CONTENTS

Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9

ChaPter 1
exCavating MaCedon

aigai
1 . The excavations of the 17th ephorate of Prehistoric and Classical antiquities
in the asty and the necropolis of aigai in 2003-2004: new evidence for the royal burial
cluster of eurydice and the city wall . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
2 . The research at aigai, a ‘πόλις κατά κώμας’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
3 . The royal necropolis of aigai 2012-2013: Five new royal tombs
and the solution to an old problem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
4 . The ‘anatomy’ of a tumulus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36
5 . The royal necropolis of aigai: walking through the centuries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
Pieria Mountains
1 . The excavations of the 17th ephorate in upland ‘Macedonis’
and the identification of ancient Levaia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56
vermion
1 . The excavation at vermion tzamala 1999/2000 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61
2 . The excavation at tzamala, vermion in 2001 major projects and antiquities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68

ChaPter 2
toPograPhY, SoCietY, art and CULtUre in MaCedon

Burial customs and believes

1 . royal funerary pyres in the necropolis in aigai . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77
2 . The Custom of Cremation and the Macedonians . Thoughts on the finds
from the necropolis of aigai . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89
3 . Macedonian burial customs and the funeral of alexander the great . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101
4 . The necropolis of aigai in the archaic period and the royal burial clusters . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105
Upland imathia in the early iron age (11th -7th Century BC) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 112
old preconceptions and new finds: ‘Macedonians or Bottiaians? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 128
Philosophy and architecture in the palace of aigai . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 140
The enigma of the ivory heads from the tomb of Philip ii . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147
aigai in the hellenistic period . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155

ChaPter 3
MaCedonian eLeMentS in the heLLeniStiC ‘eCUMene’

Queens - Priestesses - goddesses: From Macedonia to the world . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 170

architecture and politics in the kingdom of the Seleucids: new evidence from ikaros–Failaka . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 192
Kings, poleis and politics from Philip ii to Seleucus i nicator . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 215
Thoughts relating to the ‘discovery of telephus’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 220

Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 229

7
 P R E FAC E

uring the last decades, the huge rescue excavations, as part of major public works projects, as well as

D the conservation and restoration of monuments and archaeological sites, in the framework of eU
co-funding projects, brought to light many new finds that contribute substantially to the study of
ancient Macedonia . This applies especially to aigai and the wider region of imathia, the core land of the
Macedonian kingdom . however, the presentations at various conferences and the publications in honorary
volumes regarding those finds in greek are not easily accessible to the international scientific community,
resulting to their exclusion from the scientific dialogue . The present volume, published by the ephorate of
antiquities of imathia, aims at overcoming that difficulty . even though the volume’s main focus is aigai, it is
not limited to them, includes more and broader issues and it is divided into three sections .
The first section comprises the presentation of important excavation finds of the last twenty years . Five
papers are dedicated to aigai: the discovery of the northwestern part of the city’s wall (2003-4), the elucida-
tion of the Macedonian metropolis’ organization as a conglomerate of settlements (city ‘kata komes’) (2006),
the discovery of a group of new royal tombs (2012-2013) at the cluster of the temenids, the discovery of an
important unlooted tomb of the 4th century and the elucidation of the stratigraphy of the burial mounds in
the classical period (2014), as well as of the overall organization and the necropolis’ horizontal stratigraphy
(2015); they have been presented at the annual conference “archaeological work in Macedonia and Thrace”
(aeMTh), and only the first two are published until now . There is, also, the presentation of the excavation at
the region of Pieria mountains in 2004, which led to the identification of ancient Levaia, and two presenta-
tions of the extended rescue excavations at vermio, during the construction of the new egnatia road, which
led to the elucidation of the way the mountainous area was organized in the antiquity .
in the second section nine papers present interpretations of the new findings as well as working hypoth-
eses - conclusions regarding the topography, society, art, culture and history of Macedon . Four of them
relate to the Macedonian burial customs: the royal funerary pyres at the necropolis of aigai, the custom of
cremation and its use by the Macedonians, the funeral of alexander the great, and the creation and evolu-
tion of the royal tomb clusters at the archaic necropolis of aigai . one explores the spatial organization and
the pattern of the settlements in imathia during the early iron age and another discusses the crucial issue
of the first expansion of the Macedonians, beyond the limits of their ’homeland’ . two others, «The enigma
of the ivory heads from the tomb of Philip ii», which was presented in 2004 at a conference in new York,
but never published, and the «Philosophy and architecture in the palace of aigai», discuss the astonishing
artistic achievements of the age of Philip ii, that was undoubtedly the “golden age” of aigai, while the last
of that group presents all the new evidence regarding the Macedonian metropolis of aigai during the hel-
lenistic periodThe third and last section includes four extensive articles dedicated to Macedonian elements
that seal some very interesting political and cultural developments of the hellenistic world, and, hopefully,
will initiate relevant discussion . in “Queens-Priestesses-goddesses: From Macedonia to the world”, based
on the findings of aigai, the iconography of the queens of Macedon is related to the broader iconographic
types of archaic and classical art and its genetic relationship with the iconography of the hellenistic queens
is clarified, giving us a safe tool for their identification while its evolution is recorded until the late antiqui-
ty . The finds of our excavation at Failaka (2007-2009) that lead to a reconsideration of the data and a new
proposal for the reconstruction of the temples and the sacred enclosure, as well as to thoughts regarding

