Afa Mathematics
Afa Mathematics
Afa Mathematics
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The Meaning and Method of Afa Divination
among the Northern Nsul&a Ibo
AUSTIN J. SHELTON’
State University of New York
New Pdtz, N . Y.
K. PARK (1963: 195) pointed out that the argument had not been put
G forth that the working of social systems among preliterate peoples
hinges critically on divination, that “divination has as its regular consequence
the elimination of an important source of disorder in social relationships,”
adding that “typically, divination is called for in cases of illness and death,
and in other life-crises,” situations which “call for decision upon some plan
of action which is not easily taken.” The present paper is partly a follow-up
of Park’s more general and theoretic study; I wish to present in specific detail
certain social functions of afa divination, the importance of the caster of afa,
and some of the method of casting and reading of the afa among the northern
Nsukka Ibo.
The Nsukka Ibo are primarily an agricultural people who supplement
farming in most areas by gathering and in some places by hunting, and like
all Ibo many are involved in trade as well. Their social system is broadly
gerontocratic, and villages are usually autonomous units divided into exog-
amous clans headed by the eldest man or onyisi, who is the keeper of the
druu (a group of spear-like staffs constituting an entity related to the ances-
tors) which he daily worships. The clans are subdivided into agnatic localized
patrilineages, each headed by its eldest man, and the lineages are composed
of extended families which are either elementary or compound.
To the Nsukka Ibo the world tends to be a not always clearly defined
blend of material and spiritual forces, with the spiritual in the ascendancy
insofar as most serious material happenings are ascribed ultimately to the
work of the spirits. The spirits, briefly, are of two groups: those who become
mortal time after time-the ancestors, who are reincarnated, live, and then
die to be reincarnated again, although not always, along with certain trickster
spirits such as ogbanje who torment mothers by being born as children who
constantly die and are reborn; and those spirits who are always immortal-
the high god, Chukwu and his various creative manifestations, and the num-
berless intermediary spirits called d k s i . Not personalized, but in a sense part
of the magico-spiritual world is undefined pgwu or “medicine.”
I n Ibo societies life expectancy is not great (it averages 40 years if one
lives t o the age of five), and the people are subject to numerous and rather
constant ailments ranging from leprosy and smallpox to the common cold
which often is followed by death from combined bronchial pneumonia, ma-
laria, and dysentery. Furthermore, matters such as impotency and sterility
1441
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1442 American Anthropologist [67, 1965
are not understood, and are of high frequency because of several combined
factors including substandard diet and constant if usually subconscious fear
of the unknown and even of the known.
THE AFA AND RELATED PARAPHERNALIA
The words agba’afa (more properly, agb’dja) mean “cast” (agba) and
“word” (aja), thus the caster is called onye n’agb’dfa which means “person”
(onye) “and,” but here meaning “who” ( f t ’ ) “casts afa.” A common alternate
for afa is the word tha or aha, the letters f and h often being interchangeable
in Nsukka Igbo.
Physically, the afa consist of four strings or chains each containing four
half-shells of the seeds of the bush mango (z&r.u, Irvingia gabonensis) or
more commonly of the almond ( d p i p i , Pterocarpus osum). The strings are
usually about 12 to 15 inches in length, and the half-shells are more or less
evenly spaced on the strings. Commonly, the strings also contain cowrie
shells (connected often to the end of each string) or bits of polished stone or
sea-shell purchased from traders a t Onitsha, 80 miles to the south, or even
buttons. (See Fig. 1) The actually significant parts of the afa strings are the
Apipi or ujuru half-seeds; there are four strings and four fipipi on each string
because, in part, of the deep significance of the number four among the
northern Ibo, which is exemplified by the market days or days of the week.
(Consult also Horton 1956: 18-20) The pattern of the Apipi when the strings
are cast is the actual afa-and the pattern is formed by the relationship be-
tween “open” (half-seeds falling with the interior concavity upwards) or
“closed” (with the exterior convexity upwards).
FIG.1. Afa of Ugwuja Attama, and the Ab2kkWu shell in which they are stored.
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SHELTON] A f a Divination among the Ibo 1443
The afa are stored in the shell of a tortoise (Gb8kw.u) along with a small
(ca. 4” long by 1/2” diameter) piece of sacred pfp wood (Detarium senegalense)
or, more often, wood from one of the several varieties of “life-trees” such as
ogbu (Ficus spp.), ijulosi (Newbouldia Zaevis), or ichikgre (Spondias monbin).
