New Cities and Community Extensions in Egypt and The Middle East

Sahar Attia · Zeinab Shafik
Asmaa Ibrahim
Editors
New Cities
and Community
Extensions
in Egypt and
the Middle East
Visions and Challenges
New Cities and Community Extensions in Egypt
and the Middle East
Sahar Attia • Zeinab Shafik • Asmaa Ibrahim
Editors
New Cities and Community

Extensions in Egypt and the
Middle East
Visions and Challenges
Editors
Sahar Attia Zeinab Shafik
Department of Architecture, Faculty of Department of Architecture, Faculty of
Engineering Engineering
Cairo University Cairo University
Giza, Egypt Giza, Egypt
Asmaa Ibrahim
Department of Architecture, Faculty of
Engineering
Cairo University
Giza, Egypt
ISBN 978-3-319-77874-7 ISBN 978-3-319-77875-4 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-77875-4
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Foreword
The Department of Architecture at the Faculty of Engineering in Cairo University

organized its Seventh International Conference in March, 2017. Scholars, research-
ers, practitioners, ministers, and governmental and non-governmental organizations
from 6 different countries came together to discuss and debate the different pros-
pects of new cities. The aim was to revisit major issues that were frequently
addressed theoretically, as well as, in practice, concerning new cities and new exten-
sions to existing communities, and their relation to already existing forms of
urbanization.
This book addresses the key manifestation of “responsible innovation” in the
human activity of “dwelling” and “urbanization.” The aim is to develop a twofold
approach: One fold reads into the future by daring to imagine a different form of life
and by pushing the boundaries of innovation and creativity in pursuit of a new vision
for responsible cities that integrates productivity, effectiveness, and attractiveness.
The other fold claims an ability to anticipate and preempt the various risks and
uncertainties of such development and expansions.
Together the editors embarked on this project to select the best submitted contri-
butions, aiming to push forward the boundaries of current practices and knowledge
to embrace innovative solutions, novel approaches, and grounded technologies
within realistic comprehension of economic risks and environmental implications in
the new cities’ context. The book investigates different scales and situations, various
urban forms and morphologies, and various localities and totalities. It presents a
platform of recent research, findings, answers to pressing issues, and posing even
more questions to the concept of building new cities and expanding existing ones.
The Editors of this book are totally committed to the topics addressed; we believe
in the importance of the issues and discussions stirred in the chapters of this book.
Furthermore, we believe in the appropriateness of the timing to evoke such ideas
and arguments particularly related to the Arab Region. Sharing these ideas with a
larger audience brings even more value to the work produced.
v
Acknowledgments
In this publication, 26 esteemed authors innovatively contributed in producing 14

different chapters tackling the challenges of new cities’ and community’s exten-
sions. The Editors would like to express their appreciation to the authors for their
valuable contribution that mediated their insights about various issues and aspects
of new cities in different countries of the Arab World. Our sincere gratitude goes to
the Springer publishing team, with special thanks to Margret Deignan and Alexander
James for their rigorous and prompt follow-up that contributed to the successful
completion of this book.
vii
Introduction
At the time of transformation, people continue to influence their habitat and beyond.
While facing the compelling challenges of the present, innovative development
poses itself as an inevitable response to future demands. In socioeconomic dispari-
ties and environmental crises, innovation necessitates a mode of action to responsi-
bly address issues in an unconventional manner. The production of space becomes
the responsibility towards the development of human resources, promoting needs,
challenging capacities, and advancing a decent quality of life.
In Egypt, the concept of new cities was initiated in the 1970s, and developed into
an actual planning phase in 1975, where three generations of new cities and new
settlements were planned and designed. The execution of these new cities began
effectively in 1977. Until the late 1990s, although many housing units were built
and the infrastructure was implemented, the new cities failed to attract the expected
population and eventually did not achieve their declared targets. Nevertheless,
large-scale industrial zones were implemented in the new cities of Tenth of Ramadan,
Sixth of October, Borg El Arab, and Sadat City.
The first generation of new cities was generally characterized by imbalance in
growth, dispersion of planning, and delays in implementation schedules. This gen-
eration of cities was challenged by the need for transportation networks, absence of
marketing policies for housing units, and lack of organization and integration of
responsible management. At the same time, informal areas rapidly developed and
expanded over agricultural, as well as desert land.
The failure of the first generation of new cities to meet their population targets
led to changes in Egypt’s urban development policies in future plans. The early
1990s witnessed a new era characterized by a shift towards the participation of the
private sector in development, expanding the range of target population/user groups,
upgrading the road network, and the inclusion of real estate funding in the new cit-
ies’ policies.
Presently, the current situation of new cities’ policies reveals more challenges,
among which is the absence of an overall regional vision, and a comprehensive
master plan that regulates and coordinates the development of all emerging new cit-
ies, to emphasize the unique characteristics and identity of each of them. Currently,
ix
x Introduction
most new cities suffer from similar problems exemplified in low densities, which do
not represent minimum threshold for services to survive. The upgraded master plans
enlarge new city boundaries in response to private developers’ profitability without
specific planning targets. The expansion policy resulted in excess gated communi-
ties coupled with an imbalance in distribution of residential zones and absence of
broad vision together with bad organization between developmental projects, for
maximizing private profitability. Insufficiency in public transportation networks, in
addition to local transportation projects funded by the private sector, led to traffic
congestions at the entry points and connections of GCR. Conclusively, new cities
presently suffer from dispersion, random distributions, and bad connectivity. In the
last decade, an initiative was carried out by the Egyptian government to brand the
new cities and revisit their development model. The projections of Egypt 2030 con-
ceived the fourth generation of new cities which are now under construction, with
the aim of avoiding the mistakes of the past.
Many countries in the Arab Region are taking the initiative of building new cities
with the objectives of economic development, social change, mobilization of the
younger generations, and the creation of sustainable energy efficient new settle-
ments of the future. Masdar city in Dubai, NEOM city in the Saudi Kingdom, and
many examples of new cities in Morocco are branded as the cities for the future.
Similarly, in Egypt, the New Capital of Egypt, New Al-Alamein, East Port Said, and
other cities are offering schemes of sustainable development and smart city
management.
Conclusively, establishing new cities is a multifaceted complex process that
begins with initiating a vision of the future that incorporates new cities with existing
ones in a comprehensive national/regional plan. In order to succeed, the new city
vision should exploit available new technologies, scientific developments, and cre-
ative inventions that represent the state of the art worldwide. The significance of this
book is attained from focusing on the potentials and challenges that face the new
cities’ vision. Within its chapters, the book presents ideas and concepts, and a wide
range of experiences and case studies distributed worldwide and in the Arab Region
to benefit planners, architects, and decision makers while drawing a map for the
future generation of new cities.
The wide range of ideas and the variety of precedents and experience led the edi-
tors to distribute the issues addressed in the book into separate chapters; while some
chapters present harmonized examples and discussions, others argue for evocative
approaches and processes. In an attempt to maintain the richness of the discussions
presented, the individual chapters posed itself as the suitable strategy to be adopted.
This book accordingly presents a wide range of experiences and case studies to
be considered while thinking new cities in the region. Related topics include con-
cepts of branding new cities and their role in reforming national economy.
Additionally, several chapters debate issues of urban governance and the impact of
their bad and good utilization as a significant tool in achieving social and economic
goals within formal and informal settings. The later chapters discuss challenges of
small-scale aspects including design of urban spaces and building typologies and
Introduction xi
how they should adapt to the different community requirements. Following are
quick reviews of the chapters.
The book presents a variety of concepts and challenging debates that reflect the
relevance of the issue of new cities to the Arab Region, particularly at the present
time. We chose to start the book with the Visions of New Cities which is the core
concept that instigates the dream, challenges reality, and dares to imagine a different
future. The vision of the new city is sometimes described as “Branding the New
City”; it places a new benchmark as a guide to proceed into the future. The Branding
theme dominates the first three chapters of this book.
Chapters 1 and 2 sequentially present New Alamein City in Egypt as a significant
branding experience that is proposed to set a new benchmark for the new generation
of cities in Egypt. Chapter 1 presents an in-depth analysis to the main vision of the
New Alamein City and elements of its master plan. This chapter encompasses the
first authentic published material about the new city. Chapter 2 discusses an innova-
tive planning approach of the new city, as a tool to establish the interrelationship
between spatial planning and the productivity of the city, with a focus on New
Alamein City.
Chapter 3 pursues an alternative vision in NEOM city in the Saudi Kingdom,
where the vision for this new city is regarded as a vehicle for social reform. NEOM
city is a demarcation of a paradigm shift not only in physical planning but also in
the social realm. The city is designed on the basis of sustainability, energy effi-
ciency, and intelligent architecture. Its residents are recruited and intended to be
liberal intelligent productive men and women, who have the capacities to proceed
side by side to build a balanced compatible future. Chapter 4 then presents King
Abdullah Economic City, and highlights its future capability to become one of the
largest sustainable cities in the Middle East.
Achieving the benchmark retrieves the obstacles, risks, and challenges that
should be faced and the lessons of the past need to be considered. Details of opera-
tional aspects, governance aspects, economic issues, land value, and marketing
issues emerge as the most urgent challenges to be addressed while attempting to
plan a new city. The following two chapters present a profound description to the
comprehensive operation of new cities. Special focus is given to economic aspects
that are closely related to capturing the increase in land values and to control the real
estate market that are addressed as key challenges due to their impact on the estab-
lished economic structure of the new cities. Chapter 5 presents an approach for
maximizing benefits from land values resulting from the connectivity between new
and existing settlements through public transit development, through applying the
land value capture method on Borg El-Arab new city. Chapter 6 discusses the chal-
lenge of the real estate bubble created as a result of the run-up of real estate process
based on demand of citizens or small investors, to invest their savings in correspon-
dance to the decrease of the purchasing power of the Egyptian pound, causing a fake
demand in real estate, with an application on New Cairo City.
The book then builds on the discussion of integrative elements to establish sus-
tainable and inclusive cities. Urban governance is presented as an effective tool to
guarantee the cooperation between stakeholders to achieve successful sustainable
xii Introduction
urbanism. Consequently, Chaps. 7, 8, and 9 analyze the role of good and bad urban
governance and its impacts on successful upgrading policies. Chapter 7 thus studies
the Egyptian ecotourism development to highlight its deficiencies, based on a criti-
cal documentary review of specific case studies, and semi-structured interviews
with 56 ecotourism experts, and stakeholders. Chapters 8 and 9 tackle this aspect
from the perspective of growing informalities through unplanned expansions to pin-
point the necessity of adapting to upgrading policies of city expansions to accom-
modate the true needs of all target groups of communities and consider them as a
hidden potential, within a cooperative participatory process.
Creating a unique character to new cities through branding, with special consid-
eration to their economic and operational aspects on a comprehensive scale, also
necessitates zooming in to explore the vitality of urban spaces in the new cities by
addressing the livability and safety of the new human settlements. Chapters 10 and
11 tackle issues that threaten the vitality of urban space. Chapter 10 handles the
challenge of reusing lost urban spaces that are leftover, together with landscapes
within the urban fabric to examine the potential of developing deteriorating pockets.
The chapter discusses strategies of revitalization based on three case studies with
varying scale: “Al Azhar Park in Egypt”; “High Line Park in USA”; “Samir Kassir
Square in Lebanon.” The strategic preplanning of in-between structures within the
urban fabric of new cities can avoid the emergence of deteriorating pockets in the
very near future of these cities. Chapter 11 conducts an empirical research in one of
the middle-income communities in New Cairo City, to deduce a new operational
framework model for safety existence in urban space.
The final section of the book focuses on specific building types that through their
responsive design approaches can act as catalysts for development in the new cities.
Chapter 12 analyzes the role of mega malls in branding new cities through their
massive population of user groups, and with the appropriate integration with the
urban fabric of new cities, the mega malls can act as magnets for vitalizing new cit-
ies. The chapter presents an analysis to Cairo Festival City and Mall of Arabia as
cases studies, to end up with recommendations for the new cities of Egypt. Whereas
Chapter 13 deduces the relation between community or campus-scale planning and
space-scale urban setting as a tool to reconstruct the relationship between campus
and the new city. Finally, Chap. 14 addresses the design of healing environments in
health care facilities to create a vision for applying responsive architecture in chil-
dren cancer hospitals.
The chapters presented in this book seek to fill in some gaps in knowledge in the
field of establishing new cities. The book highlights key aspects to be considered in
the future by decision makers in an attempt to ameliorate quality living with all its
facets in the new settlements and their extensions.
Contents
1 Al Alamein New City, a Sustainability Battle to Win........................... 1