9
their ideological function, are the topics of “architecture and Politics in the Kingdom of the Seleucids: new
evidence from ikaros–Failaka”, while the beginnings and the crucial importance of establishing cities as a
key tool, for the formulation of a new worldview are discussed in “Kings, Poleis and Politics from Philip ii
to Seleucus nicator” .
in the present volume the reader will find my first published paper entitled “Thoughts relating to the
‘discovery οf telephus’”, which was written in 1987 for “ametos”, the volume in honor of Manolis andron-
ikos . i would not change a single word of that paper; on the contrary, i believe that further evidence now
indicates deliberate mentions from the attalids to ‘manners’ and “topoi”, related with the temenids, but this
is the subject of an other ongoing study .
The present publication would not have been realized, without the aid of dr nicola wardle, who translat-
ed and edited the texts and, of course, without the knowledge, care and experience of eurasia Publications
and, personally, of ethel and Phaedon Kidoniatis . i warmly thank them all and i hope that our collaboration
will continue .
a n g e L i K i Ko t ta r i di

10
 THE CUSTOM OF CREMATION
2.
AND THE MACEDONIANS
1
THOUGHTS ON THE FINDS FROM THE NECROPOLIS OF AIGAI

n the early iron age (11th – 7th century BC) cemeteries of Mac- were transferred from the place of cremation and thrown onto

I edon the usual burial practice was interment . This was also the
case at aigai . in the imposing cemetery of the tumuli2 which
lies to the north of the ancient city, as well as in the cemeteries of
the grave, unless, of course, the cremation had taken place in the
same burial pit .
This custom seems to have been applied with particular rev-
satellite communities3 the dead – both rich and poor, men and erence at aigai . Thus beside one of the cist tombs of the group,
women – were interred . Cremation was rare and the few exam- were found the objects which had been offered on the deceased’s
ples of which we know and can be counted on the fingers of one funerary pyre, and then carefully placed in a pile: these included a
hand, are humble burial pyres of unimportant people .4 bronze helmet badly warped by the heat (Figs . 1a-b), two swords
Cremation as a method of burial for the elite appears in the – a xifos and a kopis, a single-edged curved cavalry sword – with
royal necropolis of the ancient metropolis of Macedon for the silver studded ivory handles, a dagger, unusually large spears
first time and indeed in a most impressive manner, during the which we recognise as the predecessor of the sarissa (Figs . 2a-c),
archaic period . The temptation to associate the appearance of the pins, half-melted fittings which perhaps came from a breastplate,
custom with the rise of the temenids to power in the 7th century fragments of a bronze omphalos phiale and a bronze oinochoe
is great, however, any such thought, is for the moment, only an – vessels which were used for libations6- and pieces of a bit for a
enticing working hypothesis . small horse . The tomb was looted . Several fragments of figurines
to the south west of the cemetery of the tumuli which formed permit us to date the collection to the beginning of the second
the nucleus of the ancient necropolis we explored between 1994 half of the 6th century BC .
and 1996 a particularly interesting tomb cluster which appears to in the same cluster, beside another cist grave which had been
have belonged to one of aigai’s prominent families .5 two spacious brutally plundered and was found completely destroyed, was the
pit graves and six large built cist tombs, have been found of which site of the cremation for the deceased, almost at the present-day
four date to the second half of the 6th century BC and are the old- ground level .7 a substantial amount of the remains of the funer-
est funerary structures at aigai to date, while the other two date ary pyre containing fragments of clay vessels, bronzes and ivory
to the 5th century BC . all of the tombs had been looted but their objects were found deposited above the ruined tomb . it appears,
dimensions and especially the remains of the offerings – strips of however, that the majority remained in situ perhaps covered over
gold, bronze phialae, weapons, vases etc . – confirm that they had by the tumulus which covered the tomb itself .8 it was possible
housed very rich burials . to restore four large pithoid amphorae, at least one pointed-base
The abundant remains of funerary pyres found in the soil all
around, in the fill and over the graves testify to the fact that the
deceased were cremated . according to ancient belief anything 2 . See ΑΝΔΡΟΝΙΚΟΣ 1969; ΠΕΤΣΑΣ 1961-2, 218 ff . and 1963, 213 ff .; rho-
MioPoULoU, KiLian-dirLMeier 1989, 86-151 .
that came into contact with the dead was polluted, but at the 3 . ΚΟΤΤΑΡΙΔΗ 1991 .
same time sacred . This is especially true of a funerary pyre and 4 . ΑΝΔΡΟΝΙΚΟΣ 1969, 164 .
for whatever was offered on it, with the result that its remains, 5 . See ΚΟΤΤΑΡΙΔΗ 1996, 90 . Kottaridi 1999a and 1999b, 114 ff .
or at least the most important parts of it, wherever possible, 6 . The presence of these vessels, especially the phialae in large numbers
in the graves of the elite and only in them, appears to characterise the special
function of these persons within the group as presiding over sacrifices .
1 . First Publication: a . Κοτταρίδη “Το έθιμο της καύσης και οι Μακεδόνες . 7 . a large part of the funerary pyre had been stirred up and dispersed in
Σκέψεις με αφορμή τα ευρήματα της νεκρόπολης των Αιγών”, στο Ν . ΣΤΑ- more recent years as a result of cultivation, however, a part of it (an area of
ΜΠΟΛΙΔΗΣ (επιμ .), Καύσεις στην Εποχή του Χαλκού και την Πρώιμη Εποχή about 10 m2) was found almost untouched and a significant quantity of the
του Σιδήρου. Πρακτικά Συμποσίου, Ρόδος 29 Απριλίου–2 Μαΐου 1999, 2002 finds came from here .
Αθήνα, 359-371 . 8 . This practice is mentioned in homer’s iliad 24 .797-801 .

