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For Sage Publications: Mark Gage, Rebecca Lucca, Corina Villeda, Angela Arnold, and Jennifer Trone
The Counseling
Volume 29, Number 6
Psychologist November 2001
MULTIDIMENSIONAL FACETS OF CULTURAL COMPETENCE
Around the Winter Roundtable Forum
Back to the Future in Cultural Competence Training

Robert T. Carter 787
Major Contribution
Multidimensional Facets of Cultural Competence

Derald Wing Sue 790
Reactions
Critical Issues Concerning Cultural Competence

Charles R. Ridley, Debra Mollen Baker, and Carrie L. Hill 822
Multidimensional Cultural Competence:
Providing Tools for Transforming Psychology
Amy L. Reynolds 833
The Facets of Cultural Competence:
Searching Outside the Box
Lisa A. Suzuki, Mary B. McRae, and Ellen L. Short 842
Rejoinder
The Superordinate Nature of Cultural Competence

Derald Wing Sue 850
Special Populations Forum
Cultural Commitment and the Counseling Preferences

and Counselor Perceptions of Native American Women
Ruth J. Bichsel and Brent Mallinckrodt 858
Legacies and Traditions Forum
Revitalizing the Division:

The Reorganization of Division 17
Jean A. Carter and Kathleen L. Davis 882
About the Authors 907
Index 910
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· AROUND THE WINTER ROUNDTABLE FORUM
Back to the Future in
Cultural Competence Training
Robert T. Carter
Teachers College, Columbia University
I am pleased that this issue of the Winter Roundtable Forum is devoted to

cultural competence. Cultural competence has been a topic of concern in
counseling psychology and psychology in general for some 30 years. Derald
Sue (2001 [this issue]) offers a model for achieving cultural competence.
There exist several such models in the psychology literature (e.g., Carter,
1998, 2000; Ridley, Mendoza, Kanitz, Angermeier, & Zenk, 1994).
Sue has been a significant voice and leader in the effort to bring cultural
competence to the training of psychologists and counselors. His cultural
competence model presented here adds significantly to his work and writing
in this area. In his competence model, he reminds us of the complexity associ-
ated with developing cultural competence. He argues that the traditional and
standard principles of helping are culturally bound and are at odds with the
cultural norms and expectations of racially and ethnically different people.
Sue posits that cultural competence must be understood and acquired from
many dimensions. He argues that it is imperative that the social and organiza-
tional context in which cultural competence is learned become a part of com-
petence training (e.g., Carter, 2000). The view from the many perspectives or
dimensions that Sue (2001) presents is necessary if one is to grasp the obsta-
cles and barriers as well as the strengths and benefits of a racial cultural
understanding of human development, social structures, and effective help-
ing. Sue indicates that exclusive attention on the individual and personal
aspects of learning about culture ignores and de-emphasizes other meanings
and important dimensions essential for cultural counseling competence. One
must also learn about his or her reference group memberships as well as the
various meanings reference groups hold for others. Organizations and soci-
ety are also significant influences on the learning process associated with cul-
tural competence. In addition, researchers have found that racial identity
development and the counseling relationship are also important components
to developing cultural counseling competence (Sue, 2001).
THE
CarterCOUNSELING
/ CULTURAL COMPETENCE
PSYCHOLOGIST
TRAINING
/ November 2001
This article is not for citation and reproduction without the author’s permission. I would like to
thank Heather Juby and Lisa Orbe for their helpful comments and feedback on earlier drafts of
the article. Correspondence should be sent to Robert T. Carter, Teachers College, Columbia Uni-
versity, Box 32, 525 West 120th Street, New York, NY 10027; e-mail: rtc10@columbia.edu.
THE COUNSELING PSYCHOLOGIST, Vol. 29 No. 6, November 2001 787-789
© 2001 by the Division of Counseling Psychology.
787
788 THE COUNSELING PSYCHOLOGIST / November 2001
I would like to highlight several points that Sue makes with which I concur
that are essential to developing cultural competence. It is imperative that
society, the profession of psychology as reflected in its professional associa-
tions, and educational institutions within which programs are housed support
and value cultural competence training. It is also essential for psychologists
and counselors as well as faculty members to personally understand the role
of culture in their personal development, training, and professional behavior.
Lastly, to build effective counseling relationships and to develop one’s racial
identity center on self-knowledge and motivation.
One important aspect of Sue’s model is his assertion that counselors and
psychologists learn about the cultures of racial/ethnic groups. I would like to
highlight the fact that knowledge of self would facilitate this, and I believe it
is essential for learning about others. Torres-Guzman and Carter (2000) put it
this way:
The goals of cultural education are not solely to create tolerance of diversity but
to change existing structures that perpetuate intolerance, oppression, and ineq-
uity. . . . The broader message is that our society needs to change drastically, but
that the paths toward those changes are multiple and must be undertaken in a
concerted, interactive way. By looking at self, one sees the other. We should
each take on the task of understanding self. But we come to see self through the
eyes of others, thus we must implicate ourselves in the development of the
other if we ourselves wish to develop. This is a call to all [irrespective of one’s
race or culture]. (p. 952)
I think our future in psychology and the process of developing cultural

competence require that we return to the past and adopt a component of clas-
sical analytic training. The aspect of classical psychoanalytical training that I
consider important is the process of self-exploration (then called analysis).
The training in psychology that emphasizes cultural knowledge and skill has
tended to teach about cultural others. Less attention has been given to self-
exploration and personal development. The emphasis on knowledge and
awareness of cultural others often promotes cognitive learning, whereas
emotional components are given less attention. However, self-knowledge and
awareness are by their natures both cognitive and emotional. Thus, I would
suggest that the lack of emphasis on self-knowledge and exploration in cul-
tural competence training supports and highlights what Sue (2001) describes
as the culture-bound and oppressive characteristics of mental health care as it
is delivered to visible racial/ethnic group populations.
Sue (2001) notes that at the professional level, the field of psychology still
relegates cultural learning to the sidelines and tends to ignore the cultural
context of learning and human development. Many training programs have a
course or two in the curriculum that focus on racial or cultural issues or prac-
Carter / CULTURAL COMPETENCE TRAINING 789
tice but do not teach trainees that humans develop within a cultural context.
Even in programs in which such courses do exist, the course composes a
small fraction of the curriculum. Carter (1998) maintained, for instance, that
a 2-year master’s degree training program might require 60 credits or about
20 courses. At the doctoral level, it would be as many as 90 credits or some 30
courses. Of these, there may be 1 or 2 courses that have an explicit cultural
focus. It may also be the case that such courses are cognitive in content and
focus. Even when more cultural courses are offered, the traditional “Euro-
centric perspective” is still present in other courses.
The continued lack of application and commitment to cultural compe-
tence in our profession and training programs weakens our effectiveness as
helping professionals. The return to the past with an emphasis on integrative
self-exploration and development in which cognitive, affective, and behav-
ioral learning and skill development occur in our training of practicing pro-
fessionals and trainees could move us to value cultural competence.
It is not possible for training to matter unless our institutions and profes-
sion move from rhetoric to reality in their adoption of cultural competence as
an emerging and powerful force in psychology and education that enriches
our knowledge and ability to serve all people. As has been true of other move-
ments in psychology, there is resistance and doubt. My hope is that future
psychologists and counselors will look back to this time and note how the
reluctance to broaden our perspective on human development was a tempo-
rary phase in the field’s evolution.
REFERENCES
Carter, R. T. (1998). The influence of race and racial identity in psychotherapy: Toward a
racially inclusive model. New York: John Wiley.
Carter, R. T. (Ed.). (2000). Addressing cultural issues in organizations: Beyond the corporate
context. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Ridley, C. R., Mendoza, D. W., Kanitz, B. E., Angermeier, L., & Zenk, R. (1994). Cultural sensi-
tivity in cultural counseling: A perceptual schema model. Journal of Counseling Psychol-
ogy, 41, 125-136.
Sue, D. W. (2001). Multidimensional facets of cultural competence. The Counseling Psycholo-
gist, 29(6), 790-821.
Torres-Guzman, M., & Carter, R. T. (2000). Looking at self as the critical element for change in
cultural education: Pushing the seams of theory, research and practice. Part II. Teachers Col-
lege Record—Special Theme Issue Cultural Education, 102(4), 949-952.
· MAJOR CONTRIBUTION
Multidimensional Facets
of Cultural Competence
Derald Wing Sue
Calls for incorporating cultural competence in psychology have been hindered for a
number of reasons: belief in the universality of psychological laws and theories, the
invisibility of monocultural policies and practices, differences over defining cultural
competence, and the lack of a conceptual framework for organizing its multifaceted
dimensions. A proposed multidimensional model of cultural competence (MDCC) incor-
porates three primary dimensions: (a) racial and culture-specific attributes of compe-
tence, (b) components of cultural competence, and (c) foci of cultural competence. Based
on a 3 (Awareness, Knowledge, and Skills) ´ 4 (Individual, Professional, Organizational,
and Societal) ´ 5 (African American, Asian American, Latino/Hispanic American,
Native American, and European American) factorial combination, the MDCC allows for
the systematic identification of cultural competence in a number of different areas. Its
uses in education and training, practice, and research are discussed.
Calls for cultural competence in psychology are not new and have been
voiced by many psychologists and groups for more than two and half decades
(American Psychological Association, 1993; Arredondo et al., 1996; Coun-
cil of National Psychological Associations for the Advancement of Ethnic
Minorities, 2000; Cross, Bazron, Dennis, & Isaacs, 1989; Dulles Conference
Task Force, 1978; C. Hall, 1997; Korman, 1974; Marsella, 1998; President’s
Commission on Mental Health, 1978; Ridley, Mendoza, Kanitz, Angermeier, &
Zenk, 1994; D. W. Sue, Arredondo, & McDavis, 1992; D. W. Sue, Bingham,
Porche-Burke, & Vasquez, 1999; D. W. Sue et al., 1982; D. W. Sue, Carter,
et al., 1998). Yet, demands for integrating multicultural perspectives into the
profession have often resulted in resistance for several reasons: belief in the
universality of psychological laws and theories (Miller, 1999; D. W. Sue,
Carter, et al., 1998) and the invisibility of monoculturalism (D. W. Sue & Sue,
1999). Increasingly, however, psychologists are recognizing that psychologi-
cal concepts and theories are developed from a predominantly Euro-American
context and may be limited in application to the emerging racial and cultural
diversity in the United States (Kim & Berry, 1993; Marsella, 1998). Some
THE
Sue / COUNSELING
MULTIDIMENSIONAL
PSYCHOLOGIST
CULTURAL
/ November
COMPETENCE
2001
This article is based on a keynote address given at Teachers College, Columbia University
Roundtable, February 25, 2000. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to
Derald Wing Sue, Teachers College, Columbia University, 525 West 120th Street, New York,
NY 10027; e-mail: dwingsue@aol.com.
790
Sue / MULTIDIMENSIONAL CULTURAL COMPETENCE 791
have even warned that Euro-American psychology may become “culturally

obsolete” unless revised to reflect a multicultural perspective (C. Hall, 1997;
D. W. Sue & Sue, 1999).
Even among proponents who agree on the importance of cultural compe-
tence, implementing guidelines has been hindered by several problems in the
field: (a) differences over defining cultural competence (Ridley, Baker, &
Hill, 2000; Ridley et al., 1994) and (b) the lack of a conceptual framework for
organizing its multifaceted dimensions (Atkinson, Morten, & Sue, 1998). In
the latter case, cultural competence has been conceptualized as either univer-
sal (etic) or culture specific (emic) (Dumas, Rollock, Prinz, Hops, & Blechman,
1999), studied from the vantage of a particular racial ethnic group (African
Americans, Asian Americans, Euro-Americans, Latino/Hispanic Ameri-
cans, or Native Americans)(Paniagua, 1998) or focused on different micro/
macro levels of analysis (individual, institutional, etc.) (Lewis, Lewis,
Daniels, & D’Andrea, 1998). Although all of these dimensions are legitimate
aspects of cultural competence, what is sorely lacking is a conceptual frame-
work that would organize these dimensions into a meaningful whole and pro-
vide direction for practice, education and training, and research (Dumas
et al., 1999).
MULTIPLE DIMENSIONS OF CULTURAL

COMPETENCE (MDCC): A PROPOSED MODEL
The MDCC offers a conceptual framework for organizing three primary

dimensions of multicultural competence: (a) specific racial/cultural group
perspectives, (b) components of cultural competence, and (c) foci of cultural
competence. Based on a 3 ´ 4 ´ 5 design, the model, as shown in Figure 1,
allows for the systematic identification of cultural competence in a number of
combinations. Each cell represents a confluence of these three major
dimensions.
Dimension 1: Race- and Culture-Specific

Attributes of Competence
One of the most problematic issues in defining cultural competence deals

with the inclusive or exclusive nature of multiculturalism. A number of psy-
chologists have indicated that an inclusive definition of multiculturalism
(gender, ability/disability, sexual orientation, etc.) can obscure the under-
standing and study of race as a powerful dimension of human existence
(Carter, 1995; Carter & Qureshi, 1995; Helms, 1995; Helms & Richardson,
1997). This stance is not intended to negate the importance of the many cul-
es
ut
ib
1 A ttr EUROPEAN AMERICAN
c ce
s ion cifi ten
en p e e NATIVE AMERICAN
m -S mp
Di ure Co
t l
C ul ura LATINO AMERICAN
t
nd Cul
e-A Of ASIAN AMERICAN
R ac
AFRICAN AMERICAN
AWARENESS KNOWLEDGE SKILLS

Foci of Cultural Competence
SOCIETAL OF ATTITUDE/
BELIEFS
Dimension 3
ORGANIZATIONAL
PROFESSIONAL
INDIVIDUAL
Dimension 2
Components Of Cultural Competence
Figure 1. A multidimensional model for developing cultural competence.
tural dimensions of human identity but notes the greater discomfort that
many psychologists experience in dealing with issues of race rather than
other sociodemographic differences (Carter, 1995). As a result, race becomes
less salient and allows us to avoid addressing problems of racial prejudice,
racial discrimination, and systemic racial oppression. This concern appears
to have great legitimacy. I have noted, for example, that when issues of race
are discussed in the classroom, a mental health agency, or some other public
forum, it is not uncommon for participants to refocus the dialogue on differ-
ences related to gender, socioeconomic status, or religious orientation. On
the other hand, many groups often rightly feel excluded from the multicul-
tural debate and find themselves in opposition to one another. Thus, enhanc-
ing multicultural understanding and sensitivity means balancing our under-
standing of the sociopolitical forces that dilute the importance of race and our
need to acknowledge the existence of other group identities related to culture,
ethnicity, social class, gender, and sexual orientation (D. W. Sue et al., 1999).
I have found the following tripartite framework useful in exploring and
understanding the formation of personal identity (see Figure 2).
The three concentric circles illustrated in Figure 2 denote universal,
group, and individual levels of personal identity. The universal level is best
Universal Level:
Homo Sapiens
Co
m
m
o
Group Level:
n
s
lif e
Similarities and
ol
mb
ex
Differences
sy
pe
Gender Race
se
rie n
to u
ces
ty
Socioeconomic Sexual
Abili
Individual orientation
status
Level:
Uniqueness
Age • Genetic endowment Marital
• Nonshared status
experiences
Geographic Religious
t ie s
location preference
i la r i
im
ls
ica
Ethnicity Culture
ys
Se
ph
lf -
w
a
nd
ar Disability a
en al
es
s l o gic
B io
Figure 2. Tripartite framework of personal identity.
summed up in the following statement: “All individuals are, in some respects,

like all other individuals.” Because we are members of the human race and
belong to the species Homo sapiens, we share many similarities. Universal to
our commonalties are (a) biological and physical similarities, (b) common
life experiences (birth, death, love, sadness, and others), (c) self-awareness,
and (d) ability to use symbols such as language. The character Shylock in
Shakespeare’s Merchant of Venice attempts to acknowledge the universal
nature of the human condition by asking, “When you prick us, do we not
bleed?”
The group level of identity is best exemplified in the following statement:
“All individuals are, in some respects, like some other individuals.” All of us
are born into a cultural matrix of beliefs, values, rules, and social practices.
By virtue of social, cultural, and political distinctions made in our society,
perceived group membership exerts powerful influence over how society
views sociodemographic groups and how its members view themselves and
others (Atkinson et al., 1998). Group markers such as race, gender, disability/
ability, and age are fixed and unchanging. Those that are relatively nonfixed,
such as education, socioeconomic status, marital status, and geographic loca-
tion, are more fluid and changeable. Although culture and ethnicity are fairly
stable, some argue that they can also be fluid. Likewise, debate and contro-
versy surround the discussion about whether sexual orientation is fixed or
nonfixed. Despite their characterization, membership in these groups may
result in shared experiences and characteristics. They may serve as powerful
reference groups in the formation of worldviews. Figure 2 reveals that people
may belong to more than one cultural group (i.e., race, gender, and disabil-
ity), some group identities may be more salient than others (race over reli-
gious orientation), and the salience of cultural group identity may shift from
one to the other depending on the situation (disability among able bodied, but
sexual orientation among the disabled).
The individual level of identity is best summed up in the following state-
ment: “All individuals are, in some respects, like no other individuals.” Our
unique genetic endowment guarantees that no two individuals are identical.
Even identical twins, who theoretically share the same gene pool and are
raised in the same family, are exposed to not only shared but also many
nonshared experiences. Different experiences in school and with peers and
qualitative differences in how parents treat them will contribute to individual
uniqueness. Research indicates that psychological characteristics and behav-
ior are more affected by experiences specific to a child than by shared experi-
ences (Plomin, 1989; Rutter, 1991).
A holistic approach to understanding personal identity demands that we
recognize all three levels: individual (uniqueness—like no others), group
(shared cultural values and beliefs with reference groups), and universal
(common features of being human). Confusions occur in research and prac-
tice when social scientists fail to clarify or acknowledge the existence of
these multiple levels of personal identity. For example, psychological expla-
nations that acknowledge the importance of group influences such as gender,
race, culture, sexual orientation, socioeconomic class, and religious orienta-
tion lead to more accurate understanding of human psychology. Failure to do
so may skew research findings and lead to biased conclusions about human
behavior that are culture bound, class bound, and gender bound. Although the
concentric circles in Figure 2 might unintentionally suggest a clear boundary,
each level of identity must be viewed as permeable and ever changing in
salience. Likewise, even within a level of identity, multiple forces may be
operative. As mentioned earlier, the group level of identity reveals many ref-
erence groups, both fixed and nonfixed, that might affect our lives. Being an
elderly, gay, Latino male, for example, presents four potential reference groups
operating on the person. The complexity of human psychology is clear in this
diagram.
Unfortunately, psychology and specifically mental health professionals
have generally focused on the individual and universal levels of identity
while placing less importance on the group level. There appears to be several
reasons for this orientation. First, our society arose from the concept of rug-
ged individualism, and we have traditionally valued autonomy, indepen-
dence, and uniqueness. In our culture, there is an assumption that individuals
are the basic building blocks of our society. Sayings such as “be your own
person,” “stand on your own two feet,” and “don’t depend on others but your-
self” reflect this value. Not only do psychology and education represent the
carriers of this value, but also the study of individual differences is most
exemplified in the individual intelligence-testing movement that pays hom-
age to individual uniqueness (Samuda, 1998). Second, the universal level is
consistent with the tradition and history of psychology where it has histori-
cally sought universal facts, principles, and laws in explaining human behav-
ior. Although an important quest, the nature of scientific inquiry has often
meant studying phenomena independently of the context in which human
behavior originates. Thus, therapeutic interventions from which research
findings are derived may lack external validity (S. Sue, 1999). Third, we have
historically neglected the study of identity at the group level for sociopolitical
and normative reasons. Issues of race, gender, sexual orientation, and disabil-
ity seem to touch “hot buttons” in all of us because they bring to light issues of
oppression and the unpleasantness of personal biases (Carter, 1995; Helms &
Richardson, 1997; D. W. Sue, Carter, et al., 1998). In addition, racial/ethnic
differences have frequently been interpreted from a deficit perspective and
have been equated with being abnormal or pathological (Guthrie, 1997; Lee,
1993; White & Parham, 1990). Yet, a discipline that hopes to understand the
human condition cannot neglect any level of our identity. Because group
identities such as race and ethnicity have historically occupied a tangential
role in psychology, the focus of my model on cultural competence operates
from a group perspective that is race based (Carter, 1995).
Accepting the premise that race, ethnicity, and culture are powerful vari-
ables in influencing how people think, make decisions, behave, and define
events, it is not far-fetched to conclude that such forces may also affect how
different groups define a “helping relationship” (Dumas et al., 1999; Fraga,
Atkinson, & Wampold, 2000; D. W. Sue & Sue, 1999). Multicultural psy-
chologists have noted, for example, that theories of counseling and psycho-
therapy represent different worldviews, each with its own values, biases, and
assumptions about human behavior (Ivey, Ivey, & Simek-Morgan, l997; Katz,
l985; D. W. Sue & Sue, l999). Given the fact that schools of counseling and
psychotherapy arise from Western-European contexts, the worldview they
espouse as reality may not be that shared by racial/ethnic minority groups in
the United States nor by those who reside in different countries (Parham,
White, & Ajamu, 1999). Each cultural/racial group may have its own differ-
ent interpretation of reality and offer a different perspective on the nature of
people, origin of disorders, standards for judging normality and abnormality,

and therapeutic approach. Among many Asian Americans, for example, a
self-orientation is considered undesirable, whereas a group orientation is
highly valued. The Japanese have a saying that goes like this: “The nail that
stands up should be pounded back down.” The meaning seems clear: Healthy
development is considering the needs of the entire group, whereas unhealthy
development is thinking of oneself only (D. W. Sue & Sue, 1999). Likewise,
many African Americans, relative to their Euro-American counterparts, value
the emotive and affective quality of interpersonal interactions as qualities
of sincerity and authenticity (Parham, 1997; Parham et al., 1999). Euro-
Americans, however, often view the passionate expression of affect as irratio-
nal, a loss of objectivity, impulsivity, and immaturity on the part of the com-
municator. Thus, in these two examples, where both Asian American and
African American groups view the world differently, the goal of counseling
and psychotherapy toward autonomy for Asian American clients and the pro-
cess of therapy that stresses objectivity for African American clients might
prove antagonistic to their worldviews.
Clearly, the cultural context of mental health theories shapes the definition
of the problem and influences the appropriate therapeutic response. Just as
race, culture, ethnicity, and gender may influence and shape worldviews, the
theoretical orientation of mental health professionals may also influence
their conceptions of the world. Most Euro-American psychotherapies share
some common therapeutic characteristics: They are conducted generally in a
one-to-one relationship, the primary responsibility for change resides with
the person, the medium by which helping occurs is verbal, achieving insight is
valued, and clients are expected to self-disclose their most intimate thoughts
and feelings (D. W. Sue & Sue, 1999). Likewise, certain culture-bound thera-
peutic taboos are present in definitions of the helping role: (a) Therapists do
not give advice and suggestions (it fosters dependency), (b) therapists do not
self-disclose their thoughts and feelings (it is unprofessional), (c) therapists
do not barter with clients (it changes the nature of the therapeutic relation-
ship), (d) therapists do not serve dual-role relationships with clients (there is a
potential loss of objectivity), and (e) therapists do not accepts gifts from cli-
ents (it unduly obligates them) (D. W. Sue & Sue, 1999). Although these
characteristics and admonishments are derived from the profession’s stan-
dards of practice and ethical codes of conduct, many of these taboos are inti-
mate aspects of help giving in other cultures. Gift giving in many Asian cul-
tures has a long-standing historical/cultural sanction in the helping
relationship (S. Sue & Zane, 1987); expression of the helper’s thoughts/feel-
ings is seen as evidence of sincerity and humanness—necessary attributes of
the helping relationship among many Africans/African Americans (Parham,
1997); the giving of advice and suggestions is perceived as a helping charac-
teristic among many Latino groups (Comas-Diaz, 1990); and, among many
African Americans, multiple-role relationships are often associated with
greater probability of seeking help from the healer (Parham et al., 1999;
White & Parham, 1990).
Thus, it is highly possible that different racial/ethnic minority groups per-
ceive the competence of the helping professional differently from main-
stream client groups. If that is the case, culturally different clients may see a
clinician who exhibits primarily therapeutic skills associated with main-
stream therapies as having lower credibility. The important question to ask is
the following: “Do different racial/ethnic minority groups define cultural
competence differently from their Euro-American counterparts?” Anecdotal
observations, clinical case studies, conceptual analytical writings, and some
empirical studies seem to suggest an affirmative response to the question
(Fraga et al., 2000; McGoldrick, Giordano, & Pearce, 1996; Nwachuku &
Ivey, 1991; D. W. Sue & Sue, 1999; Wehrly, 1995). Yet, an equally important
question is the following: “Do different racial/ethnic minority groups define
cultural competence differently from one another?” For example, do African
American clients perceive therapeutic competence in the same way as their
Native American counterparts? The answers to these questions are important
because a helping professional’s therapeutic effectiveness is strongly linked
to how clients perceive the expertise of their clinicians. Although some stud-
ies have been conducted on culture-specific methods of intervention, there is
a noticeable lack of studies aimed at the multicultural competencies identi-
fied in the D. W. Sue et al. (1992) report and those currently being proposed
along the dimensions of awareness, knowledge, and skills. Fraga et al. (2000)
used a paired-comparison method to explore ethnic group preferences for the
31 multicultural competencies identified in the D. W. Sue et al. report. They
found significant preferences for many of the competencies that differenti-
ated Asian American, European American, and Hispanic/Latino groups.
There were similarities as well, lending support for both a culture-specific
(emic) and a culture-universal (etic) perception of cultural competence. As
shown in Figure 1, research into identifying culture-specific interventions for
the various racial/ethnic minority groups is sorely needed.
Dimension 2: Components of Cultural Competence
Any definition of cultural competence is fraught with potential disagree-

ments and differences. Some have focused on “cultural sensitivity” in the
form of a perceptual schema (Ridley et al., 1994), knowledge of culture and
differences (Pedersen, 1994), awareness of one’s own cultural assumptions
(Pope-Davis & Ottavi, 1994), skills necessary for successful cultural inter-
vention (D. W. Sue, 1990), levels of worldview (Trevino, 1996), universal
healing conditions moderated by culture-specific contexts (Fischer, Jome, &

Atkinson, 1998), the inclusive or exclusive nature of multiculturalism
(Helms & Richardson, 1997), and/or some combination of these factors (D.
W. Sue, Carter, et al., 1998).
In their review of cultural competence, Helms and Richardson (1997)
believed that the Division 17 Education and Training Committee’s (D. W.
Sue et al., 1982) position paper on cultural competence had become a land-
mark and seminal work on the topic. In that publication, competencies were
divided into three categories: (a) attitudes/beliefs component—an under-
standing of one’s own cultural conditioning that affects personal beliefs, val-
ues, and attitudes; (b) knowledge component—understanding and knowl-
edge of the worldviews of culturally different individuals and groups; and (c)
skills component—use of culturally appropriate intervention/communica-
tion skills. This three-domain division was later updated into a 3 ´ 3 matrix
(Characteristics of Culturally Skilled Helpers ´ Awareness, Knowledge, and
Skill), resulting in 31 different competencies shown in Table 1 (D. W. Sue et al.,
1992).
Most measures of multicultural counseling competencies use this frame-
work in developing and validating their instruments: the Cross-Cultural
Counseling Inventory–Revised (LaFromboise, Coleman, & Hernandez,
1991), Multicultural Counseling Awareness Scale–Form B (Ponterotto,
Sanchez, & Magids, 1991), Multicultural Counseling Inventory (Sodowsky,
Taffe, Gutkin, & Wise, 1994), the portfolio method (Coleman, 1997), and the
Multicultural Awareness-Knowledge-Skills Survey (D’Andrea, Daniels, &
Heck, 1991). Furthermore, many proposed multicultural training programs
have been based on these domains as well (Carney & Kahn, 1984; Nwachuku &
Ivey, 1991; Pedersen, 1994; Sabnani, Ponterotto, & Borodovsky, 1991;
Trevino, 1996).
Some studies have indicated that the three-domain model may not fully
account for multicultural competence and that other components like racial
identity and a relationship factor should be added (Ponterotto, Rieger,
Barrett, & Sparks, 1994; Sodowsky, 1996; Vinson & Neimeyer, 2000). Sev-
eral studies, for example, indicate that multicultural counseling competency
is associated with more advanced levels of racial identity development
(Ottavi, Pope-Davis, & Dings, 1994; Vinson & Neimeyer, 2000), and it may
prove to be a separate component of cultural competence. Likewise,
Sodowsky et al. (1994) have found that in addition to the domains of knowl-
edge, beliefs/attitudes, and skills, a multicultural counseling relationship fac-
tor is important as well. Nevertheless, these researchers all acknowledge that
the three-domain division remains conceptually useful. Thus, for purposes of
our proposed cultural competency model, the division of beliefs/attitudes,
TABLE 1: Components of Cultural Competence
Belief/Attitude Knowledge Skill
1. Aware and sensitive to own heritage 1. Has knowledge of own racial/cultural heritage 1. Seeks out educational, consultative, and
and valuing/respecting differences. and how it affects perceptions. multicultural training experiences.
2. Aware of own background/experiences 2. Possesses knowledge about racial identity 2. Seeks to understand self as racial/cultural
and biases and how they influence development. being.
psychological processes. Able to acknowledge own racist attitudes, beliefs, 3. Familiarizes self with relevant research on
3. Recognizes limits of competencies and feelings. racial/ethnic groups.
and expertise. 3. Knowledgeable about own social impact and 4. Involved with minority groups outside of
4. Comfortable with differences that exist communication styles. work role: community events, celebrations,
between themselves and others. 4. Knowledgeable about groups one works or neighbors, and so forth.
5. In touch with negative emotional interacts with. 5. Able to engage in a variety of verbal/nonverbal
reactions toward racial/ethnic groups 5. Understands how race/ethnicity affects personality helping styles.
and can be nonjudgmental. formation, vocational choices, psychological 6. Can exercise institutional intervention skills
6. Aware of stereotypes and preconceived disorders, and so forth. on behalf of clients.
notions. 6. Knows about sociopolitical influences, immigration, 7. Can seek consultation with traditional healers.
7. Respects religious and/or spiritual poverty, powerlessness, and so forth. 8. Can take responsibility to provide linguistic
beliefs of others. 7. Understands culture-bound, class-bound, and competence for clients.
8. Respects indigenous helping practices linguistic features of psychological help. 9. Has expertise in cultural aspects of assessment.
and community networks. 8. Knows the effects of institutional barriers. 10. Works to eliminate bias, prejudice, and
9. Values bilingualism. 9. Knows bias of assessment. discrimination.
10. Knowledgeable about minority family structures, 11. Educates clients in the nature of one’s practice.
community, and so forth.
11. Knows how discriminatory practices operate at a
community level.
NOTE: Adapted from D. W. Sue, Arredondo, & McDavis (1992).