Sahar Attia
2 Productive Urban Development: Linking Planning and Economy
in Al-Alamein New City, Egypt............................................................... 19
Bassem Fahmy and Marco Kamiya
3 The Story of NEOM City: Opportunities and Challenges................... 35
Alshimaa Aboelmakarem Farag
4 King Abdullah Economic City: The Growth of New
Sustainable City in Saudi Arabia........................................................... 51
Rasha A. Moussa
5 Land Value Capture as a New Sustainable Financing
Mechanism for Public Transit Development in New Cities:
Borg El-Arab New City as a Case Study............................................... 71
Mostafa El-Nagdy and Asmaa Ibrahim
6 Monitoring Real Estate Bubble in Egypt: New Cairo
Case Study................................................................................................ 101
Mohamed Said Meselhy
7 Exploring the Challenges for Effective Spatial Planning in
New Urban Development: The Case of Ecotourism in Egypt.............. 113
Emad Kenawy, David Shaw, and Taher Osman
8 Decision Making Ideology: Correlation Analysis
Between Informal Settlements Growth & Upgrading
Policies in Egypt....................................................................................... 139
Aya Elsisy, Ayman M. Ashour, Marwa A. Khalifa,
and Laila M. Khodeir
xiii
xiv Contents
9 So It’s Always a Chance: Community-Led Solutions to

New Urban Expansion............................................................................. 159
Ahmed M. Soliman
10 Reusing Lost Urban Space...................................................................... 181
Rana Sameeh, Mostafa Gabr, and Sherine Aly
11 Operational Risk Model Managing Urban Safety in Real State......... 199
Indjy M. Shawket
12 Branding the City: Questioning Mega Malls as
New Magnets of Socio-economic Vitality in
New Cities Around Cairo........................................................................ 217
Mennat-Allah Elhusseiny and Karim Kesseiba
13 Towards an Innovative Community: Rethinking the Urban
Configuration of the University Campus Within New Cities............... 237
Mohamed Shokry Abdelaal and Doaa Abdelaal
14 Approaches and Factors Affecting Healing Environment in
Health Care Facilities for New Cities..................................................... 257
Laila M. Khodeir and Tasneem Gamal
Contributors
Doaa Abdelaal College of Architecture and Design, Effat University, Jeddah,

Saudi Arabia
Mohamed Shokry Abdelaal School of Architecture and Built Environment,
Adelaide University, Adelaide, Australia
Architectural Engineering Department, Cairo University, Giza, Egypt
College of Architecture and Design, Effat University, Jeddah, Saudi Arabia
Sherine Aly Arab Academy for Science and Technology and Maritime Transport,
Alexandria, Egypt
Sahar Attia Department of Architecture, Faculty of Engineering, Cairo University,
Giza, Egypt
Ayman M. Ashour Architectural Engineering Department, Faculty of Engineering,
Ain Shams University, Cairo, Egypt
Mennat-Allah Elhusseiny Architecture Department, Faculty of Engineering,
Cairo University, Giza, Egypt
Mostafa El-Nagdy Department of Architecture, Faculty of Engineering, Cairo
University, Giza, Egypt
Aya Elsisy Architectural Engineering Department, Faculty of Engineering, Ain
Shams University, Cairo, Egypt
Bassem Fahmy UN-HABITAT Egypt Office, Cairo, Egypt
Alshimaa Aboelmakarem Farag Architecture Department, Effat University,
Jeddah, Saudi Arabia
Mostafa Gabr Arab Academy for Science and Technology and Maritime
Transport, Alexandria, Egypt
Tasneem Gamal Associate Professor of Architecture, Department of Architecture,
Ain Shams University, The British University in Egypt, Cairo, Egypt
xv
xvi Contributors
Asmaa Ibrahim Department of Architecture, Faculty of Engineering, Cairo

