the Gay Affirmative framework; however, it was intentional. The
studies detailed earlier have inadvertently employed a methodology likely to produce
more positive or affirmative results due to their usage of items pertaining to perceived
effects. This is problematic due to the aforementioned point that gay pornography has
been found to be ubiquitous within gay culture (Morrison et al., 2007). As a result, the
authors are unable to take into account the fact that many (if not most) of their respon-
dents were likely introduced to gay sexuality via gay pornography. This is critical because
globally, heterosexual individuals are introduced to their sexuality via sexual education
classes, mainstream media, advertisements, literature and myriad other ways. A parallel
experience does not exist for gay youth (although this is slowly changing with increasing
 Psychology & Sexuality 19

representation available in different forms of media). Taking the PCES as an example,

items such as ‘attitude toward sex’ and ‘understanding of what you like to do sexually’
will invariably elicit strong positive responses given the likelihood of gay pornography
serving the role of ‘educator’ for many of these respondents.
The second facet of the Gay Affirmative literature is opinion-based. Lucas (2006)
regards gay pornography as having the capability to be liberating and educate people on
matters of gay sexuality. Writing from the perspective of both a gay pornography performer
and producer, Lucas describes how, in his experience, performers choose their roles based
on their desires. Also, Lucas exclaims how when a ‘top’ star finally decides to assume the
role of ‘bottom’ he does so of his own volition without any pressure from producers and
violence (as Kendall would describe it) is not being experienced. Lucas also regards gay
pornography as serving a pedagogic function with respect to the mechanics of sex and also
in its depictions of safer sex (i.e. eroticising condom use). Although (as mentioned) bare-
back sex is becoming increasingly popular, Lucas discloses his studio’s policy that if it is
discovered that any contracted performer ever participated in a bareback production, he is
immediately banned from performing for Lucas Entertainment.17
Tucker (1991) and Clark (1991) believe that gay pornography has a utopian dimension
in that it provides gay (and bisexual) men with a validation of their sexual desires, which
until recently was unlikely to occur elsewhere. From the perspective of a critique of
radical feminism, Tucker argues that sweeping generalisations are typical of radical
feminist analyses of gay pornography which fail to take into account that gay pornogra-
phy, like everything else, exists along a continuum. Clark (1991) adopts a similar stance
by arguing that sex sans power is typically portrayed in gay pornography by virtue of the
participants maintaining the option of versatility if they desire. Although Clark admits that
gay pornography of the early to mid-1980s emphasised objectification, he describes how a
shift had occurred beginning in 1988 to more self-affirming material which began to
emphasise an emotional connection between sexual partners. Related to the notion of
power, Tucker describes how radical feminists typically argue that the erection and male
ejaculation are symbols of female objectification and subjugation within all forms of
pornography, but responds that clarification of what an ‘ethical erection or ejaculation’ (p.
270) entails is never provided.
Thomas (1999) describes what he views as the contributions made by gay pornogra-
phy in terms of deconstructing the societal power possessed by hegemonic masculinity.
He explores how drag queens, through their ‘gender bending’ performances, served to
weaken the tenets of hegemonic masculinity by allowing males to embrace femininity
which has always been considered taboo. Thomas explains how drag (described as a
subtle form of ‘camp’) became anachronistic because the introduction of ‘mainstream’
gay pornography allowed for a more overt argument against hegemonic masculinity. The
unapologetic explicitness of gay sexuality inherent to gay pornography transgresses
hegemonic masculinity because it showcased men having sex with one another, some-
thing considered to be a more severe violation of masculinity than drag. By being forced
to confront these images, Thomas claims that society is required to come to terms with
how men can have sex with each other and still remain ‘men’. Obviously, this is a
complex matter for which a simple resolution has not been established as evidenced by the
homonegativity still occurring globally.
What is problematic about opinion-based Gay Affirmative literature is that the benefits
purportedly experienced by gay (and bisexual) men are ‘contingent upon the perceptive-
ness of the viewer (i.e. the viewer must recognise that the material in question is
challenging masculinist values; promoting the dignity of gay people, etc.)’ (Morrison as
20 CJ Bishop