89
amphora, a hydria, an olpe, two jugs and a ladle (Figs . 3a-d) . offerings which accompanied them – spears, strigils, clay vessels –
There were also fragments of kylikes, kotylai, aryballoi, and frag- do not differ in quantity or quality from those of the contemporary
ments of at least one warped bronze phiale, a bronze oinochoe pit and cist graves built using mudbrick, in which the majority of
and a very large iron double pin which would have secured the the people were buried . two or three cases were found where the
heavy cloak of the dead warrior . deceased was cremated elsewhere and the bones were gathered into
The significant warping of the clay vessels, the colour and the a wooden chest – larnax13 – and along with a bronze or iron seal-
hardness of the ground demonstrate the intensity of the fire . The ring which the deceased wore, the coin for Charon and a gilded
richness of the offerings recalls homeric descriptions .9 we do not funerary wreath they were placed in the grave pit (Fig . 8a-c), where
know the name of the warriors who died a little before amyntas there were also the usual clay offerings . in these cases the scattered
i came to power, but they were clearly of high rank, perhaps from remains of the funerary pyre (charcoal and ashes) were observed in
the royal family of the temenids . the soil above the grave .
to the same cluster belong two small unlooted pit graves, in Cremation is a particularly useful practice for men who met
which the cinerary urns were found in situ . in one the burnt bones, their death on the field of battle, far away from home . The contin-
which had been wrapped in cloth which still survives, were placed uous wars of Philip and alexander’s campaign created the perfect
along with several offerings in a bronze lebes (Fig . 4) . a huge lebes external factors for the spread of this practice amongst the Mac-
was placed upside down over it . in the second grave a clay jar had edonians .
been used as a cinerary urn . along with the bones of the deceased according to diodorus, ‘when Ptolemy had burned the bod-
was a gold ring . above the jar they had left the burnt weapons of ies (of those of Perdiccas’ soldiers who had invaded egypt) were
the warrior, a half-melted bronze helmet, two spear heads and two cast up on his side (of the river) he instructed that they should
swords one of which had been ‘killed’10 (Fig . 5a-c) . be given a fitting funeral, and sent the bones to the relatives and
in all of the archaic cremations we have found to date in this friends of the dead’14 gaining in this way the favour of the peo-
cluster, where the gender of the deceased can be identified, they ple of Macedon, an event which demonstrates the importance of
have been men . in contrast with the men/kings who were cremat- observing burial customs, but also that the practice of cremation
ed, the deceased queens of aigai were interred and descended to had become widespread and the rule for the Macedonians who
hades dressed in gold and purple from head to toe,11 at least until were scattered throughout the known world .
the period of alexander i (499-445 BC), a practice which recalls
the case of the hero who was found at Lefkandi on euboia, where
the dead warrior was cremated and the woman was interred .12
Cremations of women appear in the second half of the 5th cen-
tury BC – the royal woman who was buried with the white lekythoi
was cremated, however, cremation, a more expensive practice
than interment, continued to be the privilege of the wealthy and
powerful at aigai and certainly for the kings and their families .

