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Introduction
According to Article 14 of the revised 1979 environment of the city. The case study analysis
Burra Charter, conservation can be classified presented is grounded on the examination of
into different processes depending on the relevant theory and research, accompanied by
type and circumstances of each heritage. the empirical observations.
These classifications include retention or re-
introduction, preservation and adaptation, and Heritage
interpretation (ICOMOS, 2013). The aim of
conservation is to look after and manage the Heritage is taken to include everything that
change of a place, “so as to retain its culturally people want to save, where “[…] it is all
significant qualities” (ICOMOS, 2013). pervasive, and concerns everyone” (Howard,
Bandarin et al. (2012) argue that conservation 2003).
of heritage simultaneously concentrates on
the past and the future by enabling an “[…] The use and practice of heritage management
intellectual process of mediation between has evolved into a prominent area of concern in
diverse forces, searching for an equilibrium the twenty-first century, as global issues affect
centred on the interpretation of the value the way the past is seen and used in local and
systems of a social formation.” This paper global contexts. The first citations of heritage
examines the use of façadism as a method are those of ‘artistic heritage’ referred to by
of conservation and urban regeneration in Evdipidis Fountoukidis at the 1931 Athens
the south part of divided walled Nicosia, and conference. They have since been commonly
critically discusses the impact of this approach employed in the manuscripts of international
on the authenticity of the historic built organisations (ICOMOS, 1931; Vecco, 2010).
7KLVDUWLFOHLVOLFHQVHGXQGHUD&UHDWLYH&RPPRQV$WWULEXWLRQ1R'HULYDWLYHV
,QWHUQDWLRQDO/LFHQVH&&%<1'
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The significance of tangible heritage was and Turkish Cypriot (North) communities,
formally acknowledged with the creation of attempts by the two states to mark their
UNESCO’s 1972 Convention Concerning the supremacy and truthful belonging began to
Protection of the World Cultural and Natural reflect on the treatment of architecture and the
Heritage (UNESCO 1972). This guideline urban fabric; an issue also currently influencing
proved to be a turning point in the way the tangible and intangible heritage of the
heritage and heritage management tools were island . A grim consequence of this conflict
implemented in order to engage with visitors and is that the shared cultural heritage of Cyprus
users of heritage sites. UNESCO’s ‘Convention has become neglected or used as a “[…]
for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural politically motivated pawn indiscriminately
Heritage’ followed in 2003, and focuses on the played and, often sacrificed in a Machiavellian
intangible qualities of heritage. This document propaganda war between North and South”
recognises the immaterial manifestations of (Walsh, 2005). As a consequence, each
culture as vital representations of the variety community’s historical narratives materialise
of living heritage of humanity, “[…] as well to endorse the widespread rejection of the
as the most important vehicle for cultural opposing ‘other’ , and the continual eradication
diversity” (Lenzerini, 2011). of their sorrowful memories; an outcome that
influence both the tangible built environment
However, in the context of Cyprus, the ongoing of cities like the one of Nicosia, but also the
conflict and division between the Greek intangible, subjective understanding of what is
Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities considered ‘authentic’ heritage on each side of
has had a major impact on the management the divide.
and protection of the island’s tangible and
In line with the above, the close relationship
intangible inheritance with ethnic and political
between historical narrative and collective
differences marking the urban, social and
memory is a significant factor in the treatment
economic structure of its capital, Nicosia.
of cultural heritage during, or following,
the events of war or conflict. The examples
Histories of the Cypriot Conflict and the
discussed later in this paper exemplify this
Current Division of the Island
point, through the selective protection of the
memories of conflict on the tangible built
A prevailing matter that has historically
environment of walled Nicosia. With reference
concerned the Cypriot society relates to the
to the Greek Cypriot - Turkish Cypriot conflict,
topics of power, dominance and cultural
Constantinou et al. (2012) point out that the
conflict. More specifically, since the late
link between “[…] conflict and heritage is
sixteenth century, the constant attempts of
one loaded with assumptions about identity,
the Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots to
otherness and the past [as well as] fraught with
legitimise their authority over Cyprus have
tension over cultural violation and communal
resulted in continuous disagreements and on-
obliteration”. This phenomenon is vivid in
going inter-communal conflict [Pericleous
Cyprus, where references to cultural heritage
(2009); Bose (2007)]. After the 1974 division
destruction occupy public discourse on either
of Cyprus into the Greek Cypriot (South)
side of the divide.