Marco Kamiya UN-HABITAT Global Headquarters in Kenya, Nairobi, Kenya
Emad Kenawy Faculty of Urban and Regional Planning, Cairo University, Giza,
Egypt
Karim Kesseiba Architecture Department, Faculty of Engineering, Cairo
University, Cairo, Egypt
Marwa A. Khalifa Urban Design & Planning Department, Faculty of Engineering,
Ain Shams University, Cairo, Egypt
Laila M. Khodeir Associate Professor of Architecture, Department of Architecture,
Ain Shams University, The British University in Egypt, Cairo, Egypt
Mohamed Said Meselhy Architecture Department, Faculty of Engineering,
Fayoum University, Fayoum, Egypt
Rasha A. Moussa Architecture Department, Effat University, Jeddah, Saudi
Arabia
Taher Osman Faculty of Urban and Regional Planning, Cairo University, Giza,
Egypt
Rana Sameeh Arab Academy for Science and Technology and Maritime Transport,
Alexandria, Egypt
Zeinab Shafik Department of Architecture, Faculty of Engineering, Cairo
David Shaw Department of Geography and Planning, University of Liverpool,
Liverpool, UK
Indjy M. Shawket Modern Academy for Engineering and Technology, Cairo,
Egypt
Ahmed M. Soliman Faculty of Engineering, Department of Architecture,
Alexandria University, Alexandria, Egypt
About the Editors
Dr. Sahar Attia is a Professor of Architecture and Design. She has been the Head
of the Department of Architecture at the Faculty of Engineering, Cairo University,
2013–2017. She has more than 35 years of extensive experience in academia and
practice, aside from her teaching and research work at Cairo University. Dr. Sahar
is the managing director for the Associated Consultants, a multidisciplinary consult-
ing firm where she practices and studies her assignments contextually in order to
design sustainable solutions, with a special focus on sustainable cities. She coordi-
nated several national projects with Egyptian authorities as well as international
partners. She is a board member of Ecocity Builders NGO-USA, and a board mem-
ber of the Association of Egyptian Architects. She is chairing the steering commit-
tee for the Universities’ Network Initiative-UN Habitat (UNI), and a member of the
standing committee of the World Urban Campaign. She has been the co-chair of the
Research and Academia Constituent group in the General Assembly of Partners for
Habitat III(GAP) 2014–2017.
Her research interests include participatory approaches in urban development,
urban regeneration, sustainable urbanism, and upgrading the informal areas. She is
the co-editor of “Dynamics and Resilience of Informal Areas: International
Perspectives” published by Springer, 2016.
Zeinab Shafik Professor of Architecture, Cairo University; Affiliate Professor at

American University, Cairo. Active member and coordinator of international and
national academic accreditation committees at Cairo University for the past 4 years.
Senior partner at Concept Consultants in Cairo. Academically, involved in teaching
architectural design studios at entry and graduation levels and Human Science and
Theory of Architecture for undergraduate and postgraduate students. Research
interests focus on Human Sciences in architecture, community participation, and
urban design; study of Phenomenology, Anthropology, and Critical Theory of
Sociology as applied to Egyptian contexts in Egyptian cities; new urban communi-
ties, Down Town Classical Cairo, Islamic Fatimid Cairo; and locations of heritage
value. Supervised Master’s and Ph.D. dissertations; conducted and led research with
a focus on special user groups, users’ perception, and community development
xvii
xviii About the Editors
c oncerns. Coordinator of several International Architectural Competition: “Grand

Egyptian Museum, “Abdel Naser Museum” National Competition, “arc Vision
Prize; Women and Architecture” National Competition. Co-editor of DYNAMICS
AND RESILIENCE OF INFORMAL AREAS: INTERNATIONAL PERSPECTIVES
published by Springer. Co-author of THE GRAND MUSEUM OF EGYPT,
INTERNATIONAL ARCHITECTURE COMPETITION, Two Volumes Book pub-
lished by AUC Press; June 2003.
Asmaa Ibrahim is an Associate Professor at the Faculty of Engineering, Cairo

University; visiting Associate Professor at AET program, Cairo University, the
AUC, the MSA, and MTI universities. She is a main coordinator in the Double
Master Program with Cottbus University in Germany. Her research interest is in the
field of Strategic Urban Planning in relation with economic and environmental con-
cerns. Currently, participating in the Strategic Urban Planning for Small Cities
Project, and previously worked as a consultant in the Strategic National Development
Support Project, led by the UN Habitat. She has extensive expertise in the field of
urban planning and urban design with focus on the new cities’ landscape rehabilita-
tion with international publications in this field. She has been Cairo University rep-
resentative in the MDG (MILLENIUM DEVELOPMENT GOALS) awareness
Project in cooperation with the UNDP. She is a member of UMAR (Union of
Mediterranean Architects), and Egyptian Representative of ASYA MED (Association
of Students & Young Architects for the Mediterranean Countries). She has been
involved in the organization of about more than 30 international conferences and
workshops including research and scientific conferences, together with Ph. D.
Colloquiums.
Chapter 1
Al Alamein New City, a Sustainability
Battle to Win
Sahar Attia
Abstract Al Alamein New City (ANC) is located in a site named after a battle that
took place during the Second World War (WWII 1942).The Egyptian Government
selected a prestigious site on the north western coast to host the new city, which is
expected to set a new benchmark, and a model for the new generation of sustainable
cities in Egypt. In fact, the site is rich with its natural, and historical resources; how-
ever, achieving sustainable development in Egypt implies overcoming multiple
challenges. The most pressing challenges are institutional, financial, and manage-
rial. The site has a waterfront on the Mediterranean that extends 14 km. It includes
the WWII cemeteries’ historical site. The desert expands to host the new city, and
its activities, and a possible agricultural hinterland.
Although new cities have had long history in Egypt, yet the challenges to build a
successful, sustainable, and an attractive new city are debatable. The author stresses
on good governance being the most relevant challenge to achieve sustainability.
Hence, governance will join the three well known sustainability pillars: Social, eco-
nomic, and environmental aspects. The author will tackle major issues that will
constitute the elements of branding New AL-Alamein City.
This chapter is the first authentic published material describing the city master
plan. It is structured in three main parts. The first part consists of the vision develop-
ment derived from the regional context. The second part deals with the strategy of
sustainable development in the city, its pathways, its pillars, and the major guide-
lines to achieve sustainability. This part ends with the development drivers, that
serves as the base for the forthcoming part. The last, and third part visualizes the
planning concept, and its relevancy to achieve sustainability, in addition to the mas-
ter plan, the design concept, and related details including the use of attractive public
spaces, strong public realm landmarks, effective connectivity between public build-
ings, and vibrant neighborhoods. Moreover, the chapter pinpoints key aspects in the
master plan related to how to create a unique identity in new cities, while providing
a better life quality for Egyptian citizens, together with establishing an international
attractive venue for cultural, and leisure tourism.
S. Attia (*)
Department of Architecture, Faculty of Engineering, Cairo University, Giza, Egypt
© Springer International Publishing AG, part of Springer Nature 2019 1

S. Attia et al. (eds.), New Cities and Community Extensions in Egypt
and the Middle East, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-77875-4_1
2 S. Attia
Keywords Al-Alamein · Integrated master plan · Sustainable urbanism · Public