during the 4th century BC the custom of cremation began to gain

popularity with the lower social classes . in the reign of Philip ii
(359-336 BC) more (about 7-8% of the total excavated material) cre-
mations of ordinary people appear, Macedonian citizens who, to
judge by their grave offerings were not particularly wealthy . These
(a)
deceased, usually men, were cremated as a rule in the pit grave itself
together with the funerary offerings, if they existed, (Figs . 6, 7) . The
Fig. 1. (a) The burnt (b)
helmet as found,
9 . homer Ιl . 23 .161-261 . (b) the bronze helmet
10 . This practice has also been identified elsewhere in graves of the ge- after conservation
ometric period – see KUrtZ, BoardMan 1985, 53 ff .
11 . See ΑΝΔΡΟΝΙΚΟΣ 1988, and ΚΟΤΤΑΡΙΔΗ 1989 .
12 . PoPhaM, CaLLigaS, SaCKett, CoULton, CatLing 1992, 18 ff .
13 . See ΚΟΤΤΑΡΙΔΗ 1998 .
14 . Diod . 18 . 36 .

90
 This development also left its mark on the necropolis of the to be one of the first, if not the first monument of this type ever
ancient royal metropolis which now survived on the margins of built . above the floor and the roof were found, according to the
history . From the 3rd century BC and on the number of crema- custom, the remains of the funeral pyre .
tions increased (c . 40% of burials) . There are still cremations in it was the same above the tomb of Philip ii . a huge mound of
the burial pit itself – in one case indeed, the deceased was proba- half burnt mudbricks, ashes, charcoal and hundreds of burnt ob-
bly a woman – but usually the burnt bones were found gathered jects covered the whole vault . its presence is the decisive evidence
in unpainted clay jars along with the standard offerings for the for the identity of the deceased,17 since it excludes the identifica-
period – Macedonian amphorae, perfume bottles and, ladles – tion as Philip iii arrhidaeus, and gives us the impression of the
housed in small structures (Fig . 9) which were usually built beside most splendid funerary pyre18 of the historical period in greece .
the site of the funerary pyre . Sometimes the grave-containers are in the years of the powerful king who brought the kingdom
enclosed within circular stone enclosures, ‘periboloi’ (Figs . 10, 12) from the margins to the very centre of power the old burial cus-
which surround the funerary pyres and define the position of the tom, rooted in the heroic tradition of the epics, fuelled by am-
tumuli which covered the container and the pyre, marking the bition, power and wealth, was to achieve a new glory . Philip ii
location of the place of burial . was to make sure that his mother, the exceptional woman who
These circular periboloi from the late hellenistic period have at the crucial moment held power in her hands, was buried with
as their direct ancestors at aigai the periboloi in the cemetery of honours which it appears surpassed any previous ones . hundreds
the tumuli, while the way they are laid out around the containers of iron nails and bronze attachments from an elaborately deco-
and funerary pyres recalls with impressive accuracy the homeric rated double-leaf door (Figs . 14) testify that the funerary pyre for
description: eurydice had no earlier parallel, at least as far as we know . an
entire monumental wooden funerary house was created to be
‘Then they traced the compass of the barrow and set forth consigned to the flames along with the deceased . along with the
the foundations thereof round about the pyre, and forthwith abundant offerings, silver vessels, different clay vessels with food
they piled the up-piled earth . and when they had piled the and ointments, as well as Panathenaic amphorae filled with oil to
barrow, they set them to go back again’15 fuel the fire, give us the ability to date the event to 344/3 BC19, (Fig .
‘τορνώσαντο δὲ σῆμα θεμείλιά τε προβάλοντο 15) while the few remains (Fig . 16) of jewellery confirm that the
ἀμφὶ πυρήν: εἶθαρ δὲ χυτὴν ἐπὶ γαῖαν ἔχευαν, monumental tomb belonged to a woman, thus making it seem al-
χεύαντες δὲ τὸ σῆμα πάλιν κίον .’ most inevitable that the deceased would be identified with Queen
eurydice .
The humble offerings which accompany these graves reflect the The burnt bones of the deceased were wrapped in purple cloth,
general status of the old royal city which after the overthrow of and stored in a marble chest – larnax – which was to be placed
the kingdom by the romans (168 BC) was completely in decline . for eternity on the ornate throne,20 the queen herself becoming
however, despite this they offered generous gifts in the funerary the ultimate offering in the arms of Persephone (Figs . 17a-b) . The
pyres for the humble late hellenistic tombs at aigai, abundant tomb which did not differ externally (Fig . 18) from its neighbour-
vases – jugs, cups, plates, lamps and perfume bottles – useful ob- ing cist tombs except in size, internally is a glorious double un-
jects for symposia in the land of the Blessed dead, and even pyx- derground chamber where everything is built for eternity and the
ides for women’s jewellery and cosmetics (Figs . 13a-c) . These late gates of hades exist as an architectural reference in the space . The
funerary pyres, an interesting find from last summer (1998), still idea of the Macedonian tomb,21 the imperishable underground
seem to hold the long memory of the brilliant cremations which residence of the noble deceased which recalls in appearance a
we know of in the royal necropolis in its years of glory . palace and a temple, was thus born . along with it the idea of a
The ‘tomb with the throne’,16 which with increasing certainty,
as our knowledge of aigai increases, belonged to Queen eury-
dice, is the earliest ‘Macedonian’ tomb found so far . it appears 18 . For funerary pyres at the necropolis of aigai see also Kottaridi 1999a .
19 . This date is supported by the rest of the pottery from the pyre as well as
by two aryballoid lekythoi by the ‘painter of the Mysteries’, which was found
in the chamber of the tomb .
15 . homer il . 23 .255-257 . 20 . For the scene of Persephone and the symbolic decoration of the marble
16 . ΑΝΔΡΟΝΙΚΟΣ 1987, 81 ff . throne see ΚΟΤΤΑΡΙΔΗ 2000b .
17 . For the question as to the identity of the deceased see androniKoS 21 . which is nothing more than the realisation of the Platonic concept for
1984, 227 ff .; Kottaridi 1999a; ΣΑΑΤΣΟΓΛΟΥ-ΠΑΛΙΑΔΕΛΗ, Χ . 1999, with de- the form of the tomb for the rulers of an ideal state see Plato, Laws 947d-e . For
tailed bibliography . the origins of Macedonian tombs see androniKoS 1987 and bibliography .