cited in Ellis & Whitehead, 2004, p. 213). That is, an author’s interpretations of the
benefits or affirmative nature of gay pornography are only as useful as the ability of
consumers to discern these benefits. If consumers remain ignorant to these purported
effects, then it is merely speculation about the potential gay pornography has, as opposed
to its actual benefits.
Finally, there is a cluster of Gay Affirmative research that purportedly achieves affirma-
tion beyond one’s gay identity or gay sexuality in general. Subero (2010) provides an
analysis of the Mexican gay pornographic film entitled La Putiza which allegedly provides
an affirmation of not only one’s gay identity but also one’s gay identity within Mexican
culture. Subero describes how within typical gay pornographic offerings, Mexican men are
fetishised by being depicted as the desirable ‘other’ while simultaneously portrayed in a
stereotypic manner (e.g. gardener). As a result, many gay Mexican men do not see
themselves represented within gay pornography. However, La Putiza subverts these con-
cerns by employing an entirely Mexican cast within a Lucha Libre18 narrative. The
protagonist is presented as a Luchador who seeks the power of a fabled mask and must
‘survive’ several (sexual) tests to prove his worth in possessing said power. Subero describes
how the protagonist asserts his masculinity by not ‘cumming’ during the various sex scenes
while ensuring the protagonists do. In addition, since all the performers are Luchadors, they
exude masculinity by being coded as belonging to a time-honoured Mexican tradition
(Lucha Libre). Overall, through these depictions, gay Mexican men are affirmed that one
can be gay and Mexican without sacrificing one’s cultural heritage and masculinity.
Other research suggests that gay pornography can be affirming for women. Lunsing
(2006) focuses upon Yaoi Ronso (gay pornographic Japanese comics) and discusses how
these publications are described by some as liberating girls’ sexuality by challenging
heterosexism. Typical of traditional gay pornography, these comics depict characters that
are considered attractive and adhere to a gay pornographic aesthetic even though they are
drawings. Takamatsu Hisako, an author of Yaoi comics, claims that by depicting two men
having sex she subverts the tendency for women to always be objectified in such
situations, thus allowing for readers to avoid having their own bodies objectified during
the encounter. Yanagita Akiko takes this one step further and claims that gay men are not
being depicted within these comics and that when two men are showcased in her work it
is because it subverts the necessity for women to have to be the ‘underdog’ during sex. (It
remains unclear how she is not depicting gay [and bisexual] men.)
Like the Harms-based Framework, much of the Gay Affirmative literature possesses a
myopic focus. That is, elements of gay pornography that are problematic are largely elided
in order to put forth an argument which adheres to one’s philosophical beliefs. For
example, the proliferation of bareback pornography is largely described as a problem
within smaller studios, while representatives from larger studios proclaim they would
never allow such carelessness (Calvert & Richards, 2007). Meanwhile, the Public Health
literature, which is not acknowledged, serves to refute this assessment. Although gay
pornography does possess some salutary elements, to completely ignore those elements
which are problematic is to commit the same lapse in judgement apparent within the
Harms-based literature.

Analysis
This paper provided an in-depth review of the gay pornography literature and determined
the utility of adapting previous frameworks developed to catalogue literature regarding
heterosexual pornography (Wright, 2013). Based on this task, it appears that the
 Psychology & Sexuality 21

frameworks proposed by Wright do not allow for adequate categorisation of the gay
pornography literature. Instead, a modified continuum of frameworks is proposed.
First, it is counterintuitive to have two separate paradigms that exist within one frame-
work (i.e. Oppression versus Objection); thus, I recommend these paradigms be separated.
Since both paradigms do not advocate the same positions of how to deal with the purported
harmful effects of gay pornography, separate frameworks would be beneficial. The
Oppression paradigm literature should remain associated with the ‘Harms-based’ frame-
work. The Objection paradigm literature should form its own framework. This change is
important because if the criticisms identified by Fung (1991), Hoang (2004) and Obendorf
(2006) are ever adequately addressed, then this framework will cease to exist. The same
cannot be said for the Harms-based literature as prohibition is consistently viewed as the
only option to combat the purported harm of gay pornography. Making the distinction
between these two paradigms will allow researchers to clearly delineate the purpose of their
contributions without having to be concerned about their message being misconstrued.
The Public Health framework should remain intact without any alterations. However,
the aforementioned recommendations regarding future research should be explored: (i)
personality characteristics warrant investigation as possibly being related to the associa-
tion between viewing bareback gay pornography and the likelihood of engaging in ‘high-
risk’ sex; and (ii) participants’ endorsement of myths related to HIV and how this may
influence ‘high-risk’ sexual behaviours and preferred type of gay pornography consumed
should be examined.
It appears as though the more apt label ‘Polymorphous’ served its function well and
should be retained as the primary descriptor used to describe gay pornography literature
which adopts a neutral stance.
The ‘Gay Affirmative’ framework was included based on a brief initial review of the
literature. However, it appears that the qualifier ‘gay’ diminishes the ability of this
framework to include research that goes beyond an affirmation of gay sexuality. For
example, recall that Subero (2010) described instances of gay pornography that not only
validates one’s gay identity, but also serves to affirm a Mexican gay man’s place within
his culture and the confines of masculinity. In addition, he describes how gay men are
portrayed as more than typical Mexican stereotypes (e.g. gardener or day labourer), which
further serves an affirmative function. Therefore, it is proposed ‘Gay Affirmative’ be
henceforth referred to as ‘Affirmative’ which will accommodate the literature which views
gay pornography as affirming more than gay sexuality and identity.

