Colonial experiences of death, burial and memorialisation in West Terrace Cemetery,

Adelaide: applying a phenomenological approach to cultural landscapes in historical

archaeology
Author(s): STEPHEN MULLER
Source: Australasian Historical Archaeology , 2015, Vol. 33 (2015), pp. 15-26
Published by: Australasian Society for Historical Archaeology

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/26350169

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AUSTRALASIAN HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY, 33, 2015

Colonial experiences of death, burial and memorialisation in

West Terrace Cemetery, Adelaide: applying a phenomenological
approach to cultural landscapes in historical archaeology

STEPHEN MULLER1

The study of cemeteries, with their accumulated material culture, is a popular topic in historical archaeology,
eliciting a number of methodological approaches. This paper describes the application of a
phenomenological approach, best known previously in archaeology for its use in prehistoric landscape
studies, to a historical public cemetery. The plan and layout of the colonial section (1837-1900) of Adelaide's
West Terrace Cemetery is analysed within the context of nineteenth-century visitation patterns, prevailing
attitudes to death and burial in Britain and their influence on South Australian colonial society, to consider
what factors influenced the layout, selection, placement, accumulation and display of material culture within
the cemetery. The study concludes that beyond the immediate practicality of the deceased's disposal, the
colonial cemetery landscape developed during a time of more regulated cemetery visitation, was intended as
a place of movement and experience demonstrating private and public expressions of religious and social
beliefs to the observer. Its conscious construction was designed to project a sensory experience of prevailing
attitudes to death, burial and society in the nineteenth century. The visitor immersed within this landscape,
was engaged in a reflexive sensory dialogue through the mediums of space and material culture. This
experiential communication could invoke the power of memory to conjure the deceased's persona, invite
contemplation of personal loss, prevailing community attitudes and religious beliefs, and reaffirm and
perpetuate social worldviews.

INTRODUCTION (1988:436-437) acknowledged that class alone could not

account for the variation observed in the cemetery landscape.
Historical archaeology in cemeteries
This issue was taken up by Tarlow (1999:29) who investi
The location and layout of a cemetery with its graves,
gated thegates,
role of emotion as an important determinant in the
pathways, buildings and plantings, combine to form a con
choice of tombstone form and inscription, cautioning against
sciously constructed cultural landscape. It is antheevolving
inadequacy of power-centred models to explain all of the
tableau that, notwithstanding its primary function choices
as a place
that of
construct a funerary landscape. There are phe
disposal, reflects changing beliefs and social expectations
nomenological inconcerns in these hypotheses, with attention
its accumulation of memorials and their spatial presentation.
given to the route of the funeral, the placement of the
For the visitor the cemetery provides a locus oftombstone,
experience and the process of grave visitation. Mytum
inviting reflection and interpretation, both intellectually and
(2004:11) in discussing the theoretical approaches employed
emotionally (Tarlow 1999:21). Such places can affect
in theusstudy
all in of historical burial grounds, noted that little
different ways based on the feelings and beliefs wephenomenological
carry with analysis had been attempted, and its
us and the interplay between our senses and the landscape
application could be 'a very productive line of inquiry'.
being traversed, ranging from an intensely personal experience
Much of the work undertaken by Australian archaeologists
at a family members gravesite to a broad curiosity of past lives
rests in unpublished theses and focusses on particular elements
and their representation of our own inevitable mortality.
of the cemetery (notably Casey 1992; Denny 1994; Farrell
Historical archaeology in cemeteries has been pursued
2003; Keirs in
1988; Marin 1998; Matic 2003; Nicol 1985), and
the United States and Britain for several decadesonfollowing
a diverse range of articles on historical cemetery survey,
Deetz's (1977) examination of typological frequencies in excavation, and cultural analysis (Abraham and Wegars 2003;
tombstone motifs over time and subsequent analysis of how
Anson and Henneberg 2004; Donlon et al. 2008; Haslem et al.
the social selection of shape, form and image reflected
2003; Paterson and Franklin 2004; Stanger and Roe 2007).
prevailing community views of death and religion (Dethlefsen
However, a phenomenological study of an entire cemetery
1981:187). In turn, issues of class structure have been explored
landscape has not previously been undertaken in Australian
through applying a Marxist approach, with the memorial -
isation of the dead seen as a 'social advertisement' of 'the
historical archaeology.

material expression and objectivation of idealised relation

PHENOMENOLOGY AND ARCHAEOLOGY
ships' in the class struggle (Parker Pearson 1982:110) and that
spatial arrangement, form and inscription projected ideologies
Although there are different models of phenomenolo
of death, family and social status to the cemetery visitor in
according to different philosophical developments (Ma
the form of a dialogue (McGuire 1988:436-437). McGuire
1993, Tilley 2005:202), this study primarily reflects t
suggested that the perpetuation of ideology, itself a masking
approach of the French philosopher, Maurice Merleau-P
distortion of true reality, was driven by class struggle and
(1908-1961). Merleau-Ponty emphasised 'the primac
power relations designed to project and sustain the world view
perception' as the main human function, a process tha
and class interests of the deceased. However, McGuire
only occur through the foundation of the human body (M
1993:160). The interrogation of perception attempts t
understand how people experience and make sense of t
1 Freelance archaeologist and historian, swm@internode.on.net world through the physical act of being immersed in