91
funerary pyre in the form of a monumental building which would (a)
be set alight to accompany the deceased into the other world . in
the setting of the heraklid ruler who put his image beside those
of the twelve gods,22 the idea of the heroisation of a chosen one
immediately after death found fertile ground . in Macedonia on
the edge of the greek world, apart from the development of the
city-states of the south and thus preserving ancient customs and
traditions,23 the idea of the king’s divine origin, which had never
been completely forgotten, returned to the stage .
The burial of Philip ii himself was to be even more impres-
sive . here too the funerary pyre (Figs . 19a-b) took the form of a
monumental building, similar perhaps to the tomb, built of wood
and mudbrick . inside it, laid on a chryselephantine couch (Figs .
20a-d) with a precious wreath of gold oak leaves and acorns on
his head, the king was engulfed in flames . alongside him were
rich offerings: armour – a neck-guard, a breastplate, swords and
spears – strigils, clothing, gilded bronze funerary wreaths, var- (b)
ious pieces of furniture and vessels, a bronze oinochoe for liba-
tions, amphorae for honey and oil, perfume bottles and abundant
clay vessels containing food, fruit and nuts . grape pips – it was
autumn when Philip was murdered – almonds, grain and bones
of fish, birds, hare, lambs and goats, cattle and pigs were found .
in the funeral pyre of their master, dogs, his companions on
the hunt, were sacrificed, as well as four horses whose presence
brings to mind the victory of the king of Macedon at olympia . (c)
and the most precious: it seems that one of his younger wives fol-
lowed Philip into the flames, who at the time of her death would
have been 23-27 years old .24 Since the door of the tomb was closed
and never reopened, as is demonstrated by the stratigraphy and
fill of the dromos, the two burials – a man and a woman – were
made at the same time25 and so the young woman cannot be Cleo- Fig. 2. (a)The burnt weapons as found, (b) the two swords – a xifos and
patra26 who died sometime later . a kopis, a single-edged curved cavalry sword – with silver studded ivory
There remains Meda, the Thracian princess who Philip married handles and the dagger and (c) the four spearheads after conservation
when he returned from his campaign in Scythia four years before
he died . according to the custom of her homeland27 the young
woman followed her lord and master into the funerary pyre – the emplary wifely virtue of the legendary heroines of myth and this
King’s wife was to share his bed for ever in hades . her act, even appears to be why the new King honoured her so much, giving
if dictated by the inescapable requirements of the unwritten law her for the journey without return gifts of untold value: two of the
of her tribe, for the greeks, could only be compared with the ex- most beautiful jewels of the ancient world to have come to us28 – a
stephane diadem (Figs . 21a-b) and a gold myrtle wreath – for a
funerary urn, a solid gold chest almost as valuable as that of Phil-
ip himself (Figs . 22-23) and a stunning chryselephantine couch
22 . diod . xvi, 91-94 . which was even more ornately decorated than that of the king .
23 . See the magnificent funerary pyres of the aristocrats of geometric
eleutherna, ΣΤΑΜΠΟΛΙΔΗΣ, Ν . 1996 .
The burial of Philip ii is perhaps the richest and most magnif-
24 . See androniKoS 1984, 228 . icent funeral ritual known in greece, in the historic period . The
25 . This view is also supported by K . Zamba’s observations relating to con-
struction of the vault of the tomb, see ΖΑΜΠΑΣ 1999 .
26 . See also androniKoS 1984, 231 . 28 . For the gold myrtle leaf wreath and the precious diadem which were
27 . This was suggested first by haMMond 1982, 111 ff . found inside the cinerary chest see androniKoS 1984 .