799
knowledge, and skills will be used. Research may ultimately identify other
factors underlying cultural competence that may alter the MDCC.
Despite the numerous definitions of cultural competence, they often do
not help us answer two important questions: Why is cultural competence
desirable? and What specific outcomes are we seeking as we advocate for its
implementation? Answering these questions requires us to deconstruct the
values and assumptions inherent in cultural competence definitions. Two
representative definitions are revealing.
1. Helms and Richardson (1997) stated that multiculturalism “should refer to the
integration of dimensions of client cultures into pertinent counseling theories,
techniques, and practices with specific intent of providing clients of all
sociodemographic and psychodemographic variations with effective mental
health services” (p. 70).
In other words, their definition implies that the goal of cultural competence in
mental health is providing relevant treatment to all populations and that this
end is desirable.
2. The Society for the Psychological Study of Ethnic Minority Issues (Divi-
sion 45) and the Division of Counseling Psychology’s (Division 17) Commit-
tee on Multicultural Competencies have identified the following attributes as
central to the definition: (a) balances the extremes of universalism (etic) and
relativism (emic) by explaining behavior as a function of those culturally
learned perspectives that are unique to a particular group and to those common-
ground universals that are shared across groups; (b) on an individual level, the
acquisition of attitudes, knowledge, and skills needed to function effectively in
a pluralistic democratic society (ability to interact, negotiate, and communi-
cate with peoples from diverse backgrounds); and (c ) on a organizational/
societal level, developing new theories, practices, policies, and organizational
structures that are more responsive to all groups (D. W. Sue, Carter, et al.,
1998).
This definition extends the focus from the person/individual level to the orga-
nizational/system level. It, too, acknowledges the desirability of cultural
competence at all levels.
Although not directly stated, both definitions (and I believe those pro-
posed by others) are truly about social justice. For many psychologists, such a
statement may appear too political and/or unrelated to mental health. After
all, shouldn’t social justice be the goal of government and a democracy?
What does social justice have to do with mental health? Isn’t the goal of the
mental health system to provide beneficial treatments to client populations
and to ameliorate personal suffering? First, I have argued elsewhere that

counseling and psychotherapy may act as instruments of cultural oppression
by defining the lifestyles of culturally different clients as deviant and abnor-
mal, by imposing culture-bound solutions on them and by unintentionally
engaging in victim blaming (D. W. Sue & Sue, 1999). Second, psychology
has failed to adequately address issues of racism, bias, and discrimination as
major contributors to mental distress among persons of color and has played
a passive role in rectifying the inequities that affect the standard of living for
racial minority groups in the United States. Its emphasis on an in-the-office,
remedial, and verbal mode of intervention dictates against out-of-office
activities needed to intervene in systemic causes of the problem. Unfortu-
nately, counselors are uncomfortable with the implication that they must
share responsibility with their clients in ultimately determining the outcome
of an intervention. Thus, on an individual therapeutic level, minority clients
are often correct when they complain that their counselors or therapists can-
not relate to their life circumstances, are insensitive to their needs, do not
accept or respect them, are arrogant and contemptuous, and have little insight
as to their own personal biases (Ponterotto & Pedersen, 1993; Ridley, 1995;
D. W. Sue & Sue, 1999). Also, a report by the Basic Behavioral Science Task
Force of the National Advisory Mental Health Council (1996) makes it clear
that sociopolitical forces often bias the mental health delivery systems in
favor of certain groups in the population while shortchanging communities
of color. It notes how mental health care for ethnic minority communities is
often of an inferior quality, inappropriate, inaccessible, and discriminatory in
nature.
Given these conclusions, it is clear that mental health services are often
absent, inappropriate, or oppressive to minority populations. Thus, multicul-
tural counseling competence must be about social justice—providing equal
access and opportunity, being inclusive, and removing individual and sys-
temic barriers to fair mental health services. The MDCC being proposed here
operates from a set of shared core principles considered to be the foundation
of a democratic and egalitarian society: inclusion, fairness, collaboration,
cooperation, and equal access and opportunity (President’s Initiative on Race,
1997; D. W. Sue et al., 1999). The underlying assumptions of social justice
are consistent with the democratic ideals of cultural democracy and equity
(not necessarily some of their passages) found in the Declaration of Inde-
pendence, the U.S. Constitution, and the Bill of Rights. It is assumed that
these overarching core principles must guide the vision, values, and practice
of cultural competence. Consistent with the social justice agenda, I have pro-
posed the following definition of cultural competence that I believe incorpo-
rates some of the important attributes of social justice (D. W. Sue, in press):
Cultural competence is the ability to engage in actions or create conditions that

maximize the optimal development of client and client systems. Multicultural
counseling competence is defined as the counselor’s acquisition of awareness,
knowledge, and skills needed to function effectively in a pluralistic democratic
society (ability to communicate, interact, negotiate, and intervene on behalf of
clients from diverse backgrounds), and on an organizational/societal level,
advocating effectively to develop new theories, practices, policies, and organi-
zational structures that are more responsive to all groups.
Dimension 3: The Foci of Cultural Competence
In a broad sense, the foci of cultural competence examine the person/indi-

vidual versus the organizational/system levels of analysis. The work on cul-
tural competence has generally focused on the micro level, the individual. In
the education and training of psychologists, for example, the goals have been
to increase the level of self-awareness of trainees (potential biases, values,
and assumptions about human behavior); to acquire knowledge of the his-
tory, culture, and life experiences of various minority groups; and/or to aid in
developing culturally appropriate and adaptive interpersonal skills (clinical
work, management, conflict resolution, etc.). Less emphasis is placed on the
macro level: the profession of psychology, organizations, and the society in
general (Barr & Strong, 1987; Cross et al., 1989; Jones, 1997; Lewis et al.,
1998; D. W. Sue, 1991). D. W. Sue and Sue (1999) suggested that it does little
good to train culturally competent helping professionals when the very orga-
nizations that employ them are monocultural and discourage or even punish
psychologists for using their culturally competent knowledge and skills. If
our profession is interested in the development of cultural competence, then
it must proceed in a concerted fashion along four main foci: individual, pro-
fessional, organizational, and societal levels. Figure 3 identifies these levels
and the major barriers that must be overcome to move toward cultural
competence.
At the individual level, the obstacles are biases, prejudices, and misinfor-
mation manifested via discrimination; at the professional level, they are cul-
ture-bound definitions of psychology and ethnocentric standards of practice/
codes of ethics; at the organizational level, they are monocultural policies,
practices, programs, and structures; and at the societal level, they are the
invisibility of ethnocentric monoculturalism, the power to define reality, and
a biased interpretation of history. Barriers to cultural competence and solu-
tions for overcoming them are discussed below.
Individual/personal level. A basic assumption underlying the MDCC is

that no one was born into our society with the desire or intention to be biased,
prejudiced, or bigoted (Dovidio, 1997; D. W. Sue, 1999). Misinformation
Figure 3. The foci of cultural competence: Individual, professional, organizational, and

societal.
related to culturally different groups is not acquired by free choice but

imposed through a process of social conditioning; people learn to hate and
fear others who are different from them (Jones, 1997; D. W. Sue, Carter, et al.,
1998). It is difficult, for example, to conceive of anyone born and raised in the
United States who has not inherited the racial biases of his or her forebears.
These biases and prejudices are often expressed unintentionally and at an
unconscious level (Dovidio & Gaertner, 1999). One might even suggest that
people are taught from the moment of birth to be culturally incompetent.
Four major obstacles seem to block the path toward attaining personal cul-
tural competence. First, acknowledging personal biases is difficult because
people perceive and experience themselves as moral, decent, and fair people
(D. W. Sue, 1999). Such a realization is at odds with and threatens the self-
image of those who consciously believe in justice and democracy (Fine,
Weiss, Powell, & Wong, 1997). Second, many people operate from a polite-
ness protocol and are disinclined to honestly examine, explore, and discuss in
public unpleasant racial realities such as prejudice, stereotyping, and dis-
crimination (President’s Initiative on Race, 1997). Third, personal cultural
competence requires accepting responsibility for any action or inaction that
may directly or indirectly perpetuate injustice. Realizing how one’s own

biases and actions may contribute to inequities means that one can no longer
escape personal responsibility for change. Finally, the eradication of bias is
more than an intellectual exercise. It involves dealing with “embedded emo-
tions” (fear, guilt, anger, etc.) often associated with painful racial memories
and images (President’s Initiative on Race, 1997). Most people avoid un-
pleasantness and are tempted not to face the reality of their fears.
Understanding personal resistance to cultural competence is important for
training because it suggests the type of activities and exercises likely to pro-
duce positive change (Carter, 1995; Helms, 1995; Sabnani et al., 1991; D. W.
Sue, Carter, et al., 1998). The personal journey to overcoming cultural
incompetence represents a major challenge in the education and training of
psychologists. To be successful, it must entail a willingness by trainers and
trainees to address internal issues related to personal belief systems, behav-
iors, and emotions when interacting with other racial groups (Dovidio, 1997;
D. W. Sue, 1999). Although many individuals are willing to acknowledge
that racism must be addressed at an institutional and societal level, they often
avoid addressing these on a personal level and fail to identify personal growth
as a necessary element. Becoming culturally competent means acknowledg-
ing biases and preconceived notions; being open and honest with one
another; hearing the hopes, fears, and concerns of all groups in this society;
recognizing how prejudice and discrimination hurt everyone; and seeking
common solutions that allow for equal access and opportunities (President’s
Initiative on Race, 1997; D. W. Sue, 1999).
Overcoming biased cultural conditioning means conquering the inertia
and feeling of powerlessness on a personal level. People are capable of
change if they are willing to confront and unlearn their biased conditioning
(Ponterotto & Pedersen, 1993). To accomplish this task, they must be encour-
aged to unlearn not only the biased misinformation on a cognitive level (fac-
tual) but also the misinformation that has been glued together by painful
emotions (McIntosh, 1989). They must begin to accept the responsibility for
the pain and suffering they may have directly or indirectly caused others
(Ridley, 1995). Unlearning biases means acquiring accurate information and
experiences. Much of how people come to know about other cultures is
through the media, what their families and friends convey to them, and public
education texts. These sources cannot be counted on to give an accurate pic-
ture because they can be filled with stereotypes, misinformation, and deficit
portrayals (D. W. Sue & Sue, 1999).
Four principles can be personally helpful in achieving individual cultural
competence (D. W. Sue, 1999). First, individuals must experience and learn
from as many sources as possible (not just the media or what their neighbors
may say) to check the validity of their assumptions and beliefs. Second, a bal-
anced picture of any group requires that they spend time with healthy and
strong people of that culture. Third, they must supplement their factual
understanding with the experiential reality of the groups they hope to under-
stand. Finally, their lives must become a “have to” in being constantly vigi-
lant to manifestations of bias in both themselves and in people around them
(D. W. Sue, 1999). Although attending workshops and receiving continuing
education on multiculturalism are helpful, people must take responsibility to
initiate personal growth experiences in the real world. Thus, education and
training programs must somehow build learning experiences for trainees that
require personal growth through lived reality and experience (D. W. Sue et al.,
1999).
Professional level. Many multicultural specialists have criticized the pro-

fession of psychology as being culture bound in that it arises from a predomi-
nantly Eurocentric perspective (Guthrie, 1997; C. Hall, 1997; Katz, l985;
Marsella, 1998; Parham, l993; White & Parham, l990) and is, oftentimes,
inapplicable to racial/ethnic minority groups. Some African American psy-
chologists (Parham, l993; Parham et al., l990; White & Parham, l990) con-
tend that the roots of psychology arose from African Egyptian civilizations
that defined it as the study of the soul or spirit. Although this predated the lab-
oratory work of Wilhelm Wundt in the late l800s, psychology was translated
in Western thinking to be the study of the mind, knowledge, and behavior.
It can certainly be debated historically and philosophically whether this
evolution occurred, but it is clear that the Euro-American approach to psy-
chology is imbued with a worldview quite different from its African counter-
parts (Asante, 1987). Likewise, Lee (l993) pointed out that bias in Western
psychology is often manifested in the educational emphasis of Greek schol-
ars such as Socrates (469-399 B.C.), Hippocrates (460-370 B.C.), Democritus
(460-370 B.C.), Plato (427-347 B.C.), and Aristotle (384-322 B.C.); minimal
importance is placed on the psychological theories of ancient Chinese schol-
ars such as Lao Tzu (571-447 B.C.), Confucius (557-479 B.C.), Mo Tzu (325-
238 B.C.), Chuang Tzu (369-286 B.C.), and Mencius (372-289 B.C.). These
Asian theories of human behavior that stress collectivism and interpersonal
embeddedness are in marked contrast to the individualism and interpersonal
freedom of their Euro-American counterparts. This bias is often seen in defi-
nitions of normality and abnormality and is reflected in theories of human
development as well. Most criteria used to judge healthy functioning are
strongly linked to individualism: The healthy and well-adjusted person is
autonomous, independent, and able to stand on his or her own (Kim & Berry,
1993). The theories of human development such as those of Jean Piaget and
Erik Erikson speak to the process of individuation as equated with mature
development (Ivey et al., 1997). Family systems theories see “enmeshment”
and “codependency” as potentially pathological aspects of family members,

although many Asian American and Latino/Hispanic Americans perceive
interdependence as healthy and desirable (McGoldrick et al., 1996). And, as
indicated earlier, psychology sees the study of the mind and behavior as the
legitimate domain of psychological inquiry and considers the study of the
spirit or soul as nonscientific. Figure 3 clearly identifies some of the impedi-
ments to a multicultural profession. Professional cultural competence means,
therefore, that psychology needs to reevaluate its definition of psychology
and adopt codes of ethics and standards of practice that are multicultural in
scope. Omission of such culturally sensitive standards in our profession and
the failure to translate multicultural competencies into actual practice will
only continue the path of cultural incompetence.
Organizational level. If we are to truly value multiculturalism, then our

organizations (mental health care delivery systems, businesses, industries,
schools, universities, governmental agencies) and even our professional
associations must move toward cultural competence in how they treat clients,
students, and workers. Much of the knowledge base on multicultural organi-
zational development (MOD) has come from work in business and industry
where the changing complexion of the workforce and marketplace has forced
organizations to reevaluate their organizational cultures (D. W. Sue, Parham, &
Bonilla-Santiago, 1998). MOD is a relatively new field that operates on the
premise that organizations, like individuals, vary in their receptivity to racial,
cultural, ethnic, sexual orientation, and gender issues. Organizations that rec-
ognize and value multiculturalism in a pluralistic society are usually in a
better position to avoid many of the misunderstandings and conflicts charac-
teristic of monocultural institutions (Thomas, 1990). They will also be in a
better position to offer culturally relevant services to their diverse clientele
and to allow mental health professionals, for example, to engage in organiza-
tionally sanctioned roles and activities without the threat of punishment
(Lewis et al., 1998). Ascertaining what the organizational culture is like,
what policies or practices either facilitate or impede multiculturalism, and
how to implement change is crucial.
Some of the more helpful MOD models are found in the business sector
(Adler, l986; Foster, Cross, Jackson, & Hardiman, l988; Jackson & Holvino,
l988; D. W. Sue, l991), but contributions from education (Barr & Strong,
l987; D’Andrea et al., l991; Highlen, l994) and mental health agencies (Cross
et al., l989) are also useful. Multicultural specialists have identified three
types of organizations as they move toward multicultural implementation
(Adler, l986; Barr & Strong, l987; Cross et al., l989; D’Andrea & Daniels,
1991; Foster et al., l988; Highlen, l994; D. W. Sue, l991).
1. Monocultural organizations. At one extreme is organizations that are

primarily Eurocentric and ethnocentric. They operate from the following
assumptions: (a) There is an implicit or explicit exclusion of racial minori-
ties, women, and other marginalized groups; (b) they are structured to the
advantage of the Euro-American majority; (c) there is only one best way to
deliver health care, manage, teach, or administrate; (d) culture is believed to
have minimal impact on management, mental health, or education; (e) cli-
ents, workers, or students should assimilate; (f) culture-specific ways of
doing things are neither recognized nor valued; (g) everyone should be
treated the same; and (h) there is a strong belief in the melting pot concept.
2. Nondiscriminatory organizations. As organizations become more cul-

turally relevant and receptive, they enter a nondiscriminatory stage. The fol-
lowing premises and practices characterize these organizations: (a) They
possess inconsistent policies and practices regarding multicultural issues.
Certain departments and some workers/practitioners/managers/teachers are
becoming sensitive to minority issues, but it is not an organizational priority.
(b) The leadership may recognize a need for some action, but they lack a sys-
tematic program or policy addressing the issue of prejudice and bias. (c) There
is an attempt to make the climate or services of an organization less hostile or
different, but these changes are superficial and oftentimes without convic-
tion. They are more likely to be present because of public relations reasons.
(d) Equal employment opportunities, affirmative action, and numerical sym-
metry of minorities and women are implemented grudgingly.
3. Multicultural organizations. As organizations become progressively

more multicultural, they begin to value diversity and continue attempts to
accommodate ongoing cultural change. Their manner of operation reflects
these values: They (a) are in the process of working on a vision that reflects
multiculturalism; (b) reflect the contributions of diverse cultural and social
groups in mission, operations, products, and services; (c) value multicultur-
alism and view it as an asset; (d) actively engage in visioning, planning, and
problem-solving activities that allow for equal access and opportunities;
(e) realize that equal access and opportunities are not equal treatment; and
(f) work to diversify the environment.
The steps to organizational cultural competence mean altering the power
relations in organizations to minimize structural discrimination (Lewis et al.,
1998). This may mean the following developments: (a) the inclusion of
minorities in decision-making positions and the sharing of power with them
and (b) constructing multicultural programs and practices with the same eco-
nomic and maintenance priorities as other valued aspects of the organization.
More important, programs need to be implemented that directly attack the
biases, prejudices, and stereotypes of mental health administrators, staff, and

professional workers. Any multicultural initiative that does not contain a
strong antiracism component, for example, will not be successful (D’Andrea &
Daniels, 1991; Wehrly, 1995). What is clear from this analysis is that psy-
chologists need to understand how organizational policies and practices may
affect them and their clients, how organizational subsystems may impede
multicultural development, what changes need to be made so all groups are
allowed equal access and opportunity, and finally, that they need to play sys-
tem intervention roles other than the traditional one that focuses solely on
individual change.
Societal level. On June 13, 1997, President Clinton issued Executive

Order No. 13050 that created a Race Advisory Board for the purpose of
examining race, racism, and potential racial reconciliation in America (Presi-
dent’s Initiative on Race, 1997). It concluded that (a) bigotry and racism con-
tinue to be two of the most divisive forces in our society; (b) the need to
address issues of race, culture, and ethnicity has never been more urgent;
(c) most citizens of this nation seem ill-equipped to deal with these topics;
(d) racial legacies of the past continue to affect current policies and practices
of the present, creating unfair disparities between racial/ethnic minority and
Euro-American groups; (e) such inequities are often so deeply ingrained in
American society that they are nearly invisible; and (f) a constructive dia-
logue on race needs to occur in this nation. They recommended “looking at
America through the eyes of others” (marginalized groups), searching for
common values and goals shared by all groups, and developing and institu-
tionalizing promising practices that would allow for equal access and oppor-
tunity. Although not directly stated, the report encourages people from all
segments of society to become culturally aware, sensitive, and respectful in
their actions toward one another (cultural competence). Figure 3 identifies
the three major barriers to attaining cultural competence in our society: (a) the
invisibility of ethnocentric monoculturalism, (b) the power to define reality
from a singular perspective, and (c) a biased historical legacy that glorifies
the contributions of one group over another.
1. Invisibility of ethnocentric monoculturalism. Ethnocentric mono-

culturalism has been identified as a major culprit working against cultural
competence in our society (D. W. Sue & Sue, 1999). A joint Division 17 and
45 Committee recently outlined its problematic features (D. W. Sue, Carter,
et al., 1998). First, there is a strong belief in the superiority of one group’s cul-
tural heritage (history, values, language, traditions, arts/crafts, etc.). The
group norms and values are seen positively, and descriptors may include such
terms as more advanced and more civilized. Members of the society may
possess conscious and unconscious feelings of superiority and that their way
of doing things is the “best way.” Second, there is a belief in the inferiority of
all other groups’ cultural heritage, which extends to their customs, values,
traditions, and languages. Other societies or groups may be perceived as “less
developed,” “uncivilized,” “primitive,” or even “pathological.” The lifestyle
or ways of doing things by the group are considered inferior. Third, the domi-
nant group possesses the power to impose its standards and beliefs on the less
powerful group. This component of ethnocentric monoculturalism is very
important. All groups are to some extent ethnocentric; that is, they feel posi-
tively about their cultural heritage and way of life. Yet, if they do not possess
the power to impose their values on others, they hypothetically cannot
oppress. It is power or the unequal status relationship among groups that
defines ethnocentric monoculturalism (Jones, 1997). Fourth, the ethno-
centric values and beliefs are manifested in the programs, policies, practices,
structures, and institutions of the society. For example, chain-of-command
systems, training and educational systems, communication systems, man-
agement systems, and performance appraisal systems often dictate and con-
trol our lives. They attain “untouchable” and “godfather-like” status in an
organization. Because most systems are monocultural in nature and demand
compliance, racial/ethnic minorities and women may be oppressed. Fifth,
because people are all products of cultural conditioning, their values and
beliefs (worldview) represent an “invisible veil” that operates outside the
level of conscious awareness. As a result, people assume universality; every-
one, regardless of race, culture, ethnicity, or gender, shares the nature of real-
ity and truth. This assumption is erroneous but seldom questioned because it
is firmly ingrained in our worldview.
2. The power to define reality. Ethnocentric monoculturalism is damaging

when one group has the power to define reality from its singular perspective.
The fourth-century Chinese sage, Chang-Tsu, was fond of saying that “how
we view the world is not only about what we see, but about what we do not
see.” The United States was founded on basic democratic ideals of equality,
fairness, and social justice. Children are taught from birth that these ideals
form the fabric of our society. Yet, history is replete with actions and laws that
have consistently contradicted these democratic principles (Barongan et al.,
1997). In reality, people are also socialized to accept undemocratic values,
attitudes and beliefs of cultural superiority, White supremacy, and behaviors
that run counter to admirable ideals (Jones, 1997; Ponterotto & Pedersen,
1993). The inability to see how these more shameful values are manifested in
our society has been labeled cultural racism, the individual and institutional
expression of the superiority of one group’s cultural heritage over another
(Jones, 1997). These biased values, assumptions, beliefs, and practices of our
society are less visible but structured in such a manner as to uphold the cul-
tural heritage of one group over another (Ridley, 1995; D. W. Sue, Ivey, &
Pedersen, 1996; Wehrly, 1995). As a result, U.S. society has been severely
criticized as being ethnocentric, monocultural, and inherently biased against
racial/ethnic minorities, women, gays/lesbians, and other culturally different
groups (Carter, l995; Laird & Green, l996; Ridley, l995; D. W. Sue et al., l992).
Rather than educate or enlighten, rather than increase freedom and goodwill,
and rather than allow equal access and opportunity, the racial legacies of the
past and current societal practices continue to restrict, stereotype, oppress,
and damage the culturally different in our society.
3. A biased historical legacy. In his book Even the Rat Was White, Robert
Guthrie (1997) revealed the extreme bias of psychology and how the history
as told from the Euro-American perspective was and continues to be an
incomplete and inaccurate one. The title of his book strikes such a responsive
chord among persons of color because it asks a profound question: “Who
owns history?” The answer to this question in our society is clear. When the
contributions of various racial/ethnic groups are neglected and/or distorted in
social studies and history textbooks, when the contributions of one group are
glorified over another, and when children are socialized and educated to
accept and believe in the historical legacy of the dominant society, then we set
up conditions that contribute to ethnocentric monoculturalism and impose a
reality among the populace with major implications (Banks & Banks, 1995;
D. W. Sue & Sue, 1999).
Because of the invisibility of ethnocentric monoculturalism and how it
defines our reality, society is often unable to address or ameliorate basic
social problems. The perception that affirmative action programs are inher-
ently unfair by giving the advantage to minorities is based on the belief that
we have a level playing field for everyone and such programs “unfairly dis-
criminate against White Americans” (APA, 1997). Belief that we reside in a
democratic society means assumptions of a meritocracy in which achieve-
ment is based on individual effort alone.
The civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s resulted in a range of
policies and practices known as affirmative action that acknowledged the
reality that whole groups of individuals have been denied an equal opportu-
nity to pursue the meritocratic ideal. The goals of affirmative action are
(a) compensating for past injustices, (b) correcting present inequities, (c) pro-
moting multicultural competence, and (d) enhancing the presence of role
models (APA, 1999). Yet, if people’s reality leads them to conclude that past
injustices are adequately compensated, that they should not be “punished for
the sins of the past,” that present inequities are greatly exaggerated, that
“competence is competence,” that there are sufficient minority role models

present, and that affirmative action discriminates against Whites, then they
conclude that affirmative action is not only unneeded but morally wrong
(Dovidio, 1997).
Overcoming ethnocentric monoculturalism in our society, in general, and
in the mental health field, in particular, is a monumental task. It means our
ability to deconstruct erroneous democratic assumptions that permeate our
thinking and behavior (“everyone has an equal chance in this society”; “if
people work hard enough, they can succeed”; “equal treatment is not discrim-
inatory treatment”; etc.); to identify those who deny equal access and oppor-
tunity; to change some “cherished” societal values, structures, policies, and
practices; and to accept personal and professional responsibility for affecting
our society through advocacy roles and legislative and public policy efforts
(affirmative action programs and bilingual education).
Psychology as a profession must have the moral courage, fortitude, and
political savvy to affect the broader social, political, and economic levels of
the macro system within which individuals, groups, and institutions function.
In truth, psychologists have played a minimal role in the formation of public
policy because they have failed to understand how systemic forces affect peo-
ple and because they have been adverse to becoming active in the social and
political arenas (D. W. Sue, Parham, et al., 1998). They can no longer be only
concerned with individual change but must use their knowledge and skills to
improve conditions in the world for all groups. Unless they do so, persons of
color and other marginalized groups will continue to bear the brunt of unjust
policies and practices. If psychologists are to effect major improvements in
the psychological well-being of people, they must be able to influence politi-
cal decisions and policies regarding our institutions and society. Separating
their professional roles from social and political concerns is to refuse respon-
sibility for society’s future.
THE MDCC MODEL: IMPLICATIONS FOR PRACTICE,

EDUCATION AND TRAINING, AND RESEARCH
As indicated in Figure 1, each cell on the MDCC model targets the com-
ponents of cultural competence (awareness, knowledge, and skills), the foci
of analysis (individual, professional, organizational, or societal), and racial/
cultural group attributes (African American, Asian American, Latino/
Hispanic American, Native American, and European American). Several
examples illustrate how the MDCC model may help direct our attention to
specific areas for practice, education and training, and research.
The MDCC in Action:

Multicultural Mental Health Issues
At the clinical level, it has been found that many racial/ethnic minorities
may underutilize traditional mental health facilities and often prematurely
terminate sessions when compared to their Euro-American counterparts
(Atkinson et al., 1998; Barney, 1994; Leong, Wagner, & Tata, 1995; Neigh-
bors, Caldwell, Thompson, & Jackson, 1994). Given the conclusion that all
groups may have similar rates of mental disorders and that racial minorities
may actually be under greater psychological stress than their White counter-
parts, these findings are puzzling and disturbing (Atkinson et al., 1998). The
reason for the disparity was originally conceptualized as residing either in the
culturally different client (incompatible value system) or in the traditionally
trained therapist who lacked appropriate cultural knowledge to be effective
(D. W. Sue & Sue, 1999). Research and training focused on the individual
level (see Figure 1, Dimension 3) where acquisition of knowledge by coun-
selors and therapists was seen as the key solution. The other two cultural
competency components of self-awareness and skills were given less empha-
sis because of several assumptions. It was often assumed that the process of
counseling was value neutral and that mental health practitioners were free of
biases when working with clients. In addition, it was believed that interven-
tion strategies had universal applications and could easily be adapted to fit the
needs of minority clients. Cultural competence, therefore, meant focusing on
the knowledge component of Dimension 2, at the individual foci of Dimen-
sion 3, and on the four major racial groups in Dimension 1. Thus, a large body
of knowledge began to accumulate on African Americans, Asian Americans,
Latino/Hispanic Americans, and Native Americans that became a part of
education and training programs. In my experience, many in-service and
graduate programs in the helping professions continue to conceptualize cul-
tural competence in this very narrow manner: acquiring racial/cultural infor-
mation. Although cultural knowledge may be a necessary condition to
becoming culturally competent, it is not a sufficient one.
Using the MDCC as a conceptual blueprint, however, allows us to view
the issue of underutilization from a broader perspective and enables us to sug-
gest multiple solutions. First, Dimension 3 forces us to expand our foci from
the individual perspective to those at the professional, organizational, and
societal levels. Second, Dimension 2 indicates that the components of cul-
tural competence are more than just cognitive knowledge but entail an aware-
ness of one’s own attitudes/beliefs related to race and differences as well as
culturally appropriate helping skills. Thus, the MDCC suggests several fac-
tors that account for the disparity in racial/ethnic minority group underutili-
zation of mental health services: (a) individual level—unintentional personal
bias or prejudice (attitudes/beliefs) on the part of the mental health provider

(Ponterotto & Pedersen, 1993), (b) professional level—roles of helping
(skills) that are antagonistic to the culturally different client (Atkinson,
Thompson, & Grant, 1993), and (c) organizational level—a system of mental
health care (how services are delivered) that is structured to serve the needs of
only one group in the population (Cross et al., 1989). The model would sug-
gest that a broad and systemic approach to cultural competence is required:
At the individual level, it must be directed at the provider’s awareness of his
or her values, biases, and assumptions about human behavior; at the profes-
sional level, it might mean changing standards of practice that allow for the
practitioner to play different roles without violating ethical guidelines; at the
institutional level, it might mean relocating mental health services in minor-
ity communities to increase ease of access, hiring greater numbers of bilin-
gual and minority therapists to increase credibility, developing community
outreach programs rather than the traditional in-the-office remedial
approach, and offering multicultural incentives to mental health providers,
staff, and administrators; and at the societal level, advocating against social
policies that have a negative effect on marginalized groups in our society and
for those that redress inequities.
The MDCC in Action:

Multicultural Industrial/Organizational Issues
Another example of using the MDCC involves the work of an industrial/
organizational psychologist in business and industry. Several years ago, I was
asked by a Fortune 500 company to help with their “Asian American
employee problem” by running leadership-training workshops for them. The
company had recently conducted a survey and found some very disturbing
results. They discovered that a majority of their Asian American employees
planned to seek employment elsewhere, felt that the work environment bor-
dered on being hostile to minority employees, believed that they were
unfairly passed over for promotion when otherwise qualified, expressed
anger at the low number of Asian American managers, and were resentful
toward White managers/supervisors who seldom credited them with contri-
butions to the productivity of their work teams. Because the company had a
large and talented Asian American workforce, they were concerned about the
future loss of “valued employees who contributed so much to the technical
end of the company.” Large employee turnover meant heavy financial losses
associated with recruiting and retraining new employees. It was clear that the
company attributed the problem as residing within Asian American employ-
ees; they were often described as unassertive, shy, passive, and inarticulate.
The company denied that they intentionally discriminated against their
minority employees and believed that leadership training was the key to the
problem. They also entertained the possibility that White supervisors and
managers needed training in becoming more knowledgeable and sensitive to
the needs of the Asian American workforce.
Using the MDCC template to view the situation, it becomes clear that
one of the goals derived from Dimension 1 must be a consideration of racial/
culture–specific differences among the Asian American and Euro-American
workers in the workforce. For example, research reveals major differences
exist in communication styles between the two groups (D. W. Sue, 1991).
Traditional Asian Americans value subtlety and indirectness in approaching
problems, heavier reliance on contextual and nonverbal communications,
and restraint of strong feelings. These are in marked contrast to U.S. cultural
values of assertiveness; task orientation; directness; and being verbal, articu-
late, and forceful—qualities often associated with signs of leadership.
Beliefs that Asians do not make effective leaders or managers fail to recog-
nize that Asian countries define good leaders as people who work behind the
scenes, motivating the team, building consensus, and inducing cooperative
teamwork.
An organizational psychologist might approach the task by asking, “What
information about Asian Americans needs to be imparted to supervisors/
managers for them to move toward cultural competence at the personal
level?” Conversely, “What information about Euro-American leadership cri-
teria must be imparted to Asian American employees for them to move
toward cultural competence as well?” If our purpose in the world of work, for
example, is to facilitate the acquisition of cultural knowledge for White and
Asian American employees and upper management, then the type of strategic
intervention seems to be suggested by the model. The MDCC, however,
would not allow us to stop there. For example, it would expand our analysis to
two other components of cultural competence as areas of training as well: (a)
self-awareness of potential biases, prejudices, and stereotypes and (b) acqui-
sition of multicultural skills (communication or management styles).
More important, if Dimension 3 is used, it forces us to view the situation
on a larger organizational level. Is it possible that the company possesses a
monocultural orientation that creates systemic barriers to workers of color?
This question is important in light of our earlier assertion that cultural compe-
tence is often thwarted by monocultural rules, regulations, policies, prac-
tices, and structures that are unintentionally biased. In this case, the consul-
tant needs to seriously consider whether formal institutional policies and
practices may maintain an exclusion of minorities, create culture conflicts for
minority employees, lead to alienation, and result in retention and promotion
problems. In addition to other factors, my assessment revealed that the com-
pany’s performance appraisal system unfairly discriminated against Asian
American employees. The criteria used by the company (seen in their job
description for upper management) strongly emphasized leadership qualities
as “assertive,” “visible,” “take charge,” “independent,” and “forceful.” Such
descriptors, as suggested earlier, are often culture bound. Many Asian
groups, for example, define leadership as the person who works effectively
behind the scenes by building group consensus and cooperation. Effective-
ness is measured by a team’s productivity, whereas Euro-American standards
often separate individual effort from group outcome. Although many organi-
zations may believe that their criteria are fair because they apply to everyone,
they fail to realize how certain policies and practices discriminate against cul-
turally different employees or groups in hiring, retention, and promotion
(organizational level). Thus, culturally competent knowledge would need to
be imparted to decision makers about Asian American values and behaviors
(individual level) and how institutional policies and programs may be cultur-
ally biased (organizational level). The solution may necessitate a change in
the performance appraisal system of the organization that represents inter-
vention at a systemic level.
The usefulness of the MDCC lies in its ability to raise similar questions
and issues concerning African American, Latino/Hispanic American, and
Native American employees on all three dimensions. Although many simi-
larities exist, factors unique to these racial/ethnic groups might also be
revealed (Dimension 1). The underrepresentation of African Americans in
upper management might be more a function of lack of mentoring programs
in a company (Dimension 3), whereas for Native Americans, it may be mis-
understanding reinforcement contingencies (Dimension 2) that motivate pro-
ductivity (overt public praise may not work as well as private praise). Although
these last few statements are gross oversimplifications, I hope they convey
how the MDCC may operate in practice.
CONCLUSIONS
In summary, the MDCC model seems to posses several positive virtues.