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moving through that world as a participant yet separate experience of the site, risking a descent into fiction (Fleming
(Merleau-Ponty 1968:xvii; Pollio et al. 1997:8). Merleau 2006:278; Johnson 2002:86; Johnston 2012:277; Tarlow
Ponty (1968:xviii) argued that human self-consciousness 1999:25). In part, this concern has arisen from the application
creates a gap between the individual and the world that they of phenomenology to Neolithic sites in the United Kingdom.
strive to bridge through the use of cognitive, sensory and Here the verification of interpretations about the applicability
physical skills. The use of the five senses and physical of contemporary bodily experience to understanding the
movement through space by bodily mechanics such as spatial siting and social significance of prehistoric monuments
walking or running, allows people to perceive their in the landscape is not only contestable but also subject to
environment. In turn the sensory and physical experience of evolving technologies that may offer new interpretative
being in a place influences the internalised thought processes potential such as Geographical Information Systems
of memory, emotion, belief and intent. (Cummings and Whittle 2003: Eve 2012; Johnston 2012:279
Application of this philosophical approach to the percep 280; Panja 2003; Peterson 2003).
tion of place in geography and then archaeology during the The potential for subjective bias is hardly unique to a
1970s and 1980s led to a theoretical debate about the nature phenomenological archaeology. Indeed, an awareness of such
and interpretation of landscape (Ashmore and Knapp 1999:3; subjective bias is crucial to phenomenological enquiry as
Hallam and Hockey 2001:84). A phenomenological approach '[tjhings are active rather than passive and we cannot interpret
to archaeological landscapes was applied to address criticisms
them in any way we like, precisely because, unlike texts, they
of processual theory (Johnson 2002:103, 2012:271-272;have direct sensory effects on us' (Tilley 2005:205). One must
Thomas 2001:165-186; Tilley 2005:202-203). Proponents acknowledge then that the application of a phenomenological
approach, by definition, involves the researcher's own
argued that by developing archaeological practice along purely
scientific lines, archaeological space had become abstractedimmersion in the landscape in question. The archaeologist
from human relationships; a universal backdrop to human cannot simply disengage from being in the world in the pursuit
action focused only on economic and political forces to the of an absolute objectivity. Rather, an awareness of what Edge
exclusion of other social factors (Ashmore and Knapp 1999:1) worth (2006:11) terms a 'practical dialectic', the interaction
with the imposition of western capitalist concepts of exploita
between person and material culture and how each influences
tion and commodity onto the past resulting in minimalist and the other, provides a perspective to move forward self
empiricist interpretations of landscape (Johnson 2002:103; critically. My own sensory experience of West Terrace Ceme
Tilley 1994:2). This approach appeared to exclude the capacity
tery (Figure 1), of walking its paths, viewing the arrangement
for other considerations of the ways that people may have of its monuments, reading the graves' inscriptions, and even of
viewed and understood their surroundings (Ashmore andjust being in the landscape over countless hours of fieldwork,
Knapp 1999:1; Bender 1993:9; Thomas 2001:165; Tilley must be considered. Like any other visitor my senses were
1994:74, 2005:203). engaged with and actively interrogating and interpreting the
In response, rather than seeing landscape as an abstractlandscape and the objects that constitute it. From this self
vessel separate from human action, it was argued that aware process questions can be developed and then tested.
landscape should be seen as the medium through which Johnston (2012:279) has commented on the potential for
thought and action are articulated. By recognising that human
applying phenomenology to the archaeology of societies to
understanding of the landscape is subjective and formed allow for the application of greater contextual information than
through personal experience and interaction with the naturalthe potential offered by Neolithic and historical archaeology
and cultural environment through subject-object relations and offers such potential. Historical research coupled with
its space and features given meaning, the artificial separationarchaeological findings provides an additional process by
of the 'material and the ideal' could be rejected (Johnsonwhich to test and compare phenomenological assertions derived
2002:103). Archaeologists could thus formulate questions of from the archaeology (Mytum 2004:179). The nineteenth
the landscape concerning ritual action and ideological century cemetery landscape, as a place of repeated private and
meaning, as well as the more familiar focus on economicpublic visitation rituals, and material culture accumulation over
survival and resource usage (Ashmore and Knapp 1999:3; time, is ideally suited to test such an application.
Johnson 2002:103; Pollio et al. 1997:8; Ta§on 1994; Tilley
1994:9-10, 2005:201). Consequently, if landscape is primarily
HISTORICAL CONTEXT
the cultural construct of a subjective reality invested with
meaning through human thought, perception and action, then The development of the public cemetery has its orig
landscape is dynamic and reflective of changes in humaneighteenth century Britain against a backdrop of incr
activities and beliefs (Hallam and Hockey 2001:5; Tilley industrialisation, rising urban population, the developme
1994:10-11). The landscape becomes 'the arena in which and a wealthy middle class, and high mortality rates result
through which memory, identity, social order and trans the churchyards of Britain becoming increasingly
formation are constructed, played out, re-invented and populated (Curl 2001:37-38). The poor state of burial gr
changed' (Ashmore and Knapp 1999:10), the medium through saw them viewed as sources of disease, particularly w
which these meanings can be communicated and interpreted adjacent to dwellings. The release of 'poisonous exhala
by those physically negotiating it (Panja 2003:499; Tarlow in the course of digging new graves was blamed as a pri
1999:48; Tilley 1994:10). The application of phenomenology cause for epidemics (Morley 1971:34).
to landscape archaeology focuses on the formulation of In response, the establishment of public cemeteries g
questions of how people constructed, moved through, increasing support in the first half of the nineteenth cent
perceived, experienced and articulated space as an ongoing public health reform and pressure for urban space influ
reflective and dialectic process to seek new insights about the the creation of burial grounds on the outskirts of citi
use and meaning of the landscape through its archaeology. towns. A combination of capitalist opportunity, influ
The application of phenomenology to landscape archae landscape gardening principles, and middle class mora
ology has engendered much criticism within the discipline then created the romanticised concept of the garden cem
(Johnston 2012:276-279). Concerns arise that phenomenology resulting in the establishment in 1832 of the first Br
seeks to extract data by coming to know the experience and example, Kensal Green in London (Curl 2001:25; Lo
therefore minds of past peoples, and that any conclusions may 1843:9). A contemporary remarked '[w]hat an escape ...
well be predicated on the researcher's own subjective the choked charnel house to the verdant wide expanse, st