92
(a)

Fig. 3. (a) The cist grave 1995/I and the remains

(b) of the cremation (b) the pointed-base amphora,
(c) the ladle (d) remains of the funerary pyre

(c)

Fig. 4. The bronze caul-

dron-cinerary urn with the
(d) cloth and offerings

93
 (a) (b) (c)

Fig. 5. (a) The clay cinerary urn and the remains of

the funerary pyre as found, (b) the two swords and
the spearheads after the restoration

(a)

(b)
Fig. 6. Funerary pyre in situ

94
 (a) (b) (c)

Fig. 8. (a) Pit grave containing cremation. (b-c) The burnt bones were placed in a
wooden larnax/chest and the offerings are in their original position

(a)
unique grandeur of the funerary pyre, the tomb with its amazing
wall painting and the wealth of offerings justify diodorus’ testi-
mony: – ‘τῆς ταφῆς τοῦ γονέως τὴν ἐνδεχομένην ἐπιμέλειαν ποι-
ησάμενος κατέστησε τὰ κατὰ τὴν ἀρχὴν πολὺ κάλλιον ἢ πάντες
προσεδόκησαν’ .29 echoes of the funerary houses at aigai may per-
haps be seen in the funeral pyre of the aristocrat who was buried
a little later at Lete and the impressive funerary pyre which was lit
at the end of the 4th century BC at Salamis in Cyprus to honour
nikokreon and his family who tragically died .30
The burial of alexander’s father was surpassed in glory, while
continuing the same tradition, by the burial by this Κοσμοκρά-
τωρ, the ‘ruler of the world’ of his companion .31 The burial pyre of
hephaistion which was lit in Babylon cost 10,000 talents and was
the work of an ingenious architect, Stasikrates . a multi-floored
pyramid which exceeded 60 m in height was set up and decorat-
ed with gilded figures, archers, prows of ships, animals, scenes
of hunting and centauromachy, lions attacking bulls and sirens
from whom the wailing and laments of mourning could be heard .
we are still learning about the offerings the companions threw
into the fire, amongst which were portraits in ivory . hephaistion
was worshipped immediately after his death as a hero . alexander
himself established his cult and 10,000 animals were sacrificed on
his orders .
The grandeur of the ceremony thrills the crowd . The funeral of
a chosen one becomes a matter for everyone, a common mourn-
ing, grief, pain which everyone shares leads to ‘Katharsis’ of the
community . The deceased becomes a role model, a benchmark, a
reconnecting link for members of the group . The games in which
the companions take part, in honour of the dead leader – an in-

29 . diod . 17 .2 .1 . ‘after arranging his father’s funeral with all due ceremony,
established his rule much more firmly than everyone had expected’ .
30 . See KarageorghiS 1969, 151 ff and bibliography .
Fig. 7. (a) Funerary pyre in situ, (b) detail with the offerings 31 . diod . 17 . 115 and arrian, Anabasis of Alexander, 7 .23 .5 and 26 . 6-7 .