First, it allows us to identify culture-specific and culture-universal domains
of competence that are either unique or common across several or all racial/
ethnic groups (Dimension 1). Future research might identify the ways in
which American Indians, Latinos/Hispanics, and African Americans, for
example, define cultural competence similar to and different from one
another. Second, the schema of this model helps organize our efforts in edu-
cation and training, practice, and research. It is clear from this model, for
example, that much of our focus on cultural competence falls into two main
cells across racial/ethnic groups: individual focus at the components of
awareness and knowledge. We tend to neglect the cells that focus on skill
development (Dimension 2) and those requiring intervention at the macro
levels (Dimension 3). The model is helpful for graduate training and research
because it points to neglected areas. Third, the model places the Euro-Ameri-
can group on an equal plane with others and conceivably begins the task of
recognizing that the invisible veil of Euro-American cultural standards must
be deconstructed. As long as we continue to view Euro-American standards
as normative, we unwittingly set up a hierarchy among the groups. Fourth,
the MDCC indicates that cultural competence for one group is not necessar-
ily the same for another group. The implications in the mental health field for
so-called empirically supported therapies (EST) based primarily on a Euro-
American population (G.C.N. Hall, in press) must be cautiously interpreted
with respect to minority groups. A critical analysis of EST studies reveals few
if any validated on minority populations (S. Sue, 1999). To assume universal-
ity of application to all groups is to make an unwarranted inferential leap.
Fifth, the model suggests that psychologists must play different roles to move
toward cultural competence. Simply concentrating on the traditional clinical
role ignores the importance of interventions at other levels. New helping
roles like consultant, advisor, change agent, facilitator of indigenous healing
systems, and so forth have been suggested as equally valuable (Atkinson et al.,
1993). Unfortunately, these alternative roles are often not perceived as the
domain of the helping professional, and graduate training programs lack cur-
riculum or fieldwork toward the development of them. Sixth, the model mini-
mizes potential misunderstandings and miscommunications likely to arise
when people do not clarify the different foci of cultural competence (Dimen-
sion 3) or whether they are conceptualizing at the individual, group, or uni-
versal levels of identity (Dimension 1) in which they do research, practice, or
training. Seventh, although the model emphasizes racial/ethnic minority
groups, it is potentially useful in the study of other marginalized groups as
well. For example, gender, sexual orientation, and ability/disability may be
substituted for a racial/cultural minority group dimension.
Finally, but more important, the path to cultural competence requires a
broad and integrated approach. Because psychology concentrates primarily
on the individual, it has been deficient in developing more systemic and
large-scale change strategies. Although the focus on the individual is impor-
tant, there are inherent limitations. Oftentimes, psychologists treat individu-
als who are the victims of failed systemic processes (cultural conditioning
and biased education). Intervention at the individual level is primarily reme-
dial when a strong need exists for preventive measures. Furthermore, the road
to cultural competence must recognize the interrelationship and interaction
of the multiple dimensions described in this article. Concentrating our efforts
at the individual level and neglecting the organizational one, for example, is
not to understand the concept of system interdependence. In family systems

theory, it is often stated that treating the “identified patient” without interven-
ing in the family system may prove to be futile. The assumption is that the
problems or pathology observed in one member of the family are not neces-
sarily due to internal conflicts but to unhealthy values and pressures of family
life (D. Sue, Sue, & Sue, 2000). Treating a child in individual sessions, for
example, may appear to eradicate the symptoms as long as the child remains
outside of the family. Once the child reenters the family, however, he or she
may again be forced to play the “sick” role because the subsystems and rules
of the family remain unchanged. Such a mistake can also occur when we per-
ceive the mental health provider, manager, teacher, or trainee as needing to
develop cultural competence and lose sight that he or she functions within an
organizational and societal context. In closing, the development of cultural
competence will only be successful if we take a systemic and holistic approach
to infusing cultural competence throughout. The MDCC model provides
such a conceptual framework to aid us on the road to cultural competence.
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· REACTIONS
Critical Issues Concerning
Cultural Competence
Charles R. Ridley
Debra Mollen Baker
Carrie L. Hill
Indiana University
Sue’s contribution concerning cultural competence is reviewed and critiqued. General

issues provoked by Sue and found in the emergent discourse on the topic are discussed,
including concerns about its operationalization, its purpose, its parameters, issues per-
taining to training, and considerations for evaluation. Specific issues related to Sue’s
model are highlighted with suggestions for improvement and clarification. The specific
issues critiqued include the following strengths: continued leadership in the field, inclu-
sion of social justice, multidimensionality of cultural competence, and the tripartite con-
ception of personal identity. Issues of concern include the lack of a solid rationale for the
model, definitional difficulties, the lack of prescription, and limitations based on the
race-based group perspective. Suggestions for future scholarship are offered.
APA [American Psychological Association] has a moral and ethical obligation

to take the lead in seeing that multicultural competence becomes a defining
feature of the profession and that we produce psychologists with the aware-
ness, knowledge, and skills to function in a pluralistic society.
—Sue, Bingham, Porché-Burke, & Vasquez (1999, p. 1068)
Sue and his colleagues (1999) made the preceding statement in a summary
of progress made at the National Multicultural Conference and Summit held
in January 1999. Since then, the cultural competence of mental health practi-
tioners has continued to receive considerable attention. Counseling psychol-
ogy stands at the forefront of the conversation. We believe that the attention is
justifiable. In our opinion, the need for cultural competence is one of the most
important considerations facing applied psychology.
In his major contribution, Sue (2001 [this issue]) continued as the leading
voice on this topic. We are pleased to join the conversation and react to his
substantial effort. We feel it is our responsibility to hold Sue to his own high
bar of expectation for counseling psychology and for the APA. In reference to
their above declaration, we asked ourselves, How well can Sue’s model of
cultural competence help to “produce psychologists with the awareness,
THE
RidleyCOUNSELING
et al. / CRITICAL
PSYCHOLOGIST
ISSUES / November 2001
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Charles R. Ridley, Department of
Counseling and Educational Psychology, W. W. Wright Education Building, Room 4020, Indi-
ana University, Bloomington, IN 47405-1006; e-mail: cridley@indiana.edu.
822
Ridley et al. / CRITICAL ISSUES 823
knowledge, and skills to function in a pluralistic society” (Sue et al., 1999,

p. 1068)? Our reaction is organized into two major sections: (a) general
issues provoked by Sue’s contribution and (b) specific issues pertaining to
Sue’s model.
GENERAL ISSUES PROVOKED

BY SUE’S CONTRIBUTION
Cultural competence has been given considerable attention in the disci-

pline’s leading journals and textbooks for the past two decades. Despite the
many publications, conference presentations, and symposia, the profession
struggles to advance the conversation regarding cultural competence beyond
its current position. Most professionals, for instance, cannot verify that their
clinical practices actually demonstrate cultural competence. A significant
reason for the troubling inertia, we believe, is the well-meaning but often-
times misdirected inquiry of scholars and researchers in this area. There have
been lofty attempts to devise instruments that measure cultural competence,
create models that reflect its most salient features, and infuse training pro-
grams with the basic tenets of this construct.
What remains elusive is a collectively agreed on operationalization that
comprehensively and accurately captures the quintessence of the construct
cultural competence. Sue (2001) prompts us to revisit this issue. Until a solid
definition is elucidated in the literature, researchers and clinicians alike will
continue to find their conversations steeped in misunderstanding, confusion,
and cross-purpose. Conversely, once there is such an operationalization,
meaningful discourse regarding its basic tenets and most salient components
can progress and purposeful models and instruments that capture these will
be more relevant and forthcoming.
Some questions linger in pursuit of such a definition. What is cultural
competence? Does it entail only culture, race, and ethnicity, or is it more
encompassing? Is it desirable for clinicians, clients, and/or laypersons? Does
it vary depending on to whom we are referring? For example, does achieving
cultural competence signify different goals for teachers in the classroom, cli-
nicians in the office, and citizens in their neighborhoods? Is the consideration
of cultural competence for organizations the same as it is for individuals? Is
there a distinction between competence and competencies? Is there a distinc-
tion between cultural competence and multicultural counseling competence?
Researchers in psychology and other disciplines have grappled with the
problem of operationalizing the construct of competence. For example,
Wood and Power (1987) challenged definitions that reduce competence to
the acquisition of skills and knowledge. They argued that competence rests
on “an integrated deep structure (‘understanding’) and on the general ability

to coordinate appropriate internal cognitive, affective and other resources
necessary for successful adaptation” (p. 414). In the literature, little attention
has been given to the integration and coordination of the most salient features
of multicultural counseling competence. Constantine and Ladany (2000)
echoed this concern: “In the future, counselors and counseling psychologists
may wish to consider whether the current definition of multicultural counsel-
ing competence sufficiently captures its presumed meaning” (p. 162). We
suggest that the aggregate of skills, attitudes/beliefs, and knowledge without
purposeful integration and coordination—although pivotal in instigating the
initial discussion—may not achieve this objective.
A natural progression from the operationalization of cultural competence
is an examination and clarification of its purpose. Sue’s (2001) contribution
tacitly provokes us to consider two purposes of the construct—general and
specific. In its general use, the construct is construed as a way of relating to or
interacting with others cross-culturally. Apparently, the purpose is to build
effective relationships, which is achieved in part by overcoming the cultural
differences of the individuals involved in the relationship. An executive of a
multinational corporation headquartered in the United States needs this type
of competence when conducting business abroad. In its specific use, the con-
struct is understood as a means of enhancing therapy. In addition, although
retaining the goal of relating effectively across cultures, there is another pur-
pose: therapeutic gain. A White psychologist treating a depressed client from
Southeast Asia needs this type of competence. Sue intimates both purposes
of cultural competence. Unfortunately, he neither acknowledges that these
purposes are different nor states which purpose should be given priority. We
propose that therapeutic gain—the purposeful, positive change elicited by
the therapeutic process—is the superordinate purpose of cultural competence.
Therefore, all parameters of the construct should revolve around this pur-
pose. We also contend that this purpose is integral to the operationalization of
cultural competence. In our opinion, the failure to clarify the purpose of cul-
tural competence and integrate it explicitly into its definition are major road-
blocks to advancement of the conversation.
Once cultural competence is operationalized and the purpose clarified, an
explication of the parameters of the construct must follow. It is not sufficient
to define cultural competence. The desired outcomes and steps needed to
achieve this purpose must be set forth. Consider the specific application of
systematic desensitization, the objective of which is to eliminate phobia.
Merely knowing the definition of the concept does not provide clinicians
with sufficient information to perform competently. The steps clinicians
must take include progressive relaxation, establishing an anxiety hierarchy,
interposition, and in vivo desensitization. Models that attempt to capture the
most salient features of cultural competence tend to beg the questions, What
are the desired outcomes, and How can they be achieved?
An additional concern evoked by the current discussion pertains to the
evaluation of cultural competence. How do we currently evaluate cultural
competence, and is the current methodology adequate? Several measures
have been developed to capture clinicians’ abilities to function competently
with diverse clients. The most widely used instruments are based on the early
works published by Sue and his colleagues (1982; Sue, Arrendondo, &
McDavis, 1992) that emphasize the tripartite model of awareness/beliefs,
skills, and knowledge. Because the majority of these instruments rely on self-
report methods, an inherent social desirability confound is introduced. In
fact, this has been demonstrated in the literature and is part of the conundrum
(Constantine & Ladany, 2000; Ladany, Inman, Constantine, & Hofheinz,
1997; Pope-Davis & Dings, 1994). Obviously, a solution would benefit the
field.
SPECIFIC ISSUES PERTAINING TO SUE’S MODEL
Strengths of Sue’s Model
1. Continued leadership in the field. The advances in Sue’s model indicate

he continues to be the leading authority on multicultural competence. He
builds on the legacy of landmark publications (Sue et al., 1982, 1992) and
ensuing works (Sue et al., 1998, 1999; Sue & Sue, 1999) that he and his col-
leagues authored. The field of counseling psychology has appropriately
acknowledged Sue’s contributions for their resounding impact; multicultural
counseling competence is now considered essential for best practices.
At this crucial juncture in the discourse, we believe Sue’s earned respect as
one of the foremost scholars on this topic encompasses the continued ability
to influence as well as the responsibility to advance the dialogue. This entails
facilitating the conversation, improving and revising existing models, and
incorporating the works of other acknowledged multicultural scholars. Only
by advancing the discussion will the most salient aspects of this topic be fully
realized and integrated into the scholarship on multicultural counseling
competence.
2. Inclusion of social justice. Sue’s (2001) interpretation of cultural com-

petence includes the issue of social justice. We applaud this interpretation
because it reminds us that psychology can and should advance the public
interest. As Misra and Varma (1994) indicated,
Under the impact of the natural science paradigm, psychologists have main-
tained a value neutral posture and have remained preoccupied with the analysis
of variables and their interrelationships in a decontextualized manner. Conse-
quently, socio-historical and cultural factors that shape social reality have
largely been ignored. (p. 97)
Because of this effort to rigidly emulate the natural sciences, psychology has
largely failed to look “outside of the box” and realize its potential for, and rel-
evance to, achieving social justice in our society.
Sue (2001) noted that a statement about social justice might sound too
political or unrelated to mental health. Certainly, “any attempt to advance the
public interest is inherently political” (Smith, 1990, p. 530). The point is that
politics and psychology are not mutually exclusive, and treating them as such
thwarts societal progress. In addition, several psychologists have argued that
social justice, and specific instances of social injustice, is intricately related to
mental health (e.g., Martin-Baro, 1994; Thompson & Neville, 1999).
Although we support the inclusion of social justice in the conceptualiza-
tion of cultural competence, it would have been beneficial for Sue (2001) to
provide a clear definition of social justice and an explanation of how to work
toward it on a professional basis. He does list three examples of social justice
in the mental health delivery system: (a) providing equal access and opportu-
nity, (b) being inclusive, and (c) removing barriers to fair mental health ser-
vices. But how do these examples translate to specific actions individuals can
execute within their work environments? Clinicians may not know how to
navigate the organizational system in which they work or be in an optimal
position to do so. Clear suggestions are needed about how to infuse social jus-
tice interventions with other psychological activities. Examples include
making facilities handicapped accessible, offering a sliding fee scale, provid-
ing transportation vouchers, and employing bilingual clinicians.
2. Multidimensionality of the construct. Most psychological constructs

are complex, consisting of a variety of dimensions or factors. One of the goals
of science and scholarship is to deconstruct or simplify complexity without
oversimplification. This process enables the scientist-practitioner to put sci-
ence and theory into practice more effectively. The familiar activity of driv-
ing illustrates this point. Driving involves negotiating traffic signals and road
signs, manipulating control instruments, monitoring weather and road condi-
tions, maintaining alertness, yielding to pedestrians, and so forth. No one
could adequately understand or learn to drive without referencing these com-
petencies and microskills. Sue (2001) is helpful in describing three primary
dimensions of cultural competence: (a) specific racial/cultural group
perspectives, (b) components of cultural competence, and (c) foci of cultural

competence. He further describes specific aspects of each dimension.
Although we would conceptualize the primary dimensions of cultural com-
petence differently, Sue moves the profession in a positive direction. The
movement is in concert with the scientist-practitioner model because it
reflects purposeful simplification instead of oversimplification. We believe
that oversimplification of important constructs has been a serious problem in
multicultural scholarship.
3. Tripartite conception of personal identity. Sue (2001) asserts that attend-

ing to the inclusivity/exclusivity debate is necessary in defining cultural com-
petence. This debate hinges on whether cultural competence should be lim-
ited to consideration of only race or should be more encompassing to include
other social identities. We agree with Sue. Multicultural scholars who attempt
to define cultural competence must take a balanced approach by considering
both sides of the debate. However, we also believe they must resolve the
issues underlying the arguments. Without examining the philosophical under-
pinnings polarizing the conversation, the debate is irresolvable, and a widely
agreed on definition of cultural competence is impossible.
We appreciate Sue’s (2001) shedding additional light on the debate.
Drawing on the original work of cultural anthropologists Kluckhohn and
Murray (1948), Sue’s tripartite framework is useful in conceptualizing per-
sonal identity. The framework is indeed holistic and has the potential for
enabling practitioners to integrate all three levels of personal identity—indi-
vidual, group, and universal—in assessment and case conceptualization.
Avoiding the extremes of either inclusive or exclusive multiculturalism, Sue
lays the groundwork for a more acceptable definition of cultural competence.
We applaud this effort, although we believe more guidance is needed in how
to integrate the three levels of identity. For example, we ask, What practical
steps can clinicians take to integrate the various levels of identity in their
assessments, and what assessment instruments are available to achieve this
end? Perhaps, there is a need for new assessment protocols.
Issues of Concern
1. Lack of a solid rationale for the model. In his introduction section, Sue
(2001) lamented, “What is sorely lacking is a conceptual framework that
would organize these dimensions into a meaningful whole” (p. 791). Al-
though other models may fall short of sufficiently capturing the dimensions
of cultural competence, in fact, several have been proposed and discussed in
the literature (see Ponterotto, Fuertes, & Chen, 2000, for a review). Despite
the acknowledged merits of Sue’s new model, it is disconcerting that he
neglected to give credit to those models already developed. A cogent review
and critique of the strengths and limitations of extant models are necessary to
lay the foundation for the establishment of a new model. Otherwise, we have
no basis for determining why his model is needed or how it is an improvement
over existing models.
2. Definitional difficulties. Sue (2001) is to be credited for defining cul-

tural competence—an achievement conspicuously absent from the writings
of many multicultural theorists. Unfortunately, there are several problems
that need to be addressed. First, he creates confusion by equating the phrases
cultural competence and multicultural counseling competence. He defined
cultural competence in behavioral terms (e.g., “the ability to engage in
actions or create conditions”), emphasizing what the counselor does. How-
ever, he subsequently defined multicultural counseling competence more
complexly (e.g., “the acquisition of awareness, knowledge, and skills”),
emphasizing the multivariate nature of the construct. In addition, this com-
plex definition is developmental (e.g., “the acquisition”), emphasizing what
the counselor is to become. This definition also includes a behavioral compo-
nent (e.g., “skills”), which seems important to us. By implication, the behav-
ioral component predicates the developmental emphasis, suggesting that
what the counselor does in practice is a result of what the counselor has
become through training. This assumption is reasonable. However, acquisi-
tion is the process of becoming competent but not competence itself. The dis-
cussion leads us to ask several questions: Are cultural competence and
multicultural counseling competence identical or different constructs? If
they are identical, is it a univariate or multivariate construct? If they are dif-
ferent, in what ways is each unique? Answers to these questions require more
concrete operationalization.
Second, Sue’s (2001) definition of multicultural counseling competence
is circular. Rules of logic and discourse dictate that a word cannot be used to
define itself. A definition is a formal statement of the meaning and signifi-
cance of a word. Although Sue does not directly use the word competence in
his definition, he uses phrases that are nearly synonymous (e.g., “function
effectively” and “advocating effectively”). These phrases are not meaning-
fully different from the phrases function competently and function effectively,
which the author could use just as easily. The inclusion of the word effectively
is a subtle but critical substitute for the word competently. Readers are posed
with the problem of attempting to gain added meaning and significance from
its use. The discussion leads us to ask a couple of questions: What does it
really mean to function effectively in a pluralistic democratic society? And

What does it really mean to advocate effectively? Answers to these questions
require further elaboration.
3. Descriptive but not prescriptive. Sue’s (2001) model is descriptive but

not prescriptive. It is descriptive because it depicts a sorely needed, broad
representation of cultural competence in psychology. However, although the
model portrays several dimensions of cultural competence, it really does not
illustrate how these dimensions interact or operate as an aggregate construct.
Hence, it is difficult to extract from it clear guidelines about how to execute
the model to reflect cultural competence in everyday professional life.
The model needs to be prescriptive as well as descriptive for it to be actual-
ized in the profession. One way to make the model more prescriptive would
be to provide case examples. These could delineate how the various dimen-
sions of the model interact and how mental health professionals can use the
model to facilitate, for example, therapeutic gain on an individual level, sys-
temic effectiveness on an organizational level, or social justice on a societal
level. We question whether mental health professionals, after reading Sue’s
(2001) article, would know what to do differently within specific instances of
their work to be more culturally competent.
4. Limitations of a race-based group perspective. We respect Sue’s (2001)

decision to focus his model on a race-based group perspective. It is under-
standable to want to highlight a group identity that has historically been
neglected in psychology. However, there are also limitations to this choice.
First, the historical neglect of group identity is not itself an adequate rationale
for an exclusively race-based model of cultural competence. Sue even stated
that “a discipline that hopes to understand the human condition cannot
neglect any level of our identity” (p. 795). The rationale for development of a
model in any discipline should be based on the consideration of all the rele-
vant variables—not simply those that have been historically neglected. Sec-
ond, people do not always fit neatly into one of the five race-based groups in
Sue’s model. This is problematic because it is unclear how the model should
be utilized when the individual, organization, or society of interest spans
more than one of the five race-based groups. In a paradoxical kind of way,
Sue’s attempt to be inclusive is subtly exclusive, especially of individuals
who are biracial or bicultural.
Another limitation is that Sue (2001) assumed that race is the most salient
dimension of identity for every individual, organization, or society. Although
he has not stated this as a formal position, his model of cultural competence
entails a de facto minimization of other social identities. According to the
idiographic perspective (Ridley, 1995; Ridley, Hill, Thompson, & Ormerod,

2001), each individual is a blend of many social identities that are important
to consider in assessment and treatment. It follows that organizations and
societies also are dynamic blends of multiple social identities. Social identi-
ties other than race may be more salient in the psychological presentation of a
particular individual, organization, or society. For example, sexual orienta-
tion, gender, age, socioeconomic status, or religious affiliation may be more
salient in some cases. Does this mean that cultural competence is not relevant
to these cases? We do not think so. We believe that cultural competence is rel-
evant to every professional endeavor, whether or not the individual, organiza-
tion, or society of interest experiences race as its most salient social identity.
Therefore, cultural competence must address more than race. It must address
multiple social identities and their unique intersection for each individual,
organization, and society. Admittedly, Sue did suggest that other
“marginalized groups” may be substituted for the race-based group dimen-
sion. However, suggesting a substitution instead of an expansion implies that
only one dimension needs to be considered in each professional encounter.
This is still problematic, and we suggest that multiple social identities always
should be considered.
CONCLUSION
Cultural competence has become one of the most important topics in

applied psychology. Sue’s works have contributed significantly to this dis-
course, stimulating professionals to critically consider how race, ethnicity,
and culture are integrated in their professional activities. We reviewed and
critiqued his most recent contribution with the intent of participating in the
advancement of this dialogue.
Although many scholars and researchers have strived to move the discus-
sion forward, certain areas of deficit persist. We agree with Constantine and
Ladany (2000) that the current definition of multicultural counseling compe-
tence as the aggregate of awareness/beliefs, knowledge, and skills may not
fully capture the construct. We call for prompt revision so that more fruitful
research and better multicultural training can ensue. In addition, we echo the
need for comprehensive models to “address the ‘how to’ component of coun-
seling, providing an explication of how therapy is conducted, the role of the
clients and counselors, and the mechanisms for client change and growth”
(Ponterotto et al., 2000, p. 640). It is injudicious to continue the discourse
without first clarifying and gaining consensus on the very foundation on
which this conversation has been built. We encourage our colleagues to join
in this endeavor.
REFERENCES
Constantine, M. G., & Ladany, N. (2000). Self-report multicultural counseling competence

scales: Their relation to social desirability attitudes and multicultural case conceptualization
ability. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 47, 55-164.
Kluckhohn, C., & Murray, H. (1948). Personality in nature, society, and culture. New York:
Knopf.
Ladany, N., Inman, A. G., Constantine, M. G., & Hofheinz, E. W. (1997). Supervisee multicul-
tural case conceptualization ability and self-reported multicultural competence as functions
of supervisee racial identity and supervisor focus. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 44,
284-293.
Martin-Baro, I. (1994). Writings for a liberation psychology. Cambridge, MA: Harvard Univer-
sity Press.
Misra, G., & Varma, S. (1994). Social problems, psychology, and social policy. Journal of the
Indian Academy of Applied Psychology, 20(2), 97-105.
Ponterotto, J. G., Fuertes, J. N., & Chen, E. C. (2000). Models of multicultural counseling. In
S. D. Brown & R. W. Lent (Eds.), Handbook of counseling psychology (3rd ed., pp. 639-
669). New York: John Wiley.
Pope-Davis, D. B., & Dings, J. G. (1994). An empirical comparison of two self-report multicul-
tural counseling competency inventories. Measurement and Evaluation in Counseling and
Development, 27, 93-102.
Ridley, C. R., Hill, C. L., Thompson, C. E., & Ormerod, A. J. (2001). Clinical practice guidelines
in assessment: Toward an idiographic perspective. In D. Pope-Davis & H. Coleman (Eds.),
The intersection of race, class, and gender in multicultural counseling (pp. 191-211). Thou-
sand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Smith, M. B. (1990). Psychology in the public interest: What have we done? What can we do?
American Psychologist, 45, 530-536.
gist, 29(6), 790-821.
Sue, D. W., Arrendondo, P., & McDavis, R. J. (1992). Multicultural competencies and standards:
A call to the profession. Journal of Multicultural Counseling and Development, 26, 254-272.
Sue, D. W., Bernier, J. E., Durran, A., Feinberg, L., Pedersen, P., Smith, E. J., & Vasquez-Nutall, E.
(1982). Position paper: Cross-cultural counseling competencies. The Counseling Psycholo-
gist, 10, 45-52.
Sue, D. W., Bingham, R., Porché-Burke, L., & Vasquez, M. (1999). The diversification of psy-
Manese, J. E., Ponterotto, J. G., & Vasquez-Nuttall, E. (1998). Multicultural counseling
competencies: Individual and organizational development. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Sue, D. W., & Sue, D. (1999). Counseling the culturally different: Theory and practice (3rd ed.).
New York: John Wiley.
Thompson, C. E., & Neville, H. A. (1999). Racism, mental health, and mental health practice.
The Counseling Psychologist, 27, 155-233.
Wood, R., & Power, C. (1987). Aspects of the competence-performance distinction: Educa-
tional, psychological, and measurement issues. Journal of Curriculum Studies, 19, 409-424.
Multidimensional Cultural Competence:
Providing Tools for Transforming Psychology
Amy L. Reynolds
Buffalo State College
This comment on the major contribution addresses the conceptual richness and strengths
of the model; offers some possible extensions to enhance its application to counseling
psychology; and discusses its implications for practice, training, and research. Aca-
demic programs can use the multiple dimensions of cultural competence (MDCC) model
to assess their curriculum and policies and design new approaches to infusing multicul-
turalism. The conceptual framework of the MDCC also can be used to customize coun-
seling services to better meet the needs of a diverse client base. Future implications for
use of this model as a transformative tool for counseling psychology are also explored.
The field of multicultural counseling has continually evolved in its focus

and approach to addressing multicultural issues. According to Reynolds and
Constantine (2001), “Multicultural counseling competence has become a
cornerstone of the multicultural counseling literature.” The writings of multi-
cultural counseling competence have focused primarily on three areas:
(a) theoretical and conceptual (e.g., Pedersen, 1988; Sue, Arredondo, &
McDavis, 1992; Sue et al., 1982, 1998), (b) empirical studies (e.g., Ladany,
Brittan-Powell, & Pannu, 1997; Pope-Davis, Reynolds, & Dings, 1994), and
(c) assessment (e.g., Ponterotto, Rieger, Barrett, & Sparks, 1994; Pope-Davis
& Dings, 1995). In his major contribution, Sue (2001 [this issue]) has done an
exceptional job of conceptually enhancing and deepening an already exten-
sive literature base by offering a rich yet parsimonious model—the multiple
dimensions of cultural competence (MDCC). The MDCC effectively inte-
grates his prior writings on multicultural counseling and competence and
multicultural organization development and offers a conceptual tool that can
be used to enhance multicultural assessment, organization development, and
training. It is important to note that at every pivotal step of the process of
introducing, defining, clarifying, and applying our understanding of multi-
cultural counseling competence, Derald Wing Sue has been a leader, offering
his expertise and insight and thus strengthening the field and the profession
(cf. Sue et al., 1982, 1992, 1998). In reacting to his article, I would like to (a)
address its strengths; (b) offer some extensions and additions to enhance its
THE
Reynolds
COUNSELING
/ TOOLS FOR
PSYCHOLOGIST
TRANSFORMING
/ November
PSYCHOLOGY
2001
Correspondence concerning this article may be sent to Amy L. Reynolds, Counseling Center,
Porter Hall, Lower Level, 300 Elmwood Avenue, Buffalo, NY 14222; e-mail: reynolal@
BuffaloState.edu.
833
conceptual capabilities and application potential; and (c) discuss its implica-
tions for practice, training, and research in counseling psychology.
STRENGTHS
The virtues of the MDCC offered by Sue (2001) are both in the richness of
its underlying beliefs and philosophy and in the heuristic value of the concep-
tual model itself. Sue has proposed a dynamic, complex, yet very accessible
framework for deepening our understanding of multicultural competence
and creating more options for intervention. As always, Sue builds a strong
case for multicultural issues with a positive and powerful perspective,
embracing the centrality of race without diminishing the significance of other
social identities. His strong critique of the field of multicultural counseling
offers challenges and opportunities to the many psychologists committed to
making multiculturalism one of the cornerstones of counseling psychology.
Although Sue and others have attempted to offer multicultural counseling
theories or philosophies (Speight, Myers, Cox, & Highlen, 1991; Sue, Ivey, &
Pedersen, 1996), the field of multicultural counseling continues to lack a uni-
fying conceptual framework. The MDCC is an attempt to create solidarity in
the philosophy and action needed to transform psychology into a profession
that fully embraces multiculturalism at its roots. In reviewing this model,
there are two key conceptual strengths that build the foundation for MDCC:
(a) emphasis on the multidimensionality of identity and (b) attention to social
justice and advocacy issues.
Sue (2001) emphasized the importance of multidimensional identities; all
individuals belong to more than one cultural group (e.g., race, gender, class,
sexual orientation). Although some group identities may be more prominent
than others, all individuals are profoundly shaped by these social identities
regardless of whether they are a member of a dominant group (e.g., White or
male) or encounter prejudice or oppression (e.g., people of color and/or lesbi-
ans, gays, or bisexuals). Recognizing the multidimensionality of identity is
central to multicultural competence. Understanding the true complexity of
most individuals’ identities is a prerequisite to more fully appreciating their
daily experiences and challenges (Reynolds & Pope, 1991). Sue also high-
lighted the three levels of personal identity (individual, group, and universal)
as central to effective counseling research and practice. All individuals are
influenced by their individual experiences, their reference groups, and their
universal or human realities.
Beyond the obvious importance of this type of complex thinking in work-
ing with others, such complicated reasoning offers evidence of an even more
crucial multicultural competence that Sue (2001) implied but did not address
Reynolds / TOOLS FOR TRANSFORMING PSYCHOLOGY 835
directly. Without the ability to use diunital (union of opposites or both/and

thinking) reasoning, we are destined to conceptualize individuals as well as
the field of multicultural counseling in dichotomous or either/or thinking
(Speight et al., 1991). For example, it can be difficult to decide whether multi-
cultural counseling is a specialty or a core competency. It can be, and should
be, both. We must move beyond the reductionistic thinking that allows us to
effectively perform other aspects of our jobs as therapists or researchers such
as diagnosis or statistical analysis. A worldview based in diunital reasoning
means we are able to see multiple realities and true complexity (Myers,
1988). Without the ability to see what is and is not present in a client’s story, a
psychological theory, or the profession’s values (all at the same time), we
lack the ability to deconstruct reality. Minnich (1990) has written about the
need to decontextualize our assumptions about the world to discover the
underlying values present in our perceptions and actions. This critical skill is
necessary for multicultural counseling to make progress in its effort to trans-
form psychology. This is one of the unspoken assumptions of the MDCC and
also needs to become a major tenet of multicultural counseling.
The second strength of Sue’s (2001) model is its focus on social justice
and advocacy. For years, many within the multicultural counseling move-
ment have argued for a sociopolitical analysis that includes changing the
helping philosophies and foundations of counseling (Katz, 1985; Locke &
Faubert, 1999). The inability of psychology to address the many ways that
oppression has been institutionalized into its theories and practices inhibits
any efforts to transform the profession so that all individuals find it relevant
and meaningful. Sue argued that it is not enough to simply change our coun-
seling skills to make us better able to meet the needs of individual clients who
may be culturally diverse from us. He emphasized the need to develop skills
so we can intervene effectively, sometimes on a client’s behalf, in a pluralistic
society that includes advocating within the profession to develop new and
more inclusive theories, practices, and organizational systems. This is a pro-
foundly important shift in the definition of multicultural competence that
holds great promise in providing new ways of thinking about and achieving
multicultural transformation. Sue issued an important warning when stating
that unless these core definitions begin to change, it may be impossible to
change psychology.
Although the MDCC does not explain how one changes psychology to be
more pluralistic and inclusive at its roots, it provides the conceptual tools to
broadly rethink our approach to multicultural counseling. His three primary
dimensions of multicultural competence incorporate much of the important
work within the multicultural counseling field during the past three decades.
The first dimension, specific racial/cultural group perspectives, emphasizes
the importance of cultural group knowledge that is necessary to fully under-
stand clients and other professionals who may be culturally different from us.
Research about various racial/ethnic groups has been enriching the field of
psychology for decades, and such knowledge is essential to achieving multi-
cultural competence. Knowledge of the different racial/ethnic groups allows
us to rethink key issues such as dual relationships rather than continue to
nonreflectively engage the underlying assumptions and values of psychol-
ogy. The second dimension, components of cultural competence, is rooted in
one of the most commonly explored areas within the multicultural literature.
Sue (2001) emphasized the tripartite model of multicultural awareness,
knowledge, and skills first introduced by Sue et al. (1982). Many assessment
instruments and training models use this tripartite perspective as a basis for
their work. Finally, the third dimension, the foci of cultural competence, bor-
rows most heavily from the more recent addition to the multicultural counsel-
ing literature—multicultural organization development (Sue, 1995). By
expanding the use of cultural competence beyond the individual, Sue prac-
ticed what he preached—altering the foundational definitions and assump-
tions about the field.
EXTENSIONS AND ADDITIONS
Although the MDCC has considerable potential as a transformative model