1
The south part of the island is known as the Republic of Cyprus (RoC) and is an internationally recognised state and part of the
European Union, whereas the North is known as the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) and is only recognised by Turkey.
2
Following the division of the island of Cyprus in 1974, legislation and, consequently heritage management, evolved slowly, particularly in the
North. The main reason for this was the embargoes imposed by the RoC and other international organisations such as UNESCO, ICOMOS and
ICCROM on the TRNC [Stylianou and Bounia (2016); Stubbs and Makaš (2011)]. More specifically, the sanctions imposed on North Cyprus by
the 1954 Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict pose a significant obstacle to any heritage conservation
initiatives in the North, by preventing any intervention besides “preserving cultural property in that territory” (Şevketoğlu et al., 2015).
3
In the context of the Cypriot conflict and division, the concept of ‘otherness’ is complicated further by the existence of a tangible boundary
between the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities. Perception of ‘otherness’, in this case, encompasses meanings of distance,
division, duality and detachment. More specifically, through Bryant’s and Papadakis’ work, observations of the national GC or TC self,
remain one in which “[an] ethnicised ‘other’ is both the cause of suffering and, […] also on the other side of the division line” (2012).
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4
Additional bodies that influence the management and conservation of heritage in Northern Cyprus include the Board of Antiquities and the
Department of Ancient Monuments and Museums, as well as the Town Planning Department. Furthermore, the Association of the Chambers
of Turkish Cypriot Engineers and Architects and the Department of Environment also play a role in the protection of heritage in the TRNC
(Hoşkara and Doratli, 2015).
5
More specifically, the sanctions imposed on North Cyprus by the 1954 Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event
of Armed Conflict pose a significant obstacle to any heritage conservation initiatives in the North, by preventing any intervention besides
“preserving cultural property in that territory” (Şevketoğlu et al., 2015).
6
In 2002, the Council of Europe (CoE) called for the sanctioning of international support in the form of surveys and protection measures in
Northern Cyprus in order to address the accelerated loss of heritage. However, the region’s cultural heritage had already suffered as a result of
its international isolation (Stylianou and Bounia 2016).
7
Following the Ottoman Rule, between 1571 – 1878 AD, Cyprus was handed to Britain as part of an agreement to weaken Russian influence
in the Mediterranean. However, following the Ottoman Empire’s entry into the First World War on the side of Germany, Cyprus was annexed
by Britain in 1914 and was subsequently declared a Crown Colony in 1925 (Mallinson 2011). Cyprus remained a British Colony until its
independence in 1960, when a draft plan endorsed by the GC president and a TC vice-president was agreed under The Treaty of Establishment
of the Constitution of the Republic of Cyprus (ibid.).
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8
These characteristics of the current qualities of walled Nicosia derive from the SWOT matrix of Cuesta et al., 1999 (in Doratli et al., 2004)
In addition, the 2004 NMP Final Report (Nicosia Master Plan, 2004b), highlights the political, administrative, social and economic issues
dominating Nicosia after its division by offering a justified evaluation of the up-to-date heritage management of the walled city.
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that heritage authenticity emerges as the desire to overlook the negative memories
outcome of a selective procedure set amongst of conflict result in a selective promotion of
contesting ideas. In contradiction, Lowenthal cultural and architectural heritage. In such
(1998) perceives heritage to be based more on cases, understanding and treatment of ‘heritage
faith than fact, “endowing a select group with authenticity’ moves away from conventional
prestige and common purpose”. Relevantly, approaches to the term as it becomes contested
Wiles (2007) suggests that, the consequence with selective narratives; war-associated
of this development encompasses a heritage memories and politically-motivated agendas.
product only relevant to a specific audience,
which consequently becomes detached from Dionisou Street and Paphos Gate: Two
its real tangible artefacts. These theories Different Approaches to Façade Treatment
present heritage authenticity as a culturally-
driven, and as a selective process aiming to
A prominent example that demonstrates
satisfy a particular purpose and population.
this approach is the one of Dionisou Street.