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Figure 1: Location map of West Terrace Cemetery.

with white tombs of infinite shapes, and stone marked graves interspersed by randomly selected burial sites, the Cemetery
covered with flowers of every brilliant dye!' (Morley committee sought to impose European order over the site.
1971:43). Roads 4.2 m wide (14 feet) were marked out to facilitate
Religious views of death and burial were also undergoing access. Provision was also made for the erection of chapels
and monuments. The committee minutes of 3 October 1839
change influenced by evangelical Christianity that emphasised
death as a family event underpinned by the certainty of family noted, 'they can select any spot in any section on application
reunion in heaven (Jalland 1996:3). High mortality rates meant to the sexton' (West Terrace Management Committee GRG
that death touched families often and the loss of children posed 38/17:4-6). Initially an unornamented headstone/board and
a spiritual test of the highest order. Across Christian denom small footstone/board was allowed, with inscriptions requiring
inations there grew an emphasis on the 'good death' - making prior approval from the trustees to ensure they reflected the
one's peace with God, and accepting suffering and finality dignified nature of the planned necropolis (West Terrace
with fortitude as a test of God's will (Jalland 1996:26-28; Management Committee GRG 38/17:2, 16-18). The town
Matthews 2004:31). surveyor determined the position of each grave, which was
In 1837, Adelaide's first public cemetery was placed in the staked out leaving 0.9 m (3 feet) between plots. Fencing the
southwest corner of the parklands belt surrounding the cemetery boundary was deemed to be of great importance to
settlement by Surveyor General Colonel William Light (Lock protect graves from incursions of wandering stock and wild
Weir 2005:25) (Figure 2). Light's curvilinear paths were never dogs (South Australian 14 Aug. 1839:3). In 1854, a new dwarf
implemented, although its oval shape was retained. Ad-hoc stone wall and iron railing was erected to replace the
burials commenced soon afterwards, with the first registered increasingly dilapidated original wooden fence.
burial dated to 2 July 1840 (Peake 1986; Nicol 1994:4). By 1849, a sketch map of the cemetery shows a third of the
Almost immediately the location of the cemetery became an south western area and a separate small rectangular area
issue, with 'the cemetery question' (whether to close West surrounding the gravesite of the Reverend C.B. Howard (died
Terrace and relocate a public cemetery further away from the 1843), as reserved for the Church of England (Nicol 1994:24).
settlement), impacting on the development of the cemetery Influenced by the arrival of the new Catholic bishop in 1844
landscape. This concern was related to issues of hygiene raised and the concerns of the Catholic community about existing
by the British experience, and Adelaide's hot summer climate cemetery regulations, in 1845 four acres was granted to create
(South Australian 20 Nov 1846:5; Register 8 Dec 1862:3). a Roman Catholic cemetery abutting the north western
Accordingly, as above ground mausoleums were not allowed boundary of the General cemetery. By 1850, the General
subsurface family crypts were built by those with means. cemetery had been divided into four distinct areas: Anglican,
Early regulation of the landscape commenced in August Jewish, Quaker, and General. In 1854, the current system of
1839, enforcing the size of burial plots to 5.4 m (18 x 18 feet), roads and rows was drafted and laid out (Nicol 1994:24, 37;
the erection of fencing, buildings, path maintenance and Colonial Secretary 1854). This allowed for the orderly laying
financial conditions. Faced with an Indigenous landscape out of plots with sufficient length for two graves back to back

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 Catholic

West Terrace Cemetery Eastern Ground

161 West Terrace 323^

Adelaide, SA 5000 parkL-ands
Australia akefielc

Main Gate
Office & Museum

Road C
Extension

Maintenance
Area
N

Figure
Figure 2:
2: Map
Mapof
of
West
West Terrace
Terrace
cemetery
cemetery (Adelaide
(Adelaide
Cemeteries

Authority).