for multicultural counseling, some areas need further development. I have
identified three key concerns that I believe warrant further attention. As is
often the case, that which is a strength may create challenges as well. An
example of this complexity is the model’s emphasis on multidimensionality
of identity. Although the MDCC focuses specifically on race as a defining
variable that influences how people make meaning and view the world, Sue
(2001) highlighted the importance of acknowledging and honoring other
group identities that are part of an individual’s personal identity. Yet, there is
very little advice offered to assist the professional in achieving this important
diunital task of centralizing race while considering other important social
identity influences. More attention needs to be focused on fully accepting the
simultaneous nature of individual, universal, and cultural influences and
making assumptions and decisions that embrace that complexity.
A second area that needs more attention and study is the MDCC model
itself. Although the counseling field has historically utilized cube models,
they are, at times, unwieldy and overwhelming to some professionals. Their
gift, the breadth and depth of their conceptualization, often makes it chal-
lenging to apply them in concrete and pragmatic ways. Sue (2001) offered
two excellent case examples that provide reasonable solutions and
approaches for real problems. However, more is needed. It may be that a case-
book that extends and expands the illustrations offered by Sue is needed so
that Sue and others can suggest a range of solutions that exist for the many
challenges facing multicultural counseling. What are the unique issues that
exist for each of the racial groups, and how can the model be used to address
them? What are concrete interventions that can be used on the individual,
professional, organizational, and societal levels? Such case studies could
probably be gathered from actual training programs, professional associa-
tions, and direct service agencies and centers. Ideally, these cases could be
developed in the context of a conference where the goal was to systematically
and systemically address each of the barriers that Sue so effectively eluci-
dated. This is where the cutting-edge strategies and tools of multicultural
organization development can be applied to psychology and used to trans-
form the core structures and practices of the profession.
The third and maybe the most crucial issue to be addressed is how to move
from a vision and goal of transforming psychology to creating a unified and
strategic plan that seriously begins to address the core philosophical issues
that create barriers to infusing multiculturalism into psychology at every
level. Sue (2001) articulated that addressing social justice issues is central to
this transformation. Psychologists who address social policy issues have
been arguing this point for years; what we do in our individual offices is not
enough if it does not alter the social conditions that lead to sexual abuse,
addiction, or depression. Sue stated, “Multicultural counseling competence
must be about social justice—providing equal access and opportunity, being
inclusive, and removing individual and systemic barriers to fair mental health
services” (p. 801). By identifying and describing the various barriers that
exist, Sue provided opportunities for interventions. The next step is even
more challenging and involves the creation of a strategic plan that must be
broad based and inclusive. Multicultural psychologists, those of us whose
life work is invested in these issues, cannot put forth these solutions on our
own. We must work in coalitions with those in psychology who might not
agree with our views, who at times might work against us. This means build-
ing working coalitions within academic programs, professional associations,
and the workplace. Bernice Johnson Reagon (1983), in writing about coali-
tion building among feminist women, believed that it is in our best interest to
build alliances with those who are different from us. In fact, she, and others
such as Audre Lorde (1984), firmly believed that our survival is dependent on
our ability to build connections and coalitions with others. Reagon made a
distinction between doing coalition work and coming home. Coalition work
is about having challenging conversations and difficult dialogues that always
have the potential to create something new and exciting. It is not meant to be
easy. According to Reagon, if it feels comfortable, it is not true coalition
work. Coming home is going to multicultural conferences and workshops,
surrounding ourselves with people who view the world like us. We all need to
do that on a regular basis so that we have the energy to do the really challeng-
ing work of building coalitions. Maybe, “the process of talking about and
working through differences is what can lead to individual and group trans-
formation” (Reynolds & Constantine, 2001, p. 15). Of course, talking is not
enough. To be effective, we need a strategic plan to address these issues, espe-
cially in the areas of practice and training within counseling psychology.
IMPLICATIONS FOR
PRACTICE AND TRAINING
There are important implications of Sue’s (2001) MDCC model for coun-
seling psychology practice and training. This model must move from a con-
ceptualization of the problems and potential solutions to a practical applica-
tion of how to use the model in academic programs and practice sites across
the country. With limited training in multicultural issues, organization devel-
opment perspectives, and other related literature, many faculty members,
therapists, and supervisors may have a difficult time implementing segments
of the MDCC. Ongoing efforts toward professional development and reedu-
cation of senior professionals in the area of multicultural competence are a
necessary and ongoing aspect of this process. Assessing and redesigning
counseling psychology training programs to more systematically address
multicultural issues are vital to the future of multicultural counseling.
Modifying academic programs is one of the most important aspects of a
plan to transform psychology (Reynolds, 1995, 1997). Because the MDCC
provides a conceptual rationale of the multicultural counseling competency
movement, it is an ideal tool for counseling psychology programs to use for
assessment of their multicultural change efforts. It is, as Sue (2001) articu-
lated, “a conceptual blueprint” (p. 812) that training programs will need to
individualize and apply to the particular needs of their faculty, students, and
curriculum. Creating a working group of students and faculty to study and
apply the MDCC to their program would be an ideal place for training pro-
grams to begin. These groups could systematically address the various
aspects of the cube model and use that information to create specific strate-
gies. For example, programs could identify how to infuse cultural knowledge
about various people of color groups throughout the curriculum. In ethics and
professional socialization courses, programs could read multicultural and
social policy literature and discuss psychologists’ role as advocates. Full
analysis of the barriers to cultural competence at the individual, professional,
organizational, and societal levels could occur in a variety of professional
training courses, including practicum courses where students could be asked
to assess their practicum sites. The curriculum opportunities are endless. A

group of concerned and committed students and faculty who can identify
strategies and gather broad-based support for their implementation is needed.
Central to such efforts is making sure that the racial makeup of students
and faculty is diverse, and if such diversity does not exist, then a strategic plan
must be created to accomplish this goal. There are many successful counsel-
ing and counseling psychology programs that have developed successful
approaches to increase the diversity of their student bodies and the multicul-
tural nature of their curricula (Rogers, Hoffman, & Wade, 1998). In addition,
there are important frameworks that address how to create systemic organiza-
tional change that allows academic programs to more fully integrate multi-
cultural values and practices (Ponterotto, Alexander, & Grieger, 1995; Sue
et al., 1998).
Similar strategies can be developed within counseling to apply the con-
ceptual knowledge and tools of the MDCC to diverse professional settings to
ensure that the services they offer meet the criteria put forth by Sue (2001) for
multicultural counseling competence. Counselors can use the model to
assess their own awareness, knowledge, and skills working with different
people of color groups as well as to assess the extent to which their counsel-
ing center, hospital, or agency has incorporated any of the important multi-
cultural organization policies or practices articulated as part of the MDCC
and elsewhere (Sue, 1995; Sue et al., 1998). By using a conceptual frame-
work such as the MDCC, clinicians and supervisors have a greater likelihood
of designing their services to meet the needs of a diverse client population.
Various clinical agencies can examine their client base and attempt to assess
why certain populations do not access their services. Sue (2001) offered an
empowering perspective in his suggestion that we ask clients from various
racial and ethnic groups how they define cultural competence. We need to be
asking clients, those we serve as well as those we do not, what would make
counseling relevant and meaningful to them.
Finally, we need to use research to further study the MDCC and assess its
validity and heuristic value. Without such research, we cannot know if the
model works or is meaningful to those it is meant to help. Identifying con-
crete research questions that use both quantitative and qualitative paradigms
with clients, counselors, and faculty is a necessary next step to transforming
psychology. To be successful, we must have faith in the tools and models that
we are using.
As Sue (2001) stated, “The path to cultural competence requires a broad
and integrated approach” (p. 816). Counseling psychology must continue its
leadership efforts to influence the profession to more effectively infuse
multicultural values, knowledge, and practices into all aspects of psychology.
Providing new models like the MDCC is a powerful and important strategy
for transforming psychology. However, we must remember that often models

are not enough; it is essential that we demonstrate how to apply these impor-
tant conceptual ideas in pragmatic and meaningful ways. And even more
important, we must remember that our multicultural change efforts must be
systematic, systemic, and persistent. Transformation does not occur overnight,
and we must actively engage in the process each step of the way. Although the
challenges are great, luckily the rewards are even greater.
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THE
Suzuki
COUNSELING
et al. / CULTURAL
PSYCHOLOGIST
COMPETENCE
/ November 2001
The Facets of Cultural Competence:
Searching Outside the Box
Lisa A. Suzuki
Mary B. McRae
Ellen L. Short
New York University
Sue’s proposed model is based on a critique of the Eurocentric assumptions underlying

current clinical practice and reflects his innovative thinking and unique synthesis of past
research. The specific areas addressed in this article focus on an examination of the mul-
tidimensional model of cultural competence (MDCC) and issues related to the definition
of competence and its measurement. Areas of needed elaboration in the model include
complexities related to power hierarchies (i.e., authority, authorization, and leadership)
and implications for training and practice. Particular emphasis is placed on the com-
plexities of cultural competence and the important contributions of Sue’s MDCC as an
important step in making cultural competence a reality in the practice of counseling
psychology.
We are honored to write this reaction to Derald Sue’s (2001 [this issue])
eloquent treatise on the multiple facets of cultural competence. Sue is
uniquely qualified to challenge our traditional thinking in the multicultural
area given his long-standing expertise and commitment to the field of coun-
seling psychology. Based on his writing, Sue advocated a critical reexamina-
tion of the existing assumptions that for decades have formed the foundation
of psychology. This includes “belief in the universality of psychological laws
and theories, the invisibility of monocultural policies and practices, differ-
ences over defining cultural competence, and the lack of a conceptual frame-
work for organizing its multifaceted dimensions” (p. 790). His arguments
call for the linking of issues of social justice and sociopolitical concerns
along with individual and organizational levels of competence and aware-
ness. Our reaction focuses on the nature of his multidimensional model of
cultural competence (MDCC) and the complexities with respect to the “cube,”
the definition, and the measures of cultural competence. The comments rep-
resent additional challenges in the area in terms of the further integration of
power hierarchies as well as an elaboration on implications for training and
clinical practice. The multiple complexities of cultural competence must be
integrated into any model for it to reflect the realities faced by clinicians
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Lisa A. Suzuki, New York Uni-
versity, 239 Greene Street, 4th Floor, New York, NY 10003-6674; e-mail: las1@nyu.edu.
842
Suzuki et al. / CULTURAL COMPETENCE 843
dealing with diverse clientele. Thus, our title reflects to some extent the need
to search further, to go beyond the box theoretically posed by Sue.
EXAMINATION OF THE MODEL
Our comments regarding the MDCC focus on the discrepancies that exist
between the multifaceted figure and the cultural complexities discussed in
Sue’s (2001) narrative. Although we recognize that any visual representation
will be oversimplified in comparison to the explanatory detail contained in a
verbal narrative, nonetheless the figure does not adequately reflect Sue’s
arguments. In addition, there exists a great need for further elaboration of the
model in light of measures and operationalizing definitions.
The cube. The cube itself is reminiscent of Guilford’s (1967) Structure of

Intellect Model highlighting the 120 facets of human ability. Guilford’s theo-
retical work had a major impact on the field. Although his model was com-
prehensive in nature and a useful heuristic for research, it proved to be clini-
cally unwieldy. Despite clinical efforts to make use of his model, it appeared
to be too detailed for actual practice.
In a different vein, the MDCC appears overgeneralized, especially as it
pertains to Dimension 1, race and culture (i.e., African American, Asian
American, Latino American, Native American, and European American).
The usage of such general categories fails to acknowledge an often over-
looked but consistent finding in the literature, that is, within-group differ-
ences exceed between-group differences. For example, to assume that all
Native Americans or all European Americans can be grouped together implies
some agreement that the primary group identity is salient. This should not be
assumed given Sue’s earlier challenge regarding monocultural practice. Per-
haps we could be committing a similar error at a “subuniversal” level by
assuming that all members of a racial cultural group operate in a similar con-
text with similar values and beliefs. Given our experience working and teach-
ing in a large urban city, we are continually confronted by the diversity that
exists within each of these categories.
As Sue (2001) noted, our focus on group categorizations is in part due to
the overemphasis placed on the generalizability of results, large ns (i.e., sta-
tistical power), and the scientific method. This view is supported by Ingleby
(1995), who wrote,
Standard psychological procedures provide us with a microscope, as it were,

down which we gaze at the inhabitants of other cultures. The fact that what we
see looks remarkably like ourselves—if somewhat less well-developed—
reassures us that the methods are indeed applicable to other cultures: but what
we see is in fact, a construction of our own ethnocentric data-gathering proce-
dures—and what we do not see, we never worry about. (p. 120)
Thus, there are major difficulties in attempting to conduct research free of our
inherent biases. One notable psychologist put it as follows:
The ideas of a context-free environment, a meaning-free stimulus event, and a

fixed meaning are probably best kept where they belong, along with placeless
space, eventless time, and squared circles on that famous and fabulous list of
impossible notions. For when it comes to the investigation and examination of
psychological functioning, there probably is no way to get rid of all the other
stuff even in the lab. (Shweder, 1990, p. 49)
Thus, we are left with research findings that must be balanced to approximate
the true reality of the race and cultural phenomena we are attempting to study.
We cannot allow ourselves to be pulled into using convenient group labels.
Instead, we must retain in the background the complex contextual factors
(i.e., facets) that make up the reality of the diverse clientele we are attempting
to serve. As Sue (2001) indicated in his text, cultural group identity may shift
and the facets are permeable and dynamic depending in part on contextual
factors. As he stated, the “complexity of human psychology is clear in this
diagram”; we believe that it represents only the tip of the iceberg.
The measures. Although not a major focus of his article, Sue (2001) cited
the various measures that have been developed to assess cultural competence.
These instruments address facets of the MDCC. However, despite great
attempts that have been made to measure cultural competencies, the scales
remain limited in scope, relying on self-report, and provide little in the way of
specific behavioral outcomes. This is problematic given that we must infer
from the results important information regarding the individual examinee’s
competence. The accuracy of this practice remains to some extent question-
able and open to debate. The same problem exists for most measures in this
area. For example, acculturation measures have been criticized for being
“indirect measures of cultural values and beliefs,” relying solely on behav-
ioral indices such as language usage and place of birth (Betancourt & Lopez,
1993).
The definition. According to the model, cultural competence is defined

as the
ability to engage in actions or create conditions that maximize the optimal

development of client and client systems . . . acquisition of awareness, knowl-
edge, and skills needed to function effectively in a pluralistic democratic

society . . . and on an organizational/societal level, advocating effectively to
develop new theories, practices, policies, and organizational structures that are
more responsive to all groups.(Sue, 2001, p. 802)
This definition is comprehensive in nature but difficult to operationalize.

What is specifically meant by phrases such as “maximize optimal develop-
ment,” “function effectively,” and “advocate effectively”? Given these gen-
eral terms, it could be that cultural competence may look different for each
individual clinician. If it is true that we as clinicians are the most important
instruments of change, then perhaps our unique profile of specific strengths
and limitations determines our cultural competence. As indicated in Sue’s
(2001) article, cultural competence is multidimensional and multifaceted.
Different perceptions of cultural competence cannot be easily ascribed to
specific racial and cultural groups. Social class, geographic location, and
familiarity with other racial and cultural groups are just a few factors that may
account for differences within as well as between groups.
INTEGRATION OF THE POWER HIERARCHY:

AUTHORITY, AUTHORIZATION, AND LEADERSHIP
Sue’s (2001) focus on race and culture in his model forces us to consider
some very sensitive issues that are often unspoken in mixed racial cultural
groups. These include power, authority, authorization, and leadership among
members of particular groups, organizations, and society. For example, the
following questions represent areas that need to be understood within the cul-
tural competence framework discussed by Sue. How do race and culture
influence the role that one takes in a group, organization, or society? How are
the ways in which group members are authorized in their roles influenced by
race and culture? How are authority and leadership viewed by members of
one’s own group and others? Do members of certain groups take on the roles
of authority and leadership differently? How is power used and viewed by
members of different racial cultural groups? How do members of different
racial cultural groups engage in discussions about power and authority?
What are the experiences of power and privilege within and between groups?
Sue (2001) noted that the societal focus of cultural competence has the
“power to define reality.” He described “ethnocentric monoculturalism” and
a “Euro-American historical bias.” Imbedded within these concepts is the
assumption that there are limited quantities of power and resources. Thus, the
question of who should have power and control resources creates tension
between groups and forces them to identify with the group in power to define
social reality and history (Reed & Noumair, 2000). This tension is dynamic
and involves awareness of the political pull to identify with the victim and the
victimizer or the oppressed and the oppressor. For example, in groups, orga-
nizations, and society, there can be competition between groups for who has
the most victimized status when there is a perception that resources have been
allocated for this group. Reed and Noumair (2000) called this perception the
“myth of redress,” indicating that there will be some redistribution of
resources and power to correct injury and oppression. One of the limitations
of this myth is that there is rarely adequate compensation for past injustices.
Thus, feelings of anger regarding insufficient compensation continue to per-
meate and affect real-life situations. As Sue noted, “if people’s reality leads
them to conclude that past injustices are adequately compensated”(p. 810),
then there is no need for further programmatic attempts (e.g., affirmative
action) for change.
In America, race has historically been labeled as a dichotomous variable,
with the lighter skin holding the positive value and the darker skin the nega-
tive value. We cannot escape the dynamic tension associated with racial atti-
tudes and stereotypes that influence thinking and behavior. Thus, as noted in
Sue’s (2001) model, developing awareness of attitudes, beliefs, and stereo-
types about race and culture is central. However, one of the complexities not
reflected in the MDCC is that whereas racial grouping may be defined by
physical and cultural characteristics, it may be issues of power that pull indi-
viduals into other groups. The reasons for identification with these groups
may be more salient than race and culture. For example, individuals may
physically look like they belong to one particular group, but ideologically
they may promote the social realities defined by the group with more power.
In addition, one of the consequences of power-defining-reality is that atti-
tudes, stereotypes, and beliefs are ascribed to different racial and cultural
groups. These shape the ways in which groups are treated in daily interac-
tions both within and between groups. Authority, authorization, and leader-
ship are connected to perceptions and stereotypes about race and culture.
Authority and authorization require that one’s power is legitimized or sanc-
tioned by others and self, making the process one of continued negotiation
between those with and without power (Berg & Smith, 1990). Members of
groups that are negatively stereotyped may not feel or experience themselves
as being fully authorized to take on certain roles of leadership in organiza-
tions. Fiske (1993) indicated that stereotypes operate in the service of control
by defining “how most people in the group supposedly behave, what they
allegedly prefer and where there competence supposedly lies” (p. 623).
There are two elements of concern with negative stereotypes: perceptions
of others and perceptions of oneself. Individuals may internalize negative and
positive attitudes and stereotypes ascribed to their racial group and act as if
they are reality (as noted in racial identity theory). Developing awareness of
attitudes, stereotypes, and beliefs about which group holds power or author-
ity and why fosters increased understanding and appropriate skills to negoti-
ate these issues.
IMPLICATIONS FOR TRAINING

AND CLINICAL PRACTICE
If, as a profession, we are to achieve our goals of cultural competence,

then we need to begin thinking outside of the box, examining nontraditional
and nonmainstream sources. In their journal article titled “The Diversifica-
tion of Psychology. A Multicultural Revolution,” Sue, Bingham, Porche-
Burke, and Vasquez (1999) cited the importance of the development of multi-
cultural change organizationally and emphasized the need for training in this
area. They noted that the profession has a major impact on society and
emphasized that the “profession and psychologists must respond to alleviate
injustice and oppression arising from a monocultural psychology” (p. 1067).
In keeping with this perspective, it is interesting to explore linkages between
multicultural counseling, curricula, and sociopolitical concerns as they affect
academic and clinical training environments. How would linkages between
these areas be manifested for students, faculty, and administration? In reality,
as Sue (2001) suggested, a specific sociopolitical climate already exists (i.e.,
Eurocentric) in institutions of higher learning, but until recently (the past two
decades), this has been invisible and discussed by only a few professionals. It
is possible that stronger connections could be made in curricula and training
between the fields of psychology, sociology, anthropology, and counseling
psychology. For example, the origins of counseling have their genesis in
social conditions of post–World War II, wherein the profession was devel-
oped to provide vocational counseling for veterans (Whiteley, 1984). As Sue
noted, the profession’s focus on multiculturalism could be viewed as reflec-
tive of the connection with the civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s.
However, to more fully implement a sociopolitical context within the field of
counseling psychology, it would be necessary for practitioners, academi-
cians, and researchers to go beyond the boundaries of the profession and
incorporate the work of individuals who have written about social, cultural,
and political concerns of people of color. Many professionals of color have
chosen to link systemic and political concerns in a variety of cultural contexts
to theory and practice. The emergence of the Nigrescence linear stage mod-
els, for example, Cross’s (1971) model of racial identity development;
Helms’s (1984) racial identity development models; and Parham’s (1989) ex-
pansion of the Nigrescence construct, are all examples of integrating socio-
political concepts within psychology. Another example is Chodorow’s

(1994) feminist critique and redefining of a psychoanalytic perspective on
women. These brief examples represent some of the most evocative and
intriguing aspects of the field of counseling psychology, but there is certainly
more work to be done. What these theories offer is the potential to think out-
side the box of racial groupings. It is important to train counseling psycholo-
gists to not approach Asians or other groups with typical cookbook treatment
interventions. It may appear as if there is one best way to work with a given
group. We want to train students to examine the various racial dynamics (e.g.,
cognitions, emotions, behaviors) that emerge in groups and societal settings.
Sue (2001) advocated, as did Highlen (1994), the importance of uncover-
ing systematic blockages regarding implementation of a more sophisticated
approach to teaching multicultural competence. It is imperative for academic
institutions to begin the challenging task of assessing their own internal cli-
mates (e.g., faculty, students, administrators) regarding issues of cultural
competence. Many counseling training institutions are continually being
challenged by members of diverse communities of color as well as by schol-
ars in the multicultural area to move toward greater integration of multicul-
turalism into all facets of higher learning. These challenges have been met
with great resistance. What does it mean to institutionalize multiculturalism?
How does one know if a program, department, and/or school is truly promot-
ing cultural competence in its students and faculty? To ensure that this agenda
moves toward realization, we must continue to engage in the struggle, as Sue
(2001) put it in his keynote address on which his article is based. Sue’s article
issues a call for the profession to utilize theories and research of the past and
the present to effect change for the future with regard to the crucial aspects of
cultural competence.
CONCLUSIONS
Sue’s (2001) work represents a substantial step forward in establishing a

greater understanding of the complexities of cultural competence. The
MDCC is a foundation on which researchers and clinicians alike can examine
the various dimensions of this complex area. As Sue noted, “Research may
ultimately identify other factors underlying cultural competence that may
alter the MDCC” (p. 800).
This brief reaction article has served to highlight some of our reactions to
Sue’s (2001) major contribution. We congratulate him on synthesizing a com-
plex area into a comprehensive, organized, and readily understandable model.
We believe that the MDCC will provide a framework for ongoing research
with important counseling applications. Given this foundation, it is up to us to
continue to search outside the box to contribute to enhance further under-

standing of the multidimensional complexities of cultural competence.
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Groups in context: A new perspective on group dynamics (pp. 106-133). New York: Addison-
Wesley.
Betancourt, H., & Lopez, S. R. (1993). The study of culture, ethnicity, and race in American psy-
chology. American Psychologist, 28, 629-637.
Chodorow, N. J. (1994). Femininities, masculinities, sexualities: Freud and beyond. Lexington:
University Press of Kentucky.
Cross, W. E. (1971). The Negro-to-Black conversion experience. Toward psychology of Black
liberations. Black World, 20, 13-27.
Fiske, S. T. (1993). Controlling other people: The impact of power on stereotyping. American
Psychologist, 48, 621-628.
Guilford, J. P. (1967). The nature of human intelligence. New York: McGraw-Hill.
Highlen, P. S. (1994). Racial/ethnic diversity in doctoral programs of psychology: Challenges
for the twenty-first century. Applied and Preventative Psychology, 3, 91-108.
Ingleby, D. (1995). Problems in the study of the interplay between science and culture. In N. R.
Goldberger & J. B. Veroff (Eds.), The culture and psychology reader (pp. 108-123). New
York: NYU Press.
Parham, T. A. (1989). Cycles of psychological nigresence. The Counseling Psychologist, 17,
187-226.
Reed, G. M., & Noumair, D. A. (2000). The tiller of authority in a sea of diversity: Empower-
ment, disempowerment, and the politics of identity. In E. B. Klein, F. Gabelnick, & P. Herr
(Eds.), Dynamic consultation in a changing workplace (pp. 51-81). Madison, CT: Psycho-
logical Press.
Shweder, R. (1990). Cultural psychology: What is it? In Cultural psychology: Essays on Com-
parative Human Development. Cambridge, MA: Cambridge University Press. Reprinted
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ogy Reader (pp. 41-86). New York: NYU Press.
gist, 29(6), 790-821.
Sue, D. W., Bingham, R. P., Porche-Burke, L., & Vasquez, M. (1999). The diversification of psy-
chology. A multicultural revolution. American Psychologist, 54, 1061-1069.
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as a profession. In D. L. Brown & R. W. Lent (Eds.), Handbook of counseling psychology
(pp. 3-55). New York: John Wiley.
·
THE
SueREJOINDER
/ COUNSELING
CULTURAL COMPETENCE
PSYCHOLOGIST / November 2001
The Superordinate
Nature of Cultural Competence
Derald Wing Sue
What a pleasure and honor it is to be able to write a rejoinder to the schol-

arly and insightful comments of Reynolds (2001 [this issue]); Ridley, Baker,
and Hill (2001 [this issue]); and Suzuki, McRae, and Short (2001 [this
issue]). One always hopes for a fruitful and stimulating dialogue in profes-
sional circles, and it is always a delight when it becomes a reality. Before I
comment on their critiques, however, I would like to make some general
statements that should help frame my own response to their articles. I had
originally thought of titling my response “Confessions of a Multicultural
Psychologist” because I have inadequate answers to many of the complex
problems raised by the respondents. They have all made excellent and legiti-
mate points in their reactions to my proposed model. Furthermore, the page
limitation allowed for my response makes it impossible to comment fully on
all the important issues they raise. As a result, I hope the respondents will for-
give me for addressing only a select few of them at this time.
First, I am humbled by the respondents’ kind remarks concerning my past
contributions to the field of multicultural counseling competencies and feel
quite uncomfortable about accepting credit for those achievements. One only
has to look at the multiple authorships of these documents (Sue, Arredondo, &
McDavis, 1992; Sue, Bernier, Durran, Feinberg, Pedersen, Smith, &
Vazquez-Nutall, 1982; Sue, Bingham, Porche-Burke, & Vasquez, 1999; Sue,
Carter, Casas, Fouad, Ivey, Jensen, LaFromboise, Manese, Ponterotto, &
Vazquez-Nutall,1998; Sue, Ivey, & Pedersen, 1996) to note that the develop-
ment of multicultural counseling competencies has always been and remains
a collective endeavor. This acknowledgment does not even do justice to those
in leadership positions of the Division of Counseling Psychology (17), the
Society for the Psychological Study of Ethnic Minority Issues (45), and the
Association for Multicultural Counseling and Development who made orga-
nizational decisions to support these projects and their eventual publications.
Nor does it adequately acknowledge the many other scholars who contrib-
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Derald Wing Sue, Teachers Col-
lege, Columbia University, 525 West 120th Street, New York, NY 10027; e-mail: dwingsue@
aol.com.
850
Sue / CULTURAL COMPETENCE 851
uted immensely to our understanding of multicultural counseling compe-

tence through their innovative ideas and research. I sorely miss their collec-
tive wisdom in aiding me to frame my response, but I am heartened by the
knowledge that they, too, will enter this important dialogue.
SPECIFIC RESPONSES TO REYNOLDS,

RIDLEY ET AL., AND SUZUKI ET AL.
I am pleased that the authors have found the multidimensional model of

cultural competence (MDCC) of value in the conceptualization of cultural
competence. Each has been more than fair in providing a balanced picture of
both its strengths and limitations. In my rejoinder, I chose to concentrate on
selected areas of their concerns. As expected, all three reactions possess con-
siderable areas of overlap as well as divergences. Although my summary of
their comments, concerns, and suggestions does not do their views justice, let
me briefly summarize some of them.
First, Reynolds (2001) made some very important observations regarding
the MDCC that have occupied much of my own deliberations as well. There
is a need to (a) define cultural competence as including diunital reasoning
because it is an attribute of the ability to deconstruct reality, (b) develop a
dynamic theory that addresses how the multiple social identities interact and/
or relate to one another, (c) note that the model may be too unwieldy and over-
whelming to be used effectively, and (d) suggest strategies or develop a stra-
tegic plan of how to transform psychology from a monocultural to a multicul-
tural discipline. I accept her insightful observation that models are not
enough if we cannot demonstrate how they can be pragmatically used and am
intrigued by her suggestion of a casebook that extends and expands illustra-
tions for each cell of the MDCC.
Much of the feedback from the other two respondents has also noted that
the model does not illustrate how the dimensions of race/culture, components
of cultural competence, and foci of cultural competence interact or operate as
an aggregate (Ridley et al., 2001) and that it does not inform us as to how we
can transform psychology (Suzuki et al., 2001). The limited state of my
knowledge and experience, however, made it difficult to provide the full
range of examples needed to make the model “come alive.” As Reynolds
(2001) suggested, it would be both a fascinating and valuable undertaking to
provide case studies with concrete interventions related to the three dimen-
sions of the model. Perhaps such a venture would result in our ability to iden-
tify general principles or guidelines that would allow more definitive predic-
tions and prescriptions for change.
Second, Ridley et al. (2001) identified several concerns related to the

MDCC model: (a) definitional difficulties related to the precise operationali-
zation of cultural competence and the lack of distinction between cultural
competence and multicultural counseling competence, (b) the need of the
model to be prescriptive rather than solely descriptive, and (c) limitations
inherent in a race-based group perspective. The strength of their critique lies
in the analytical nature in which they dissect the issues related to the defini-
tion of cultural competence. Does the tripartite division of cultural compe-
tence capture “its essence” or does it add to the confusion? Is cultural compe-
tence desirable for clients, teachers, administrators, and laypeople, and does
it look the same for them as it does for counselors? Is cultural competence for
individuals the same as that for organizations? These questions, admittedly,
need to be addressed by the model. Unfortunately, space prevents me from
attempting to do so.
Although all three reaction articles seek greater clarification on the defini-
tion of cultural competence, perhaps that posed by Ridley et al. (2001) is the
most challenging. They pointed out that a meaningful discourse on cultural
competence cannot occur without an operational definition of its basic tenets
and an examination and clarification of its purpose. They contended that my
definition implicitly contains two purposes, of which they believe that the lat-
ter is superordinate: effective relationship building across cultures and thera-
peutic gain. Among problems they associated with my definition of cultural
competence are its lack of precision, its circular nature, and confusion cre-
ated from a failure to distinguish between the behavioral and developmental
components of cultural competence.
For many years, I have been following the writings of Ridley and col-
leagues (Ridley, 1995; Ridley et al., 2001; Ridley, Mendoza, Kanitz,
Angermeier, & Zenk, 1994) and have been impressed by the scholarly and
clear thinking they have brought to the conversation on cultural competence.
Indeed, their comments in this issue have allowed me to see problem areas in
the MDCC and in my definition of cultural competence. I am disinclined,
however, to personally move toward the type of precision (operational defini-
tions) that many of my colleagues and Reynolds (2001), Suzuki et al. (2001),
and Ridley et al. (2001) are advocating. Know that this statement is not based
on a dismissal of the scholarly value of operational definitions but on a socio-
political stance and personal observations that (a) we are not sufficiently lib-
erated in our thinking and understanding of multiple realities to move to the
type of precision required of a unified definition of cultural competence—to
do so is premature; (b) in light of our lack of a unified definition, cultural
competence is “the process of becoming,” an ongoing enterprise; (c) it is very
possible that our scientific paradigms are inadequate to truly define the total-
ity of the construct because it relies on the physical plane of existence and
neglects the spiritual dimension (cultural competence is spiritual as well—

personal belief); and (d) as I have gotten older, perhaps not wiser, I view my
role in the cultural competency dialogue as framing ideas and concepts that
challenge much of what I have learned from my monocultural education.
Thus, I leave it to colleagues to wrestle with the research and conceptualizing
that may help us one day to have a holistic definition of cultural competence.
Third, Suzuki et al. (2001) advocated the need to think “outside of the
box,” especially in the further integration of power hierarchies. Indeed, I find
this aspect of their discussion most valuable, and although I differ somewhat
in perspective, they are correct in saying that stronger connections between
power and curricula training and clinical practice must be made. In addition,
they also note that (a) my use of race/culture categories in Dimension 1 may
be overgeneralized, (b) the definition of cultural competence is comprehen-
sive but too vague, and (c) institutionalizing multiculturalism means our pro-
fession must go beyond the boundaries to incorporate the work of individuals
who truly understand the concerns of people of color (regardless of their
discipline).
I understand and agree with the authors that there is great danger in group-
based labels such as Asian American, African American, and even European
American because they potentially oversimplify and fail to recognize within-
group differences. Yet, I contend that such categories are unavoidable and
that attempts to specify every subgroup may lead us into the path of “individ-
ual differences.” There is, however, a difference between generalities and
overgeneralizations (stereotyping), and I should have been more careful in
making this distinction clear to readers. Their warning about the negative
consequences related to the sociopolitical dynamics and meanings of the
labels, however, warrants careful study by all of us.
Furthermore, Suzuki et al. (2001) asserted that the MDCC does not ade-
quately deal with the issue of power in group or individual realities. Perhaps,
it is my inability to articulate points clearly, but I have stressed that power is in
the ability to define reality. Once a reality is defined and imposed on individu-
als and groups, it may become invisible, especially for those who live that
reality. In the United States, the “invisible Whiteness of being” maintains its
viability precisely because it is a protected and seldom spoken secret. Many
White Americans, however, have distorted and/or conveniently used color
blindness as a means of color denial or, more accurately, “power denial”
(Sue, 2001). Although it is not my intent to deconstruct “White privilege,”
getting it out of the closet is difficult because it mimics the norms of fairness,
justice, and equity by “Whiting out” differences and perpetuating the belief
in sameness. The denial of power imbalance, unearned privilege, and racist
domination is couched in the rhetoric of equal treatment and equal opportu-
nity. Although a two-way or multiple-path process, racial, ethnic, gender,
sexual orientation, and other group identities in the United States are radi-
cally influenced by the Euro-American worldview (imposed reality).
CULTURAL COMPETENCE IS SUPERORDINATE