Arguably, this issue becomes further amplified
This area primarily consists of workshops
in the event of conflict and division, as the
and residential buildings. Nevertheless, its
communities that claim ownership over
proximity to the buffer zone, along with
shared heritage seek to unveil their individual
the gradual departure of long-term tenants
authenticities in order to preserve their cultural
from the area had resulted in the decay of its
beliefs. This is visible in cases such as Nicosia,
authentic fabric and vocational character.
where cultural competitiveness, along with
Figure 1: Map illustrating the location of Dionisou Street within the walled city of Nicosia, as well as
its proximity to the UN-Controlled buffer zone Source: Author (2017).
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Figure 2: Dionisou Street before its rehabilitation by the Figure 3: (bottom) Dionisou Street before its rehabilitation by
NMP Source: Nicosia Master Plan office (2014a). the NMP Source: Nicosia Master Plan office (2014a).
Following its restoration, and despite the fact that the functionality of the area has not been completely
reinstated, the NMP’s goal of ‘gluing’ the historic city back together has visibly altered the appearance
of the specific street. Nonetheless, even though the buildings have been made structurally safe before
being restored, the NMP’s focus was on the aesthetic upgrading of buildings, primarily through façade
restorations, rather than repairing their entire structures.
Figure 4: Restored facades at Dionisou street Source: Figure 5: Restored facades at Dionisou street Source:
Nicosia Master Plan Office (2014b) Nicosia Master Plan Office (2014b)
The promotion of façadism and the consequent skin-deep beautification of buildings materialises as
a notable conservation approach was used widely by the NMP, and was aimed at encouraging their
speedy recovery as well as attracting users back to the area. Arguably, the reconstruction of damaged
or declining areas next to the buffer zone could be considered as a form of healing after the conflict in
1974. Nevertheless, the skin-deep concealment of any traces of conflict and, therefore, the screening
of war-associated memories suggest of a temporary solution to an ongoing problem of decline. This
approach also raises concerns over the tangible and intangible authenticity of the street, with their
truthful material continuity being removed through the concealment of negative, yet truthful memories;
subsequently influencing public perception about the historical narrative of the restored buildings.
In addition, the field work findings have led to the observation that this method of concealing the
unappealing and declining ‘skin’ of the buffer zone boundary is very different to the treatment of the
Venetian walls surrounding Nicosia; that separate the historic and contemporary parts of the city. This
observation primarily relates to the south part of Nicosia, where bullet traces have been preserved on the
The 2004 NMP Strategy Report emphasises the significance of the buffer zone in unifying the walled city and in strengthening the links
10
between the GC and TC Nicosia Municipalities (Nicosia Master Plan, 2004b: 20).
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external fabric of the Venetian walls. This finding raises questions associated with heritage authenticity
throughout the historic core, and challenges the heritage management approach employed by the
Municipality of South Nicosia. In addition, the selective treatment of heritage – and in this case, the
façades of historic buildings – can be witnessed, with the existing marks of conflict influencing current
conservation approaches throughout the walled city.
An example that highlights this finding is that of the Paphos Gate area , where bullet holes and other
conflict-related damage on the fabric of buildings over the walls has been preserved, despite restoration
initiatives on the adjacent buildings (Figure 7 - Figure 9).
Figure 6: Edge identification diagram illustrating the location of Paphos Gate, Eleftheria Square and the different
boundaries making up the physical fabric of walled Nicosia. The image shows the close proximity between the identified
boundaries, despite their diverse treatment at different locations, particularly in the South part of the walled city.
Source: Author (2017).