space · Inclusive design
1.1 Introduction
Since decades, new cities in Egypt have been continuously subject to discussions,
and debates. In fact, some cities (the first generation) that have been built since the
early 80s, had not reached their population target even after more than 35 years.1
Hence, there should be a new logic to build new cities today. In 2009, the Higher
Council for Urban Development in Egypt began to consider the crucial need to for-
mulate a comprehensive national vision for Egypt that would enable the best use of
resources, and conquer the challenges obstructing the sustainable urban growth. In
2010, areas of extensions, and development were identified, the two priority poten-
tial development areas were Suez Canal zone, and the North Western Coast, which
lies from Alexandria to El Saloom. The North Western Coast had its good share of
studies, and master-plans, even before 2009 (GOPP 2007); however, all documents
remained on shelves, and the coast was developing incrementally formally and
informally to host resorts and real estate projects, focusing on providing summer
houses, mostly in gated communities, and few facilities functioning seasonally.
Bedouins speculated the land, and for decades, the model of urban growth in the
North Coast was not subject to a specific vision. The city of Borg El Arab, a new
city from the first generation, did not achieve its role in boosting the development in
the North Coast. In 2011, the General Organization for Physical Planning (GOPP)
through the national vision 2052, announced the necessity to develop a new city to
represent the main core; fostering the development of the North Coast, and attract-
ing migrants searching not only for a job opportunity, but for an integrated develop-
ment where services, affordable housing, public transportation, and public spaces
would offer a better quality of life, considering that it will be the only city that will
have public accessibility to the water front, and public beaches (GOPP 2011).
The first initiative to design, and conceive AL Alamein New City (ANC) was
carried by UN Habitat within the ASUD program (Achieving Sustainable Urban
Development). The program was launched in 2013, aiming at integrating three ele-
ments: Good design, applicable legislations, and finance to build sustainable com-
munities (Attia and Ibrahim 2017). Accordingly, the conceptual design was
developed within the agreement between the Ministry of Housing, Utilities, and
Urban Communities (MHUUC) in Egypt, and the UN Habitat Regional Office for
Arab States (ROAS). The review and supervision were handled to GOPP, and UN
Habitat Egypt office, with the assistance of the urban planning unit in Nairobi. The
1
The idea of building new cities in Egypt started in 1868, with Port Said during the colonial period,
followed by other new communities around Cairo, Helwan, Heliopolis, Madinet Nasr, all became
suburbs, now they are merged with Greater Cairo Region. In the late 70s started the te first genera-
tion of the new cities.
1 Al Alamein New City, a Sustainability Battle to Win 3
conceptual plan aimed essentially at positioning the city within its context, and set-
ting the planning general concept taking into consideration the national, and regional
needs, together with the stakeholders’ aspirations that were identified in a workshop
carried earlier, ending with clear outcomes, summarized as follows: Create a sus-
tainable city, achieve economic viability, and social inclusiveness, create investment
opportunities, promote good governance, and consider regional strategies. In March
2015, the conceptual plan was presented in the Economic Urban Forum in Sharm El
Sheikh, and a presidential decree was issued to approve the location, position, and
the conceptual plan of the new city.
1.2 ANC Vision Within Its Regional Context
The vision of Egypt 2052 has a special focus on the North Western Coast
Development. Many proposals identified this region as a potential development
zone, it reaches a depth of about 40 km from the shore line, and is supposed to
include agriculture (reclamation, and cultivation depending on rain, and under-
ground water), agro – industries, tourism, and urban settlements (creating new
communities, and service centers to attract population to settle in the North Coast,
such as: The new city of Al-Alamein). The current, and ongoing infrastructure
projects will serve as catalyzer for development, such as: The establishment of
airports, including: Al-Alamein Airport, Borg Al Arab Airport, and Matruh Airport,
in addition to the coastal regional road connecting Alexandria to the touristic
resorts – spread all along the coast – reaching Matrouh, the expansion in construct-
ing power plants, water and sanitation, desalination plants, and El-Hammam Canal
project, and its extensions to be carried out by the Ministry of Agriculture and
Irrigation.
The North western area is under the administration of Matrouh Governorate,
which is located at the North Western corner of Egypt, and extends 61 kms west of
the Governorate of Alexandria, 450 kms along the coast up to the Egyptian Libyan
borders, and 400 kms to the South North of the Siwa Oasis. Bordering the Matruh
Governorate to the East, is the Governorate of Alexandria, to the Southern East is
the Beheira Governorate, and to the East is the New Wadi Governorate. The total
area of Matruh Governorate is about 167,000 km2, which represents 17% of the total
area of Egypt (GOPP 2015). AL Alamein New City is located in one of the eight
administrative units called “Marakez”: Markaz Al Alamein, thus belongs to Matrouh
Governorate. Nevertheless, all new cities, and new communities belong administra-
tively to the New Urban Communities Authority (NUCA). There are few staggered
small villages spread in the area surrounding the existing city of Al Alamein; an old
low density Bedouin core with a unique urban pattern that should be preserved
while developing ANC. Figure 1.1 shows the hierarchy, and the administrative
regional context for the cities, and their contextual region.
The strategic plan for Matrouh Governorate conducted recently by GOPP reveals
also important expectations related to the role of ANC in developing the region, and
4 S. Attia
Fig. 1.1 Administrative regional context of ANC (Author)
in creating investment opportunities. Hence, a vision statement for the city was
developed: ANC is a flexible, resilient and sustainable city that leads integrated
economic development in the North West Coast region, within ecological bound-
aries (Associated Consultants 2017). The following key words interpret the vision:
Flexibility: AL Alamein New City has the capacity to absorb future impacts result-
ing from natural or human actions on the local environment especially those
resulting from climate change, as well as social, and economic changes.
Resilient and Sustainable: Climate change, and ground water, are the most impor-
tant future challenges facing ANC, which require a resilient city to have the
capacity to absorb the future.
Integrated Economic Development: The development that integrates environmen-
tal, and social concerns, together with objectives in a supportive and complemen-
tary manner, where all economic activities are linked ensuring the best use of
available resources.
Ecological Boundaries: Represent the limit to the amount of resources, productive
land, and sea areas required to support economic, and municipal activities, and
to assimilate generated waste, that the city cannot exceed (Fig. 1.2).
1.3 Sustainable Development Strategy (SDS) in ANC
Considering the global, national, regional, and local challenges facing cities today,
and particularly facing the implementation of sustainable development, conceiving
a sustainable city expanding from the Mediterranean to the desert, requires consid-
ering all relevant dimensions to ensure that future populations enjoy an adequate
quality of life, with the available resources. Ensuring the co-existence with the
Fig. 1.2 ANC vision, and objectives (Author)
natural environment is another major challenge to consider. The author suggests

three steps to achieve the SDS:
• Defining the pathways that would lead the sustainable development;
• Defining the main pillars that would support the sustainable development, and;
• Defining the guiding principles that should be adopted while designing, building,
and managing the city.
Each of these steps should consider the challenges at the four levels previously
mentioned.
(a) Pathways that would Lead the Sustainable Development:
Five pathways are defined (Associated Consultants 2015):
• Achieving Social Sustainability: Social sustainability is the key to attract resi-
dents, a city should be diverse, with equal opportunities for all residents. ANC
should offer an adequate quality of life, publically accessible urban spaces,
equity in the distribution of services, and amenities, and providing urban safety
for all residents including women, children, and elderly people, with a special
focus on people with disabilities. ANC should promote social cohesion through
the integration of the local community with the new incoming inhabitants;
• Achieving Environmental Sustainability: A sustainable city, in harmony with
nature, together with enabling environment friendly actions, recycling oriented
urban development, and reducing pollution, waste pollution, and solid waste;
• Achieving Economic Sustainability: A city that attracts people and investors,
where culture and technology meet through innovative approaches, eco-tourism,
6 S. Attia
green industries, agricultural hinterland, education, and research oriented eco-

nomic base that will drive the other economic activities;
• Achieving Sustainable Urban Planning & Design: Planning and designing a
vital, and connected city with strong identity. ANC is targeting to create a model
of sustainable livable neighborhoods, adequate space for streets & an efficient
street network, balanced densities, mixed land-use, social mix, together with
green urbanism, and;
• Enabling Good Governance, and Enforce Laws, and Regulations: ANC
should be an autonomous self-managed city, to be able to maintain its sustain-
ability, manage public, and private finance, ensure an innovative management
system, create an institutional set up responsible for the efficient management,
and operation of the city in a transparent, and an accountable manner, together
with efficient monitoring, and continuous enhancement for the administrative
bodies.
(b) Pillars of Sustainability in ANC:
The site of ANC offers great opportunities, representing pillars to achieve a sus-
tainable development. Aside from the natural, and physical resources, the political
will to achieve sustainability can be considered the major pillar that would support
developers, local government, and other stakeholders to efficiently manage the nat-
ural resources as a prime objective. The following are the set of pillars:
• Branding the City: Formulate, and adopt a holistic branding strategy, and apply
this to all development planning aspects;
• The Location: Accessible from Cairo, Alexandria, and Matrouh, availability of
two airports, railway (to be upgraded and connected with other new cities), and
regional roads;
• Tourism Potentialities: Sandy beach, historical site, desert for safari, and natu-
ral lakes;
• Possible Diversity of Economic Base: The resources allow a wide diversity of
activities, offering job opportunities at all levels;
• Potential of Solar energy /Renewable energy;
• Potential for Water Provision: Desalination plants are foreseen;
• Food Security: Can be provided through the reclamation of cultivable land, and;
• Nuclear Plant: Government of Egypt has approved the construction of the
nuclear plant to provide power, to be located in El Dabaa.
(c) Guiding Principles
The guiding principles were discussed with relevant consultants during work-
shops. They included infrastructure works, planning & design, and management:
First: Infrastructure Guidelines (Associated Consultants (AC) 2015):
• Efficient transportation and connectivity: Implement world-class public trans-
portation systems, capable of supporting future growth;
• Measures should be taken to optimize the use of underground water, by ensur-