TO COUNSELING/CLINICAL COMPETENCE
In light of the three highly stimulating articles, I would like to continue the
dialogue by adding more fuel to the fire. Even though there are problems in
coming to an agreement concerning the definition of cultural competence,
many of us know incompetence when we see it; we recognize it by its horren-
dous outcomes or the human toll it takes on our culturally different clients.
For example, the purveyors of mental health services, counseling goals and
processes, and the education and training of psychologists have been
described in very unflattering terms for some time by multicultural special-
ists: (a) that counselors and therapists are insensitive to the needs of clients of
color and their communities; do not accept, respect, and understand cultural
differences; are arrogant and contemptuous; and have little understanding of
their prejudices (Thomas & Sillen, 1972); (b) culturally different clients who
need care frequently complain that they often feel abused, intimidated, and
harassed by nonminority personnel (President’s Commission on Mental
Health, 1978); (c) discriminatory practices in mental health delivery systems
are deeply embedded in the ways in which the services are organized—how
services are delivered to minority populations and their communities, in
diagnosis and treatment, in indicators of “dangerousness,” and in the type of
personnel occupying decision-making roles (Cross, Bazron, Dennis, &
Isaacs, 1989); and (d) mental health professionals continue to be trained in
programs in which ethnic issues are ignored, regarded as deficiencies, por-
trayed in stereotypic ways, or included as an afterthought (Meyers,
Echemedia, & Trimble, 1991, p. 5).
From my perspective, helping professionals have seldom functioned in a
culturally competent manner. They may have functioned in a monoculturally
competent manner with only a limited segment of the population, White
Euro-Americans, but even that is debatable. Strangely enough, the criticisms
of exclusion are often leveled at attempts to develop multicultural counseling
guidelines. Objections to multicultural standards have ranged from charac-
terizing them as focusing just on racial minorities and/or their exclusion of
other groups like women and gays/lesbians. The fallacies in this belief are
threefold: (a) Race, culture, and ethnicity are primarily a “minority thing”
and have little relevance to other populations (including White Euro-Ameri-
cans); (b) current standards of therapeutic practice are based on research that
makes them more valid; and (c) “good counseling is good counseling.”
First, it is clear that race, culture, and ethnicity are functions of each and
every one of us. It is not just a Black thing, an Asian American thing, a Latino/
Latina thing, or a Native American thing but a White thing as well. In her
book, Race Is a Nice Thing to Have, Helms (1992) addressed how race is
invisible to many White Americans because it serves as the default standard
in evaluating the world around them. That criticism also applies to other group
identities as well. Second, I seriously question the assumption that clinical
competence is empirically based. How much empirical support, for example,
is there for what I call the five therapeutic taboos: Counselors (a) do not give
advice, (b) do not self-disclose their thoughts and feelings, (c) should not
accept gifts from their clients, (d) should not enter into dual-role relation-
ships, and (e) should avoid bartering with clients. What sense do we make of
these admonitions in light of findings that indigenous helping practices con-
sider such behaviors and roles to be characteristics of healing and compe-
tency (Berman, 1979; Herring, 1999; Lee, 1996; Parham, 1997; Parham,
White, & Ajamu, 1999)?
I submit that much of current therapeutic practice taught in graduate pro-
grams is derived mainly from clinical experience with middle-class to upper
class White folks, not research. If we are honest with ourselves, we can only
conclude that much of our standards of professional competence (Eurocen-
tric) are derived primarily through folk wisdom and the values, belief sys-
tems, cultural assumptions, and the traditions of the larger society, not sci-
ence, as we would have our students believe. Thus, values of individualism,
psychological mindedness, and using “rational approaches” to problem solve
have much to do with how competence is defined. Furthermore, despite the
fact that our profession has advocated moving into the realm of empirically
supported treatments (EST), little evidence exists that they are applicable to
racial/ethnic minorities (Sue et al., 1999). A review of studies on EST reveals
few, if any, on racial minority populations, making assumptions of external
validity invalid when applied to people of color (Hall, in press; Sue, in press).
If we truly believe that standards of practice must be research based, might
we not also have to consider eliminating much of the current Euro-American
standards related to counseling/clinical competence? Yet, many of my col-
leagues continue to hold firmly to the belief that good counseling is good
counseling, thereby dismissing the centrality of culture in their definitions.
Thus, it is clear to me that the more superordinate and inclusive concept is
that of multicultural competence and not counseling competence. Elsewhere,
my colleagues and I (Sue et al., 1996) have proposed a theory of multicultural
counseling and therapy in the form of a metatheory. The multicultural theory
assumes that all helping systems are developed in a particular cultural context
and reflect different worldviews; that it includes European American, Asian,
African, Latin American, American Indian, and other indigenous healing
systems (Suzuki et al., 2001); that multiculturalism encompass multiple

identities as philosophically equal in importance (Ridley et al., 2001); that a
choice of healing systems is a both/and rather than either/or decision
(Reynolds, 2001); and that all helping models derived from Western and non-
Western cultures are not inherently right or wrong, good or bad. Standards of
helping derived from such a philosophy and framework are inclusive and
offer the broadest and most accurate view of cultural competence!
In closing, I again apologize to the three respondents for my failure to ade-
quately and fully address the many important issues they raised to my con-
ceptualization of cultural competence. But, I believe we are all in agreement
that cultural competence is on the front burner of the profession because cur-
rent forms of mental health treatment have neither been adequate nor appro-
priate for many culturally different groups in our society. As a result, I echo
my statement once again that cultural competence is superordinate to clinical
competence and must become a defining feature of the profession.
REFERENCES
Berman, J. (l979). Counseling skills used by Black and White male and female counselors. Jour-
nal of Counseling Psychology, 26, 81-84.
Cross, T. L., Bazron, B. J., Dennis, K. W., & Isaacs, M. R. (1989). Towards a culturally compe-
tent system of care. Washington, DC: Child and Adolescent Service System Program Techni-
cal Assistance Center.
Hall, G.C.N. (in press). Psychotherapy research with ethnic minorities: Empirical, ethical, and
conceptual issues. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology.
Helms, J. E. (1992). Race is a nice thing to have. Topeka, KS: Content Communications.
Herring, R. (1999). Counseling Native American Indians. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Lee, C. C. (1996). MCT theory and implications for indigenous healing. In D. W. Sue, A. E. Ivey, &
P. B. Pedersen (Eds.), A theory of multicultural counseling and therapy (pp. 86-98). Pacific
Grove, CA: Brooks/Cole.
Meyers, H., Echemedia, F., & Trimble, J. E. (1991). American Indians and the counseling pro-
cess. In P. B. Pedersen (Ed.), Handbook of cross-cultural counseling (pp. 3-9). Westport, CT:
Greenwood.
Parham, T. A. (1997). An African-centered view of dual relationships. In B. Herlihy & G. Corey
(Eds.), Boundary issues in counseling (pp. 109-112). Alexandria, VA: American Counseling
Association.
Parham, T. A., White, J. L., & Ajamu, A. (1999). The psychology of Blacks: An African centered
perspective (3rd ed.). Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall.
President’s Commission on Mental Health. (1978). Report from the President’s Commission on
Mental Health. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office.
Reynolds, A. L. (2001). Multidimensional cultural competence: Providing tools for transform-
ing psychology. The Counseling Psychologist, 29(6), 833-841.
Ridley, C. R., Baker, D. M., & Hill, C. L. (2001). Critical issues concerning cultural competence.
The Counseling Psychologist, 29(6), 822-832.
tivity in multicultural counseling: A perceptual schema model. Journal of Counseling Psy-
chology, 41(2), 125-136.
Sue, D. W. (2001). You are a racist: The painful journey to understanding and overcoming rac-
ism. Unpublished manuscript.
Sue, D. W. (in press). Racial-cultural competence: Awareness, knowledge and skills. In R. T.
Carter (Ed.), Handbook of multicultural psychology and education. New York: John Wiley.
Sue, D. W., Arredondo, P., & McDavis, R. J. (l992). Multicultural competencies/standards: A
pressing need. Journal of Counseling and Development, 70, 477-486.
Sue, D. W., Bernier, J. B., Durran, M., Feinberg, L., Pedersen, P., Smith, E., & Vazquez-Nutall,
E. (l982). Position paper: Cross-cultural counseling competencies. The Counseling Psychol-
ogist, 10, 45-52.
Sue, D. W., Bingham, R., Porche-Burke, L., & Vasquez, M. (1999). The diversification of psy-
Manese, J. E., Ponterotto, J. G., & Vazquez-Nutall, E. (1998). Multicultural counseling com-
petencies: Individual and organizational development. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Suzuki, L. A., McRae, M. B., & Short, E. L. (2001). The facets of cultural competence:
Searching outside the box. The Counseling Psychologist, 29(6), 842-849.
Thomas, A., & Sillen, S. (1972). Racism and psychiatry. New York: Brunner/Mazel.
·
THE
Bichsel,
COUNSELING
Mallinckrodt
SPECIAL PSYCHOLOGIST
/ NATIVE AMERICAN
POPULATIONS / November
FORUMWOMEN 2001
Cultural Commitment and the Counseling

Preferences and Counselor Perceptions
of Native American Women
Ruth J. Bichsel
University of Oregon
Brent Mallinckrodt
University of Missouri
Native American women (N = 218) living on a reservation were surveyed to assess their
preferences for counselor sex, ethnicity, cultural awareness, counseling style, and com-
mitment to Native American and Anglo-American cultures. Women generally preferred a
counselor with the following attributes: female, ethnically similar, culturally sensitive,
and used a nondirective counseling style. All these preferences, except for counseling
style, were generally stronger for personal versus vocational problems and were stron-
ger for women with high commitment to Native American culture. Written analogue por-
trayals depicted counselors in four combinations (Native American vs. Anglo, culturally
sensitive vs. insensitive). The Native American/sensitive counselor was rated highest,
with the Anglo/insensitive counselor rated lowest. The Anglo/sensitive counselor was
preferred to the Native/insensitive counselor by women who strongly identified with
Native American culture.
Native Americans (American Indians) experience higher levels of pov-

erty, unemployment, suicide, substance abuse, alcohol-related mortality, and
mental health problems than the general U.S. population (LaFromboise,
Coleman, & Gerton, 1993; LaFromboise & Howard-Pitney, 1995). Although
Native Americans’ need for mental health services has been well docu-
mented, and treatment is increasingly available (Attneave, 1987; Jackson,
1995), formal counseling services are underutilized by Native Americans
(Price & McNeill, 1992). Among Native American clients who do use these
services, the drop-out rates are among the highest of any ethnic group (D. W.
Sue & Sue, 1990a; S. Sue, Allen, & Conaway, 1981). Underuse of services by
Native Americans has been attributed to mistrust of White counselors
We gratefully acknowledge the cooperation of the Tribal Council of the Confederated Tribes of
the Warm Springs Reservation of Oregon, and we thank the women of the Warm Springs Reser-
vation for their participation in this research. This article is based on the dissertation research of
Ruth J. Bichsel, under the direction of Dr. Janet Moursund. Correspondence concerning this arti-
cle should be addressed to Ruth J. Bichsel, Ph.D., D.A.B.P.S., Lane Community College, Social
Science Department, 4000 East 30th Avenue, Eugene, OR 97405-0640; e-mail: bichselr@
lanecc.edu.
858
Bichsel, Mallinckrodt / NATIVE AMERICAN WOMEN 859
(LaFromboise & Dixon, 1981), differing cultural views of the healing pro-
cess (Price & McNeill, 1992), and differing cultural values between Euro-
pean Americans and Native Americans (Bennett & BigFoot-Sipes, 1991;
LaFromboise, Trimble, & Mohatt, 1990). Some experts believe that much of
the mental health service provided by government agencies on reservations is
culturally insensitive, biased toward dominant cultural values, and may be
more destructive than helpful (LaFromboise & Rowe, 1983).
For any ethnic minority group, but perhaps especially for Native Ameri-
cans, a key element for engaging and retaining a client in counseling is a posi-
tive, mutually respectful therapeutic relationship in which both client and
counselor believe that the client will benefit (Atkinson, Thompson, & Grant,
1993; Gim, Atkinson, & Whiteley, 1990; LaFromboise & Howard-Pitney,
1995; McWhirter & Ryan, 1991; D. W. Sue & Sue, 1990b). A key element in
forming this type of positive relationship with Native American clients is the
counselor’s understanding of psychological aspects of the client’s cultural
experience (LaFromboise et al., 1993). Historically, Native Americans have
experienced grievous attempts to extinguish their tribal culture and language
and force them to adopt values of the dominant culture. The legacy of
imposed acculturation through, for example, the boarding school system,
forced separation of children from parents, and punishment for speaking the
tribal language (Garrett & Pichette, 2000; Little Soldier, 1985) has created
special psychological and emotional problems for many Native Americans
(Attneave, 1987; Morrissette, 1994). It is not surprising that many have a low
level of trust for White counselors (Herring, 1990a, 1990b; LaFromboise &
Dixon, 1981). Thus, the historical context and present experience of many
Native American clients require counselors to express positive attitudes,
knowledge, and respect for Native American culture as well as special sensi-
tivity to the unique stresses imposed by cultural conflicts to earn the trust of
Native American clients (LaFromboise et al., 1993; Trimble & LaFromboise,
1987).
Before proceeding, it is necessary to define important terms used through-
out this article. Acculturation has been described as a process of socialization
into an ethnic group other than one’s own, resulting from contact between
persons of two or more cultures. Acculturation involves cultural learning,
attitudinal change, and behavioral change (Casas & Pytluk, 1995). For
Native Americans, “acculturation refers to the degree to which the individual
accepts and adheres to both majority [White/Euro-American] and tribal cul-
tural values” (Choney, Berryhill-Paapke, & Robbins, 1995, p. 76, brackets in
original). A related term, bicultural competence, refers to the ability to inter-
act effectively with members of two cultures through one’s mastery of the
appropriate behaviors and knowledge of the culture-based expectations of
both cultures (LaFromboise & Rowe, 1983). Although there has been a
widespread assumption that living in two cultures is invariably a

marginalizing experience and must involve a preference for one culture over
the other (Kerwin & Ponterotto, 1995), LaFromboise et al. (1993) argued that
it is possible to gain competence in a second culture without losing identifica-
tion with one’s traditional culture. The key to acquiring bicultural compe-
tence and minimizing the potentially negative impact of contact with the
dominant culture is maintaining a strong sense of personal identity. A compo-
nent of this personal identity for members of any ethnic minority group is cul-
tural commitment (Johnson & Lashley, 1989; Sanchez & Atkinson, 1983),
which, for the purposes of the current study, is defined as a desire to adopt
what an individual understands to be the values, norms, attitudes, and behav-
ioral practices of a given culture. In this sense, cultural commitment is a nec-
essary first step in the process of voluntary acculturation, but commitment
itself does not imply that acculturation has progressed very far. Ethnic iden-
tity is
the sum total of group members’ feelings about those values, symbols, and
common histories that identify them as a distinct group. . . . A person does not
belong to an ethnic group by choice; rather, he or she must be born into such a
group and becomes related to it through emotional and symbolic ties. (Smith,
1991, pp. 181-182)
For most individuals, cultural competency, ethnic identity, and cultural

commitment all coincide in their primary cultural identification. However,
for Native Americans immersed to varying degrees in contact with a second
culture, they may or may not choose to make a commitment to the values,
norms, and behavioral practices of the second culture. Whether they make a
commitment to the second culture, they may or may not derive any portion of
their ethnic identity from it. Finally, irrespective of making a cultural com-
mitment or deriving identity, a person may or may not be competent at func-
tioning in the second culture. An example may help to illustrate these distinc-
tions. A young woman may move from her reservation to a large city to take a
job whose duties require her to function competently in the dominant culture.
Even after years of working successfully at this job, she may never come to
view herself as “White” in terms of ethnic identity, and—although competent
in the dominant culture—she may not make a commitment to it by adopting
its values, norms, or attitudes as her own. In contrast, her sister, who moved
from the reservation with her, after a few years may stop describing herself as
“American Indian,” reject her traditional culture, and commit herself to
adopting the norms and behaviors of the dominant culture. Thus, cultural
commitment (especially for those who have made a recent commitment to a
second culture) does not necessarily involve completed acculturation,
cultural competence, or ethnic identity. Although connections between

acculturation, bicultural competence, and mental health will be described in
this article, the specific focus of this study was the influence of cultural com-
mitment on counselor preference and perceptions of counselors.
Research is mixed about whether acculturation influences ethnic minority
clients’help-seeking preferences. Some studies suggest that Mexican Ameri-
can college students prefer an ethnically similar counselor to a dissimilar
counselor and perceive the similar counselor as a more credible source of
help, regardless of the students’ cultural commitment (Lopez, Lopez, &
Fong, 1991; Ponce & Atkinson, 1989). Other studies suggest that accultura-
tion to the dominant culture is related to the willingness of Asian American
college students to seek Western-style psychological help (Atkinson & Gim,
1989). However, still other research suggests the converse, namely, that high
levels of identification with Asian culture predict willingness to see a psy-
chologist (Atkinson, Whiteley, & Gim, 1990). Perhaps these apparent dis-
crepancies are explained by complex interactions between acculturation, cul-
tural identification, gender, and the nature of the hypothetical presenting
problem (Gim et al., 1990). The somewhat contradictory findings in this
body of research can perhaps best be summarized by concluding that
although many studies suggest that ethnic minority clients prefer counselors
of the same ethnicity, especially for students with low acculturation to the
dominant culture (Atkinson, Jennings, & Liongson, 1990), these preferences
must be considered in relation to other factors related to preference
(Atkinson & Wampold, 1993). Among these moderating variables may be
the nature of the hypothetical presenting problem (Gim et al., 1990), coun-
selor cultural sensitivity (Atkinson, Casas, & Abreu, 1992; Pomales,
Claiborn, & LaFromboise, 1986; Thompson, Worthington, & Atkinson,
1994), and match of counselor and client sex. Although the effect of gender
on counseling process and outcome has received increased research atten-
tion, findings are inconclusive, especially when applied to multicultural
counseling (Atkinson & Schein, 1986).
In research focused on Native Americans, studies suggest that college stu-
dents have a strong preference for Native American counselors, men prefer
male counselors regardless of presenting problem, and women appear to pre-
fer female counselors only for personal problems (Haviland, Horswill,
O’Connell, & Dynneson, 1983). Native American college students low in
acculturation may have significantly less favorable attitudes toward counsel-
ing (Price & McNeill, 1992) and a strong preference for a Native American
counselor, if they were to seek counseling from anyone (BigFoot-Sipes,
Dauphinais, LaFromboise, Bennett, & Rowe, 1992). BigFoot-Sipes et al.
(1992) also found that female Native American students had a strong prefer-
ence for a female Native American counselor regardless of whether the pre-
senting problem was academic or personal. In other research, stronger com-

mitment to Native American culture was associated with stronger preference
for seeing a Native American counselor (Johnson & Lashley, 1989) and was
associated with different expectations about counseling.
Research with Native American students confirms that counselor attitude
and value similarity are among the most important aspects of counselor pref-
erence (Bennett & BigFoot-Sipes, 1991). Unfortunately, almost the entire
body of research on counselor preferences has been conducted with college
students. These findings have limited generalizability to the full population
of Native Americans because many of those who most need mental health
services do not attend colleges or universities. Therefore, the purpose of the
present study was to investigate the association of cultural commitment in
Native Americans living on a reservation to preferences for counselor char-
acteristics and perceptions of counselors. The focus was on women because
they may be most likely to seek help from outside sources for themselves or a
family member. Approximately 45% of all Native American households are
headed by a woman (LaFromboise, Berman, & Sohi, 1994). In keeping with
contemporary theory (LaFromboise et al., 1993), we assessed cultural com-
mitment not as a mutually exclusive dichotomy but rather in terms of
orthogonal dimensions of commitment to Native American culture and the
dominant culture.
Specifically, in line with the previous research on acculturation, cultural
commitment, and counselor preference described above, we hypothesized
that greater commitment to Native American culture and less commitment to
the dominant culture would be associated with stronger preference of Native
American women for (a) a female counselor, (b) a Native American coun-
selor, (c) a counselor who was aware of Native American culture, and (d) a
counselor who used a more directive counseling style. Second, we hypothe-
sized that these preferences would be stronger for a personal counseling
problem than a vocational counseling problem. We posed a specific direc-
tional hypothesis for sex preference because, although the research is some-
what mixed, most previous studies suggested a preference for female coun-
selors, especially for personal problems. Our hypothesis about counseling
style was based on previous research suggesting that Native Americans pre-
fer a directive counseling approach to a nondirective one (Dauphinais,
Dauphinais, & Rowe, 1981). We also investigated the association of cultural
commitment to perceptions of four analogue counselors in a repeated-mea-
sures design that represented two levels of sensitivity to Native American
culture and two types of counselor ethnicity (Native American vs. Anglo).
Our third hypothesis led us to expect that cultural commitment would influ-
ence perceptions of counselors who varied in cultural sensitivity and ethnic-
ity. Specifically, we expected that women with high commitment to only
Native American culture would form the most favorable impressions of the
culturally sensitive Native American counselor. We expected women with
high commitment to only Anglo culture to view the two Anglo counselors
most favorably, regardless of the counselors’ sensitivity. We formed no spe-
cific hypotheses regarding the complexities of how women with high or low
commitment to both cultures would perceive the counselors.
METHOD
Participants
Participants were recruited through letters mailed to a random sample of

1,600 residences on the Confederated Tribes of the Warm Spring Reservation
in central Oregon. A total of 218 Native American women (age 18 or older)
responded by returning surveys with useable data. The resulting sample rep-
resented a 14% response to our solicitation. Separate tribes live together on
this reservation. Women identified themselves as belonging to the following
tribal groups: Warm Springs (32%), Wasco (21%), Warm Springs and Wasco
mixed heritage (37%), and other tribal groups (10%). The mean age of
respondents was 37.93 years (SD = 12.40; range = 18-73). To provide the
maximum protection of anonymity, no further demographic questions were
asked.
Instruments
Cultural commitment. This measure was adapted for the present study
from single-item questions used in previous research (Johnson & Lashley,
1989; Price & McNeill, 1992; Sanchez & Atkinson, 1983) that conceptual-
ized cultural commitment in terms of two orthogonal factors of identification
with the “traditional” culture (in this case Native American) and the domi-
nant culture. Participants were asked to choose which one of the following
four phrases best described them: (a) “I have a strong commitment to both
Native American and Anglo-American cultures,” (b) “I have a strong com-
mitment to Native American culture and a weak commitment to Anglo-
American culture,” (c) “I have a strong commitment to Anglo-American cul-
ture and a weak commitment to Native American culture,” or (d) “I have a
weak commitment to both Native American and Anglo-American cultures.”
Following the example of Johnson and Lashley (1989), we included two
items to corroborate validity through asking about (a) degree of participation
in tribal activities and (b) proficiency in the tribal language. These items used
3-point scales (1 = not at all, 2 = somewhat, 3 = very). Because language
proficiency may depend on opportunities not completely within the respon-

dents’ control, for this study we added two additional validity items asking
about (a) opportunity to learn the tribal language and (b) degree to which
respondents were encouraged to speak the tribal language at home or school.
These items used 3-point scales matched specifically to each item (e.g., for
learning the tribal language: 1 = no opportunity, 2 = some opportunity, 3 = a
lot of opportunity). Scoring is based only on the single item asking respon-
dents which combination of strong or weak commitment to Native American
and Anglo-American cultures best describes them. In addition to face valid-
ity, evidence of concurrent validity was provided by Johnson and Lashley,
who reported that language proficiency and participation in tribal activities
were associated in expected ways with the four-category item measuring cul-
tural commitment. Price and McNeill (1992) reported that commitment to
Native American culture assessed by this item was associated in expected
ways with previous experience living on a reservation.
Multi-Ethnic Preferred Counselor Characteristics Inventory (MEPCCI).

This measure was developed by Wetsit (1992), based on earlier work by
Bernstein, Wade, and Hofmann (1987), to assess preferences for counselor
characteristics across different presenting problem scenarios common to
Native American students. Wetsit’s original measure included six scenarios,
but the two concerning academic difficulties for college students were
deleted in the present study. Of the four scenarios retained, two scenarios
involved personal problems (breakup of romantic relationship, losing temper
with your child) and two involved vocational problems (fear you might
lose your job, dissatisfied with current job). In the current study, prefer-
ences for four counselor characteristics were assessed: (a) gender, (b) ethnic-
ity, (c) counseling style, and (d) cultural awareness. Respondents used a 5-
point Likert-type scale (1 = not important, 5 = very important) to indicate the
overall importance of a counselor characteristic for this problem and then
indicated their preferences within each characteristic, for example, within
ethnicity the preferences were (a) same race as me, (b) different race than me,
or (c) doesn’t matter. Beyond face validity, neither Wetsit nor Bernstein et al.
reported evidence of validity or reliability for their versions of this measure.
To reduce the number of analyses and control inflation of Type 1 error, in the
current study pairs of preference items for the two vocational and two per-
sonal problem scenarios were summed to form two-item scales.
Counselor Analogue Portrayals

Four short counselor-client vignettes based on those used by Gim,
Atkinson, and Kim (1991) were modified for use in this study. Each vignette
was presented in written form and included three speaking turns each for cli-
ent and counselor. In this study, the four vignettes depicted combinations of
counselor ethnicity (Native American or Anglo-American) and sensitivity to
Native American culture (either moderately sensitive or fairly insensitive).
For example, in the vignettes depicting cultural sensitivity, the Anglo coun-
selor expresses empathy for the client’s experience of cultural isolation, and
the Native American counselor acknowledges the importance of showing
proper respect for one’s family members. In the vignettes depicting insensi-
tivity, the Anglo counselor admonishes the client for arriving late to the ses-
sion, and the Native American counselor fails to acknowledge the client’s
expressed concerns about not being respected by White coworkers.1 Respon-
dents were told that the client in each vignette was Native American and that
the counselor in each vignette lived near but not on the reservation. (The gen-
ders of counselor and client were deliberately left ambiguous.) A manipula-
tion check item presented after each vignette assessed perceptions of the
counselor’s “level of commitment to Native American culture” using a 10-
point unanchored scale.2 Three additional items asked for ratings of the coun-
selor’s competency, how comfortable the respondent would be if she or he
were to see this counselor, and how willing the respondent would be to see
this counselor. The 10-point scales for these items were anchored at the end
points with not at all competent versus very competent, not at all comfortable
versus very comfortable, and not at all willing versus very willing. These
three items were then summed to form a single index. Internal consistency
(coefficient alpha) ranged from .90 to .94 for the ratings.
Procedure
Survey packets contained cover letters that promised complete anonymity

and included a prestamped return envelope. The cover letter stated our con-
cern about so few American Indians using counseling services and described
the purpose of the study as collecting information that we hoped would lead
to better training and improved counseling services. After the initial presen-
tation of demographic questions, the survey presented elements in the fol-
lowing order: (a) cultural commitment assessment, (b) MEPCCI with prob-
lem vignettes, and (c) counselor analogue portrayals and ratings. To provide
the highest assurance that the surveys would remain completely anonymous,
no tracking-return procedure or multiple mailing of the surveys was used.
Only one letter was mailed to each randomly selected residence, with no spe-
cific directive as to which adult living in the household should complete the
survey. An address located on the reservation and telephone number were
provided for potential respondents to request additional copies of the survey.
Respondents were entered in a lottery for a $100 gift certificate for her choice
of one of several businesses located on or near the reservation. In addition, all

participants received a gift certificate good for a $3 purchase at one of these
cooperating businesses on or near the reservation.
RESULTS
Validity and Manipulation Checks
Women responded to the four-category measure of cultural commitment

with 78 (36%) reporting a strong commitment to both cultures (“strong
both”), 104 (48%) reporting a strong commitment to Native American cul-
ture and a weak commitment to Anglo culture (“strong Native American”),
24 (11%) reporting a strong commitment to Anglo culture but not Native
American culture (“strong Anglo”), and 12 (6%) reporting a weak commit-
ment to both cultures (“weak both”). To check the concurrent validity of this
single-item measure, the first two and the last two groups were combined to
form a high commitment to Native American culture group (n = 182) and a
low commitment to Native American culture group (n = 36). Chi-square
analyses indicated that these two groups differed as expected, in that the
group highly committed to Native culture was more active in tribal activities,
c2(2, n = 218) = 13.17, p < .01; was more proficient in their tribal language,
c2(1, n = 218) = 19.97, p < .0001; had been more encouraged to learn the tribal
language, c2(2, n = 218) = 14.90, p < .001; and had more opportunity to learn
the tribal language, c2(2, n = 206) = 30.78, p < .00001.
Respondents’ ratings of the commitment of counselors to Native Ameri-
can culture depicted in the vignettes were analyzed with a one-way repeated
measures analysis of variance (ANOVA) as a manipulation check for the
effectiveness of the vignette portrayals. The vignettes were designed to rep-
resent four different combinations of ethnicity and cultural sensitivity: Coun-
selor A was an Anglo-American counselor with moderate sensitivity to
Native American culture, Counselor B was a Native American counselor
with a low level of sensitivity to Native culture, Counselor C was a Native
American counselor with a high level of sensitivity to Native culture, and
Counselor D was an Anglo-American counselor with a low level of sensitiv-
ity to Native culture. Results of the ANOVA suggested that the manipulation
was very effective, F(3, 215) = 110.69, p < .0001. t tests used as follow-up
analyses indicated that Counselor C was rated as more committed to Native
American culture than Counselor A, t(217) = 3.25, p < .001; Counselor A was
rated as more committed than B, t(217) = 4.73, p < .001; and Counselor B was
rated as more committed than D, t(218) = 11.23, p < .001. Thus, the vignettes
effectively portrayed four counselors that were perceived as distinctive in
their commitment—and we believe also in their sensitivity to Native Ameri-

can culture (see Note 2).
Tests of Research Hypotheses
To test our first hypothesis about preferences for counselor sex, ethnicity,
cultural awareness, and counseling style, we created indices of these depen-
dent variables by combining single items from the MEPCCI. Our intention
was to create continuous measures likely to be more reliable than the single
items used by Wetsit (1992). The MEPCCI preference indicators for coun-
selor sex and ethnicity consisted of two components, a categorical choice
(“same,” “different,” or “does not matter”) and a 5-point scale to indicate the
strength of preference (1 = not important, 5 = very important). An index was
created for each item that reflected not only the basic preference but also the
importance attached to the preference. First, a valence coefficient of –1 was
assigned for the choice of different, +1 for same, and 0 for does not matter.
This coefficient was multiplied by the importance indicator, resulting in an
index that varied from –5 (very important to have a counselor of different eth-
nicity or sex) to 0 (this choice does not matter) to +5 (very important to have a
counselor of the same ethnicity or sex). Pairs of parallel items resulting from
ratings of the two vocational problems and the two personal problems were
then summed to yield an index that ranged from –10 to +10 for ratings of pref-
erence for counselor sex and ethnicity—with separate ratings for vocational
and personal problems. The third MEPCCI preference item asked about
counselor cultural awareness (either through the counselor belonging to the
respondents’ tribal group or having knowledge of the tribal culture). This
preference was scored on a 1 to 5 scale, summed across parallel items in the
two vocational and two personal problems to yield indices that varied from 0
(does not matter) to 10 (cultural awareness is very important). Regarding
counseling style, the choices works with me to determine options and lists
options and lets me decide were both given a valence of +1 because these both
described a fairly nondirective style, whereas tells me what to do was
assigned a valence of –1 to indicate a more directive style. The choice does
not matter was assigned a valence of 0. After multiplying the valence by the
importance attached to this choice (scored on a 1-5 scale) and summed across
the two vocational and two personal hypothetical problems, the resulting
index could range from –10 (strong preference for a directive counseling
style) to 0 (does not matter) to +10 (strong preference for a nondirective
counseling style). Note that assignments of valences were done only in our
statistical analyses, not in the materials presented to respondents.
Our second hypothesis stated that counseling preferences would depend
on whether the hypothetical presenting problem was personal or vocational.
To test both of the first two hypotheses, the four indices described above were
analyzed with a mixed model multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA),
with one between-participants factor (cultural commitment group); a within-
participants factor of problem type (vocational vs. personal); and a second
multivariate within-participants factor of preferences for (a) counselor sex,
(b) counselor ethnicity, (c) counselor cultural awareness, and (d) counselor
directive versus nondirective style. Because there were too few women who
indicated a weak commitment to both cultures (n = 12), they were excluded
from these analyses. Results shown in Table 1 indicate a significant main effect
for the between-participants factor of cultural commitment, F(2, 202) = 7.38,
p < .001, thus providing strong support for our first hypothesis. Results also
show strong support for our second hypothesis in that there was a significant
main effect for vocational versus personal problem type, F(1, 202) = 35.07,
p < .001, and a significant Cultural Commitment ´ Problem Type interaction,
F(2, 202) = 9.37, p < .001.
Univariate follow-up analysis suggested that the nature of the hypotheti-
cal problem was associated with women’s preferences for the sex, ethnicity,
and cultural awareness of their counselors but not counseling style. Compari-
son of the means in Table 1 shown in each pair of rows suggests that for
women with either a strong commitment to Native American culture or to
both cultures, their general preference for a counselor of the same ethnicity
and sex was stronger for a personal problem than for a vocational problem.
Regarding importance placed on cultural awareness, the picture is somewhat
mixed, with women in the “strong both” and “strong Anglo” groups attaching
higher importance to cultural awareness for personal problems than voca-
tional problems, whereas women in the “strong Native American” group
attached somewhat more importance to cultural awareness for vocational
problems. Note that because the ceiling score on this index was 10, these
scores indicate that all three groups had a fairly strong preference for coun-
selors with cultural awareness. Nevertheless, the strength of this preference
did vary depending on cultural commitment groups. All respondents pre-
ferred a nondirective counseling style, and the level of this preference was not
dependent on the nature of the counseling problem.
Scheffe follow-up comparisons between the three cultural commitment
groups are shown in the last column of Table 1. These comparisons suggest
that as hypothesized, preference for a counselor with high cultural awareness
and one of the same sex and ethnicity for personal problems was significantly
higher for women with high commitment to Native American culture or both
cultures, compared to women with a high commitment only to Anglo culture.
Interestingly, for vocational concerns there were also differences, in that
women with high commitment to Native American culture had even stronger
preferences for counselor cultural awareness and ethnicity than women with
TABLE 1: Cultural Commitment and Preference for Counselor Sex, Ethnicity, Cultural Awareness, and Counseling Style (n = 205)
Cultural Commitment
A: Strong B: Strong Native C: Strong
Both (n = 78) American (n = 103) Anglo (n = 24)
Counselor Preference by Problem Type M SD M SD M SD F Group Difference Scheffe Test
a
Preference for sex
Personal 3.10 4.45 4.70 4.69 0.23 0.87 10.96** B, A > C
Vocational 1.89 3.32 1.49 2.60 0.96 1.43 1.57 —
Preference for ethnicityb
Personal 3.89 3.49 4.11 3.77 0.18 0.85 13.86** B, A > C
Vocational 0.04 0.35 1.15 2.28 0.82 1.37 9.80** B>A
Preference for cultural awarenessc
Personal 7.73 1.61 7.74 1.23 6.64 0.95 7.65** A, B > C
Vocational 7.07 1.12 8.06 0.96 6.27 0.94 36.75** B>A>C
Preference for counseling styled
Personal 8.06 2.92 7.30 2.33 8.46 2.15 3.28*
Vocational 8.15 1.96 6.47 2.44 8.27 1.96 14.50** C, A > B
NOTE: Omnibus MANOVA results: Main effect for cultural commitment, F(2, 202) = 7.38, p < .001; main effect for problem type, F(1, 202) = 35.07, p < .001;
Cultural Commitment ´ Problem Type interaction, F(2, 202) = 9.37, p < .001.
a. Scores could range from –10 to +10, with higher scores indicating stronger preference for the same sex of counselor and increasing negative scores indicating
stronger preference for a male counselor. Effect of problem type, F(1, 202) = 9.10, p < .001.
b. Scores could range from –10 to +10, with higher scores indicating stronger preference for the same ethnicity of counselor and increasing negative scores indicat-
ing stronger preference for an Anglo counselor. Effect of problem type, F(1, 202) = 61.69, p < .0001.
c. Scores could range from 0 to +10, with higher scores indicating preference for greater cultural awareness; 0 indicates does not matter. Effect of problem type,
F(1, 202) = 4.47, p < .05.
d. Scores could range from –10 to +10, with higher scores indicating preference for less directive counseling style; 0 indicates does not matter, and increasing nega-
tive scores indicate preference for more directive style. Effect of problem type, F(1, 202) = 1.72, p = ns.
869
*p < .05. **p < .01.