Figure 7: Governmental building (police station) next to the vehicular access and above the pedestrian access of Paphos
gate. As can be observed, attempts to paint the façade (see right of picture) have been made. However, all regeneration
attempts avoid the concealment of the existing bullet markings. Source: Author (2014).
11
The Paphos Gate served as warehouse during the Ottoman period and as headquarters for the British Colonial police. Paphos Gate is one of
the three gates built during the Venetian Period (1489-1570). The road beginning outside the gate led to the town of Paphos, hence the origins
of the gate’s name (Nicosia Municipality, 2017). Today the Gate is one of the main vehicular access points to the south part of the walled city
and the only access (to the South) from the west part of the walls.
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Figure 8: Vehicular access to walled Nicosia from the Paphos Gate Source: Unknown (2016).
The illustrated area of Paphos Gate is of particular tangible and intangible heritage significance to the
Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities of Cyprus, as it is one of the first and main access
points to the walled city associated with commerce, surveillance and religious activities within the
walls (Oswald, 2013). More specifically, Paphos Gate is one of the main entrances to the walled city
that includes Venetian, Ottoman and British colonial buildings. The gate has always been a strategic
position since the Ottoman and British times, and continues to function as a surveillance point under
the Greek Cypriot Government, with the existence of a police station just above the pedestrian part of
the gate (Figure 8). In addition, the area is associated with inter-communal riots commencing during
the EOKA struggle and the Greek Cypriot - Turkish Cypriot struggle, “[which] resulted in the security
forces erecting a barbed-wire fence along Paphos and Hermes Streets from the Paphos Gate to the
Famagusta Gate” (Oswald, 2013). As a result, the memories associated with the Gate go beyond the
tangible built environment and recall significant aspects of the Greek Cypriot - Turkish Cypriot conflict.
The contrast between the treatment of the buffer zone boundary and the Venetian walls is further
highlighted through the recent renovation of building façades on Paphos Street, which is located next
to the buffer zone; opposite the Paphos Gate and inside the walled city. This renovation followed the
attempts of the NMP to upgrade and enhance the physical environment of the historic core (Petridou,
2005).
Figure 9: Map of the Paphos Gate area, illustrating the location of the newly restored façades,
as well as the preserved traces of conflict Source: Author (2017).
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Figure 10: Façades on Paphos Street before restoration, walled Nicosia Source: Author (2012).
Figure 11: Recently restored building facades on Paphos Street, walled Nicosia Source: Author (2017).
Figure 10 and Figure 11 demonstrate that on Paphos Street, buildings next to the buffer zone have been
restored following a similar approach to that used on Dionisou Street. In both cases, the use of façadism
is visible as a key strategy for the beautification of decaying buildings and neighbourhoods. However,
the example of Paphos Gate suggests of a disparity between the treatment of the buffer zone boundary,
when compared to parts of the Venetian walls that have been influenced by conflict. The management
of heritage in this case, differs from one area to the other, with traces of conflict being selectively
preserved throughout the walled city. This phenomenon is mainly visible in the south-west part of
Nicosia and closer to the buffer zone area; due to the increased number of projects undertaken by the
NMP in the Greek Cypriot part of the walls.
Arguably, the fact that the memories associated with the gate differ from the memories associated
with the buildings restored, further suggests of a selective use of façadism in order to accommodate a
politically-driven agenda’s on either side of the divide. More specifically, the fact that more historically
and visually prominent buildings preserve the memories of conflict, whereas buildings of subsidiary
historical and functional significance undergo – skin deep – restoration highlight a disparity on the
treatment of walled Nicosia’s heritage; based on the memory-value attached to individual heritage
assets.
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Considering the above, it can be argued that heritage conservation is practiced differently in areas around
Nicosia’s Venetian walls when compared to the buildings around its buffer zone. This observation
illustrates a level of heritage management inconsistency depending on the area within the historic core.