and east-west roads dividing the site into recognisable sectionsand stylistic range of nineteenth-century material c
with paths running north-south between them (Adelaide
within its surviving colonial layout. Given its lar
Express 25 Apr 1866:2). This layout facilitated access to and chronological and spatial limitations were imposed to
movement around the cemetery. manageable study, with a focus on the surviving
In comparison, the Catholic cemetery adopted an irregular section of the cemetery (1837-1901), providing the p
grid system. These grids were marked at each corner by a for comparison between practices in Britain and
South Australia.
wooden peg, and numbered sticks marked the plots within.
Catholics were a minority in the early days of settlement, Archaeological fieldwork was undertaken in three stages.
comprising only 15 per cent of the population in 1866 (Prest Firstly, a pedestrian survey of the General and Old Catholic
2001:96), with the colony dominated by Anglicans and Non sections was undertaken to establish the spatial integrity of the
Conformists (Whitelock 1977:193-194). Their status is colonial layout. The cemetery's oval shape, as shown in
reflected in the small allocation of 10.8 h of low-lying and Light's map, remains intact and can be clearly seen in recent
flood-prone land, resulting in a haphazard burial layout. In aerial photographs of the site (South Australian Dept. of
1870, the central addition of the Gothic revival style MemorialEnvironment, Water and Natural Resources 2002).
Chapel finally gave the Catholic cemetery a focal point. Secondly, to understand the chronological distribution of
The main cemetery entrance from West Terrace enjoyed monuments across the site, the primary date of death and
repeated attempts at modest beautification. In 1860, the view monument height was recorded from each colonial tombstone
is described as a wide avenue with plantings of native acaciasin the General and Old Catholic sections. This amounted to
and introduced cypresses lining either side; the latter species 14,000 graves with 12,000 fn the General cemetery and 2000
symbolic of mourning and the 'cemeteries of the ancients' in the Old Catholic cemetery. The recorded information was
(Nicol 1988:274). Such was the density of foliage that theplotted onto a map to show the chronological distribution of
tombstones were described as peeping out from the spaces burials by decade across the colonial and Catholic sections.
between (South Australian Weekly Chronicle 25 Feb. 1860 Thirdly, a targeted sampling strategy was used to select the
[Supp]:l). An 1872 photograph looking west from the main four areas to be subjected to more detailed analysis. Any
entrance shows a dense scene of trees and shrubs lining the tombstones within the samples dated later than 1900 were not
edge of the roadways, and represents the popular idea of the considered. Three samples (A, B and C) were located in the
garden cemetery in fashion at that time (Nicol 1994:84). TheseGeneral section and the fourth (D) in the Old Catholic section
plantings have not survived due to burn offs, herbicide use and(Figure 3 and 4). Each sample contained 50 plots which
roadside clearance in the early twentieth century to make room totalled 229 tombstones (as some plots had more than one
for new burials (T. Struthers pers. comm. 9 August 2006). monument). Sample A (Road 1 South, rows 20 east to 24 west)
has a broad chronological range of material culture
ARCHAEOLOGICAL METHOD (1840s-1870s) (56 tombstones), including a prominent
Clergyman's grave, and is located next to the main entrance
The West Terrace Cemetery, including its twentieth-century
roadway. Sample B (Road 3, rows 9 east to 13 west and rows
extensions, occupies a total area of 27.6 h and6 contains
east to 10 west) (60 tombstones), has a similar chronological
approximately 30,000 gravesites. It was chosen asrange
a suitable
(allowing for comparison with Sample A) but spreads
site for this study as it is the earliest and largest public
across Road 3 allowing for consideration of how this passage
cemetery in South Australia retaining a large chronological
may have affected the landscape arrangement. Sample C
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 demonstrate how both functional and ideological factor
combination have influenced the spatial design, vis
expression and communicative experience of the cem
landscape. It is important to understand that cemete
visitation patterns in the nineteenth century involved
personal ritualised remembrance practices and a public
recreational role. Family and friends of the deceased were
expected to undertake frequent and socially prescribed
visitation to the gravesite in the first year after death (usually
several times a week) before gradually reducing to weekly,
monthly, and then significant family anniversaries (Jalland
2002:291). Recreational use of West Terrace was common by
1854, the cemetery sexton noting that hundreds of people were
frequenting the cemetery for pleasure walks, particularly on a
Sunday afternoon. In 1856, dependent on good weather,
groups of 200 to 300 people, including children, undertook
such recreation (South Australian Register 18 Oct. 1854:3,
4 Nov 1854:3; The Register 8 Nov 1856:3). No historical
records clarify the patterns of movement by these visitors, but
such social habits continued on well into the century, with one
newspaper informing 'ramblers' in 1891 of the nicest sections
to walk in (South Australian Register 12 Sep 1891:5).

Orientation and size

The row system imposed on the general cemetery in 1854

clearly reflected in Samples A to C. This plan organised th
gravesites into double-sided east-west facing rows running
Figure 3: Map showing sample areas (Adelaide Cemeteries Authority). north-south. However, a small number of plots have varia
layouts and orientation in each sample; five tombstones in
sample A (nine per cent), two in sample B (three per cent) a
three in sample C (five per cent). As most post-date 1854 th
cannot be seen as a remnant of the pre-regulated cemetery
Chronological Sample landscape. Eight of the graves are larger in size than th
2% surrounding graves suggesting a conscious choice to se
greater visual exposure and prominence within the landscap
■ 1840s Two plots are on or directly adjacent to Road 1 South and th
monuments are positioned so that their inscriptions face nor
■ 1850s
to the road. In form they are spatially large and altar shape
1860s Altars are rare in the other samples and when they do appe
they are always next to or extremely close to roadways (Figu
■ 1870s
5). This location is essential as the altar's relatively low heig
■ 1880s required both a large spatial footprint and an unimped
■ 1890s sightline to draw attention. The generally lower railings us
for altars (usually 25 to 50 cm in height) can also be seen as
Unreadable attempt to avoid impeding visual access. With the proliferati
of material culture over time and the filling of roadsi
positions, this form of expensive monument lost favour,
evidenced by its absence beyond the 1860s.
Figure 4: Tombstones by decade in sample areas.

(Road 4, rows 28 west to 30 east) (57 tombstones) is

chronologically later (1880s-1890s) and Sample D (Grids
C7, D7 to D8, and E7 to E8), in the Catholic section (56
tombstones), whilst enjoying a wide chronological range,
allows for denominational comparison with the other samples
to explore possible differences.
Detailed recording was undertaken of all material and
spatial elements of the gravesites including, tombstone/plot
orientation (including association with any other plots), type
(individual, double or group burials), tombstone dimensions
and visibility, associated grave items, inscription, motifs;
fencing/borders, and relationship to roads and paths.