a strong commitment to both cultures. Although all women generally pre-

ferred a nondirective counseling style, women in the two groups with high
commitment to Anglo culture (i.e. “strong both” or “strong Anglo”), com-
pared to the “strong Native American” group, had a significantly higher pref-
erence for a nondirective style when working with vocational problems.
Our hypothesis predicted differences in perceptions of the analogue coun-
selors depending on the cultural commitment of women who read the
vignettes. Specifically, we expected that women with high commitment to
only Native American culture would form the most favorable impressions of
the culturally sensitive Native American counselor. Furthermore, we
expected women with high commitment to only Anglo culture to view the
two Anglo counselors most favorably, regardless of the counselors’ sensitiv-
ity. Each participant rated each counselor for (a) competence, (b) comfort
with the counselor, and (c) willingness to see the counselor. These three items
were summed to produce a single rating for each counselor. The four por-
trayed counselors represented combinations of ethnicity (Anglo vs. Native
American) and two levels of cultural sensitivity (moderately sensitive vs.
fairly insensitive). However, because the high and low sensitivity vignettes
were not identical, data were analyzed for the variable of counselor as a sin-
gle factor with four levels, instead of a 2 ´ 2 (Ethnicity ´ Sensitivity) design.
Thus, the mixed model MANOVA used to test the third hypothesis had one
between-participants factor (cultural commitment group) and only one within-
participants repeated measure (counselor) with four levels. Once again, the
small number of women in the “weak both” cultural commitment category
was excluded from these analyses. Results suggested a significant main
effect for cultural commitment, F(2, 203) = 21.36, p < .001; a significant
main effect for counselor, F(3, 201) = 140.14, p < .0001; and a significant
Cultural Commitment ´ Counselor Interaction, F(6, 404) = 10.78, p < .001.
Support for our hypothesis is evident in the final column of Table 2, which
reports results of planned comparisons in the form of repeated measures
(paired samples) t tests between ratings of each adjacent counselor, presented
separately for each cultural commitment group. For example, the first row
shows that women with a strong commitment to both Anglo and Native
American cultures rated the culturally sensitive Native American counselor
(Counselor C) significantly more favorably than either Counselors A or B,
who, in turn, they rated as both more favorable than Counselor D. The second
row shows that unlike the “strong both” women, the “Native American”
women did make a significant distinction between Counselors A and B.
These women who were strongly committed only to Native American culture
gave significantly more favorable ratings to Counselor A (the Anglo sensitive
counselor) than to Counselor B (the Native American insensitive counselor).
Finally, women who were committed strongly only to Anglo culture did not
TABLE 2: Cultural Commitment and Perceptions of Analogue Counselors Differing in Ethnicity and Cultural Sensitivity (n = 206)
Counselor A Counselor B Counselor C Counselor D

(Anglo, (Native American, (Native American, (Anglo,
sensitive) low sensitivity) sensitive) low sensitivity)
Repeated Measures
Cultural Commitment Group M SD M SD M SD M SD t Test Planned Comparisons
Both 18.68 7.02 19.27 6.13 22.44 4.15 14.82 6.71 C > A, B > D
Native American 18.64 3.17 16.62 5.80 20.60 4.22 7.51 3.98 C>A>B>D
Anglo 22.00 4.66 22.17 4.36 20.67 2.46 10.25 5.57 B, A, C > D
NOTE: Both = strong commitment to both cultures (n = 78); Native American = strong commitment to Native American culture, weak commitment to Anglo cul-
ture (n = 104); Anglo = strong commitment to Anglo culture, weak commitment to Native American culture (n = 24). Omnibus repeated-measures MANOVA
results: Main effect for cultural commitment, F(2, 203) = 21.36, p < .001; main effect for counselor, F(3, 201) = 140.14, p < .0001; Cultural Commitment ´ Coun-
selor Interaction, F(6, 404) = 10.51, p < .0001.
871
distinguish between Counselors A, B, or C—although they rated all three

more favorably than Counselor D. In these rather complex findings, four gen-
eralizations are evident: (a) The insensitive Anglo counselor (Counselor D)
was rated lowest by every group of women; (b) the Native American sensitive
counselor (Counselor C) was rated more favorably than any of the other three
counselors by women in the two cultural commitment groups committed to
Native American culture; (c) women with a high commitment only to Native
American culture were the only group to distinguish between Counselors A
and B, and they clearly preferred the culturally sensitive Anglo counselor
(Counselor A) to the culturally insensitive Native American counselor
(Counselor B); and (d) women in the two groups with commitment to Anglo
culture showed no consistent preference between Counselors A and B, who
differed in both ethnicity and cultural sensitivity.
DISCUSSION
This study explored, among Native American women who differed in

commitment to Native American and Anglo culture, several aspects of their
preferences for counseling and their perceptions of counselors who system-
atically differed in cultural sensitivity and ethnicity. We hoped to identify fac-
tors that would encourage Native American women to seek help from coun-
selors who represented “Anglo” culture (i.e., the dominant culture outside the
reservation) and to continue in counseling rather than dropping out. Spe-
cifically, we explored the hypothesis that women with a strong commitment
to Native American culture would express significantly stronger preferences
than other women for seeing a female Native American counselor who used a
fairly directive counseling style. Second, we hypothesized that these
expressed preferences would be stronger for personal problems than for
vocational problems.
Our hypotheses regarding counselor sex, ethnicity, cultural awareness,
and problem type were supported. However, contrary to expectations based
on previous studies (e.g., Dauphinais et al., 1981), all groups in our study pre-
ferred a generally nondirective counseling style. Perhaps the difference in
our findings was due to differences in our method of describing the counsel-
ing styles (i.e., “tells me what to do” is a fairly stark description of the direc-
tive style). In partial support of our hypothesis, women with a strong commit-
ment to Native American culture expressed the lowest level of preference for
a nondirective style. Although there were differences between groups and
problem type that generally supported our first two hypotheses, it must be
noted that, overall, all groups preferred a counselor of the same sex and eth-
nicity, one who was culturally sensitive, and one who used a style character-
ized by “works with me to determine options” or “lists options and lets me

decide” versus “tells me what to do.” Recall that the 0 point of the scales mea-
suring preference for sex and ethnicity shown in Table 1 represents the point
of makes no difference, with +10 representing the strongest possible prefer-
ence for similar sex or ethnicity and –10 representing the strongest possible
preference for opposite sex or different ethnicity. Thus, because their scores
for counselor sex and ethnicity were close to the 0 point, it appears that
women identified only with Anglo culture did not have strong preferences in
these areas. (Small standard deviations indicate that their near 0 scores did
not result from approximately equal numbers of high and low scores.) The
preferences of the two groups of women identified with Native American
culture (i.e., “strong both” and “strong Native American”) for vocational
problems were only a bit stronger but still not very high (i.e., > 0 but < +2).
However, the means in Table 1 show that for personal problems, women com-
mitted to Native American culture had much higher preferences for female
counselors of the same ethnicity, compared to their preferences if the prob-
lem was vocational or the preferences of women identified with Anglo cul-
ture for either type of problem.
These findings are consistent with studies of college students (Haviland
et al., 1983; Wetsit, 1992) that also found female Native American students
generally preferred female counselors but only for problems of a personal
nature. Our findings are also consistent with other research that found that
higher levels of commitment to Native American culture are associated with
even stronger preferences for a counselor of the same sex (Wetsit, 1992) and
ethnicity (Johnson & Lashley, 1989). Our results for women living on a reser-
vation also match studies of Native American college students that found an
overall preference for counselors of the same ethnicity (BigFoot-Sipes et al.,
1992; Haviland et al., 1983). However, Bennett and BigFoot-Sipes (1991)
found that female students had no strong preference for counselor sex or eth-
nicity match, regardless of problem type or cultural commitment. These con-
flicting results may be due to the specific problem vignettes used in each
study or, alternatively, due to the different geographical locations of the par-
ticipants studied. Respondents in both the Wetsit (1992) and Haviland et al.
(1983) studies were from Montana, whereas participants in the Bennett and
BigFoot-Sipes study were from Oklahoma. It may be that cultural constraints
on Native American women of the Warm Springs Reservation in Oregon
make sharing personal information with a man inappropriate, especially if
that man is not a spouse or a close family member. Further research is needed
to determine which specific variables play a role in gender and ethnicity
preference.
To our knowledge, ours is the only study to date that examined preferences
for counselor style among potential Native American clients living on a res-
ervation. The mean scores on this scale, which could range from –10 to +10,
indicated a strong preference for a nondirective style. Interestingly, women in
the two groups with a strong commitment to Anglo culture had the strongest
preference for a nondirective style. Perhaps, women with strong identifica-
tion only to Native American culture are accepting of a slightly less
nondirective style if it is combined with the nurturance, authority, and exper-
tise expected of a tribal elder (Johnson & Lashley, 1989).
Recall that the scale measuring preference for cultural awareness ranged
from 0 (does not matter) to 10 (strong preference). Means shown in Table 1
for women who identified with Native American culture were all greater than
7 on this scale, indicating that cultural awareness is a very important issue for
them. Unlike preferences for sex and ethnicity, preferences for a culturally
aware counselor were equally high for vocational as well as personal prob-
lems. These findings suggest that cultural awareness and cultural issues are
important in vocational problems as well as in personal problems, particu-
larly for women with a strong identification with Native American culture.
It is interesting to speculate about why the preferences for counselor sex
and ethnicity were apparently stronger for personal problems than vocational
problems. Helms (1995) has argued that an ethnic minority individual’s eth-
nic identity “status” can vary depending on context and environmental influ-
ences. For example, the social contexts of work, school, and family life
involve differing demands to which a person responds with different sets of
culturally relevant attitudes and behaviors. Perhaps participants in our study
believed that a Native American, female, culturally aware counselor would
have the best chance of helping them with the ethnic identity status they
assume in relating to their families. For women in our sample, vocational life
may require competence in, and identification with, the dominant culture to a
far greater extent than family life. Thus, some women may feel that a repre-
sentative of the dominant culture may have special expertise for providing
help with vocational problems. Our findings suggest that cultural awareness
is still important for women seeking help with a vocational problem but that
cultural awareness is even more important when the problem is personal.
Our third hypothesis involved predictions about how differing commit-
ment to Native American and Anglo culture would be associated with per-
ceptions of counselors who varied in cultural sensitivity and ethnicity. We
expected that women with high commitment to only Native American culture
would form the most favorable impressions of the culturally sensitive Native
American counselor (i.e., Counselor C). We expected women with high com-
mitment to only Anglo culture to view the two Anglo counselors (Coun-
selors A and D) most favorably, regardless of the counselors’ sensitivity.
Results partially supported our hypotheses. Perhaps, not surprisingly, the
Anglo counselor who demonstrated cultural insensitivity (i.e., Counselor D)
was rated lowest of all counselors by all three groups. Perhaps, also not sur-
prisingly, the Native American counselor who demonstrated cultural sensi-
tivity (Counselor C) was rated highest by all “both” groups with commitment
to Native American culture. However, comparison of Counselor A, the cul-
turally sensitive Anglo counselor, with Counselor B, the culturally insensi-
tive Native American counselor, is among the most interesting in this study
and has significant implications for counselor training and practice. Women
with a strong commitment to Anglo culture did not distinguish between these
two counselors. However, women with a strong commitment to Native
American culture (and not to Anglo culture) preferred the Anglo culturally
sensitive counselor to the Native American culturally insensitive counselor.
These findings underscore the importance of cultural sensitivity in counsel-
ing practice and suggest that especially for women who strongly value their
tribal culture, seeing a counselor who is sensitive to that culture is more
important to them than seeing a counselor who is a member of the culture but
does not appear to be sensitive to its values.
These findings are consistent with other studies that found both counselor
ethnicity and cultural sensitivity are important factors and interact with one
another as well as client characteristics in determining which counselor
potential clients prefer to see (Bennett & BigFoot-Sipes, 1991; BigFoot-
Sipes et al., 1992; LaFromboise et al., 1990). Perhaps women in our study
with high commitment to Native American culture, based on previous experi-
ence, did not expect much sensitivity from an Anglo counselor. Thus, Coun-
selor A who was Anglo and sensitive may have created a positive dissonance
that enhanced favorable ratings, whereas Counselor B who was Native
American and insensitive may have created negative dissonance by disap-
pointing expectations. The influence of positively or negatively confirmed
expectations on the counseling process might be a fruitful area for further
research.
LaFromboise et al. (1990) developed a five-level model of acculturation
for Native Americans based on varying degrees of cultural commitment and
assimilation. In this model, the traditional level is similar to the “strong
Native American” group in this study, with low commitment to the dominant
culture and strong commitment to Native American culture. The marginal
level corresponds to our “weak both” group, with low commitment to both
cultures. The bicultural level corresponds to our “strong both” group, with a
high commitment to both cultures. The assimilated level corresponds to our
“strong Anglo” group, with low commitment to Native American culture and
strong commitment to Anglo culture. The fifth level, pantraditional, is com-
posed of persons formerly at the assimilated level who seek out their tradi-
tional roots and embrace their tribal heritage. Thus, our “strong both” group
contained women that, according to the LaFromboise et al. model, could be
labeled as either bicultural or pantraditional, depending on the developmen-

tal trajectory they followed to arrive at their commitment to both cultures.
The bicultural versus pantraditional trajectories—as well as the other three
acculturation levels—may have important consequences for counselor pref-
erence that should be investigated in future research.
There are a number of important methodological limitations that should
be noted. Our sample was limited to women on a single reservation, making
generalizability to men or to women on other reservations uncertain. The
self-selected sample was undoubtedly not representative of all women on this
reservation. For example, it is certainly conceivable that those with the stron-
gest negative attitudes toward Anglo culture did not return surveys. However,
this sample may represent women who have at least some favorable disposi-
tion to seek counseling, and it provides a better basis for generalization to
Native Americans living on reservations than previous studies that used col-
lege students as samples of convenience. In addition, all measures were sus-
ceptible to the potential biases of self-report instruments. A threat to con-
struct validity was introduced by the single-item forced-choice method of
designating cultural commitment groups. Although checks supported the
validity of the indicator item, because cultural commitment is a complex con-
struct, this single item provided at best only a rough assessment.
Finally, limitations are introduced by the written counseling vignettes.
The brief exchanges depicted did not provide a very powerful or realistic por-
trayal of actual counseling. On the other hand, they did have the advantage of
not introducing confounds based on the physical attractiveness or vocal
response tone of actors presented on videotape. The written exchanges were
not free of confounds, however, because pairs of vignettes differed in ways
other than cultural sensitivity and ethnicity. For example, Counselor D was
the only counselor depicted confronting a client (about being late), and
Counselor C was the only counselor to speak empathically about family rela-
tionships. Because social desirability bias may be a particular problem in
studies of ethnic minority counselor preferences (Abreu & Gabarain, 2000;
Coleman, Wampold, & Casali, 1995), we chose to present four different
vignettes instead of two pairs of identical vignettes (that varied only by coun-
selor ethnicity) to better mask our research purpose. Although some type of
confound is therefore unavoidable, it is important to note that the differences
in rating counselors in this study may have been due to differences in the
vignettes that were not related to cultural sensitivity or ethnicity.
The advantage of our study is that it is one of the few investigations of
counseling preferences of Native American women living on a reservation
and the only such study we are aware of to assess perceptions of analogue
counselors. Of course, more research of all types is needed to improve coun-
seling services for Native Americans. However, studies of reservation life are
especially needed. The task is particularly difficult, in part, because of the

negative history that many Native Americans have experienced with research
results and government policies that were used to exploit and repress them
(Garrett & Pichette, 2000). The understandable resulting distrust of research-
ers must be overcome, as the first author in this study attempted, through
many hours of patient contacts with tribal leaders, by becoming well-known
in the reservation community, and by making a commitment to be of benefit
to the people instead of only extracting information from them and then leav-
ing—never to be seen again.
If the results of this study are extended and replicated in future research,
further evidence could be marshaled to support conclusions that must remain
tentative for now. It appears that Native American women living on the reser-
vation we studied, like many Native American college students, prefer
female counselors—especially for personal problems. Although they prefer
a counselor matched to their ethnicity, cultural sensitivity appears to be an
overriding factor. Some of our results suggest that counselors representing
the dominant culture may be regarded as competent and may engender will-
ingness of Native American women to see them, if they can demonstrate their
cultural awareness and sensitivity. Interestingly, the acceptability of a cultur-
ally sensitive Anglo counselor appears to be highest for women with a strong
singular identification to Native American culture.
We believe it is important not to overgeneralize these findings to Native
American women who do not live on reservations. One of the many differ-
ences between these groups of women is that information about Anglo cul-
ture is conveyed much more exclusively through media portrayals and
through contact with human resource workers who come to the reservation
for the women we studied, whereas women who live off the reservation
have much more extensive direct contact with Anglo culture. Conversely,
the sources of information about one’s traditional culture are necessarily
more limited for women living off the reservation. Each group experiences
unique stresses and coping advantages (LaFromboise et al., 1994). It remains
uncertain how these differences might influence the counseling preferences
and perceptions of Native American women who live off the reservation.
Our findings suggest that for Native American women who do live on res-
ervations to receive adequate counseling services, it is essential that counsel-
ors have competence in dealing with these individuals. In our study, the
Anglo counselor who evidenced cultural insensitivity was rated far more
negatively than any of the other three counselors. The results of this study
support the need for counselors to receive thorough training about Native
American cultural issues and values to provide competent and ethically
appropriate counseling to this underserved population. Many writers believe
that non–Native American counselors can and should be trained to work
more effectively with Native American clients (e.g., Atkinson, 1994;

LaFromboise & Foster, 1992; LaFromboise & Howard-Pitney, 1995; Sabnani,
Ponterotto, & Borodovsky, 1991). Further research concerning the type of
training necessary will be very important in providing guidance for counsel-
ors who wish to work with this population.
NOTES
1. Because we used a repeated-measures design in which every participant was exposed to

every vignette, we deliberately chose not to present a pair of identical vignettes with moderate
cultural sensitivity and a pair of identical low sensitivity vignettes that varied only with regard to
counselor ethnicity. Of course, the advantage of doing so would have been to create a 2 ´ 2 facto-
rial design with added control for confounds. However, we felt this advantage was outweighed
by the disadvantages of (a) added fatigue and lessened attention as participants read through
pairs of obviously identical transcripts and (b) increased transparency about our research pur-
poses and the resulting greater social desirability bias if respondents saw, quite evidently, that the
only variation in a pair of vignettes was counselor ethnicity.
2. Note that although the vignettes were intended to portray counselors of varying cultural
sensitivity, through an inadvertent error the manipulation check item asked participants to rate a
counselor’s “commitment to Native American culture.” Thus, validity of the manipulation check
depends on participants’ view that cultural sensitivity must necessarily be a component of cul-
tural commitment.
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·
THE
Carter,
COUNSELING
Davis / REORGANIZING
LEGACIES PSYCHOLOGIST
AND DIVISION
TRADITIONS/ November
17FORUM2001
Revitalizing the Division:

The Reorganization of Division 17
Jean A. Carter
Independent Practice, Washington, D.C.
Kathleen L. Davis
University of Tennessee
Between 1992 and 1996, Division 17 of the American Psychological Association (APA)
was reorganized to respond to Executive Board- and member-perceived need for more
active and effective participation in APA and the field of psychology, enhanced member
involvement, and greater responsiveness on matters of concern to counseling psycholo-
gists. This article describes the process of the reorganization, including both docu-
mented historical events and interviews with key participants. It is intended to capture
the historical record and provide insight into the process of the restructuring as well as
the division’s governance and activities.
In the years 1996 to 1997, the American Psychological Association (APA)

celebrated the Golden Anniversary of Divisions. To add to the celebration,
each division was asked to contribute a description of its founding and histor-
ical development. Naomi Meara and Roger Myers authored an excellent
chapter tracing the societal, political, and economic forces that have influ-
enced counseling psychology and the division since its beginning in 1946
(Meara & Myers, 1999). In addition, the 50th anniversary of the Division of
Counseling Psychology (Division 17) was marked by a major reorganization
of the divisional structure, which was begun when President Bruce Fretz
called a special 3-day Executive Board meeting in May 1992 at Solomons
Island, Maryland.
This article describes the process of the reorganization and includes mate-
rial drawn from interviews with key participants as well as a record of histori-
cal events. The interviews give a range of insights and perspectives into the
deliberations and into what the process was like for various leaders who took
part in it. The interviews also provide an in-depth and thorough look at rea-
sons for the reorganization that are often difficult to capture by simply
recounting events. It is hoped that in relating events and participants’ per-
spectives on these events, we can capture the historical record and provide
members with a better understanding of how the division works and how it
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Jean A. Carter, 3 Washington Cir-
cle, Suite 205, Washington, DC 20037; e-mail: JCarterPhD@aol.com.
882
Carter, Davis / REORGANIZING DIVISION 17 883
can be helpful to them in their professional lives. We hope that such an under-
standing will prompt individuals to become more involved in divisional gov-
ernance and activities.
The reorganization of the divisional structure was intended to encourage
more individual members to become active participants in Division 17 and to
enable more effective governance of the division by redistributing many
responsibilities and some authority. It was designed to permit greater respon-
siveness to member needs, to the APA, and to the broader field of psychology
and thus enhance the ability of Division 17 to take a proactive (rather than
reactive) stance on matters that are of concern to counseling psychologists.
The specifics of the reorganized structure are presented in the section titled
“Establishment and Refinement of a Concept” and in Appendix A.
PROLOGUE
The Division of Counseling Psychology (originally the Division of Per-

sonnel and Guidance) was officially organized in 1946, when the divisional
structure was established within the APA. Its early years reflected its roots in
personnel and guidance and in vocational psychology. At that time, counsel-
ing psychology was primarily centered in academic departments, in college
and university counseling center practice, and in the education and training of
those who would pursue similar careers. There was also early interest in the
training of school counselors. The focus was on applications that were educa-
tional, developmental, and preventive (Gelso & Fretz, 1992; Whiteley, 1980).
Over time, however, particularly with the expansion of psychology into the
community and the burgeoning employment opportunities in the private sec-
tor for psychotherapists in the 1970s, the boundaries of counseling psychol-
ogy began to incorporate wider ranges of applied activities. Those changes
created a need for licensure of psychologists who wanted to be providers of
psychological services. With the APA’s urging, state laws began to demand
certifiable credentials for both individual psychologists and the doctoral pro-
grams that trained them (APA, 1987; Wellner, 1978). Thus, counseling psy-
chology was expanding in size, scope, and focus, as the number of accredited
training programs grew and counseling psychology graduates who wanted to
be practitioners also increased. The number of graduates was greater than the
number of jobs in counseling centers and training programs, and many of the
students were interested in various practice settings in the community
(Cameron, Galassi, Birk, & Waggener, 1989). At the same time, again at the
APA’s urging, insurance reimbursement for psychological services was
increasing, providing opportunities for psychologists in independent
practice.
The leaders of Division 17 through the 1970s and 1980s were employed
primarily by universities, and they were concerned that many counseling
psychologists who entered nonacademic practice settings might not be join-
ing or renewing their membership in the division (Huebner & Corazzini,
1984) or might be finding professional homes in other APA divisions (APA
Membership Services, personal communication, August 1994). However,
because counseling psychology reflects a distinctive perspective (Gelso &
Fretz, 1992), many of the counseling psychologists who identified with other
groups also continued to identify with the specialty (APA Membership Ser-
vices, personal communication, August 1994).
Division 17 responded to the expansion of members’interests by develop-
ing a proliferation of committees (e.g., Committee on Women, Committee on
Ethnic and Racial Diversity, Committee on Independent Practice) and numer-
ous special interest groups (SIGs). At the same time, the division maintained
the established traditional committees (e.g., Education and Training, Fellow-
ship, Membership, Professional Affairs, Program, Scientific Affairs) that
reflected divisional and APA interests. By 1990, there were 13 committees
and 20 SIGs, with the president monitoring these many groups and their
activities while simultaneously attempting to follow (and, in some cases, pro-
vide leadership for) developments at the national level. The president made
all committee appointments. The activities of the committees varied accord-
ing to the chairperson, and the involvement of members beyond the chair
largely depended on the effectiveness of the chair, who was usually in that
position for only 1 year.
The governance of the division had become sprawling and unwieldy, and
the ability of the division to be both attentive and responsive to the needs of
members and to issues of the association and the field was severely ham-
pered. Presidents of the division, burdened as they were by the organizational
structure and the demand to know about and attend to a tremendous range of
issues, continued to raise concerns about this structure, about the division’s
goals and responsibilities, and about how possible changes in the organiza-
tion might allow for more rapid and effective responding.
Concerned about the proliferation of committees, the need to increase
member involvement, and the need to move out of provincialism (e.g., focus
on counseling psychology identity issues), Presidents Naomi Meara (1988-
1989) and Michael Patton (1990-1991) engaged in a process of exploration
and consideration of mechanisms for improving the functioning of the divi-
sion. But, the roots of such exploration began much earlier, with President
Don Blocher’s appointment in 1981 of Tom Magoon, Lyle Schmidt, and
Naomi Meara to an ad hoc Committee on Structure and Function.
Naomi Meara (president, 1988-1989) recalls,
Don [Blocher] was concerned that there were a number of issues, particularly
practice issues, on which we were not current because our style was laid back,
if not somewhat disorganized, and he thought we could benefit if we looked at
how things operated. We quickly became aware of several systemic factors—
we were a volunteer organization with no central office, all of our workers were
dispersed, and we had high turnover in leadership positions. We thought we
needed to look at better internal organization and we needed to recognize our
members and highlight their contributions. We made a list of suggestions, and
at Don’s invitation we went to the 1981 midyear meeting. Our report led to the
development of a handbook, containing the bylaws, which described each offi-
cer’s and committee chair’s responsibilities and other matters pertaining to the
structure and function of the division. In addition, we suggested having an
agenda book in advance of each meeting, an awards ceremony at the business
meeting, and so forth. These changes enabled the Executive Board to have
more organization and focus at its meetings.
Naomi Meara continues,
When I became president-elect in 1987, I began to revise the Division 17 pro-

cedural handbook. It had not been revised since Mary Sue Richardson orga-
nized it during Don Blocher’s term. In updating this document, I was struck by
the fact that whenever there was an issue, the division appointed a committee,
and often it was an ad hoc committee that turned into a standing committee. It
became apparent to me that we had three kinds of groups functioning like com-
mittees [those associated with annual events (e.g., Awards, Convention Pro-
gram, Fellowship, Nominations), special groups (e.g., Cultural and Ethnic
Diversity, New Professionals, Private Practice, Special Interest Groups,
Women), and traditional activities (Education and Training, Professional
Affairs, Scientific Affairs) of the division] . . . and it seemed to me at that time
that we needed a structure that would better reflect those functions. The other
thing I noticed was that everything went through the president! As the organi-
zation became larger and more complex and we kept adding more committees,
not only did we not have room on the letterhead, no one person could keep track
of it, particularly since we were volunteers. So, I felt that we should have an
organization with more people on the Executive Committee who knew in depth
what these committees and special interest groups were doing.
So, I formed a planning committee, which was a subset of the Executive
Committee. We came in early to the 1988 midyear meeting and talked about the
different structure and functions of different kinds of committees. It so hap-
pened at that midyear meeting, which was held in Washington, DC, that Bruce
Fretz, then editor of The Counseling Psychologist (TCP), came to a number of
our sessions, and one of the things he said he wanted to attend was the discus-
sion on structure and function. He felt that reorganization was very important,
and he made it a high priority when he was president (1991-1992).
Several years before Bruce Fretz’s presidency, the Organizational and