95
Fig. 9. Late Hellenistic cremation in situ

Fig. 13. (a) The remains of a late Hellenistic funerary pyre as

found, cast aside next to the burial peribolos, (b) detail and (c)
Fig. 10. Late Hellenistic burial enclosure/peribolos which marked the edge of a vase offerings from the funerary pyre after conservation
tumulus of earth

Fig. 11. Late Hellenistic

burial with cinerary urn and
offerings surrounded by a
circular peribolos

96
Fig. 12. A clay cinerary urn and Macedonian amphora as found Fig. 14. Iron nails and details from the decoration of the wooden door of
the ‘funerary house’, in which queen Eurydice was cremated

which supported world order . its violation was punishable by gods

and men . The story of antigone and the fate of the athenian gen-
erals after the naval battle of arginousae both demonstrate this .
only for alexander the great, the man who transcended the
human limits was the law broken .33 even before he died the ritual
of prothesis was carried out . Thus, the body of the king which his
army saw lying on the kline that would become his funeral couch
was still alive . when their commander died the expectation of
power made his companions forget for a moment their most sa-
cred duty ‘…during the dissensions of alexander’s commanders,
which lasted many days, his body, although it lay without special
care in places that were moist and stifling, showed no sign of such
Fig. 15. Fragments of Panathenaic amphorae a destructive influence but remained pure and fresh .’
with the name of the eponymous archon of
the year 344/3 BC Lyciscus ‘…τῶν ἡγεμόνων στασιασάντων ἐφ᾽ ἡμέρας πολλὰς ἀθερά-
πευτον τὸ σῶμα κείμενον ἐν τόποις θερμοῖς καὶ πνιγώδεσιν
οὐδὲν ἔσχε τοιαύτης φθορᾶς σημεῖον, ἀλλ᾽ ἔμεινε καθαρὸν
tegral part of the burial rituals of heroic epic which in Macedonia καὶ πρόσφατον’ (Plu alex 77 .3) .
was still alive in the reign of Cassander32 – re-awaken a longing
for life, recalling all its joys . in the end they embalmed him and, if we are to believe the an-
regardless of the wealth of the ceremony, regardless of the cient sources, they placed him on a throne with the symbols of
social status of the deceased, regardless of the funerary practice his kingship .
chosen, the essence of the burial is that the body of the deceased, The ekphora began two whole years after his death, as long as
given either to the flames or to decay in the earth, is forever lost it took to complete the funeral carriage, a structure which was
to the world of the living . That which remains is the gravemarker, something between a Macedonian tomb and a shrine and appears
the mark of memory . For the soul to be able, as far as anyone un- to have shocked his contemporaries . The purpose of the journey
derstands what happens after death, to find its place in the world which started from Babylon was that the body of the temenid
of the dead, the body must be lost to the world of the living . alexander should be brought to aigai,34 where according to cus-
For the ancient greeks, the burial of the dead was according to tom he would be buried in the royal necropolis . The procession
law a sacred and inescapable duty, the indestructible foundation

33 . on the funeral of alexander the great see Kottaridi 1999b, here .

32 . diod . 18 . 52 . 5 . 34 . Pausanias 1 .6 .3 .

97
Fig. 16. Remains of jewels: flowers
from a gold myrtle wreath and a
double gold rosette from an ear-
ring or necklace

which was reminiscent of a triumphant litany for a holy icon35

– indeed alexander was already a god to many of his subjects –
never reached its destination . The possession of his body became
a symbol of power for the generals, a prerequisite for hegemony .
The bet was won by Ptolemy . Perdiccas, who lost control of the
body of alexander, met his death .36
Lying in a gold – later glass – sarcophagus alexander’s body
found its place in a sanctuary which was built for him in the centre
of a city where he was worshipped as a god and founding father .37
Centuries after his death the body of alexander was still among
the living, visible behind the glass, more present than ever, re-
ceiving offerings and gifts, a tangible sign of divine blessing .38 The
alexandrians protected it from decay and kept the body of their
god, alexander, who promised prosperity and protection from all
manner of evil, amongst them, a body which was for them what
the relics of saints would become for Christians . it seems that the
grave of alexander which had become a sanctuary and the body
which had become a sacred relic were destroyed when a fanatical
mob of Christians burnt down the temples, the Serapaeum, the
neoplatonic school and the remnants of the library . Seven cen-
turies after his death, the flames which marked the end of the an-
cient world became a funerary pyre worthy of the ‘invincible’ .39
So that Melissa did not get cold in hades her husband, Peri-
ander,40 asked all of the women of Corinth to donate a chiton . a
great fire was lit, and the clothing was burned so that the deceased
could have them . Fire has the power to transubstantiate . Passing
through the flames the perishable objects can become useful once
again to whoever had passed to the other side . Fire destroys the
mortal body; via the holocaust the dead are purified . The gods of

35 . See Kottaridi 1999b, here and fn 30-32 .