The wood is used by the afa caster as a means of truth-telling on his own
part and on the part of the person seeking advice from the afa, and for des-
ignating the patterns of the afa. The storage of the afa in the tortoise shell
is also importantly related to this matter of truth. As my own instructor in
nfa-reading explained :
In the old days (idigbd) the afa-caster always used the shell of Tortoise (rhbekwu) to
keep the afa, because Tortoise is the way the Ibo people (hdlgbo) learn of many true things,
through the stories told about Tortoise in the olden times and even today. And even today a
great sacrifice is hb$kwu, because he lives in the earth, and that is the place controlled by Anc
(i e., the great cilusi of the earth). Sometimes in the rainy season, Tortoise digs a hole in the
earth, because it is soft then, and when the dry season comes he goes into the hole in the earth
and he sleeps there, waiting for the rain to come again. People can find the cracked earth in the
dry season and they can dig a little bit and find him there, in the earth. People of the old times
believed that a story of Tortoise always told a truth, and the afa tell the truth, so they are
kept in the house of Tortoise.
I n almost all kinds of sickness, the victim or his closest blood relative will
consult the afa, although practical steps might a t the same time be taken.
For example, if a man shows the signs of smallpox (akr6k@dkpd), he goes to
the afa to learn what caused it and what he must do to rid himself of the
scourge, but a t the same time he is isolated from the rest of the people, who
know well that the disease is contagious. Similarly, if a pregnant woman be-
comes sick, experiences unnatural discharges, or otherwise is distressed, the
afa are requested to tell which ilusi can be given sacrifices in order to help
the woman t o have an easy delivery and a healthy baby, although the woman
also practices some home medication.
Mental distress is often considered to be brought on a person by a spirit
and can be lifted by sacrifices. One day at the shrine of Okpo in Imilikani I
observed an aged woman arrive with a trussed-up dog, two yams, palm oil,
a calabash of palm wine, kola nuts, and black salt. Her offering was to Okpo
rather than t o the Blusi offspring of this major ilusi, and when she explained
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1446 A merican Anthropologist [67, 1965
her situation t o the Attama, who would immediately afterwards relay her
prayers to the spirit, she said:
I am 6 k i e -, and my home is at Obollo’&kC.I had many children, but they all died. One
son did not die. He lived, and when he became a young man saving for his bride-price, he died.
I went to ogba’bha and the dha said that Chukwu (the high god) wanted him. The 6ha said I
did nothing wrong. That was four moons ago. But my son’s spirit did not go to the place of the
dead. Every night his ghost comes into my head and he looks very sad, and sometimes he
talks, and sometimes he sweats from his farm work, and sometimes he is like he was when he
was a small baby. I can never sleep, because his ghost did not go to the place of the dead. I
went to ogba’ba and this time the &a said that my son did not want to go to the place of the
dead, and that I should carry good things to Okpo and ask Okpo to tell my son that he is dead
and he must join the other people there. So I bring these good things to Okpo to ask for her
help.
Significant about this case of mental distress and cases of actual illness is that
without having consulted the afa, none of the sufferers would know what to
do. If one were to attempt a guess about the identity of a spirit which brought
on an affliction or which could otherwise alleviate distress, one could sacrifice
daily for a lifetime and perhaps never satisfy the proper spirit who would
meantime, according to Ibo belief, bring even greater calamities to the vic-
tim. The afa is, therefore, the means of determining what cannot be arrived
at either through logic or even chance.
Cases of infertility or impotency are similarly handled. The individual
goes to the afa-diviner to learn why she cannot bear children, and what she
can do to become fertile. As Ugwuja Attama of Ow&ri-@z&Qba told me,
From the afa it can be told if Ntiy or some other dlusi wants something, so a barren
woman or even a man comes and asks to see if one of the spirits can be found who can help to
get a baby; so the afa is cast to discover which spirit will help the people get a baby from
Chukwu, and how many months it will take for the baby to come. The number of months pass,
and if the spirit helps the people to get a baby, the father offers the sacrifice that he promised
-a goat or a sheep, or whatever the afa told him the spirit wanted. Sometimes the afa might
tell the woman that she must become inyiama (devotee of the fertility &lusinamed Inyiama)
if the spirit helps her to get a baby, so when the baby comes, she installs her own inyiama
shrine in her house and she follows the prohibitions for inyiama.