Political Issues Group at the Third National Conference for Counseling Psy-
chology (a.k.a., Georgia Conference) recommended establishing “a
reorganizational task force to examine structured, representational, and man-
agement problems of the division” (Brammer et al., 1988, p. 414). The group
also discussed several alternatives to increase the participation of
underrepresented and underserved groups in the divisional structure.
During the Georgia Conference in April 1987, President-elect Jim Hurst
(president, 1987-1988, and APA council representative, 1992-1995 and 1996-
1999) introduced his proposal for 10 regional conferences. Jim comments,
I was beginning to worry about the vibrancy of the division during the time that
I was president. My presidential initiative of the regional conferences was an
attempt to address some of the same issues that the reorganization targeted.
What I saw was that there was only modest opportunity for involvement in the
division, mostly along interest lines.
Jim Hurst, who was also a participant at Solomons Island, continues,
What were the factors that motivated those of us to want to take a look at
restructuring? They were the lack of member involvement, the lack of opportu-
nities for involvement, the lack of shared and decentralized responsibility, and
the centralization of too much responsibility in the president. I think that the
organization that existed 10 years ago was not serving the profession and dis-
cipline of counseling psychology like it needed to be. These factors were an
impetus for what led to the Solomons Island retreat and the return to a set of
values—that was like going back to bedrock.
FOCUS ON THE ORGANIZATION
Under President Bruce Fretz (1991-1992), the attention to divisional

structure and the challenge to be responsive to the changing needs of counsel-
ing psychologists became explicit and focused. Bruce’s midyear meeting
began with a brainstorming session to identify themes for the division and its
members, action goals to address those themes, potential divisional struc-
tures that would allow those goals to be accomplished, and obstacles to effec-
tive implementation. He asked the Executive Board members to think about
the future, specifically, “What would counseling psychology be like in the
next century?” Each person listed three “visions,” which were then taped to
the walls of the room. Linda Brooks, at that time a member-at-large, remem-
bers a lot of newsprint around the room, the result of a very productive group
looking at its own future. The visions then were grouped and classified. The
themes identified by the board included (a) active involvement in training; (b)
definition and implementation of the scientist-practitioner model; (c) atten-
tion to diversified roles and diversity among members; (d) professional
development; (e) structure and functions of Division 17; and (f) proactive,
political, and collegial relations (APA Division 17, 1993, p. 174). According
to the minutes of the 1992 midyear meeting,
Many of our desires for the future pertain to being active, intentional, and
proactive. . . . As in the past, our history has reflected growth and development.
The changing times may necessitate additional strategic planning and goal set-
ting. . . . Finally the discussion touched on power and the ability to control one’s
future and destiny. (APA Division 17, 1993, p. 174)
Although this exploration generated energy and enthusiasm for the division’s
potential, it also highlighted the frustration and roadblocks each president
and board had faced.
As the board moved to a discussion of the implementation phase of long-
range planning, it was clear that the most central issues were the structure and
function of Division 17, the need for strategic planning, the development of
both long-range and action goals, and the establishment of a mission state-
ment. The board concluded that “the action goals may or may not include
establishing a different divisional structure to reach those goals” (APA Divi-
sion 17, 1993, p. 174).
There were various options considered for addressing these issues. These
options included an ad hoc committee composed of past division leaders, a
committee representing various sectors of the membership, or a subcommit-
tee of the board. Finally, it was decided that these matters were of sufficient
import and magnitude that the members of the Executive Board should be the
ones responsible for conducting an in-depth evaluation of the future of the
division. Consequently, a planning retreat of the entire Executive Board was
scheduled for May 1992, at Solomons Island in Maryland. Puncky Heppner
and Jean Carter were appointed to serve as the agenda-planning team for the
retreat, with Jan Birk (president-elect) carrying the administrative responsi-
bility. This planning retreat began a complicated process that involved exten-
sive work on the part of a number of subsequent presidents and their Execu-
tive Boards who shared the responsibility for the implementation of the
reorganization plan.
PLANNING THE RETREAT
Jean Carter (member-at-large, 1991-1994) recalls,

Puncky and I agreed to undertake the planning of the agenda, and very soon it
dawned on us that we had accepted a huge job, as the success of the retreat
would depend on the agenda. We began a series of regular phone consultations
and, in mid-April, agreed to combine an agenda-planning meeting with the
PIPS [Project to Integrate Practice and Science] meeting that was already
scheduled for Madison, Wisconsin. We met in the airport in St. Louis and
began working even on the plane to Madison. We allowed an extra day for the
agenda planning and used every minute of it. We took full advantage of the
face-to-face meeting time and spent a full day working, thinking, and talking.
While talking through the issues, we realized that the structure would need to
change and that it would help the board in its retreat to have something to react
to, rather than having to start from scratch. So, we began designing structures,
organized in different ways to address different problems. The ideas came
quickly, but as we tried to draw the organizational structures—the way the dif-
ferent parts would relate to each other—too often it could not be done. And we
knew that if we could not draw it, it would not work so those ideas were
discarded.
Following the Madison meeting, many hours were spent developing drafts
of potential structures and other materials for the Executive Board’s reactions.
Our goals were to provide written materials and other supplies (e.g., portable
copy machine) that would enhance productivity.
As Puncky Heppner (secretary, 1990-1993) remembers,
I remember as Jean and I began talking and preparing the agenda for the retreat,
it hit us how significant and complex the problems were and subsequently the
complexity of planning the retreat. After considerable discussion, it occurred
to us that we would have to structure the retreat so as to facilitate discussion of
all of the issues within the group, as well as promote creative problem solving
to address the complexity and interrelationships within the issues. As we pro-
gressed in our planning, it also become clear to us that the problems facing the
division could not be handled with minor changes. In contrast, it seemed to us
that a major reorganization of the division was needed, but we did not know
whether others would agree with what seemed like our radical conclusion. In
retrospect, it is kind of funny for the two of us who were barely 40 to even con-
template a reorganization of the magnitude we envisioned as necessary. We
were so lucky to have the board we had at that time . . . knowledgeable of the
division, cooperative, good-spirited, supportive, and forward looking with a
strong desire to make things better, which included a willingness to take some
risks. It was a good thing we did not have an outside consultant (as was origi-
nally suggested), as the board members really knew the issues, the needs, the
problems, history, and the personalities.
CORNERSTONE OF A VISION
In May 1992, the members of the Executive Board (Bruce Fretz, president;
Jan Birk, president-elect; Mike Patton, past-president; Puncky Heppner, sec-
retary; Kathy Davis, treasurer; Jo-Ida Hansen, Jim Hurst, and Helen Roehlke,
APA council representatives; and Linda Brooks, Jean Carter, and Chris
Courtois, members-at-large) arrived at Solomons Island to begin long-range
planning for the division. Everything was open to question, and new ideas
were to be proposed regarding the structure, function, and operation of the
division. A retreat provided the Executive Board with the opportunity to be
creative and the time to address issues in depth, a luxury rarely experienced
during the annual, regularly scheduled midyear or the APA convention meet-
ings. New and bold ideas were encouraged to be the norm rather than the
exception.
Board members started the retreat with different ideas about what was to
occur and what the outcome might be. Chris Courtois remembers having
been frustrated with the general conservatism of the Executive Board for a
number of years, but she felt these board members realized things needed to
change. The recognition and acceptance of divisional reorganization as the
outcome occurred at different times for each participant. Jim Hurst was look-
ing for a paradigm shift and admitted to sometimes feeling impatient with the
slow progress. Mike Patton recalls originally thinking that the focus of the
retreat was to be on strategic planning but realizing, by the 2nd day, that the
agenda had become a reorganization of the whole division. Jo-Ida Hansen,
who frequently admits to disliking change, was worried that the elimination
of numerous committees would result in fewer opportunities for members to
contribute their energies to the division. As a result, she questioned how some
of the more radical changes would be implemented and the impact the
changes would have on the membership-at-large. Even Bruce Fretz, whose
ideas began this process, did not fully realize the extent of what had been
accomplished until after returning home. So, what happened at Solomons
Island that fostered such sweeping changes?
After gathering on Saturday afternoon, the hard work began with a discus-
sion of the definition of counseling psychology, work on a mission statement
for the division, the problems and needs of members, and the functions
implied by the mission statement and member needs. Several major themes
emerged: (a) how to generate more interest in the division and opportunities
for involvement by people from various work settings and ethnic, gender, and
racial groups; (b) how to enhance the division’s ability to be more responsive
and more proactive in the field, profession, and in APA; and (c) how to facili-
tate the organization’s administrative functioning. The group quickly real-
ized that the current organization of the division did not provide an effective
structure and by Sunday morning was already prepared to move into small
groups to develop potential structures for the division.
The openness and willingness of all members to explore alternatives and
engage in constructive criticism led to a cohesiveness that would be difficult
to emulate. One thing that stands out for Helen Roehlke was the working
spirit of the group; it was “a shared venture . . . a meeting of the minds.” How-
ever, that does not mean there was agreement on everything. For example,
Linda Brooks remembers being disgruntled that the board was spending so
much time on the details of reorganization and had not specifically identified
the goals or mission. Although the agreed upon values were reflected in the
reorganization plans, there was no clear picture of where we were going in the
whole process. To contribute collaboratively and reduce her concerns, Linda
volunteered to take the major responsibility for summarizing the themes,
issues, and goals and for writing a mission statement.
As Jim Hurst remembers,
I cannot remember anyone there who was casting cold water on ideas that
emerged. . . . Steps were taken to release ourselves from the burden of our past
structures . . . to free ourselves from how we had done things for so many years
and to envision what we wanted to happen in the future. I think that Bruce set
the parameters that way, and then, very frankly, the group worked together
superbly. There was a combination of thinkers there, ranging from those who
were able to articulate the vision, those who were able to restate and summarize
these visions, and those who were able to provide a foundation of reality. . . .
My own view is that there was an excellent chemistry that emerged. The mem-
bership of the division deserves credit for selecting those who provided leader-
ship for these transitions.
All 11 people present at the Solomons Island retreat shared the essential
values and goals for the division; however, several concerns were raised. One
was that officers in the division needed support for professional services,
such as copying, typing, and mailing. Individuals in independent practice
were typically disadvantaged in this regard, and in addition, such support was
becoming increasingly limited for those in academic and other organiza-
tional settings. Thus, to facilitate the involvement by a wider range of mem-
bers, the board considered the need to provide secretarial assistance for offi-
cers. Engaging a professional executive office to perform a variety of
necessary functions for the division was one of the options explored.
Another concern focused on how to enable the division to become more
proactive in policy development both in the profession and in APA. One
option discussed was to expand the responsibilities and duties of the mem-
bers-at-large. Although assigned by the president to significant projects from
time to time, and often consulted about matters of policy, the duties of the
members-at-large were not as well-defined as those of the other Executive
Board members. This sometimes led to differences in expectations about
responsibilities and contributions to the functioning of the division. Another
hindrance to proactive policy development and communication was that
committee chairs were appointed to their positions for 1 year, so there was an
annual turnover in Division 17 representation to and communication with the
major APA boards and committees (e.g., Education and Training Board,
Board of Scientific Affairs, Board of Professional Affairs) and thus a lack of
continuity in divisional plans and projects in these important areas. So, the
members-at-large who could provide continuity were not involved in a
hands-on manner in important activities, and those who were involved (i.e.,
the committee chairs) served for a short time and often were not present dur-
ing Executive Board deliberations. Thus, it became clear that the organiza-
tion of the division at that time did not provide a structure that was conducive
to long-range planning, coherent leadership, or a proactive agenda.
After the 1st day, Jean Carter and Puncky Heppner evaluated what had
happened and what was decided and established a structure for the 2nd day.
In midmorning, the board members were asked to break into three work
groups identified by Puncky and Jean. Each group was charged with develop-
ing a tentative organizational mode—including a written organizational plan
and the underlying assumptions or values that were used to develop the pro-
posed structure to facilitate attaining the goals that had been discussed.
Each group came back to the meeting room with different, but not entirely
dissimilar, plans for restructuring the division. Each plan was presented and
discussed; then the board broke for lunch with an assignment: “Think about
the implications of each group’s proposal. Use this time to reflect and feel; try
to see proposals from different perspectives.”
Questions were raised about each of the proposals; most of the questions
reflected concerns about how the goals that had been identified earlier in the
process would be met within a specific structure or entity in the reorganiza-
tion plan. For example, a recurrent value was the importance of having
greater opportunity for suggestions and actions generated from the members,
as well as enhanced ability for the Executive Board to initiate action. There
was concern that the division had been merely responding in a reactive and
top-down manner to the initiatives of APA instead of representing the mem-
bership and implementing what they would like to have happen. To ensure
that both top-down and bottom-up strategies were included in division gover-
nance, Mike Patton suggested semiautonomous sections for the division (see
Appendix B).
The creation of four vice presidents, corresponding to the directorates in
APA, was an attempt to reduce the workload for the president and empower
more individuals to initiate actions relevant to the promotion of the counsel-
ing psychology agenda. These vice presidents, with their expertise in one of
the four areas (professional practice, science, education and training, public
interest and diversity), would be in a better position to evaluate proposals and
make recommendations about policies and procedures. Their activities

would enhance the proactive involvement of counseling psychology. The
domain titles of the vice presidents were thought through very carefully, with
an eye toward creating positions that would adequately capture the spirit of
counseling psychology. Thus, it was important to the board to include the
notion of both public interest and diversity, to embrace both education and
training, and to not limit practice to independent practice but to include the
entire professional practice arena.
The goals of open participation and shared governance, as well as the
capacity of the division to engage in significant action on behalf of counsel-
ing psychology in a targeted and timely way, received careful attention and
consumed a great deal of the board’s time and energy. The result of this effort
was a mixture of board-initiated and member-initiated groups, with varying
degrees of autonomy, responsibility, and “shelf life.” The combination of
member groups (i.e., sections and SIGs) and board-appointed groups (i.e.,
special task groups [STGs], advisory councils, and administrative commit-
tees) was intended to provide flexibility in the division’s capacity to respond
and initiate. The final reorganizational chart reflects these intentions (see
Appendix A).
The board left Solomons Island with a concept and an outline of a new
structure for the division. Chris Courtois remembers, there was also “a strong
consensus that we would go about restructuring in a very systematic way and
that we would do quite a bit to keep the entire membership informed as to our
rationale, plan, timetable, et cetera.” The next steps would entail having the
membership review the proposed structure, suggest necessary changes, sup-
port the final consensus, and then engage in the process of implementing it.
The board members were hopeful that the rest of the membership would
come to the same conclusions that they had: Things had to change within
the division for it to remain a vital and contributing organization within the
profession of psychology in general and within counseling psychology in
particular.
ESTABLISHMENT AND
REFINEMENT OF A CONCEPT
The results of the June 1992 Executive Board elections ensured some con-
tinuity and some “new blood.” Linda Brooks and Jo-Ida Hansen returned to
the Executive Board as the newly elected treasurer and president-elect,
respectively. Lucia Gilbert, council representative, and Jim Spivack, mem-
ber-at-large, added different perspectives that were independent of those dis-
cussed at Solomons Island.
In the fall, a special mailing describing the reorganization plan was sent to
the members. President Jan Birk asked for and received comments and reac-
tions to the proposed plan from approximately 50 members. Jan remembers
that most were positive and supportive of the Executive Board’s work. Other
members asked penetrating questions and offered suggestions. This feed-
back from the members was used to revise the original proposal during the
midyear meeting. To provide the time necessary to adequately address the
multitude of issues presented by the proposed reorganization before taking it
to the membership for a vote, President Birk extended the midyear meeting
by 1 day.
Looking back, Jan Birk (president, 1992-1993) recalls
that the process of putting the plan to paper required an incredible amount of
time and work by the members of the Executive Board(s) and they went
through the process admirably—in a style marked by utmost collaboration and
equanimity. When you consider the stress we were under to develop the plan,
solicit members’ input, fine tune the plan, and then effect approval of the rele-
vant bylaw changes, it was to everyone’s credit that our friendships not only
endured but solidified.
The following mission statement was printed in the Spring 1993 issue of
the Division 17 Newsletter. The points in the Statement reflect the values
shared at Solomons Island that gave form to the reorganization plan.
MISSION STATEMENT OF DIVISION 17
The Division of Counseling Psychology (17) of the American Psychological

Association is an organization that promotes the science and practice of coun-
seling psychology through a broad array of professional goals and activities.
Specifically, the mission of the Division is to:
· Continue to define and promote the specialty of counseling psychology as the

science and profession of psychology evolve and social issues change.
· Bring together psychologists who specialize and/or have an interest in counsel-
ing psychology.
· Advocate for counseling psychology within the field of psychology and in the
public sphere, and provide leadership in all issues pertaining to the well-being
and growth of counseling psychology.
· Support, encourage, and promote diversity of member characteristics, work
settings, roles and activities.
· Promote the integration of science and practice and further evaluative, scien-
tific, and applied activities in counseling psychology.
· Define, promote, and support the education and training of counseling psy-
chologists throughout the professional life span.
· Establish and maintain standards of professional service offered by counseling
psychologists.
· Promote the application of counseling psychology in the public interest.
(“Mission Statement,” 1993, p. 1)
In addition, the newsletter (“Position Descriptions,” 1993) contained posi-

tion descriptions for the newly created vice presidents; definitions and guide-
lines for sections, SIGs, and STGs; and the proposed changes to the bylaws.
The bylaws were to be voted on at the division’s business meeting during the
next APA convention. In May 1993, a subcommittee of the Executive Board
(Jan Birk, Jean Carter, Bruce Fretz, Jim Spivack, and Jo-Ida Hansen) met in
Washington, D.C., to craft the proposal, which would be voted on at the
annual business meeting in Toronto. In addition, the subcommittee discussed
possible scenarios of the transition process if the membership voted to go for-
ward with the reorganization. All committee chairs and chair-designates
were contacted for their assessment of the future of their committees, includ-
ing time lines for completion of tasks and sunsetting for transformation into
sections. Some committee chairs were uncertain as to how the new structure
would affect their committee and naturally were reluctant to commit to such a
drastic and unpredictable change. It took a lot of time and effort on the part of
President-elect Jo-Ida Hansen to persuade some committee chairs or chair-
designates to develop a preparatory plan if reorganization were approved;
however, as usual, in the end, everyone engaged in the difficult work at hand.
A number of committees thought they could transfer their functions very
quickly, whereas others thought it would take 2 years to make the transition.
To facilitate understanding among the members attending the division’s
business meeting at the 1993 APA convention in Toronto, the Executive
Board held an open meeting at which a few of the board members made short
presentations about the reorganization and answered questions. This meeting
was well attended, and excellent questions were posed and answered. Many
concerns were related to how the new structure would respond to the issues
identified by the Executive Board: more inclusiveness and involvement of
counseling psychologists, greater receptivity and implementation of mem-
bers’ views and ideas, and more promotion of a proactive agenda.
At the business meeting, the proposed bylaw changes necessary to begin
the transition to the new structure received almost unanimous approval by the
membership. The lone negative voter stated that she voted against the new
structure, not because she had any strong objections, but because she did not
think anything this important should be passed unanimously.
TRANSITION FOR CHANGE
The Executive Board now had the mandate to begin the arduous work of
implementing the new structure. Not many on the board realized the amount
of time, planning, and creative problem solving such a transition would
require. The new president, Jo-Ida Hansen, was ideal for the job, as she is a
very organized and detailed-oriented person—exactly what was needed at
this stage.
She recalls, “The huge task of implementation was very difficult, and it
matched what I expected. At the same time, I really appreciated the members’
ability to transcend personal agendas and compromise for the good of the
division.”
As Jo-Ida wrote in her fall President’s column (Hansen, 1993), “The two
most dramatic changes, perhaps, include (a) the expansion of our member-at-
large positions from three to four and their conversion to vice presidents, and
(b) the creation of Sections for the Division” (p. 1). Fortunately, in the 1991,
1992, and 1993 elections, the membership, in its wisdom, had elected three
members-at-large who had definite interests and expertise in three of the four
vice presidential areas: Rosie Bingham became vice president for diversity
and public interest; Jean Carter, vice president for professional practice; and
Jim Spivack, vice president for education and training. What to do about the
fourth vice president?
Because the necessary bylaw changes for the reorganization had not been
approved by the membership prior to the election of new officers (which
occurs routinely in the late spring), no slate for vice president for science had
been presented to the members. As a result, there was no one elected to
assume this key position after the reorganization plan was approved in
August 1993. At the same time, many scientists were feeling disenfranchised
and ignored by APA and had diverted their energies and professional affilia-
tions to the American Psychology Society. The Executive Board thought it
was crucial that the division retain its scientific base if we were to maintain
our identity as a scientist-practitioner specialty. A number of members who
had made numerous scholarly contributions were identified, and it was
decided that Jo-Ida Hansen would first ask Mike Patton to be the vice presi-
dent for scientific affairs. He agreed to serve, but there was a conflict with the
Division’s Bylaws, which allow past presidents only to be elected and serve
as a representative to APA Council. After consulting with the APA legal
counsel, it was decided that Mike would be able to act in the capacity of vice
president for scientific affairs if he were called coordinator of the science vice
presidency. An election for the newly created position of vice president for
scientific affairs would occur the following spring; however, it was critical to
have someone in the position during this 1st year of transition.
Using the new structure, Jo-Ida Hansen created 13 STGs, usually com-
posed of three members of the Executive Board. These STGs were to help
address the transition and promote the underlying values in the mission state-
ment. Examples of the STGs were the Finance Committee Proposal STG (to
consider a new committee in the structure), the Membership Categories Pro-
posal STG (to examine the possibility of including people as division mem-
bers who are not members of APA), the Fellowship Criteria Proposal STG (to
develop new criteria that were more inclusive of the membership, not only the
scientists who published), and a number of STGs labeled Section-Formation
Working Groups. These latter STGs included, but were not limited to, Section
Finances, Section Membership, Section Organizational/Governance Struc-
ture, Section Division Support/Privileges, and Section Project Autonomy.
Every board member was on at least 2 STGs, and some members were on
more.
In accordance with the new structure and the goal to have more involve-
ment by members in the functions of the division, each of the vice presidents
was to have an advisory council. So, the new vice presidents, including the
coordinator of the science vice presidency, were asked to submit names for
the three positions on their advisory councils.
In January 1994, four agenda books arrived at every board member’s
office or home along with a very detailed time line for the 4 days (half days on
Thursday and Sunday) of the midyear meeting in Tampa. Everyone there
remembers certain highlights of the meeting, including the long hours for
meetings, the unbelievable amount of work accomplished, the imperative
break in the middle of the day for recuperation, Jo-Ida Hansen losing her
voice, the late dinners, and Jean Carter’s cookies. Others recall extensive dis-
cussions about specific issues. The two biggest organizational changes—
vice presidents and sections—required the most discussion, planning, and
problem solving. And not surprisingly, the issues were autonomy, responsi-
bility, and accountability.
There was considerable intense debate about the vice presidents’roles and
the extent to which they should operate autonomously in their areas of exper-
tise versus having the president or board sign off on their activities. Related to
this debate was a potential change in budgeting; should or could the vice pres-
idents be given discretionary budgets to better enable them to provide a
strong voice for counseling psychology and to respond rapidly in initiating
projects or attending important meetings or conferences? It was decided to
provide each vice president a budget. However, issues related to autonomy
continued to develop and to be debated.
There was a long discussion about section autonomy. Most board mem-
bers wanted to give the sections as much autonomy as possible, whereas
some voiced the fear that without sufficient restrictions and accountability,
the sections could cause legal difficulties for the division. The results of these
discussions and the STG reports and decisions related to sections were com-
piled by Linda Forrest and Mike Patton and presented as “Guidelines for the
Governance and Operation of Sections” (also known as Section Guidelines)
at the next Executive Board meeting at the APA convention. By the 1994 con-
vention, 6 months later, the board had the fifth draft of these guidelines. After
Mike Patton’s 1-year term as the science coordinator ended, Linda Forrest
was given major responsibility for compiling the Section Guidelines. Little
did anyone know that there would be seven additional drafts before the guide-
lines were sent to the APA legal counsel for review in April 1995. Some of the
impetus for the multiple drafts arose out of a need for very detailed informa-
tion on how to form a section or SIG, how a section or SIG would govern
itself, and how each would relate to the division. Although the general guide-
lines in the newsletter (“President’s Column,” 1993) were followed, each
revision of the Section Guidelines raised a number of questions or issues that
then had to be clarified and made consistent with other parts of the guidelines.
The Section Guidelines were finally renamed “Rules and Procedures for the
Formation, Governance, and Operation of Sections” following the advice of
APA legal counsel in 1995.
Also at the 1994 midyear meeting, a discussion ensued that led to a minor
change from the original reorganization plan; rather than selecting one of the
four vice presidents for administrative reporting and information exchange
purposes, sections would report to the Executive Board. This change came as
a response to concerns raised by the groups that were asking to become sec-
tions. To them, reporting to only one vice president implied that they
“belonged” in that area, and many viewed their roles and goals to be congru-
ent with more than one vice president’s area. Although the intent had been an
administrative line only, a change was needed. This, of course, required yet
another change in the Section Guidelines.
Some of the standing committees were to be sunsetted at the 1994 APA
convention in August, 1 year after passage of the reorganization plan, and
they were eager to become sections or at least operate as sections-in-forma-
tion during the following year. Already, as of February 1994 at the midyear
meeting, three groups had their petitions approved to become sections-in-
formation. Two (Lesbian, Gay and Bisexual Awareness and Women) had
been standing committees, and one (Health) was a newly developed group.
Two others (Independent Practice, a former standing committee, and Voca-
tional Behavior and Career Development, a former SIG) were granted status
as sections-in-formation at the convention meeting. At the following midyear

meeting in January 1995, another standing committee, Ethnic and Racial
Diversity, was granted section-in-formation status.
Despite the initial apparent success, there were many complex issues and
details to address as both the board and the members attempted to work with
the new structure. There were misunderstandings. One committee thought it
was to be sunsetted in 2 years rather than 1. One section-in-formation real-
ized that it was going to take the board a very long time to develop the Section
Guidelines and decided to wait until the final version was approved before
continuing its progress toward “sectionhood.” Another section-in-formation
submitted bylaws that had to be revised a number of times to reflect each new
change in the Section Guidelines. Some SIGs under the old structure were
uncertain as to whether to remain a SIG or become a section (see Appendix B
for a description of sections and SIGs). The advantages and differences in
functions were not clearly understood or consistent; complete and definitive
information was difficult to obtain. It was a learning and, at times, a frustrat-
ing process for many people in the division.
The Guidelines for Special Interest Groups were similar to the Section
Guidelines and were developed primarily after the multiple revisions of the
Section Guidelines. Many of the SIGs in the old structure wished to remain
SIGs in the new.
Sections and SIGs also could have conventions or workshops to increase
members’ awareness of new developments or emerging issues in the field.
The procedures and guidelines for the development and promotion of confer-
ences and workshops were described in yet another document, Guidelines for
Regional Workshops and Conferences.
At the August 1995 outgoing meeting of the Executive Board, the May 19,
1995 version of the Rules and Procedures for the Formation, Governance,
and Operation of Sections was approved. At the same meeting, the Guide-
lines for Division 17 Conferences and Regional Workshops (dated February
1995) were approved. The Rules and Procedures for the Formation, Opera-
tion, and Governance of Special Interest Groups were approved at the 1996
midyear meeting the following February.
In addition to creating various rules and procedure documents, the Divi-
sion 17 bylaws needed to be revised to reflect all the changes associated with
reorganization and other changes directed toward having more members
involved in contributing to the functioning of the division. Not only did the
board need to be aware of the major changes needed to accurately describe
changes in procedures and positions (officers, committees and their chairs,
etc.), but the bylaws had to be in compliance with the Association’s Bylaws
and Rules. During 1993 to 1995, as the board was working on changes in the
division’s bylaws, the APA was proposing changes in the Association’s

Bylaws, many of which affected divisions. Although divisions were being
given more autonomy, they were required to be more accountable for compli-
ance with APA Bylaws, Association Rules, and current policies (e.g.,
DeLeon, 1996).
THE NEW STRUCTURE TAKES OFF
In August 1994, Jean Carter (professional practice) and Jim Lichtenberg

(scientific affairs) became the first two counseling psychologists officially
elected as vice presidents in Division 17. Consistent with all terms of office
for the Executive Board, each vice president would serve for 3 years. Jim
Spivack and Rosie Bingham, originally elected members-at-large, remained
as vice presidents of education and training and diversity and public interest,
respectively. By now, the president was relying on the vice presidents for
their expertise and knowledge of issues that potentially could affect counsel-
ing psychologists. The vice presidents initiated projects and responded to
requests from the president as well as the APA Directorates. In addition, the
vice presidents were working together on issues that crossed areas (e.g., post-
doctoral accreditation, specialization, prescription privileges, and violence
in society). The division was able to respond more appropriately and quickly
to issues and requests from a number of organizations, including APA.
The Executive Board that met for the 1995 midyear meeting had four
members who had been at Solomons Island (Kathy Davis, president; Jo-Ida
Hansen, past president; Linda Brooks, treasurer; and Jean Carter, vice presi-
dent for professional practice), six members who had been working on the
details of reorganization for 18 months or more (Linda Forrest, secretary;
Rosie Bingham, vice president for diversity and public interest; Jim Spivack,
vice president for education and training; John Alcorn, Lucia Gilbert, and
Melba Vasquez, APA council representatives), and two who were propelled
into the process at the 1994 convention (Dorothy Nevill, president-elect, and
Jim Lichtenberg, vice president for scientific affairs). Although committed to
completing the reorganization, the details involved in doing so were formida-
ble and time consuming. Because reorganization had consumed the lives of
many board members for a long time, most members were eager to address
other issues affecting the specialty.
Kathy Davis began the midyear meeting with yet another strategic plan-
ning session; this time the purpose was to (a) identify the opportunities and
threats the division needed to address in the next decade, (b) determine if and
how the reorganization was helping the division attain its goals and purposes,
and (c) reinvigorate the group and regain some energy for the final push while
reminding the board of the initial reasons for reorganization. The bylaws
were to be revised, sent to APA legal counsel for review, and voted on by the
membership at the annual business meeting during the 1995 APA
convention.
In addition to the changes associated with reorganization, a new member-
ship category, “Professional Affiliate,” was being proposed for those who
identified themselves as counseling psychologists or were affiliated with the
specialty but who were not members of APA. There were differing views on
the potential benefits and losses associated with this new membership cate-
gory. Some expressed the concern that if a large number of current members
chose to drop their APA memberships and become Professional Affiliates, it
could affect the division’s representation in the APA Council, as only APA
members are mailed ballots to allocate seats on the Council of Representa-
tives. Others thought that some distinguished members were considering
dropping or had dropped their APA memberships and the Professional Affili-
ate category would provide a means to keep these people and others involved
in the division. The new membership category was included in the proposed
changes to the bylaws that would require a vote of the membership at the
1995 annual convention.
Six groups had been recognized as sections-in-formation. Their bylaws
had to be reviewed for consistency with the division’s Rules and Procedures
for the Formation, Governance, and Operation of Sections and then given
section status by the board members.
At the 1995 Executive Board meetings at the APA convention in New
York, bylaws from three sections-in-formation (Health; Lesbian, Gay and
Bisexual Awareness; and Women) were approved. In addition, the Section on
Women became the first section in the division. After 3 years, the division
finally had one of the new structures for greater member involvement that
was conceived and conceptualized at Solomons Island.
Another momentous occasion at that convention was the passage of the
new Division 17 bylaws. After the years of work, members of the Executive
Board were apprehensive that there were so many changes in the bylaws that
the membership would not accept all of the changes at once. Contingency
plans had been developed. People in the audience attending the business
meeting said a collective expression of relief and disbelief crossed the faces
of all the officers on the podium when the revisions were approved without
dissent or comment.
The reorganization of Division 17 was in place, and all phases were being
implemented. Sarah Jordan of the APA Division Services Office is reputed to
have said that Division 17 was a model in how to implement the restructuring
of a division in APA, and several other divisions have studied our process and
outcome as they consider reorganization.
Kathy Davis (1994-1995 president) said,
The things that impressed me the most were the hard work and amount of time
and energy expended as well as the dedication and commitment to the project.
The number of people involved in the reorganization was huge. Not only were
the Executive Board members during four or five administrations involved, but
there were all the members of the section steering committees who wrote their
bylaws and coordinated the elections of officers, the SIG coordinators who ver-
ified names on petitions or proposed membership lists, APA legal counsel who
reviewed division and section guidelines and bylaws, and so on. We involved a
lot of people!
INTO THE FUTURE
Although the reorganization did not, and will not, prevent or solve all
issues in Division 17, we think the membership and its leaders are addressing
and meeting most of the goals identified at Solomons Island. We believe there
now exist a structure and means for those who wish to become involved in
Division 17 to do so. The importance of having an active and involved mem-
bership cannot be overstated. Counseling psychologists need an organization
that will attempt to represent all facets and the vast majority of the members
of the profession. As a profession, counseling psychologists cannot afford to
be fractionated on the bases of work settings, activities, or interests; the total
membership provides the direction and driving force of the new professional
and its organization, Division 17.
Jim Hurst’s (1987-1988 president and 1992-1995 and 1996-1999 council
representative) 10-year perspective speaks to the change that has occurred.
At the Executive Board meeting in Toronto [1996], I sat there and watched
Dorothy Nevill and then Jerry Stone, and I thought, “Holy Toledo!”—the lux-
ury of their being able to turn to a vice president for a report and the productiv-
ity that emerged under the vice-president’s leadership was marvelous. The new
structure may not be perfect, but given my perspective from 1988, the reorgani-
zation is as an enormous improvement in all of the ways that we hoped—with
involvement, with attention in various areas, the scientist-practitioner model,
diversity, and the involvement along each of those lines, and the sections,
STGs, and the SIGs. There is no way that the reorganization has solved all the
problems, but it is taking us in the direction to solve them. It provides us with a
structure, a vehicle by which we can address them more effectively. When
counseling psychologists get together, we are far more inclined to work
together cooperatively and productively.
After the 1997 APA convention in Chicago, Helen Roehlke (1991-1994

council representative) reported,
I think that we were no longer waiting to see the fruits of our labor; we were
actually beginning to see things happen. I felt really excited because it seemed
that we were able to determine that we had, in fact, addressed the issues that
concerned us at Solomons Island. The thing that was the most exciting aspect
for me, in addition to doing a much better job of recognizing and attending to
the needs of the various subpopulations in the division, was that we were actu-
ally providing opportunities for people to become involved in the division gov-
ernance at a much earlier point in their careers. Now there seem to be many
more people to share the responsibilities and the work [of the division]. The
other thing that has resulted, even though I am not sure we necessarily foresaw
that this would be such an important outcome, is our becoming involved and
forming liaisons with so many different relevant groups. I think that we have
made huge strides in terms of where and how our influence is felt.
As Division 17 embarks on its second 50 years as a division of the APA, its

organization, its leadership, and its members have just engaged in a process
that reflects what counseling psychology symbolizes. The essence of coun-
seling psychology is to strive for the health of its organization, its members,
and the specialty; to address appropriately issues related to the development
of the organization and the specialty; to attend to the diversity and the
changes in the needs of the many individuals and groups that constitute the
division; and to address proactively the interaction between the specialty and
the field of psychology, the APA, and society.
APPENDIX A
1995 Organizational Structure of the
Division of Counseling Psychology (17)
PRESIDENT
E X E C U T I V E B O A R D
Reps to Vice Vice Vice Vice

President Past
Secretary Treasurer APA President President President President
Elect President
Council Diversity & Education Professional Scientific
Public Interest & Training Practice Affairs
Archivist
STANDING COMMITTEES
Awards & Recognition
Continuing Education & Regional Conferences
Elections Advisory Advisory Advisory Advisory
Fellowship Council Council Council Council
Finance
Hospitality Suite
Membership
Program
Nominations to APA Boards & Committees
PUBLICATIONS
The Counseling Psychologist
Newsletter
SPECIAL TASK GROUPS

(STGS)
STUDENT AFFILIATE GROUP

(SAG)
SECTIONS
SPECIAL INTEREST
GROUPS
SIG COORDINATOR
(SIGs)
NOTE: APA = American Psychological Association.