ing a sustained operation, allowing the discharge of the underground water
aquifer, and avoiding its depletion;
• Introduce a water collection system that captures/collects rain water, and uses
it for irrigation purposes;
• Proper maintenance of water storage tanks, and constructing new water stor-
age facilities;
• Replace current rudimentary sewage disposal practices causing contamina-
tion of underground water, and successively the food chain by introducing
adequate sanitary connections, wastewater disposal, and treatment facilities;
• Prevent overgrazing to avoid land degradation, and deterioration of green, and
vegetation areas by maintaining the size of livestock, and the carrying capac-
ity of land, and;
• Increase vegetation cover in order to reduce land, and soil erosion, particu-
larly in windy, and stormy areas.
Second: Planning and Institutional Guidelines
• Establishing strong connections with old Alamein city, through the physical
integration of this existing settlement with new city first development.
Figure 1.3 shows the boundaries of ANC, and the spatial intimacy with the
existing Alamein city;
• Planning buildings, residences, shops, and services to be closer together to
motivate daily walking, and thus enabling a more efficient use of services and
resources;
• Providing affordable, sufficient, and livable housing;
• Promoting mixed-use within each of neighborhoods, blocks, and buildings, to
promote more diversity of individuals, and activities;
• Designing more green areas to provide sports’ field, children’s play areas, and
quiet semi- public parks. The green areas within neighborhoods act as con-
necting elements, not as green belts to create a more convenient, and enjoy-
able place to live;
• Creating neighborhoods that are connected, integrated, and compact;
• Considering public transportation as a priority;
• Adopting, and enforcing integrated development planning approach as a vital
process for all aspects;
• Adopting one-stop-shop concept for development planning, together with
development control, and;
• Thinking of innovative ideas to create incentives for people to move to ANC.
8 S. Attia
Fig. 1.3 The boundaries of ANC, showing the relationship with the Mediterranean, and the exist-
ing Alamein city (AC 2015)
1.4 Development Drivers for ANC
AL Alamein’s economic development framework involves integrated key sectors

which are interlinked through development drivers. Seven sectors constitute the
economic base of ANC. This is considered to be a paradigm shift in ideological
planning concepts of all precedent new cities in Egypt, where a strong mono driver
development was planned, including: 10th of Ramadan, and Borg El Arab, depend-
ing on industry as the main economic base, in addition to 6th of October, that
Table 1.1 The expected Description Total in 2052

employment and population
Basic employment 18,369 job opportunities
in ANC in 2052
Supporting employment 26,120 employments
Service sector 135,747 employments
Total employment 58,235 employments
Population (dependency rate 3.2) 1,882,353 inhabitants
85% settlement rate 1,600,000 inhabitants
Source: AC (2017)
has started with industry as an economic base, but due to its close location to Cairo,
it gained other two drivers: services, and housing (real estate). El Salheya, on the
other hand, depends on agriculture…etc. ANC is expected to have a multi-sector
economic base depending on the following seven sectors:
• Tourism Sector: It is the fundamental sector in ANC’s existing structure, there-
fore it is likely the most attractive sector for investors, and developers;
• Education, Research and Technology sector: Research and technology is the
future of cities. It will drive the implementation of sustainability, and encourage
different social levels to move to the city. (currently, three sites are allocated for
campuses)
• Service Sector: There is a demand for services in the region to cover the gaps,
and avoid failures in most of the three precedent generations of new cities;
• Commercial and Financial Sector: Currently this sector has very limited contri-
bution in the Northern Coast. In the future, this sector could contribute signifi-
cantly to the growth of the city, depending on the demand of commercial services
(financial, banking, …etc.);
• Industrial Sector: The industrial sector is essential for job creation, investments,
and achieving the national vision. Normally, the industrial sector is the leading
sector in the city that drives investments, and the development of other sectors;
• Housing and Transportation sector: Urban/housing sector is mainly driven by
demand for housing led by the increase in local population (depending on jobs’
creation, and settlement rate). Sub-sectors include housing, roads, together with
public transportation, and;
• Agricultural sector: Agriculture is essential to drive the industrial activity. Egypt
should strongly capitalize on agricultural/manufacturing trends, and hinterlands
to provide better opportunities to secure food supply.
The construction sector will be booming along with the city development, and
growth. The total employment opportunities that these sectors offer are calculated
to be with a dependency rate of 3.2, and a settlement rate of 85%, the expected
population in ANC accounts to 1.600.000 inhabitants in the target year 2052.
Table 1.1 shows the expected employment, and population in 2052.
10 S. Attia
1.5 The Master Plan
(a) The planning concept:

Three main factors shape the city concept, which are: The natural setting, the
existing infrastructure, and the historic site of WWII Cemeteries. The planning team
looked at the existing elements of nature: the sea, and the desert, to envision how
they should be connected, while taking into consideration the main other four domi-
nant elements of existing infrastructure in the site, that should be dealt with: the
regional road (Alexandria-Matrouh), the railway, El Gueish road and El Hammam
canal. They form four horizontal axis, splitting the site into four distinct zones: zone
one from the shore line till the regional road, the second zone from the regional road
till the railway, the third from the railway till El Gueish road, and finally the fourth
from El Gueish road till el Hammam canal.
Figure 1.4 shows the main infrastructure existing features, and how they are
forming the horizontal zones. It also shows the planning concept, and the transition
from nature (sea) to nature (desert), throughout the city using the green corridors,
and the main roads’ network. Green corridors help in preserving the biodiversity,
and drainage pathes, while the main roads serve in connecting the north (water
front) to the south (desert borders) to allow the best flow of air circulation.
Accordingly, the master plan considers the following criteria:
• The insightful consideration of the horizontal constraints, and replanning of the
location of the railway.
Fig. 1.4 Planning concept of AL Alamein New City, and the main infrastructure existing features
(AC 2015)
• The distribution of major land uses, and horizontality zoning concept, so that all
vertical phases created shall include all natural resources, and ensure a better
financial plan for investing the land.
• The horizontal lines formed by the natural, and physical elements, along with the
vertical connectivity, sea/desert implies using the grid iron as the main city road
network. Additionally, diagonal avenues will be connecting main squares/main
buildings/ or main parks, and act as transitional grid.
(b) ANC Plan and Design
It has been recognized that if cities are well planned and designed, they can contrib-
ute effectively in addressing sustainability concerns. But what is well planned?
A successful plan is only judged in its context. A successful design in Al Alamein,
cannot be the optimum for another city in another setting.
In this chapter well planned means, integrated plan, connected, flexible, and bal-
anced with its land use distribution, together with achieving inclusiveness, and
walkability. In addition, it refers to being vibrant with activities, accommodating
large green areas and parks, promoting democratic services’ distribution, land-
marks, and entertainment diverse public leisure areas, to enjoy public art, and
thus helps in creating its visual regional and architectural identity/character, with
acceptance and support of all integrated stakeholders.
Another concern that hits the “well planned” issue, is the size of the planning unit:
Should we keep the path of the conventional planning in Egypt? The first genera-
tion of cities in Egypt considered the size of population of the neighborhood to be
5000 inhabitants, relying on the calculations of students’ percentage to be enrolled
in primary schools, following the conventional neighborhood concept of the 60s.
Later, and due to changes in the educational system, the percentage of students
enrolled in “Essential” education, (7–15 years old) have raised the size of popula-
tion for the neighborhood to reach 7–10,000 inhabitants. The patterns of relation-
ship between housing, and schooling in Egypt is only valid within low, and low
middle class. In higher social classes (middle and upper middle) many families
prefer the private education to ensure a better learning for their kids. School buses,
or private transportation is used for distant schools. ADL & AC issued an unpub-
lished report entitled the Strategic Master Plan for 10th of Ramadan submitted to
the Ministry of Housing, Utilities and Urban Communities in 2011(ADL and AC
2010). One of the major findings was that the size of neighborhoods in new cities
has to be reviewed, and other criteria should be investigated (GOPP 2011).
Accordingly, a new approach has been proposed, and approved, which considered
the social strata of the residents, the densities’ issue, the purchasing power, and
the services’ coverage: the optimum size deduced was 20,000 inhabitants, that
would respond effectively to the provision of primary and commercial services, to
ensure a convenient level of densities, achieving the required compactness.
The modular city will consist of cells with an approximate area of 138 acres.
Figure 1.5 show the spatial neighborhood concept, that would create a sustain-
able environment for 20,000 inhabitants, while Fig. 1.6 shows the spatial connec-
tion between neighborhoods.
12 S. Attia
Fig. 1.5 Sustainable neighborhood theoretical concept (Author)
Sustainability at the level of the neighborhood is achieved by using blocks that