The afa are also necessary for making certain important identifications,
such as the naming of a successor to an attama (shrine-priest), the identifica-
tion of a returned ancestor, and the spirit-ownership of an albino. Among the
Nsukka Ibo the shrine-priest, who is the intermediary between the &lusi and
the villagers, is the aftama (lit., “Lord” of “spirits”), a position which is
semi-hereditary, retained by a particular patrilineage. This results from the
fact that the Igala conquered Nsukka in the past and placed an Igala shrine-
priest in each village as the agent in control of the non-ancestral division of
Ibo religion. When a successor to an attama must be chosen, which sometimes
occurs while an attama is alive, and sometimes shortly after his death, the
candidates consist of those men of his lineage who have been nominated
through dreams, in which they felt or heard the & h icalling them, and through
decisions of the lineage elders. The candidates each bring a small, marked
stick to the elder, who carries the group of sticks to the afa-caster, instructing
him to see which person the afa wants to be the next attama. Casting is then
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SHELTON] Afa Divination among the 160 1447
conducted until one of the particular sticks is definitely singled out-all
without the diviner’s knowledge of the persons to whom the sticks refer-
and the new attama is thus selected. I n this manner an individual essential
in the maintenance of social cohesion in a village is chosen by means which
can furnish no excuse for social disorder through aroused jealousies among
candidates or supporters of candidates for the attamaship.
The individual referred to as onye lalu madu is the returned ancestor
among the Nsukka Ibo-a child is born, and people might suspect because of
certain physical features or character traits that the child is a particular dead
ancestor who has been reincarnated. I n such a case, the parents take the
child to onye n’agb’gfa to have the afa identify which particular ancestor has
returned, or to verify their belief. I n some cases the afa will indicate that the
child is not actually a returned ancestor (rarely, however), or is one from
such a distant past that he cannot be named precisely (more common). I n
many cases, however, identification will be more exact. The following, for
example, was told me by the onyisi of Amadkwa Clan of Umu’hkaka in
IhC’Nsukka: “My father is ludlomp.” (ludlo= “ancestor”; mp= “my”) This
means that he, the onyisi, would be called onye ludlogb (“person ancestor is”),
and means that his own father is his particular ancestor or, considered op-
positely, that he is a reincarnation of his own father. This was determined
when he was an infant; his father died before he was born, and when he was
less than three years of age he began t o manifest traits of his father, so his
mother took him to the caster of afa, and the onyisi’s ancestral identity was
thus established.
Albinism is fairly common among the Ibo (although perhaps simply more
noticeable than among Europeans), and is something of an important occur-
rence: when an albino is born, the people consider the child to be actually the
offspring or slave of some Blusi. According to Attama Iyi’Akpala of Umu
Rlkpume in Oba:
Those people are called pbanaL and the name of the dlusi to whom they belong, because
whenever one of these strange children is born to a black mother and black father it is because
an dlusi did it, and the Obanzd must be returned to the Blusi. An Obanz6 can be called Oband
Iyi’Akpala, and that means: Obanz6 who belongs to Iyi’Akpala. To find out which dlusi sent
the banzC and wants it back, we must go to the afa, and the afa will then tell thename of the
dlusi, so the parents can give the ObanzC, who is ost2 (i.e., slave), back to the spirit who owns it.
Cast No. I
1 2 3 4
a. 0 C C 0
b. 0 0 0 0
C. 0 0 c 0
d 0 C 0 c
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1450 Americai~Anllaropologisl [67, 1965
Meaning: all in line a.
1+2=obi ogoli
2$3=ogoli OSC
3+4=osC !ha. In Igbo this is Igp’uke, “make sacrifice” to “the living.”
Instruction by afa-diviner to supplicant: “You will have to go to your home and kill some
things and bring them out with other food for your people.”
Cast N o . 2
1 2 3 4
a. 0 0 C 0
b. 0 C C C
C. C 0 0 0
d. 0 0 0 0
Meaning:
la+2a= oturl’&tt
2a+4a=LtC abp. This refers to Oye day, one of the four days of the Ibo week.
3a+4a=uhu CtC. In Igho this is ikashi, or cocoyam.
2b+3a=&tC uhs
Instruction: “On Oye day you must bring the foods to your people. One of the foods is
;kashi.”
Cast No. 3
1 2 3 4
a. c 0 C C
I>. c C c 0
C. c 0 C 0
d. 0 C 0 0
Meaning: all in line a.
1+2=pbara ohu. In Igbo this is &manyu, or palm wine.
2+3=ohzi’pbera. I n Igbo this is mlyyi, or blood.
2+4=ohu ogutl. I n Igbo, this is uyp, or happiness.
Instruction: “You must take palm wine and give it to the spirit that brings your sickness,
and you must kill something for it, so it has blood. When you do these things, you will be happy.”
Note: At this stage, two major problems have occurred, and must be
solved by the afa: (1) precisely who or what is the spirit causing the suppli-
cant’s sickness, and (2) what is t h e nature of the blood sacrifice.
Cast N o . 4 (See Fig. 2)
1 2 3 4
a. C C C 0
b. 0 0 C 0
C. C 0 C C
d. 0 0 0 C
Meaning:
la+Za=ost ogutt. I n Igho this is Chi, the emanation of Chukwu, the high god.
2a+3a=ijitd pbara. In Igbo this is manu, or palm oil.
2a+4c=ijitC’gale. In Igbo this is enp, or meat.