RESULTS

The application of a phenomenological approach to consider

ing the trends indicated by the archaeological data and
supported by the available historical information, helps toAltar tomb in Sample A looking south.
Figure 5:

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 Sample A is dominated by the Reverend Charles Beaumont area near the Reverend's grave, 'thus became a desirable spot,
Howard's large rectangular plot (died 1843), measuring and many persons selected it' (South Australian Register 23
5x6 m, is the largest plot and central landscape feature in this Oct 1854:3). This 'neighbourhood' also enjoyed easy and
area (Figure 6). The marble obelisk replaced the original deter direct access from the main cemetery entrance, and would have
iorating monument in 1921, (no image or description of the allowed for a highly visible funeral procession. A stone block
original is known). The plot also contains a secondary marble on the road verge here acted as a step for the coachman
cross, commemorating the Reverend and his wife, erected by (Struthers pers. comm. 9 August 2006).
their children, and an ornate altar tomb for the Reverend's Larger plot sizes, if easily perceived, could make a strong
second daughter (died 1866). A low cast iron railing (60 cm in statement about the social status of the family, however West
height) completes the scene. The plots large size has affected Terrace's flat topography meant that ultimately height would
the later introduction of the standardised rows, resulting in a trump space as the cemetery filled up. An example of this
truncation of row 22 west, commencing after Howard's grave 'competition' is seen in Sample B where Captain Bagot's plain
and requiring the access path to curve around his plot before tablet and inscription (died 1880) is projected by its situation
realigning itself to the normal north-south axis. A small course within a large plot 2.5 x 6 m (W x L) that occupies both sides
of curved brickwork can be observed in the ground here of the row. Contemporaries would have known him for his
showing the original path edge. mining and political interests (Prest 2001:612), and noted the
An examination of adjacent graves revealed the identities spatial symbolism of success this footprint denoted. Yet
of other significant early colonists. Immediately west of Rev distracting from this space is its more decorative and taller
erend Howard is the grave of Osmond Gilles (died 1866), neighbour. In 1863 the Wadham family, of whom the father
whose tombstone proclaims him as the first treasurer of South William was a prominent politician, erected a statue in
Australia. Three plots northwards is the fine marble altar tomb memory of their daughter, Fanny Louisa, who had died aged
of John Finnis (died 1872), who made his fortune from farming seven. The marble monument (Figure 7). features a life size
and mining (Prest 2001:615). Several other adjacent graves figure of Fanny perched atop a square plinth decorated with a
display inscriptions denoting the deceased's profession or their remarkable mixture of symbolic motifs (upturned torches,
status as a 'colonist', emphasising their pioneering role. As the anchor, cross, wreath and scrolls). Standing three metres in
original Church of England section it is understandable that height, the monument attracts the visitor's attention and must
burial here reflects a denominational choice, however the have evoked an emotional response for the loss of one so
congregation of high status burials is also evidence of status young, as well as an appreciation for its contribution towards
association. Burial close to an esteemed figure, as reflected by a suitably appropriate landscape. Positioned on the road verge
the size of the Reverend's plot and praising inscription, allowed with head slightly turned towards the visitor, the monument
for an enhanced projection of social connection and status to drew contemporary praise as a, 'prominent object in the
the onlooker. A contemporary newspaper report reflects that the grounds' (Adelaide Express 25 Apr 1866:2).

Er«ct«ij
t-»

the M«m»rj Of
twx rtv.cmaaui,
Czavmom- kowad'

C»k«m

Figure 6: Howard's family plot in Sample A looking west.

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 chaos, the dead being packed as closely as they could be'
(Express and Telegraph 10 March. 1898:4). The site's lack of
space meant that the pressure on securing a burial space left
little possibility for the more ordered pathways and rows of the
General cemetery. The lack of paths and the high percentage
of cast iron railing plot fences make movement through this
section difficult and in some places impossible.
An average of 80 per cent of the sample's plots were
enclosed by fencing and/or kerbing with cast-iron railings
retaining their popularity throughout the nineteenth century
(69 per cent of the total sample and representing 85 per cent of
all enclosed plots). Larger family plots were accessed by a gate
that could be locked, whereas single plots were simply fenced
off post-burial. Fence heights varied between 25 cm to 1.5 m
and protected the grave from stray animals, vandals and
indecent people walking over the gravesite. Low kerbed plots
made of marble, brick or concrete denoted the plot boundary
but did not physically impede access to it. The percentage of
unfenced plots is consistent across the samples. These may
have had wooden fences that have not survived (Nicol
1994:84; South Australian Weekly Chronicle 25 Feb 1860
[Supp.]: 1).