36 . diod . 18 .
37 . diod . 18 .28 .6 .
38 . Strabo 17 .1, 8, 794; Suetonius, 7 and 18; Cassius dio 37, 52; aelian, citing
herodotus 4 . Fig. 17. (a)The upturned marble chest/larnax, fallen beside the throne
39 . Kottaridi 1999b, 120 and fn . 41 . where the lid was still lying, as left by the ancient tomb-robbers. (b)
40 . herodotus 5 .92 . Persephone and Pluto on the chariot

98
 the Underworld require holocaust sacrifices .41 Their sacrifices bled
to death on the chthonic alter and burned to ash . The dead whose
bodies were ‘consumed’ by the fire share the fate of the sacred vic-
tims and becoming offerings to the Lord and Lady of hades .
The mythical archetype of cremation is the death of herakles .42
at the end of his arduous course, his labours completed, the mor-
tal son of a god prepares a sacrifice in thanks . The highest offering
was to be his own body . The fires of the altar were to be his funer-
ary pyre . Cremation for him was to be both an end and a begin-
ning . in hades only his shadow will stay . he himself, made youth-
ful again, will enjoy the banquets of the immortals with hebe, the
Youth, as his eternal companion . The hero who in 4th century
Fig. 18. The façade of the tomb during the excavation, August 1987 vase-paintings arrived at eleusis with the branch of supplication
in his hands43 to become the first initiate is the
forefather of the temenids, and the kings of
(b) Macedon did all they could to remember their
relationship with ‘herakles the ancestor’ .44
Kraters, hydria, larnakes, but mainly jars
and cauldrons are the most popular cinerary
(a) urns for the Macedonians . in the stories of the
Mysteries these objects play a significant role .45

(c) (d)

(a) (b)
Fig. 20. (a) Ivory head, (b) glass and ivory, (c-d)
elements from the decoration of chryselephantine
couches from the funerary pyre of Philip II

41 . See BUrKert 1977, 417 ff, 149ff . also see homer

od L31; rohde 1894, 148 ff .; StengeL 1920, 105 – 124;
harriSon 1922, 1-31 .
42 . hesiod frag . 25 .20-33; Bacchylides, dithyramb 16;
Sophocles, Women of Trachis; see homer od . 11 .601 . See
also BUrKert 1977, 434 with full bibliography .
43 . e .g . apulian volute krater by the darius painter,
Princeton, University art Museum, trendaLL, CaM-
BitogLoU 1983, 74, 78 no . 41a, fig . 12 . See also SChnei-
der 1957, 661 ff .
44 . The use of the head of herakles on the royal coin-
age demonstrates this, as well as two inscriptions with
‘πατρώου Ηρακλή’ from the Tholos in the palace at aigai .
45 . For the Mysteries see BUrKert 1994 with exten-
Fig. 19. (a) and (b) The remains of the funerary pyre of Philip II sive bibliography and sources .

99
(a) (b)

Fig. 21.
wine is the essence of dionysos who is none other than hades .46 (a) The stephane-diadem
water plays a prominent role in the rituals; the source of Lethe and of Meda, (b) flower details
Mnemosyne defines the geography of the Underworld .47 in the with traces of damage
‘cista mystica’ is hidden the power of life, the snake, the phallus, caused by the funeral pyre
the freshly sprouting shoot, the beautiful child guarded and loved
by Persephone . into the cauldron go the slaughtered sacrifices, the
victims who reconcile mortals and immortals by ensuring bless-
ing . inside the boiling jar the dismembered pieces ‘live again’ and
the hero is resurrected through the jar younger and more beautiful
than before .48 demeter, Thetis and Medea tried to make the sons
Fig. 22. The golden
of men immortal by passing them through the flames .49
chest of Meda
The goddess of the great Mysteries gave to man her most valu-
able present, the knowledge of how to overcome death .50 Through
cremation a mortal is offered to the divine . The initiate is returned
to the lap of the goddess, the awe-inspiring Phersephassa, as ‘a
goat who drowned in milk .’51 Cleansed by the fire the heroic de-
ceased can begin a new life in the land of the Blessed, in the as-
phodel meadows of elysium .

46 . herakleitus, Presocratics 22 B 14 .
47 . Plat . Plt . 621a; Orphica H . 77,9 . Plat . Phdr . 250 a, Grg . 493c . See also the
texts on orphic gold foil sheets: PUgLieSe – CarrateLLi 1974; weSt 1975;
ZUntZ 1976; CoLe 1980 .
48 . See Kottaridi 1991, 124 ff . with bibliography and 196 ff .
49 . See Kottaridi 1991, 124 ff . with bibliography and sources .
50 . hymn to demeter 280-2, Pindar frag . 137a, Sophocles Fragment 837
(Pearson-radt) by triptolemos, isocrates Pangyr . 28 . t
51 . ZUntZ 1940, ΑΙ, Α4 . Fig. 23. The gold woven textile found in the golden chest

100
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