motivate walkability. A grey water system, green park, solar energy, solid waste col-
lection system will be put in place. The residential typology offers dwellings in
mixed use areas, or in residential use only, thus ensuring diversity. Moreover, all
green areas will be connecting the different neighborhoods, and mixed uses will be
available in all modules, without jeopardizing the quiet residential areas if needed
for some residents. Rules and regulations will shape the urban form, and ensure that
the city has a strong identity. Each neighborhood will have enough public areas, and
children’s amenities.
Fig. 1.6 The grid and the module (AC 2017)
On the city level, the master plan in Fig. 1.7, reveals the various land uses, and
the overall grid, highlighting the following:
• The city is designed using a module (750 m × 750 m), whereas each zone of
activity is interlocking with the other, allowing the expansion, or reduction of
modules to allow flexibility of having different ranges of zones’ area at each
stage. The zones are layered starting with the touristic zone on the north, located
between the shore line (14 kms long) and the regional road. It includes major
tourism attractions, and the WWII Cemeteries on the western side. On the east-
ern side, lies the uptown, with mixed – use housing, together with commercial,
and other services that offer a vibrant zone. The Northern zone also includes
quiet districts overlooking the lake. The layers extend to the south to reach the
technological parks, and scientific research areas serving the industries, logistic
areas, and agriculture lying in the extreme south of the city below the railway.
The city is surrounded by a ring road to ease the accessibility of all sectors, and
zones;
• All service centers are connected and integrated, and similarly all public spaces
are connected to the green corridors (Fig. 1.8);
14 S. Attia
Fig. 1.7 The master plan (AC 2017)
• The regional services that the city provides to accommodate the north coast com-
munities, are spread to ensure accessibility from the east, west, and south. They
are connected to the regional network, or to the railway;
• The public realm strategy depends on the waterfront. It is designed to include a
large promenade, with fitness trails, restaurants, cafes, kiosks, children play-
grounds, sports and beach facilities;
• The city is divided into groups of neighborhoods, each group constitute a district.
the city can accommodate 18 districts, each district has an average of six residen-
tial neighborhoods, and;
• The city will have more than one center; they are spatially distributed to ensure
that each stage is accessible to the center.
Fig. 1.8 The connectivity of public spaces in the northern part of the city (AC 2017)
1.6 Role of Public Spaces in Achieving Sustainability
Most of the Egyptian cities are suffering from a clear absence of public spaces
which has weakened sustainability, and produceds a strong social gap among its
citizens. It also caused spatial segregation, and immense social inequality, which
negatively affected the civil society’s regional identity in those cities (Attia 2012).
Hence, the design of ANC gives special concern to public spaces, which emphasize
the city’s identity and its districts. Figure 1.8 shows the connectivity of the main
squares, and places.
The city master plan includes three main types of public, and open spaces: public
parks/gardens, the waterfront space and promenade, and the green corridors, in
addition to the neighborhood and community gardens. Together with the green
areas in the squares, and streets all these green spaces they are all achieve diversity
in the public space network.
Public spaces are conceived, and usually placed to serve a public building, or in
proximity to a landmark, or where a large flow of population is expected, such as the
main railway station. Each space should have its own design, using environment –
friendly materials, and furnished with adequate street furniture.
The distribution of green areas depends on the creation of green, transverse, and
national parks, within the different districts, and blocks. It is worth mentioning that
the majority of Egyptian cities do not satisfy the global standards of green areas.
The global average area of green public spaces designed in a city per capita is
approximately 13 m2 as a whole. Meanwhile, the World Health Organization (WHO)
16 S. Attia
Fig. 1.9 The monumental approach for the WWII Cemeteries (AC 2017)
has set that every city should have a minimum of 9 m2 of green space per person.
This rate has been extensively satisfied, as the public spaces’ areas designed in ANC
reach 15 m2 per person. This represents about 13% from the total area of the city. It
will alleviate the CO2 impacts, and reduce air pollution.
Cultural public spaces are designed to constitute unique approaches for major
attractions, monuments, museums, libraries, and other public buildings (see
Fig. 1.9). Moreover, public spaces can also provide leisure, and entertainment for
residents. This includes the beach promenade, shown in Fig. 1.10, as they play an
important role in the perception of visitors.
Public spaces are the tool to make cities more inclusive, as they contribute in
achieving social sustainability. The city authority should maintain the spaces as
public, and ensure they are safe, and accessible without fencing gardens or spaces
as is the situation in current cities.
Managing those spaces, and controlling their functions, together with activities
is a governance issue. Moreover, the patterns of ownership, construction, and ser-
vice provision, are required to be planned within an innovative, efficient, and secure
framework.
Accordingly, NUCA has to conceive a new system for managing the city, and
ensure that the local authority has qualified personnel, who can deal with sustain-
ability requirements, including controlling and monitoring. The city council should
include representatives from all types of stakeholders.
Fig. 1.10 The beach promenade (AC 2017)
1.7 Conclusion
Al-Alamein New City represents a new city model in Egypt, as it valorizes several
planning aspects of sustainable design, city identity, and economic prosperity. The
Egyptian Government is aware that all cities, including the existing ones, should be
sustainable. Accordingly, it has adopted a paradigm shift in planning new cities,
with special consideration to sustainability as a main pillar not as a secondary objec-
tive. It also anticipates the essential actions needed to achieve this goal, but within
an insightful framework, in coherence with the comprehensive national sustainable
development goals formulated in Egypt 2030 vision, that has been issued by the
Ministry of Planning, by the end of 2017.
To achieve sustainability, all related ministries, and cities’ authorities should
work together in harmony. Policies should be formulated to be supportive and inte-
grative, within a coherent operationalized system. It is well comprehended that
achieving sustainability, especially environmental sustainability, can be branded,
and used not only to market the city, but also to foster its economic development;
however, it can also cause conflicts with large scale development projects, if national
contexts are not well considered.
18 S. Attia
New cities in Egypt offer new opportunities for a better quality of life for
Egyptian citizens, who represent the main stakeholders. In ANC, the establishment
of the city depends on green economy, an approach that requires having insight-
ful local authority, capable of controlling and monitoring all related aspects. The
real challenge that faces the success of new cities in general and ANC in particular,
is building capacities of all stakeholders. Moreover, the local authorities should
consider the importance of public awareness to achieve sustainability, and be more
interactive with the practitioners, academics and researchers.
It is worth mentioning that all nations’ governments – including Egypt- have
been committed to the New Urban Agenda issued in Quito in 2016 by UN-Habitat.
This global agenda is to be implemented, hence, new cities can contribute in enhancing
the measurements of the sustainable development goals (SDGs) indicators. To con-
clude this chapter, few questions will always remain bouncing about the construction
of new cities, and ANC particularly, until the first phase is completed. However, the
debate about new cities in Egypt will continue, until those questions are fully answered:
Would Al Alamein New City succeed to be a model for sustainable, and resilient cit-
ies? Will the city serve as catalyst for the North Western Coast? Will it attract popula-
tion, and investments? Will the local government be able to change patterns of
consumptions to ensure a resource efficient city? Will implementation, functioning
and monitoring follow the international standards, while responding to the demands
and aspirations of residents? All answers to these questions are debatable. The years to
come will reveal whether the sustainability in ANC has been achieved, and whether it
really represents a new era of paradigm shift in the planning of new cities in Egypt.
References
ADL & Associated Consultants. (2010). The strategic master plan for 10th of Ramadan city.
Unpublished report presented to the the Ministry of Housing, Utilities and Urban Communities,
Egypt.
Associated Consultants. (2015). Al-Alamein New City (ANC), conceptual design. Unpublished
report, UN Habitat Regional Office, Egypt.
Associated Consultants. (2017). Strategic master plan of Al Alamein New City. Unpublished report
presented to the Ministry of Housing, Utilities and Urban Communities, Egypt, Cairo.
Attia, S. (2012). Revitalization of downtown as center for social democracy and sustainable growth.
Ecocity Builders Summit Book. http://www.ecocitybuilders.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/10/
Attia-including.pdf
Attia, S., & Ibrahim A. (2017). Accessible and inclusive public space: The regenera-
tion of waterfront in informal areas. Journal of Urban Research & Practice. Routledge,
UK. https://doi.org/10.1080/17535069.2017.1340509. https://www.baharash.com/
liveable-cities-how-much-green-space-does-your-city-have/
Ministry of Housing – Utilities and Urban Development – GOPP. (2007). Project of strategic plan
for the development of the Northwest Coast and Hinterland Desert. Final unpublished report –
August_Matrouh Governorate 2015–2031, January 2016, Cairo.
Ministry of Housing – Utilities and Urban Development – GOPP. (2011). National strategic plan
for urban development 2052. Cairo.
Ministry of Housing – Utilities and Urban Development – GOPP. (2015). National strategic plan
for urban development in Egypt 2052. Matrouh Governorate, Cairo.
Chapter 2
Productive Urban Development: Linking
Planning and Economy in Al-Alamein New
City, Egypt
Bassem Fahmy and Marco Kamiya
Abstract As rapid urbanization continues to transform the landscape of the cities