APPENDIX B
Sections and Special Interest Groups
Definitions and purpose of sections and relationship of special interest groups to

Division 17 as stated in the Division 17 bylaws found in the Division 17 Officers
Handbook, revised 1996.
Sections
Definitions and purpose. Sections may be established by the Executive Board pro-
vided that (a) they represent an active and functionally unitary interest of a large group
of members (at least 50 voting members of the division); (b) their proposed purposes
and objectives are consistent with the purposes and objectives of the division and
American Psychological Association (APA); (c) they are formed with administrative
structures subject to Executive Board oversight and control; (d) they operate in a man-
ner consistent with applicable APA Bylaws and Rules and Division 17 Bylaws and
Rules and Procedures; and (e) the establishment of any new section is not inimical to
the welfare of APA, the division, or any division section already established. Sections
are organized to represent and further the educational, scientific, professional, and
public interest goals of division members. The division’s Executive Board may dis-
solve or issue sanctions against a section for cause by a two thirds vote following an
appropriate hearing. Procedures governing division sections are established by divi-
sion Executive Board.
Special Interest Groups (SIGs)

Relationships of SIGS to Division 17. The basic purpose of SIGS is to promote and
maintain forums for open, regular communication among professionals sharing an
interest in a particular area of relevance to the field of counseling psychology. Groups
are created and dissolved as particular interests increase or decrease in importance to
the membership of the division, in keeping with the larger mission of the division and
the interests of the members.
APPENDIX C
Significant Events in Reorganizing the Division
The Prelude: Presidential Initiatives

August 1980 Don Blocher appoints the ad hoc Committee on Structure and Function
Fall 1984 Lyle Schmidt reappoints ad hoc Committee on Structure and Function
April 1987 George Gazda’s presidential project, Third National Conference for
Counseling Psychology (the Georgia Conference)
1987-1988 Jim Hurst organizes Division 17 Regional Conferences
January 1989 Naomi Meara develops proposal for structure and function of committees
January 1991 Mike Patton appoints subcommittee to study structure of committees
The Reorganization: Formal Actions

January 1992 Bruce Fretz proposes an Executive Board retreat to discuss long-range
planning and possible changes in the structure and function of the
division
May 1992 Solomons Island Retreat—Executive Board develops a formal proposal
for reorganization
October 1992 Jan Birk presents Solomons Island proposal in Division 17 Newsletter
and asks for reactions and suggestions from members
January 1993 Midyear Executive Board meeting and revision of Solomons Island
proposal
May 1993 Subcommittee of Executive Board meets to develop reorganization
proposal with accompanying bylaw changes
August 1993 Divisional membership approves proposed structure and bylaw changes
February 1994 Jo-Ida Hansen’s midyear meeting with 13 special task groups and five
petitions for sections-in-formation
August 1994 First vice president of professional practice and vice president for scientific
affairs are elected
February 1995 Section Guidelines are revised and new bylaw changes are discussed
August 1995 Bylaw changes are approved by the membership, the first section (Women)
is recognized, and the first vice president for education and training is
elected to that office
February 1996 Two sections (Health and Lesbian, Gay and Bisexual Awareness) are
recognized
August 1996 First vice president for diversity and public interest is elected to the office,
and six sections give annual reports
REFERENCES
American Psychological Association. (1987). Model act for state licensure of psychologists.
American Psychologist, 42, 696-703.
American Psychological Association Division 17. (1993). Division of counseling psychology:

Minutes of midyear executive board meeting, January 24-26, 1992. The Counseling Psy-
chologist, 21, 173-191.
Brammer, L., Alcorn, J., Birk, J., Gazda, G., Hurst, J., LaFromboise, T., Newman, R., Osipow,
S., Packard, T., Romero, D., & Scott, N. (1988). Organizational and political issues in coun-
seling psychology: Recommendations for change. The Counseling Psychologist, 16, 407-
422.
Cameron, A. S., Galassi, J. P., Birk, J. M., & Waggener, N. M. (1989). Trends in counseling psy-
chology training programs: The Council of Counseling Psychology Training Programs sur-
vey, 1975-1987. The Counseling Psychologist, 17, 301-313.
DeLeon, P. H. (1996). Proceedings of the American Psychological Association, incorporated,
for the year 1995. American Psychologist, 51, 805-848.
Gelso, C. J., & Fretz, B. R. (1992). Counseling psychology. New York: Harcourt Brace &
Jovanovich.
Hansen, J. C. (1993, October). President’s letter. Division 17 Newsletter, 15, 1-2.
Huebner, L. A., & Corazzini, J. G. (1984). Division 17 membership nonrenewals: Causes and
implication. The Counseling Psychologist, 12(2), 117-118.
Meara, N. M., & Myers, R. A. (1999). A history of Division 17 (counseling psychology): Estab-
lishing stability amidst change. In D. A. Dewsbury (Ed.), Unification through division: His-
tories of divisions of the American Psychological Association (Vol. 3, pp. 9-41). Washington,
DC: American Psychological Association.
Mission statement of Division 17. (1993, April). Division 17 Newsletter, 14, 1.
Position descriptions. (1993, April). Division 17 Newsletter, 14, 2-5.
President’s column. (1993, Spring). Division 17 Newsletter, 14.
Wellner, A. M. (Ed.). (1978). Education and credentialing in psychology. Washington, DC:
American Psychological Association.
Whiteley, J. M. (Ed.). (1980). The history of counseling psychology. Pacific Grove, CA: Brooks/
Cole.
THE
ABOUT
COUNSELING
THE AUTHORS
PSYCHOLOGIST / November 2001
ABOUT THE AUTHORS
Debra Mollen Baker is a 3rd-year doctoral student in the counseling psychology
program at Indiana University in Bloomington. She earned her master’s degree from
the University of Denver in 1998. Her research and practice interests include femi-
nism and issues that affect women, including eating disorders and sexual abuse.
Ruth J. Bichsel is an instructor at Lane Community College in Eugene, Oregon. She
received her Ph.D. in 1997 from the University of Oregon. She is a diplomate in the
American Board of Psychological Specialties in Behavioral Science. Her research
interests include forensics counseling, post-traumatic stress disorder, as well as train-
ing students in chemical dependency counseling and multicultural competencies.
Jean A. Carter received her Ph.D. in psychology from the University of Maryland in
1980. She maintains a private psychotherapy and consultation practice and is an
adjunct assistant professor of psychology and member of the graduate faculty at the
University of Maryland. She is a fellow in Divisions 17, 29, and 42; is a distinguished
practitioner in the Psychology Academy of the National Academies of Practice; and
received both the John Black Award and the first Professional Contributions Award
from the Academy of Counseling Psychology of the American Board of Professional
Psychology. She served as the first Division 17 vice president for professional prac-
tice for two terms and as the 1999 to 2000 president of Division 17.
Robert T. Carter, Ph.D., is a professor of psychology and education, former chair of
the Department of Counseling and Clinical Psychology, and the program coordinator
and director of training of the counseling psychology program at Teachers College,
Columbia University. He is known internationally for his work on Black and White
racial identity. He has published in the areas of psychotherapy process and outcome,
career development, cultural values, racial identity issues, educational achievement,
and equity in education through the lens of racial identity. He has been retained to con-
sult on organizational, legal, and educational issues associated with race and diversity.
Carter has been the conference director of the Teachers College Winter Roundtable on
Cross-Cultural Psychology and Education since 1989. He authored The Influence of
Race and Racial Identity in Psychotherapy: Towards a Racially Inclusive Model (John
Wiley, 1995); coedited (with C. E. Thompson) Racial Identity Theory: Applications
for Individuals, Groups and Organizations (Lawrence Erlbaum, 1997); edited
Addressing Cultural Issues in Organizations: Beyond the Corporate Context (Sage,
2000); and coauthored (with D. Sue, M. Casas, M. J. Fouad, A. Ivey, M. Jensen,
T. LaFromboise, J. Manese, J. Ponterotto, & J. Vazquez-Natall) Multicultural Coun-
seling Competencies: Individual and Organizational Development (Sage, 1998).
Carter is a series editor for Around the Winter Roundtable Forum—The Counseling
Psychologist and The Roundtable Book Series on Multicultural Psychology and Edu-
cation (Sage). He is coeditor for a special issue of the Teachers College Record on
Multicultural Education (November/December, 2000), and he is the editor-elect of The
Counseling Psychologist. Carter is also a legal consultant, works with organizations,

907
and maintains a clinical practice. He is a fellow in the American Psychological Asso-

ciation (Divisions 17 and 45) and former chair of the Fellowship Committee for Divi-
sion 17. He has also served on the editorial boards of The Counseling Psychologist,
Journal of Counseling and Development, Journal of Counseling Psychology, and
Journal of Multicultural Counseling and Development.
Kathleen L. Davis is a professor in the Department of Counseling, Deafness, and
Human Services at the University of Tennessee and a fellow of the American Psycho-
logical Association. She received her Ed.D. in counseling from the University of
Georgia. She was employed as a counseling psychologist in the mental health division
of the University Health Services at the University of Georgia, prior to moving to Ten-
nessee. She has served as treasurer and president of Division 17 and as chair of the
Council of Counseling Psychology Training Programs and several Division 17 com-
mittees. Her scholarly interests include professional issues, counseling supervision
and training, and group counseling.
Carrie L. Hill is a doctoral candidate in the counseling psychology program at Indi-
ana University. She completed her predoctoral internship at the VA Western New
York Healthcare System in Buffalo, New York. Her primary areas of interest are clini-
cal judgment and assessment, consultation in long-term care facilities, human rights
issues, and mental health.
Brent Mallinckrodt is an assistant professor and director of the counseling psychol-
ogy Program at the University of Missouri–Columbia. He received his Ph.D. in 1986
from the University of Maryland. He is a fellow of the American Psychological Asso-
ciation Division 17 and currently serves as associate editor of the journal Psychother-
apy Research. His research interests include attachment theory applied to psychother-
apy processes, social support, health psychology, and training students in
multicultural counseling competencies.
Mary B. McRae received her Ed.D. in counseling psychology from Teachers Col-
lege, Columbia University, in 1987. She is currently an associate professor at New
York University in the Department of Applied Psychology. Her recent publications
have focused on therapeutic functions in the Black church tradition and the intersec-
tion between feminism and multiculturalism. Her research interests also include race
and class in group and organizational life and examining the role of authority and
authorization in group dynamics.
Amy L. Reynolds is a senior staff psychologist at the Buffalo State College Coun-
seling Center. Prior to her current position, she was a faculty member for 7 years. She
received her Ph.D. from the Ohio State University in 1988. Her primary professional
and research areas of interest are multicultural issues in counseling, training, and
supervision; multicultural competence in counseling and student affairs; and feminist
psychology.
Charles R. Ridley is a professor in the counseling psychology program and associate
dean of research in the University Graduate School at Indiana University. He received
his Ph.D. from the University of Minnesota. His primary areas of interest are multi-
cultural counseling, assessment, and training; organizational consultation; the inte-
ABOUT THE AUTHORS 909
gration of psychology and theology; and therapeutic change. He is author of a book

titled Overcoming Unintentional Racism in Counseling and Therapy: A Practitio-
ner’s Guide to Intentional Intervention (Sage, 1995).
Ellen L. Short is a doctoral candidate in counseling psychology at New York Univer-
sity, Department of Applied Psychology. She works as a senior research associate and
therapist for the Center for HIV/AIDS Educational Studies and Training at New Jer-
sey City University. Her research interests include the study of group and organiza-
tional dynamics as they are related to variables of race, ethnicity, gender, and sexual
preference; research-based therapeutic intervention for HIV/AIDS substance-using
men and women to promote safer sex practices; and multicultural assessment of
intelligence.
Derald Wing Sue is professor of psychology and education at Teachers College,
Columbia University. He was the cofounder and first president of the Asian American
Psychological Association and has served as president of the Society for the Psycho-
logical Study of Ethnic Minority Issues (Division 45 of the American Psychological
Association). His work in the development of multicultural counseling competencies
has had widespread influence on the counseling and mental health professions. In
addition to numerous publications in journals, he has coauthored three widely used
texts in the field: Counseling the Culturally Different: Theory and Practice (1999)
(3rd ed.), Counseling American Minorities: A Cross Cultural Perspective (1998) (5th
ed.), and Multicultural Counseling Competencies: Individual and Organizational
Development (1998). His most recent project, You Are a Racist: The Painful Journey
to Understanding and Combating Racism, is a new book on the deconstruction of
Whiteness.
Lisa A. Suzuki received her Ph.D. in counseling psychology from the University of
Nebraska–Lincoln in 1992. She is currently an assistant professor at New York Uni-
versity in the Department of Applied Psychology. She is the coeditor of numerous
books including the Handbook of Multicultural Assessment and the Handbook of
Multicultural Counseling. Her research interests include issues related to the assess-
ment of minority children, multicultural counseling, and qualitative research methods.
THE COUNSELING PSYCHOLOGIST INDEX
INDEX / November 2001
to
THE COUNSELING PSYCHOLOGIST
Volume 29
Current Directions in Chicana/o Psychology

Number 1 (January 2001), pp. 1-176
Work and Relationships
Number 2 (March 2001), pp. 177-328
Legacies and Traditions in Counseling Psychology
Number 3 (May 2001), pp. 329-468
Multicultural Psychology: Creating a Contextual Framework
Number 4 (July 2001), pp. 469-624
Eating Disorders
Number 5 (September 2001), pp. 625-784
Multidimensional Facets of Cultural Competence
Number 6 (November 2001), pp. 785-920
Authors:
ABREU, JOSÉ M., “Theory and Research on Stereotypes and Perceptual Bias: A Didactic Re-
source for Multicultural Counseling Trainers,” 487.
ANCIS, JULIE R., and DAWN M. SZYMANSKI, “Awareness of White Privilege Among White
Counseling Trainees,” 548.
ATKINSON, DONALD R., see Kim, B.S.K.
BAKER, DAVID B., “Counseling Psychology in Time and Place,” 404.
BAKER, DAVID B., and ROGER A. MYERS, “Albert S. Thompson: A Man of the World of
Work,” 308.
BAKER, DEBRA MOLLEN, see Ridley, C. R.
BARKHAM, MICHAEL, see Madill, A.
BICHSEL, RUTH J., and BRENT MALLINCKRODT, “Cultural Commitment and the Coun-
seling Preferences and Counselor Perceptions of Native American Women,” 858.
BLUSTEIN, DAVID L, “The Interface of Work and Relationships: Critical Knowledge for 21st
Century Psychology,” 179.
BLUSTEIN, DAVID L, LINDA D. FAMA, SARAH FINKELBERG WHITE, TIMOTHY U.
KETTERSON, BIANCA M. SCHAEFER, MICHELLE FRIEDMAN SCHWAM,
SELCUK ROGERS SIRIN, and MARIANNE SKAU, “A Qualitative Analysis of Coun-
seling Case Material: Listening to Our Clients,” 240.
BOWMAN, JASON, see Neimeyer, G. J.
CACHELIN, FARY M., see Striegel-Moore, R. H.

910
INDEX 911
CARTER, JEAN A., “2000 Presidential Address: 90 Percent Perspiration, 10 Percent Inspira-
tion: Creating Change,” 148.
CARTER, JEAN A., and KATHLEEN L. DAVIS, “Revitalizing the Division: The Reorganiza-
tion of Division 17,” 882.
CARTER, ROBERT T., “Back to the Future in Cultural Competence Training,” 787.
CASAS, J. MANUEL, “Directions and Redirections in Chicano Psychology,” 128.
CHRISTOPHER-SISK, ERIN K., see Phillips, S. D.
DAVIS, KATHLEEN L., see Carter, J. A.
DAVIS, KATHLEEN L., “Naomi M. Meara: Toward the Common Good,” 336.
DAWIS, RENE V., “1999 Leona Tyler Award: Toward a Psychology of Values,” 458.
DORLAND, JEANNE M., and ANN R. FISCHER, “Gay, Lesbian, and Bisexual Individuals’
Perceptions: An Analogue Study,” 532.
DOUNCHIS, JENNIFER ZOLER, see Stein, R. I.
DUNBAR, EDWARD, “Counseling Practices to Ameliorate the Effects of Discrimination and
Hate Events: Toward a Systematic Approach to Assessment and Intervention,” 279.
FAMA, LINDA D., see Blustein, D. L.
FISCHER, ANN R., see Dorland, J. M.
FLUM, HANOCH, “Dialogues and Challenges: The Interface Between Work and Relationships
in Transition,” 259.
FOUAD, NADYA A., see Hansen, N. D.
GAO, YIHONG, “Directive Approach to Telephone Counseling in the People’s Republic of
China: Underlying Cultural Traditions and Transitions,” 435.
GLASSCOCK, JULIE M. JEFFREY, see Schultheiss, D.E.P.
GÓMEZ, SYLVIA P., see McNeill, B. W.
GÓMEZ, SYLVIA P., see Prieto, L. R.
GRAVINO, KRISTINE L., see Phillips, S. D.
HANSEN, NANCY DOWNING, and NADYA A. FOUAD, “Service, Scholarship, Serendipity,
and Students: Their Roles in the Lives of Three Prominent Counseling Psychologists,” 331.
HILL, CARRIE L., see Ridley, C. R.
HOTELLING, KATHY, “At Last! Counseling Psychology and Eating Disorders,” 733.
HURST, JAMES C., “Ursula Marie Delworth (1934-2000),” 454.
KASHUBECK-WEST, SUSAN, and LAURIE B. MINTZ, “Eating Disorders in Women: Etiol-
ogy, Assessment, and Treatment,” 627.
KASHUBECK-WEST, SUSAN, LAURIE B. MINTZ, and KENDRA J. SAUNDERS, “Assess-
ment of Eating Disorders in Women,” 662.
KETTERSON, TIMOTHY U., see Blustein, D. L.
KIM, BRYAN S. K., DONALD R. ATKINSON, and DAWN UMEMOTO, “Asian Cultural
Values and the Counseling Process: Current Knowledge and Directions for Future Re-
search,” 570.
KRESS, HELEN M., see Schultheiss, D.E.P.
LEWCZYK, CAROLINE M., see Stein, R. I.
MADILL, ANNA, SUE WIDDICOMBE, and MICHAEL BARKHAM, “The Potential of Con-
versation Analysis for Psychotherapy Research,” 413.
MALLINCKRODT, BRENT, see Bichsel, R. J.
MANZI, ALBERTA J., see Schultheiss, D.E.P.
MCNEILL, BRIAN W., see Prieto, L. R.
MCNEILL, BRIAN W., LORETO R. PRIETO, YOLANDA FLORES NIEMANN, MARC
PIZARRO, ELIZABETH M. VERA, and SYLVIA P. GÓMEZ, “Current Directions in
Chicana/o Psychology,” 5.
MCRAE, MARY B., see Suzuki, L. A.
MEARA, NAOMI M., “Lyle D. Schmidt: Opportunity and Sponsorship,” 358.

MINTZ, LAURIE B., see Kashubeck-West, S.
MOBLEY, MICHAEL, see Neville, H. A.
MYERS, ROGER A., see Baker, D. B.
NEIMEYER, GREG J., JASON BOWMAN, and ALAN E. STEWART, “Internship and Initial
Job Placements in Counseling Psychology: A 26-Year Retrospective,” 763.
NEVILLE, HELEN A., and MICHAEL MOBLEY, “Social Identities in Contexts: An Ecologi-
cal Model of Multicultural Counseling Psychology Processes,” 471.
NIEMANN, YOLANDA FLORES, see McNeill, B. W.
NIEMANN, YOLANDA FLORES, “Stereotypes About Chicanas and Chicanos: Implications
for Counseling,” 55.
PETRIE, TRENT A., and REBECCA ROGERS, “Extending the Discussion of Eating Disorders
to Include Men and Athletes,” 743.
PHILLIPS, SUSAN D., “Roger A. Myers: A Voice for Counseling Psychology,” 383.
PHILLIPS, SUSAN D., ERIN K. CHRISTOPHER-SISK, and KRISTINE L. GRAVINO,
“Making Career Decisions in a Relational Context,” 193.
PIZARRO, MARC, see McNeill, B. W.
PIZARRO, MARC, and ELIZABETH M. VERA, “Chicana/o Ethnic Identity Research: Les-
sons for Researchers and Counselors,” 91.
PRIETO, LORETO R., see McNeill, B. W.
PRIETO, LORETO R., BRIAN W. MCNEILL, REBECCA G. WALLS, and SYLVIA P.
GÓMEZ, “Chicanas/os and Mental Health Services: An Overview of Utilization, Counselor
Preference, and Assessment Issues,” 18.
REYNOLDS, AMY L., “Multidimensional Cultural Competence: Providing Tools for Trans-
forming Psychology,” 833.
RICHARDSON, MARY SUE, “New Perspectives for Counseling Psychologists,” 271.
RIDLEY, CHARLES R., DEBRA MOLLEN BAKER, and CARRIE L. HILL, “Critical Issues
Concerning Cultural Competence,” 822.
ROGERS, REBECCA, see Petrie, T. A.
ROOT, MARIA P. P., “Future Considerations in Research on Eating Disorders,” 754.
SAELENS, BRIAN E., see Stein, R. I.
SAUNDERS, KENDRA J., see Kashubeck-West, S.
SCHAEFER, BIANCA M., see Blustein, D. L.
SCHULTHEISS, DONNA E. PALLADINO, HELEN M. KRESS, ALBERTA J. MANZI, and
JULIE M. JEFFREY GLASSCOCK, “Relational Influences in Career Development: A
Qualitative Inquiry,” 214.
SCHWAM, MICHELLE FRIEDMAN, see Blustein, D. L.
SHORT, ELLEN L., see Suzuki, L. A.
SIRIN, SELCUK ROGERS, see Blustein, D. L.
SKAU, MARIANNE, see Blustein, D. L.
STEIN, RICHARD I., BRIAN E. SAELENS, JENNIFER ZOLER DOUNCHIS, CA-
ROLINE M. LEWCZYK, ANNE K. SWENSON, and DENISE E. WILFLEY, “Treatment
of Eating Disorders in Women,” 695.
STEWART, ALAN E., see Neimeyer, G. J.
STRIEGEL-MOORE, RUTH H., and FARY M. CACHELIN, “Etiology of Eating Disorders in
Women,” 635.
SUE, DERALD WING, “Multidimensional Facets of Cultural Competence,” 790.
SUE, DERALD WING, “The Superordinate Nature of Cultural Competence,” 850.
SUZUKI, LISA A., MARY B. MCRAE, and ELLEN L. SHORT, “The Facets of Cultural Com-
petence: Searching Outside the Box,” 842.
INDEX 913
SWENSON, ANNE K., see Stein, R. I.

SZYMANSKI, DAWN M., see Ancis, J. R.
UMEMOTO, DAWN, see Kim, B.S.K.
VASQUEZ, MELBA J. T., “Advancing the Study of Chicana/o Psychology,” 118.
VERA, ELIZABETH M., see McNeill, B. W.
VERA, ELIZABETH M., see Pizarro, M.
WALLS, REBECCA G., see Prieto, L. R.
WHALEY, ARTHUR L., “Cultural Mistrust and Mental Health Services for African Americans:
A Review and Meta-Analysis,” 513.
WHITE, SARAH FINKELBERG, see Blustein, D. L.
WIDDICOMBE, SUE, see Madill, A.
WILFLEY, DENISE E., see Stein, R. I.
Around the Winter Roundtable Forum:

“Back to the Future in Cultural Competence Training,” Carter, 787.
Division 17:
“American Psychological Association, Division 17—Counseling Psychology: 2000 Awards,”
156.
“The Council of Counseling Psychology Training Programs 2000 Award,” 155.
“Governance Members: 2000,” 157.
“In Appreciation,” 160.
“Minutes of the Annual Business Meeting,” 613.
“Minutes of the Annual Executive Board Meeting,” 604.
“Minutes of the Midyear Executive Board Meeting,” 162.
“1999 Leona Tyler Award: Toward a Psychology of Values,” Dawis, 458.
“Recognition of New Fellows and Counseling Psychology Diplomates,” 155.
“Student Affiliate Group,” 159.
“Treasurer’s Report,” 173.
“2000 Presidential Address: 90 Percent Perspiration, 10 Percent Inspiration: Creating Change,”
Carter, 148.
In Memoriam:
“Ursula Marie Delworth (1934-2000),” Hurst, 454.
International Forum:
“Directive Approach to Telephone Counseling in the People’s Republic of China: Underlying
Cultural Traditions and Transitions,” Gao, 435.
“The Potential of Conversation Analysis for Psychotherapy Research,” Madill et al., 413.
Legacies and Traditions Forum:

“Albert S. Thompson: A Man of the World of Work,” Baker and Myers, 308.
“Revitalizing the Division: The Reorganization of Division 17,” Carter and Davis, 882.
Major Contributions:
“Asian Cultural Values and the Counseling Process: Current Knowledge and Directions for Fu-
ture Research,” Kim et al., 570.
“Assessment of Eating Disorders in Women,” Kashubeck-West et al., 662.
“Awareness of White Privilege Among White Counseling Trainees,“ Ancis and Szymanski, 548.
“Chicana/o Ethnic Identity Research: Lessons for Researchers and Counselors,” Pizarro and
Vera, 91.
“Chicanas/os and Mental Health Services: An Overview of Utilization, Counselor Preference,
and Assessment Issues,” Prieto et al., 18.
“Cultural Mistrust and Mental Health Services for African Americans: A Review and Meta-
Analysis,” Whaley, 513.
“Current Directions in Chicana/o Psychology,” McNeill et al., 5.
“Eating Disorders in Women: Etiology, Assessment, and Treatment,” Kashubeck-West and
Mintz, 627.
“Etiology of Eating Disorders in Women,” Striegel-Moore and Cachelin, 635.
“Gay, Lesbian, and Bisexual Individuals’ Perceptions: An Analogue Study,” Dorland and
Fischer, 532.
“The Interface of Work and Relationships: Critical Knowledge for 21st Century Psychology,”
Blustein, 179.
“Lyle D. Schmidt: Opportunity and Sponsorship,” Meara, 358.
“Making Career Decisions in a Relational Context,” Phillips et al., 193.
“Multidimensional Facets of Cultural Competence,” Sue, 790.
“Naomi M. Meara: Toward the Common Good,” Davis, 336.
“A Qualitative Analysis of Counseling Case Material: Listening to Our Clients,” Blustein et al.,
240.
“Relational Influences in Career Development: A Qualitative Inquiry,” Schulthesis, et al., 214.
“Roger A. Myers: A Voice for Counseling Psychology,” Phillips, 383.
“Service, Scholarship, Serendipity, and Students: Their Roles in the Lives of Three Prominent
Counseling Psychologists,” Hansen and Fouad, 331.
“Social Identities in Contexts: An Ecological Model of Multicultural Counseling Psychology
Processes,” Neville and Mobley, 471.
“Stereotypes About Chicanas and Chicanos: Implications for Counseling,” Niemann, 55.
“Theory and Research on Stereotypes and Perceptual Bias: A Didactic Resource for Multicul-
tural Counseling Trainers,” Abreu, 487.
“Treatment of Eating Disorders in Women,” Stein et al., 695.
Professional Forum:
“Internship and Initial Job Placements in Counseling Psychology: A 26-Year Retrospective,”
Neimeyer et al., 763.
Reactions:
“Advancing the Study of Chicana/o Psychology,” Vasquez, 118.
“At Last! Counseling Psychology and Eating Disorders,” Hotelling, 733.
“Counseling Psychology in Time and Place,” Baker, 404.
“Critical Issues Concerning Cultural Competence,” Ridley et al., 822.
“Dialogues and Challenges: The Interface Between Work and Relationships in Transition,”
Flum, 259.
INDEX 915
“Directions and Redirections in Chicano Psychology,” Casas, 128.

“Extending the Discussion of Eating Disorders to Include Men and Athletes,” Petrie and Rogers,
743.
“The Facets of Cultural Competence: Searching Outside the Box,” Suzuki et al., 842.
“Future Considerations in Research on Eating Disorders,” Root, 754.
“Multidimensional Cultural Competence: Providing Tools for Transforming Psychology,”
Reynolds, 833.
“New Perspectives for Counseling Psychologists,” Richardson, 271.
Rejoinder:
“The Superordinate Nature of Cultural Competence,” Sue, 850.
Special Populations Forum:

“Counseling Practices to Ameliorate the Effects of Discrimination and Hate Events: Toward a
Systematic Approach to Assessment and Intervention,” Dunbar, 279.
“Cultural Commitment and the Counseling Preferences and Counselor Perceptions of Native
American Women,” Bichsel and Mallinckrodt, 858.
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Multidimensional Cultural Competence: Providing Tools for Transforming

Article in The Counseling Psychologist · November 2001

The user has requested enhancement of the downloaded file.

PRESIDENT TREASURER Science

MULTIDIMENSIONAL FACETS OF CULTURAL COMPETENCE

Around the Winter Roundtable Forum

Back to the Future in Cultural Competence Training

Multidimensional Facets of Cultural Competence

Critical Issues Concerning Cultural Competence

The Superordinate Nature of Cultural Competence

Cultural Commitment and the Counseling Preferences

Revitalizing the Division:

Printed on acid-free paper

I am pleased that this issue of the Winter Roundtable Forum is devoted to

I think our future in psychology and the process of developing cultural

have even warned that Euro-American psychology may become “culturally

MULTIPLE DIMENSIONS OF CULTURAL

The MDCC offers a conceptual framework for organizing three primary

Dimension 1: Race- and Culture-Specific

One of the most problematic issues in defining cultural competence deals

AWARENESS KNOWLEDGE SKILLS

Figure 1. A multidimensional model for developing cultural competence.

Figure 2. Tripartite framework of personal identity.

summed up in the following statement: “All individuals are, in some respects,

people, origin of disorders, standards for judging normality and abnormality,

Dimension 2: Components of Cultural Competence

Any definition of cultural competence is fraught with potential disagree-

healing conditions moderated by culture-specific contexts (Fischer, Jome, &

Belief/Attitude Knowledge Skill

NOTE: Adapted from D. W. Sue, Arredondo, & McDavis (1992).

and to ameliorate personal suffering? First, I have argued elsewhere that

Cultural competence is the ability to engage in actions or create conditions that

Dimension 3: The Foci of Cultural Competence

In a broad sense, the foci of cultural competence examine the person/indi-

Individual/personal level. A basic assumption underlying the MDCC is

Figure 3. The foci of cultural competence: Individual, professional, organizational, and

related to culturally different groups is not acquired by free choice but

may directly or indirectly perpetuate injustice. Realizing how one’s own

Professional level. Many multicultural specialists have criticized the pro-

and “codependency” as potentially pathological aspects of family members,

Organizational level. If we are to truly value multiculturalism, then our

1. Monocultural organizations. At one extreme is organizations that are

2. Nondiscriminatory organizations. As organizations become more cul-

3. Multicultural organizations. As organizations become progressively

biases, prejudices, and stereotypes of mental health administrators, staff, and

Societal level. On June 13, 1997, President Clinton issued Executive

1. Invisibility of ethnocentric monoculturalism. Ethnocentric mono-

2. The power to define reality. Ethnocentric monoculturalism is damaging

“competence is competence,” that there are sufficient minority role models

THE MDCC MODEL: IMPLICATIONS FOR PRACTICE,

The MDCC in Action:

bias or prejudice (attitudes/beliefs) on the part of the mental health provider

The MDCC in Action:

In summary, the MDCC model seems to posses several positive virtues.

not to understand the concept of system interdependence. In family systems

(1997). Misunderstandings of multiculturalism: Shouting fire in crowded theaters. Ameri-

Sue, D. W. (l990). Culture specific techniques in counseling: A conceptual framework. Profes-

Sue’s contribution concerning cultural competence is reviewed and critiqued. General

APA [American Psychological Association] has a moral and ethical obligation