Height

The third factor at play after orientation and size was height,
allowing for increased visibility over a greater distance within
the competing elements of the cemetery landscape. In the
areas sampled monuments vary between heights of 500 cm to
three m. The majority of tombstones (75 per cent) stand
between 1.5-2 m in height. Those below 1 m (11 per cent)
Figure 7: Detail of Fanny s tombstone in sample B. include altars. Fourteen per cent of tombstones stand at over 2
m of which 3 per cent are 3 m or higher. These expensive and
visually prominent monuments, often pillars or obelisks,
Many of the taller monuments in this sample are family became more popular in the latter decades of the nineteenth
plots, as evidenced by the lengthy inscriptions updated over century. The height range across the samples is mostly
time. Their height and varied designs catch the eye from consistent, with the majority of monuments over 1 m in height.
Road 3. They usually have one main monument (sometimes Material choice influenced height with softer materials, such
accompanied by a secondary, lower and plainer addition). In as slate, having mostly lower heights, compared to the more
layout, the colonial families of Adelaide were following resilient marble. These trends are consistent with a known
overseas trends in which originally separate family monu increase in monument heights in the latter half of the
ments arranged side by side were replaced by the demarcated nineteenth century (Mytum 2002:10).
family plot, with the father as patriarch symbolised by a large Interestingly, the tallest average landscape with 67 per cen
single memorial, and other family members recorded in the of tombstones standing at 1.75 m or more, and 7 per cent (th
context of their relationship to him (McGuire 1988:447). The highest of any sample) exceeding 3 m is found in Sample D
higher number of family plots in Sample B compared to more The erection of the Neo-Gothic Smythe Memorial Chapel in
individual burials in Sample A accounts for the significantly the middle of the section (1870) and facing the main easter
greater tombstone height profile of this sample. The creation entrance road, provided a central focal feature that could b
of a family space presents as the driving force in the spatial easily reached by a procession from the eastern Catholic gat
layout of sample B. A contemporary noted that, in order for a
(Figure 8). The chapel acted as a spatial magnet for the buria
'burial to meet with public approval [there] must be a spot
sites of clergy and Catholics of means, in a similar way to th
specially set apart for the purpose, where each family can have
of Howard's plot in Sample A. A contemporary newspap
its own appointed space' (The Advertiser 10 Dec 1891:7).
noted that 'several costly monuments' are prominent aroun
Contemporaries understood that the grave would be viewed,
the chapel, including Luke Murphy's ornate neo-gothi
read and commented on by family, peers and potentially the
obelisk, standing at over 3 m in height, with an inscription
broader community (McGuire 1988:460).
Sicilian marble and a cross surmounted on Bath stone (The
By comparison, Sample C reflects an essentially intact late Register 4 Jan. 1872:7). Also present are the communal plo
nineteenth-century landscape (1880s-1890s) of increasing of priests and nuns, erected in the 1870s and 1890s, varying
spatial uniformity in layout and form. Variations in plot size, height from 1.75 to 4 m. The concentration of monume
so pronounced in Samples A and B are rare. The standard heights near the chapel creates an image of holy spires
layout of double rowed plots aligned east-west and running orientated to face the road to ensure public exposure, in spi
north-south is broken by only three plots, two of which are of the spatially encumbered layout, as a space of religious an
directly adjacent to the road. social status. Perhaps the burial of the South Australi
In marked contrast the Old Catholic section presents a very Governor, Sir Dominick Daly, nearby in 1868 influenced th
different landscape experience, despite being chronologically siting of the chapel. Whilst no one factor is evident for th
comparable to Samples A and B. Here the grid layout aligns higher landscape, it is likely that the spatial limitations of t
the plots in disorderly east-west rows with monuments facing site, the availability of locally sourced marble (80 per cent o
north or south, presenting a crowded and irregular landscape. the sample) and denominational preference combined to crea
A contemporary observed, 'the whole place was in a state of this suitably visible landscape.

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Figure 8: Entrance to Catholic section (Sample D) looking west with Smyth Memorial Chape! centre right.

Material Terrace by the use of mostly white or cream coloured marble

that stands out visually against the backdrop of vegetation,
The materials used in the manufacture of grave monuments are
railings and pathways.
important as this choice contributes to the most dominant
visual element of the cemetery landscape and the perception ofSlate tombstones (14 per cent) and sandstone tombstones
(6 per cent) tend to reflect the earlier availability of local, and
uniformity or diversity across such sites. Four main materials
therefore more affordable material, at a time when monu
were observed in the sample areas: slate, sandstone, marble
and granite. Whilst not remarkable in themselves as such mental masonry was primarily worked by hand (Tillett
1994:1). The slate tombstones are mostly of tablet form,
materials are consistent with known historical trends in West
although some slate slabs are present in sample B and slate
ern monument manufacture and usage generally, the choices at
play here are reflective of both local realities and the influencealtars in sample C. In colour slate ranges from medium to dark
of developing ideological tastes in presentation, arising fromgrey, and therefore blends into its environment. The use of
abroad. slate peaked in the 1860s,. before sharply declining in the
1870s as marble, previously an expensive imported option,
Marble accounts for the majority of the total sample (77
per cent), and is the most commonly used material in all became locally available and more affordable. Improved
samples. It is almost totally dominant in the chronologically technology also made the production of more ornate marble
design concepts possible. The majority of slate tombstones in
later Sample C (93 per cent), with no slate, and granite just
the samples date from the 1860s or earlier.
beginning to gain purchase (5 per cent). This clearly reflects its
increasing popularity and dominance of the cemetery The small number of sandstone tombstones date from the

landscape in the latter quarter of the nineteenth century. Its 1850s and 60s, and had virtually disappeared from the
popularity is twofold. Firstly survival of the monument itself cemetery landscape by the 1880s. Ranging in colour from a
was crucial to the idea of a symbolic immortality (Francaviglia dull yellow to brown, it was primarily sourced locally from
1971:502). The hardness of marble combined with its varying Tea Tree Gully (Young 1997:2). The existence of some bare
colour (white or cream to pink or grey), and potential for plots in the samples may be indicative of graves whose
polishing to enhance its presentation, made it a superior mater monuments have not survived to the present, remembering
ial when exposed to the elements as it would not split or erode that wooden markers were also used.

like slate and sandstone. Its strength also made it suitable for Granite accounts for 3 per cent of the sample. This durable
more ambitious tombstone sizes and heights. silicate of variable colour polishes well. It overtook marble as
Secondly, the use of marble in neo-classical grave monu the material of choice in the first quarter of the twentieth
ments also reflected the desire for both visual and material century as new trends in monument style emerged in the
connection to the idealised classical civilisations of the west cemetery (Griffin and Tobin 1982:98). One metal monument,
(Francaviglia 1971:507). Such a vision is suggested at West a lone metal cross (with no inscription) whose form and style