around the world, subnational governments are under great pressure to address neg-
ative externalities associated with poorly-designed and informal expansion. The
global trend persists as the rate of growth in unplanned or poorly-planned expansion
outpaces that of the planned expansion. The lack of coordination between spatial
planning and economic development planning widely observed in subnational gov-
ernments aggravates the current unsustainable urban expansion. This chapter pro-
poses an innovative approach to urban development planning which harnesses
transformative force into an inclusive, equitable, productive and sustainable form of
urban development. By integrating spatial analysis with value/supply chain analy-
sis, it assesses the importance of mobility, connectivity, and inclusivity for indus-
tries. Upon the analysis, the methodology highlights a strong interrelation between
urban layouts and productivity of cities and presents itself as an alternative approach
to planning cities. The chapter introduces the case of Al-Alamein, a new city under
consideration for development in Egypt, to showcase the government’s systematic
approach to meet new challenges arising from rapid urbanization and presents a
model for future new city development for Egypt as well as for countries around the
world, utilizing comprehensive approach to sustainable urban development.
Keywords AL-Alamein · Productive cities · Spatial planning · Urban layouts ·

Comprehensive design
B. Fahmy (*)
UN-HABITAT Egypt Office, Cairo, Egypt
e-mail: Bassem.Fahmy@un.org
M. Kamiya
UN-HABITAT Global Headquarters in Kenya, Nairobi, Kenya
e-mail: marco.kamiya@un.org

20 B. Fahmy and M. Kamiya
2.1 Introduction
Cities have always been at the center of socio-economic development and transfor-
mation throughout history. Studies indicate that almost all countries demonstrate
the minimum of 50% urbanization rate prior to achieving middle-income country
status and every high-income country have reached 70–80% of urbanization rate.
High population density facilitates social interactions which catalyzes knowledge
spillover, investments, innovation, job creation, and industrialization. Meanwhile, a
set of negative externalities such as traffic congestion, slum formation, unemploy-
ment, and environmental degradation brought about by unplanned rapid urban
expansion looms over city sustainability. Sustainability of city heavily hinges on
city capacity to foster positive externalities derived from the economies of agglom-
eration while mitigating such challenges. Subnational governments, especially in
developing countries such as Egypt, where most of the projected global urbaniza-
tion is expected to occur, are under an immense pressure to accommodate popula-
tion and land expansion in a sustainable manner.
In response to the imbalanced urbanization, Egyptian government has designated
Al-Alamein as one of the New Urban Communities (NUC) program in promoting
urban equilibrium by building new cities around densely populated areas. The
integrative approach to urban planning will be tested in designing Al-Alamein with
an objective of making the new city socially-inclusive and a productive hub for
business and job opportunities. The findings of this research will have significant
implications not only for Egypt, but also for other governments around the world as
a robust case study in building new cities that are spatially, socially, and economically
sustainable.
2.2 Productive and Spatial Analysis in NUC
2.2.1 Theoretical/Practical Background for Sustainability
Sustainable urbanization implies a process that is economically productive, socially