This point also challenges the meanings associated with tangible and intangible heritage authenticity
and the truthful historical narrative promoted by the Municipalities of Nicosia. In the case of Paphos
Gate and the adjoining Venetian walls, the historical continuity of the structures has been preserved,
consequently reflecting the documentary value of authenticity as promoted by early conservationists
such as Ruskin and Morris . In this case, the use of façadism has not been employed as a method of
healing the damaged fabric of the walls, but has intentionally been avoided to preserve the tangible and
intangible memories of conflict. This finding demonstrates that issues of selective heritage management
dominate Nicosia, and highlights the ongoing impact of conflict in the form of the authentic and coherent
representation of the walled city.
Lastly, the examination of the walled city of Nicosia indicates that the use of façadism has been more
vividly employed in the south part of the walled city (Figure 12), which has significantly contributed
to the beautification of buildings and neighbourhoods. However, the fact that the practice of façadism
is uniform throughout the historic core raises questions about the individual assessment of the building
stock and the understanding of their unique characteristics and historical significance. The following
figure illustrates the use of façadism throughout the walled city of Nicosia. As can be observed from
Figure 12, a significant amount of façade restoration has been established, particularly in the south part
of the walls. The image is informed by the fieldwork findings of the author as well as the information
provided by the NMP, and excludes complete building restorations.
Figure 12: Figure illustrating the use of façadism throughout the walled city of Nicosia. As can be observed, funding availability
for the South Nicosia Municipality - and NMP team - has encouraged the increased implementation of this approach at different
locations within the walls, including areas close to the buffer zone. Source: Author (2017).
Subsequently, concerns regarding the authentic treatment of heritage relate both to the material fabric
of buildings, but also to their intangible qualities that façadism may conceal. This matter contradicts
the recommendations set by international charters such as Nara Document on Authenticity , as well as
UNESCO’s World Heritage Conventions (UNESCO 1972; UNESCO 2003). Moreover, even though
the TRNC and the RoC have established a shared vision for the core city, as well as relevant legal
frameworks for the protection and conservation of their cultural heritage on both sides of the divide,
selective treatment of heritage through practices such as façadism need to be challenged for their long
term effectiveness and holistic outcome.
12
Ruskin and Morris belong to the conservation movement which reinforced the significance of a monument’s material authenticity and
documentary value (Jokilehto, 1999).
13
For example, facades of residences that have not been affected by conflict or division have been restored analogously to facades that
border the buffer zone, or have suffered damage and decay due to the 1974 conflict. In either case, the narrative attached to heritage and
place is different - and so should be their treatment.
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These include “[…] use and function, traditions and techniques, […] spirit and feeling, and other internal and external factors” (ICOMOS
1994).
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Figure 6: Edge identification diagram illustrating Figure 9: Map of the Paphos Gate area, illustrating
the location of Paphos Gate, Eleftheria Square and the location of the newly restored façades, as well
the different boundaries making up the physical as the preserved traces of conflict Source: Author
fabric of walled Nicosia. The image shows the (2017).
close proximity between the identified boundaries,
despite their diverse treatment at different locations, Figure 10: Façades on Paphos Street before
particularly in the South part of the walled city. restoration, walled Nicosia Source: Author (2012).
Source: Author (2017).
Figure 11: Recently restored building façades on
Figure 7: Governmental building (police station) Paphos Street, walled Nicosia Source: Author
next to the vehicular access and above the pedestrian (2017).
access of Paphos gate. As can be observed, attempts
to paint the façade (see right of picture) have been Figure 12: Figure illustrating the use of façadism
made. However, all regeneration attempts avoid the throughout the walled city of Nicosia. As can be
concealment of the existing bullet markings. observed, funding availability for the South Nicosia
Source: Author (2014). Municipality - and NMP team - has encouraged
the increased implementation of this approach at
different locations within the walls, including areas
Figure 8: Vehicular access to walled Nicosia from
close to the buffer zone. Source: Author (2017).
the Paphos Gate Source: Unknown (2016).
Built-environment: Sri Lanka - Research Journal of the Sri Lanka Institute of Architects | Christina Pieri
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