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suggests a nineteenth-century provenance, appears in the east). These include a lamb and broken pillar. These symbolic
sample. The overall visual impression is of a white sea of markers denote premature death, and would have been
marble interspersed by small patches of alternate materials. recognised as such by visitors. The lamb, a religious symbol of
gentleness and innocence (Nicol 1988:272), signals the grave
Form of two babies and is a rare example of imported masonry from
Highgate, London, (the location of one of the most ornate of
The form of a monument represents a public statement Victorian public cemeteries) (Jenner 1999:147). The broken
reflective of personal family choice, social expectation, column, symbolising a life cut short, memorialises a young
conscious spatial display and ideological communication. In man lost in a shipwreck. These forms convey information
all samples, and across all decades the tablet form is strongly about the death of the deceased visually before the visitor
dominant (71 per cent of total sample), usually standing 1.7 m consults the confirming inscription.
tall (the average height in all four samples), with 57 per cent
of plain design (no motifs), and the remainder displaying
Motifs and inscriptions
foliage, flowers, wreaths and scrolling (Figure 9). This
monument form is traditional, originating in Britain in the Interaction with the monument was accentuated by the
seventeenth century and reaching its largest size (and heights) evocation of motif and inscription consciously intended to
in the nineteenth century when public visibility became an communicate at both a personal and public level within the
important consideration (Mytum 2002:5 and 10). The next cultural context of nineteenth-century attitudes and beliefs.
most common form is crosses (11 per cent) and obelisks/ West Terrace Cemetery contains a diverse representation of
pillars (10 per cent). The latter holding a consistent spread tombstone motifs that reflect both prevailing British cultural
chronologically across the samples, suggesting a steady fashions and social attitudes to death and burial. However, the
popularity for those who could afford these more expensive use of motifs does not appear to have been essential and
memorials. Pillars topped by urns date mainly from the 1880s initially was discouraged by the cemetery authorities. Samples
onwards, although this neo-classical form was used A and B have no motif on over half the tombstones (57 and 58
throughout the nineteenth century (Mytum 2004:76-77), and per cent respectively). Sample C demonstrates an increased
its original association with the Roman practice of cremation use of motifs in the latter decades of the nineteenth century
purely symbolic in an age of burial (McKnight 2005). (73 per cent of the sample).
Altars (4 per cent) are concentrated mainly
in Sample A, dating mostly from the 1850s
and 1860s. Also referred to as chest tombs,
this shape is suggestive of both classical
sarcophagi and medieval tombs, reflecting the
revival of Classical and Gothic architectural
styles in the Victorian period (Gilbert 1980:33; hr,{

Mytum 2004:69). They are mostly present on

peter qrowk
large sized plots containing family vaults (an rm muhvo MummAuo 00

expensive option). Their decline in the sample r ttfiCA Janc Brown

0 Hew Tm Am o

after the 1860s is likely the result of a move disc jw« a« 1% «

Acid 7 yban*
towards increasing monument height by those
of means, in a landscape filling with burials
ALSO

Rebecca Jane Brown.

(Mytum 2004:69). mcLovmo ir/ff ortmk above
WHO oiko d(c.I«'<l»oi.

Less common forms such as ledgers, IMMK* 78TJ via*.

»».»o Olive Clara

statues, rocks/blocks and combined forms ocaaly KtLOVKD OAVCHTtA Of W.H.A a.BAOWH.

account for 1 per cent each or only 4 per cent who OIKO at laura APRIL •»« Mil.
ACCO 21 yc ARB.

in total, suggesting that conformity to

prevailing styles was the norm. This is further
emphasised by the statistical uniformity found
across all samples in relation to the dominant
form choices. This period had produced a
highly ritualised and visual funerary process
within a context of acceptable decorative and
symbolic styles. Social expectations of appro
priate display, in tandem with the developing
and responsive funeral industry, combined to
achieve the desired landscape effect.
Statues and busts of the deceased are few
in West Terrace, with only one in the sample
(Fanny in Sample B). For those who could
afford expensive monuments it would appear
that symbolic forms rather than realistic
figures were preferred in keeping with British
tastes as opposed to the ornate figural
sculptures found in European or European
influenced cemeteries such as Pere Lachaise in
France and Ricoleta in Argentina (Mato 2009).
Form also provided the visitor with visual
clues amongst the landscape. A good example
of this is a row of ornate monuments perched
on the eastern edge of Sample A (Row 20Figure 9: Marble tablet in Sample C looking east.