3a+4c =pbara Zggale. In Igbo this means gi tchezona, suggesting “do not forget.”
Instruction: “The ufa says that it is Chi whom you have offended. On an Oye day, Chi wants
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SHELTON] A f a Divination among the Ibo 1451
nkushi and palm wine and blood from an animal, and palm oil and meat from the animal, too.
You must not forget these things to give to Chi a t the onzlchi (lit., “mouth” of “Chi,” or altar to
Chi) in your house, and to give good things to your people.”
Cast N o . 5
1 2 3
a. C 0 0
b. C 0 0
C. 0 C 0
d. C 0 0
Meaning: all non-functional in relation to the problem.
la+2c=ek6 oture‘
2a+3a= oturL’t?&
3a+4a=oblpbard
Cast No. 6
1 2 3
a. C C C
b. C 0 0
C. C 0 0
d. C 0 C
Meaning: all in line a. All non-functional.
1+2 =akwd’gwtk.
1+3 = akwd’goli.
1+4=akwu 1.4.
2+4=ijite ktt?.
FIG.2. Afu of author, of d p i p i seeds and cowries, in pattern for ose‘ ugzltd. See chart of Cast No. 4.
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1452 A mericaiz A iztlzropologisl [67, 1965
FIG.3. A/a in pattern of pkara elurrikpa. See chart of Cast No. 15.
Sote: the problem still existing is the need to identify the particular animal
for the blood sacrifice. I n Cast No. 5 above, the pattern l a f 2 c was ek6 oturi,
which in Igbo means azp or fish; this is considered unsuitable for the blood
and meat sacrifice, because the Ibo consider the fish not to be a bleeding
animal. The afa is cast eight more times without furnishing any significant
information relating to the particular problem of identifying the kind of ani-
nial required for the sacrifice by the supplicant to his Chi. On the fifteenth
cast, however, a pattern of some significance occurs:
Cast No. I 5 (See Fig. 3 )
1 2 3 4
a. 0 C C C
b. C 0 C C
C. C C 0 C
d. C C C 0
Meaning: all in line a.
1+2 = pkara elzlrzikfia. This occasions the proverb beIow.
2+3 = eturizkpu 2ka.
3+4=2ka pbara.
1+4 = 6kara !bare.
2+4=eturaikpa qbara.
Instruction: “Ikayi ma gi anya 2li2
(Observe though your eye buries
onwogi, ma obugi abuzi.”
yourselves, spirit still lives cricket)
and
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SHELTON] A j a Divination among the Ibo 1453
Note: I k a y i ma gi’anya refers to common sense of intelligence, and the prov-
erb means, “No matter how intelligent you may be, you can never bury
yourself-with the exception of the cricket, who can bury himself and yet
live.” Thus the diviner explains to the supplicant: “You must do the things
the afa tells you to do, and you will become more intelligent by it.”
Ten more casts are made, but still the particular animal for the blood sacrifice
is not revealed by the afa. Finally, the revelation occurs:
Cast No. 26 (See Fig. 4)
1 2 3 4
a. C 0 0 0
11 c c C 0
C. C 0 0 c
d. C C c c
Meaning:
la+2a = akwd’lzu.
3 b + k = Q/U $gal&.
la+4d=akzo Zgul&.In Igho this is d l z m (ewe) or &b$le (ram).
Instruction: “The afa has told the kind of animal your Chi wants. I t is a sheep. You must
take the sheep to your onuchi and sacrifice it there, along with the other things, and give them to
Chi and to your people.”
With this, the supplicant makes a payment t o the diviner, thanks him for
having read the afa, and departs for his home, where he will immediately
prepare for the sacrifices which, presumably, will remove the sickness from
him.
NOTES
This study is a result of the author’s field work among the northern Ibo of Nsukka Division,
Eastern Nigeria, from 1961 to July, 1964. Vowel pronunciation is that of French. The following
symbols are used: h =nasalized; p =sound of aw,as in paw; u=slightly shorter than sound of zl in
pllt.
The author is an initiated afa-caster, although only a neophyte in comparison with Ibo
practitioners. Important in the learning of afa-divination is the necessity of maintaining the
secrecy of the art, which is socially too important to be put to the risk of misuse by Ibo (fortu-
nately few in number) who might nish to prey on their less-educated fellows.
REFERENCES CITED
HORTON,
W. R. G.
1956 God, man, and the land in a Northern Ibo Village-Group. Africa XXVI: 17-.28.
PARK,G. K.
1963 Divination and its social contexts. Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute,
XCIII, Part 2 (July-Dec.), 195-209.
TURNER, V. W.
1964 Witchcraft and sorcery: taxonomy versus dynamics. Africa XXXIV:314-325.