Recommendations for future research

Although some recommendations have been delineated throughout this paper, one addi-
tional point warrants mention. Authors should avoid conflating the topics inherent to gay
and heterosexual pornography as they appear to be largely mutually exclusive. For
example, Albright (2008) explored the behaviour of individuals related to Internet porno-
graphy usage and other sex-seeking behaviours without identifying a specific target
group, instead attempting to be all-inclusive which is problematic. In a sample of
15,246 people, 75% were men and among these men 3% self-identified as gay and 3%
self-identified as bisexual. Albright reports that 75% of men had sought out some form of
pornographic material and that men were less likely than women to view pornography as
possessing negative outcomes. However, she fails to acknowledge that the opinions of
two different mediums are being compared. If women are reporting that pornography has
potential for negative outcomes but are commenting on heterosexual pornography, they
22 CJ Bishop

are likely not taking gay pornography into account as it would not be as salient to them.
Similarly, gay men would likely be expressing opinions concerning gay pornography as it
is likely most relevant to them. However, gay men may agree that women are treated
abhorrently in heterosexual pornography and may agree with many of the women in this
sample.
Based on the current review, it would appear that gay pornography and heterosexual
pornography have greater differences than similarities. These differences need to be
appreciated and respected to allow for the proliferation of more meaningful research in
future.

Notes
1. Given space restrictions, an all-inclusive comprehensive review of the gay male pornography
literature is not possible. Instead, this paper reflects an attempt to provide as in-depth an
overview as possible. In no way does the elision of certain authors (or works) represent a
critique of the perceived value of their contributions to the literature. Rather, it is merely an
example of the need for brevity. As such, the current paper represents a selective overview of
the gay pornography literature.
2. Hald et al. (2013) describe five empirically based models used to describe the psychological
mechanisms and processes involved with regard to the effects of exposure to heterosexual
pornography. Very briefly, the Sexual Communication Model proposes that pornography
serves a pedagogic function for consumers who are able to discern its separation from reality
and that women can benefit from its consumption. The Sexual Callousness Model conversely
argues that consumers do not have the cognitive ability to discern that pornography does not
necessarily reflect reality which promotes violence against women. The Violent
Desensitisation Model suggests that as consumers become desensitised to more violent
depictions against women, they begin to accept them as reflective of reality which leads to
decreased empathy for victims of sexual assault; thus, prolonged exposure to pornography
possessing violent depictions is deemed problematic. The Confluence Model represents an
integrative model which possesses two pathways: hostile masculinity (HM) and impersonal
sex (IS). Where the HM pathway describes a hostile or defensive orientation towards women
which may manifest as sexual gratification from controlling women, the IS pathway describes
an orientation towards sex indicative of promiscuity (these pathways are used to predict
sexually aggressive behaviours). Finally, the Three-Factor Model suggests childhood sexual
and physical abuse, negative personality or behavioural traits, and sexist cognitions are
indicative of sexual coercion. These models are unable to fully encapsulate elements of the
gay pornography literature and are greatly hindered by their descriptions of inter-gender
violence. It would be inappropriate to suggest that sexual violence as manifested within an
‘opposite-sex’ dyad is reminiscent of same-sex sexual violence experienced between gay men
without any empirical basis for doing so.
3. An anonymous reviewer staunchly upholds this stance with respect to gay pornography and
the belief that social scientific enquiry represents a misguided means of knowledge generation
with respect to this medium.
4. The three perspectives described by Linz and Malamuth (1993) are as follows: (i) the Liberal
perspective emphasises the idea that pornography is not inherently negative and that those who
are exposed to it are capable of making appropriate behavioural choices regarding their
sexuality regardless of their exposure; (ii) the Conservative-Moralist perspective embraces
the belief that pornography is complicit in the behavioural choices made by individuals and
thus is responsible for the observed erosion of traditional sexual values (e.g. decline of the
intact biological family and lack of fidelity); and (iii) the Radical Feminist perspective views
pornography as redolent with patriarchal overtones and thus largely responsible for the
continued subjugation of women.
5. This framework was initially referred to as the Liberal perspective (Linz & Malamuth, 1993).
Subsequently, Wright (2013) called this framework ‘Libertarian’ and defined it as research
which questions whether pornography has any meaningful social impact and argues that
concerns over pornography should only materialise when there is compelling evidence
 Psychology & Sexuality 23