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 The Old Catholic cemetery (Sample D) is the opposite The prefix 'beloved' or 'loved' is also popular but is
with 70 per cent of tombstones having motifs. The use of the usually applied to the secondary burial, for example 'beloved
cross motif generally, including the Celtic ringed cross, is also wife of', usually with 'In Memory of framing the primary
higher here with 30 plots from a sample of 56 displaying it. burial name. Euphemisms for death are generally avoided with
This trend is reflected in other Catholic cemeteries (Mytum 'died' favoured on an average of 75 per cent of tombstones in
2004:140). In general, most of the larger graves display some samples A, B and C. Only in the Catholic section does the use
form of decoration, suggesting a link between visibility and of gentle euphemisms for death such as 'resting' and
decoration (and the affluence it suggests). 'sleeping' appear much higher (46 per cent), suggesting a clear
Motifs are both decorative and symbolic. Flowers and denominational preference for these gentler and religiously
laden terms.
foliage, appearing on a third of the tombstones, impart coded
messages about the deceased's character to family members, Christian religious themes are consistently used across the
whilst also providing more generalised religious meanings samples and average 45 per cent with the exception of sample
(McKnight 2005, Meller 1985:32-33, Nicol 1988:27-273, A (32 per cent). Two types of religious inscription are
Weston 2012:36-38). Victorian flower symbolism suggests observable. The first are standardised phrases such as, 'Thy
attributes of personality, such as the rose for sinlessness, will be done' or 'Who fell asleep in Jesus'. The second are
although even more specific and personalised messages, biblical quotations that suggest careful individual selection
known to the bereaved, are now lost to us (Mytum 2004:80). and may say something about the nature of the deceased.
Edgetta (1992:89-90) terms these 'personality revelations' Inscriptions, whilst often formulaic in structure and con
designed to trigger family memory and associations through tent, developed more emotive, expressive, and overtly
religious messages of eternal wellbeing. The cross and several religious statements as attitudes to death evolved in the latter
other religiously symbolic motif types (i.e. dove, anchor, and half of the nineteenth century. In the chronologically later
book) are represented in smaller numbers. Sample C, key wording remains consistent with the other
Initially, many inscriptions were primarily factual and samples; however the introduction of more emotive flourishes,
simple, bearing only the deceased's name and date of death, small statements of grief, longing and hope, whilst not unique
although some biographical and cultural references do occur, to this sample, are more common. This corresponds to the
for example 23 per cent of inscriptions reference occupation, general understanding of an increased emotional context in the
suggesting a landscape more concerned with extoling the latter half of the nineteenth century, reflecting the idea of a
virtues of those colonists who did well in this life, rather than heavenly family reunion in God's house (Jalland 1996:
an obvious emphasis on the next. 267-268). For example, Hammill's 1888 monument conjures
Samples A and B contain many primarily factual inscrip such domestic imagery,
tions. For example Young's grave (Sample A No 3): No sin, no grief, no pain,
SACRED Safe in my happy home;
TO THE MEMORY OF My fears all fled, my doubts all slain
My hour of triumphs come.
John Thomas Young
Who departed this life Soothing images of an afterlife were also invoked to ease
On the 24th day of January the grief of the visiting family member or friend, such as
1851 Prisk's 1885 grave which projects the following image.
In the 46th year of his age
He was a native of Bantern in Shall we gather at the river,
Ireland and one of our where bright angels feet have trod,
with its crystal tide for ever
Early Colonists
flowing by the throne of God
The information provided avoids any religious reference
but communicates to the visitor Young's ethnicity and status as Again, religious ideological difference is apparent in the
a contributor to the colony. The emphasis is on his life rather inscriptions. The Catholic belief in the capacity of the living to
than an afterlife. This focus is particularly notable amongst the use prayer to influence the deceased soul's passage from the
earlier graves of the General Section samples with an absence intermediate state of purgatory to heaven places a different
of any religious reference on 68 per cent (Sample A) and 55 expectation upon the visitor (Jalland 2002:3. 145, 173; Mytum
per cent (Sample B). These 'pragmatic' inscriptions appear to 2004:139) as evidenced by Kennedy's inscription:
correlate with the lack of decorative motifs (albeit not initially Of your Charity
encouraged by the authorities) and may reflect the dominance Pray for the Repose of the Soul
of non-conformist religious beliefs that shied away from Of
excessive display, in favour of a social sobriety (Whitelock Dean Kennedy
1977: 194-198). Sometimes more overt personality references
are employed in inscriptions, for example this statement in The inscription implores the onlooker to active partici
pation in a ritual of prayer for the benefit of the dead, and
Sample C, 'Strange that a harp with a thousand strings could
keep in tune so long', suggests a complex nature. thereby transforms the process of visitation into a dialogue of
action. The entreaty appears on 20 per cent of the monuments
However, the key concept expressed across all samples is in Sample D.
the notion of memory, a thought process often invoked
through visitation, of being physically in a place. The standard
CONCLUSION
opening inscription 'In Memory of' appears on 87 per cent of
tombstones in Sample A; 90 per cent in B and 73 per cent in This article has been a first step in demonstrating th
C. Despite denominational differences in the Catholic section application of a phenomenological landscape approach to th
(Sample D), the phrase still occurs on 57 per cent of historical archaeology of cemeteries, and has potenti
tombstones there. The family member, through reading the possibilities for the study of other historical landscapes. Th
inscription, conjured forth a living memory of the deceased combination of archaeological recording and historica
couched in an emotional response based on feeling and research within a phenomenological analytical framework has
obligation. proven fruitful in considering the observed archaeological sit
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patterns at West Terrace and to interpret historical social DENNY, M. 1994 Tombstone Iconography and Social Class:
attitudes and physical experiences from them. The data Health and poverty in the 19th Century, Honours thesis,
obtained from the samples in relation to spatial layout, burial Flinders University of South Australia.
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meaning, communication, and experience remain embedded 159.
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DONLON, D„ M. CASEY, W. HACK and C. ADLER 2008
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'Early Colonial Burial Practices for Perinates at the
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EDGETTA, J.J. 1992 'The Epitaph and Personality Revel
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS FARRELL, Z. 2003 Sacred to the Memory: An archaeological
I am grateful to Associate Professor Heather Burke, from the
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Honours thesis, Flinders University of South Australia
Department of Archaeology, Flinders University, Adelaide, for
FLEMING, A. 2006 'Post-processual Landscape Archae
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to the anonymous ASHA reviewer whose comments A Critique', Cambridge Archaeological Journal 16
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Thanks also to Russell Pilbeam (ACHM GIS FRANCAVIGLIA,
Dept.) for R.V. 1971 'The Cemetery as an Evolving
Cultural Landscape', Annuals of the Association of
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American
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