attesting to the harms that pornography may inflict upon others. Wright positions the
Libertarian framework as encompassing research that regards pornography in a more positive
or beneficial light. However, within the context of this review paper, a more neutral framework
which views gay pornography literature as possessing neither a positive nor negative approach
is required. As such, the term ‘Libertarian’, which is defined as advocating for freedom,
becomes a misnomer and a more accurate descriptor is required. The logic underlying this
decision is apparent when considering the fourth framework.
6. Note that it is likely many of the findings pertaining to ‘professional’ gay pornography
performers may also be true of ‘amateur’ performers.
7. Aside from not assigning blame to gay men for the purported harms caused by gay porno-
graphy (unlike Kendall), Harris also critiques the theories of Mackinnon and Dworkin (anti-
pornography feminists whom Kendall repeatedly cites and offers praise) since he claims these
individuals are unable to comprehend the differences between fantasy and reality.
8. This study is considered empirically based research within the Polymorphous framework. It
appears here, however, to provide an example of the literature that questions the (mostly)
unsubstantiated assertions made by proponents of the Harms-based framework.
9. Fung’s (1991) work was cited extensively by Kendall to underscore his central thesis that gay
pornography is harmful and should be prohibited. Not surprisingly, Fung’s call for a more
ethnically egalitarian gay pornography was ignored.
10. Hoang (2004) describes how most of the pseudonyms ‘adopted’ by Asian (and assumed
Asian) performers are meant to be hybrid Asian names which serve to further exoticise the
performers.
11. After gay pornography studios had adopted safer-sex practices for their films, studios SX
Video and Hot Desert Knights emerged which only produced bareback offerings (followed by
Treasure Island Media), thus establishing them as pariahs within the industry. However, Holt
(2013) estimates that approximately 60% of the gay pornography being produced today is
bareback.
12. Sexual Script Theory refers to the internal and external forces involved in the drive for sex.
Intrapsychic scripts are the thoughts and desires that provoke and maintain sexual arousal.
Interpersonal scripts are defined as the tangible elements that exist related to the intrapsychic
scripts that promote the occurrence of sexual behaviour (Simon & Gagnon, 1986).
13. Rosser et al. (2011) do not define what they mean by ‘problematic’ versus ‘non-problematic’
gay pornography usage within their research note.
14. Traeen et al. (2014) state that MSM need not self-identify as gay or bisexual.
15. Grudzen et al. (2009a) cite themselves as a source for this argument which is tenuous at best.
16. The origin of this term was to describe same-sex sexual behaviour in gender segregated
populations like prisons or the navy.
17. Based on a recent news article (Roberts, 2014), it appears that Lucas Entertainment no longer
maintains a strict safer sex policy. Lucas states:
My position on bareback sex in porn has adapted accordingly. And not just in porn: I have
changed the way I have sex in my personal life, too. I am HIV negative, but I have recently
been seeing someone who is HIV positive, and we have sex without condoms. So I feel fine,
now, with asking my models to do the same. (para. 3).
18. Lucha Libre is the Mexican form of professional wrestling where performers wear masks to
conceal their true identity and become their wrestling persona. Luchadors are revered in
Mexican culture and are considered the epitome of masculinity.

Notes on contributor
CJ Bishop is a third year PhD candidate at the University of Saskatchewan. His research interests
include human sexuality (specifically, pornography); gay and lesbian psychology; and stereotyping,
prejudice, and discrimination (specifically, homonegativity). His research has been published in the
Journal of Homosexuality and Psychology & Sexuality. He is the recipient of a doctoral fellowship
from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.
24 CJ Bishop

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