inclusive, and environmentally sound for both present and future generations
(UN-Habitat 2017). With the world population residing in urban areas growing to
the unprecedented level, urban sustainability and the quality of life has become a
pressing issue around the world. Widely observed trend of rapid migration to urban
areas, especially in developing countries, heightens the competition over limited
resources among residents and undermines government’s capacity to provide basic
services. Egypt is not an exception to this trend. Around 43% of the population
resides in cities today, of which the majority is concentrated in the Greater Cairo
Region (GCR) and Alexandria. Although the share of urban population is not high
by global standards, the growth of urban land use is outpacing that of population in
many Egyptian cities, endangering sustainability (New York University et al. 2016).
2 Productive Urban Development: Linking Planning and Economy in Al-Alamein… 21
2.2.2 Linkage to Comprehensive Development Methodology
Due to the rapid expansion of cities, governments around the world proclaimed,
under the unified voice of Sustainable Development Goal 11 and with the New
Urban Agenda (HABITAT III 2016), their quest for building cities more inclusive,
resilient, and sustainable for people to live in. In October 2016, governments, civil
society, academia, and private sector convened in Ecuador to renew their
commitments for the New Urban Agenda for sustainable urbanization.
Sustainability of cities seldom occurs by chance, they occur by political will and
concerted effort from wide spectrum of stakeholders. Cities which aim to achieve
sustained urbanization while curbing informality are more likely to preserve fertile
rural lands and environment, promote socio-economic development and inclusion,
and decrease commuting distance and time which, in turn, reduce carbon footprint.
And it all begins with holistic planning. Growing interest and awareness calls for a
comprehensive development methodology which supports cities to grow in an
economically, spatially, and environmentally efficient and sustainable manner.
2.2.3 U
rban Economy, Productive and Spatial Analysis
in NUC
Cities are the main platform for production, innovation, and trade, while industries
are the engines of economic growth and employment creation. As cities facilitate
capital mobilization and labor matching, business opportunities arise and enterprises
are becoming more productive. Currently, cities account for over 80% of global
GDP. The share of city contribution to the national GDP is more pronounced in
developing countries. The resulting industrialization and economic agglomeration
have and continue to increase productivity while transforming the demographics
and landscape of cities.
Productivity is, in simple terms, the ratio of the value of the output to the input
consumed in producing the output Total Factor Productivity (TFP) is the share of
output not explained by the amount of inputs used in production. It is defined and
determined by how efficiently the inputs are utilized in production.). The higher the
productivity the more efficiently one can provide a good or service to consumers.
Naturally, productivity is closely related to labor skills. Higher skilled labors are
less likely to produce defected products, more likely to specialize in a more complex
and value-added end of the production spectrum, earn higher wages, and likely to
utilize capital in an optimal level. On the other hand, poor countries or cities with
limited labor capacity tend to demonstrate high dependency on primary productions
and struggle to engage in value-adding activities (Kremer 1993). For a country or a
city to promote economic growth and higher standard of living while bridging the
widening economic gap, taking steps to enhance its productivity is imperative.
The productivity ‘of a city’ can be measured by the weighted average productiv-
ity of all its industries. The industry productivity is derived from the average pro-
ductivity of sectors, which, in turn, is that of enterprises. When one enterprise
becomes more efficient in delivering a similar product or service due to increased
labor capacity or newly discovered technology, it will either gradually drive out the
less competitive enterprises or force them to become more productive; consequently,
driving up the productivity of the entire sector and industry (Lewis 2004). When an
industry sector becomes more productive, it expands and consolidates both forward
and backward linkages, generating employment opportunities across and beyond
the sector. This lays a foundation for investments and policy interventions on occu-
pational training, R&D, investment promotion etc. Moreover, unlike macro-level
economic performance analysis where compounded variables are at play, sector
level analysis is more proximate and allows us to draw more concrete causal links
between interventions and economic performances. Therefore, it is the industry sec-
tor level that we set as a unit of evaluation as well as intervention in enhancing
productivity of a city.
2.3 Value Chains and Supply Chains
The means by which industries and enterprises compete has evolved over the years.
When Henry Ford designed its first moving assembly line in 1913 in Michigan, the
strategy was to produce a simple designed automobile in the largest number, at the
lowest cost. The competitiveness of this production model was founded upon the
idea of economies of scale. Although the idea still finds its relevance in today’s
globalized market, various other factors which determine competitiveness have
emerged over the years.
Under the premise that sector productivity enhancement begets competitiveness,
this chapter sheds light on the analytical tools that are widely employed to enhance
the following endogenous or Self-growth variables which shape the productivity of
a sector: (1) efficiency in performing a specific value adding activity and (2)
efficiency in delivering inputs and finished products, although value chain analysis
and supply chain analysis overlap in scope and are often used interchangeably, there
is a clear distinction between efficiency in producing and efficiency in delivering.
2.3.1 Market Demand and Value Chains
The first variable that affects the level of productivity could be assessed through a
value chain lens. Value chain is an idea which views a manufacturing or service
organization as a system consisting of various segments, which ranges from input
providers, producers, and to final consumers. As each segment adds value as the
product and services move along the chain, costs and profitability are heavily
influenced by the efficiency of each participant along the value chain (Porter 1985)
Analyzing value chains is one of the most powerful and utilized tools for assessing
productivity of a sector as well as a way of creating an enabling business environment.
Value Chain Analysis (VCA) is an accounting tool which deconstructs and analyzes
how much cost and value is added from the raw materials stage until a product
reaches end consumers. It allows us to measure the productivity and cost efficiency
of each of the stages along the value chain (Intangible endogenous variables such as
organizational capital is also embedded in the scope of productivity and efficiency).
By comparing the findings with international standard or a competitor, one can
highlight specific bottlenecks to sector competitiveness. Furthermore, VCA is an
effective tool in identifying distortions caused by anti-competitive policies or
regulations, and market and human resources that hinder industries from becoming
more competitive.
In addition, value chain is also a medium through which enterprises understand
rapidly changing market demand. From the market standpoint, value is created or
defined by customers’ perception or an interpretation of a product or services (Flint
2008). Fostering a cohesive and integrated value chain allows the participants to
become more competitive by having a better assessment on costumers’ value
placement.
2.3.2 Spatial Dimension and Supply Chains
While VCA helps us to understand the cost efficiency at each value-adding segment
along a production system, Supply Chains Analysis (SCA) is a highly effective tool
in assessing the efficiency of the flow of goods and services. Supply chains is a
conduit through which products, services, information, and capital move from one
segment of the chain to another until they reach the end consumers (Cooper et al.
1997). For example, a supply chain mapping exercise captures the flow, economic
distance (Economic distance reflects the time and cost of transporting goods
between a point of departure to destination), and efficiency of an agricultural crop
from farm gate to the final consumer. In addition to efficiency, which is generally
measured by cost and time, reliability and predictability in service delivery are also
key determinants of a well-functioning supply chain. Supply chains are often
fragmented, especially in developing countries. Fragmentation results in, among
other things, waste, income loss, increased product price, and lack of product
availability in the market. SCA provides insights into specific logistics constraints
hindering competitiveness, and helps identify both policy- and market-based
interventions to improve efficiency and competitiveness. As it captures the
movement of goods and services, supply chain efficiency is bound by both physical
and trade logistics infrastructure, which are often defined by urban planning.
The importance of supply chain management and logistics efficiency is becom-
ing even more pronounced with continuous growth in competition and market
demand for greater product diversification. With greater number of enterprises pro-
viding similar goods and services, increasingly weaker brand loyalty is observed in
the market. The current market trend of gradual shift from mass production to more
customized and personalized products and services is creating complexity for a
traditional supply chain model (Sheffi 2012) Combined with increasing consumer
awareness, available product information, and shortening product cycle, enterprises
are forced to operate a more effective and efficient supply chain striving to meet
consumers’ demand and maintain high level of productivity, while minimizing
inventory and cost of logistics. Specialized supply chain and logistics models have
become an essential part of competitiveness in today’s globalized economy and
enterprises invest substantial amount of resources to gain competitive edge over
each other. Increasing number of regional logistics hub, colocations, and cluster
developments are the testaments to such trend.
2.3.3 Economic Efficiency and Planning
As demonstrated above, the efficiency in flow of production factors and information

along the value and supply chain holds a great implication not only to sector
productivity, but also to urban economic development. Conversely, efficient mobility
of production factors and information is vastly affected by public policy and urban
planning. Both hard and soft infrastructure that cuts across industries is often
defined by public investments. The urban landscape is also influenced by
government’s zoning regulations and building permits (Sheffi 2012). While
government support does not guarantee productive development, behind every
success in achieving urban economic efficiency around the world, there is a
prominent role played by the governments.
2.4 Urban Layout and Productivity
Despite a commonly held conception of interdependence between urban planning

and productivity, urban development projects seldom undertake approach integrating
economics with urban planning. In practice, often, government economic and urban
planning sub-functions are carried out in silos. Economic development projects tend
to ignore the spatial dimension, while the economic perspective is consistently left
out in many urban planning processes. Such trend has limited many cities from
fulfilling its potential to the optimum.
2.4.1 Interpretation of Urban Layout and Productivity
Productivity and economic prospect of a city is closely related to the physical and
spatial layout of its environment. Factors that compose urban layout such as the
number of intersections, size of a block, or a share of built-up area occupied
collectively define the degree of urban mobility. Transport infrastructure such as
road and port is the conduit through which goods, services, and labor travel and,
consequentially, the quality of such infrastructure greatly affects urban productivity.
Under the current global context of expanding urban population and built-up urban
area, there is a growing need for better spatial allocation of services and infrastructure
to enable cities to become livable and sustainable economic powerhouses. An
extensive time-series analysis asserts that the growth rate of informally planned or
unplanned land expansion is outpacing that of planned expansion across the world
(New York University et al. 2016). As unplanned expansion has a propensity to
generate urban sprawl and informal settlements outside of the government purview,
it is detrimental to intra-city mobility and connectivity. For instance, an urbanization
review conducted in Nairobi, Kenya concluded that less than 20% of formal
employment opportunities are accessible to average Nairobi households within 1 h
by walking or using public transportation system (World Bank 2016). Such low
level of intra-city mobility directly contracts the size of labor market and severely
stunts the city’s capacity to fulfill its productivity potential. In the case of Egypt,
urban expansion is often observed around key public services such as schools and
hospitals in urban fringes (UN-Habitat 2016). Such development aggravates
residents’ access to public services and economic opportunities in other parts of the
city. In countries such as Kenya and Egypt where high population concentration in
working age is one of the key competitive advantages, poor connectivity and
mobility could weaken the potential to take advantage of demographic dividend.
2.4.2 Connectivity and Main Components of the City
In broader economic terms, connectivity of a city is generally defined by how cen-

tral a city is to global markets and transportation and logistics network. The higher
the level of connectivity, the more conducive for cities to trade and plug oneself into
the global value chain at a lower cost. A study highlighted a robust correlation
between air connectivity and share of exports composed of parts and components
(World Bank 2014). In this regard, connectivity has become one of the most power-
ful indicators for projecting a city’s development potential.
While connectivity is often defined by geographic location, it is not the sole
determinant. Tangible variables such as transport and logistics infrastructure as well
as intangible variables such as customs and freight forwarding system, legal and
financial institution, human resources, ICT, and business climate collectively
influence the level of connectivity to global market. The more connected a city is,
the higher the propensity to attract new ideas, creative class, technologies,
innovations. These are the very factors which underpin the competitiveness of value
and supply chain for any industry sector.
A comprehensive methodology integrating value/supply chain with spatial anal-
ysis presents an alternative approach to urban development. The spatial element
promotes an urban layout that is compact, integrated, inclusive, and connected. In
tandem with the productivity enhancing tools, it visualizes the functional aspect of
the value/supply chain and to explore ways to harness the expansion of urban
population and urban land consumption to be the optimum use to industries and
economy. Furthermore, compact and dense urban layout renders the infrastructure
and public services provision more economically efficient. This allows the limited
municipal budget to be earmarked for other services and activities which will
contribute to further urban development.
2.5 Egypt Case Background NUC Development
The Egyptian New Urban Communities (NUC) development experience started in

the mid-1970s, as part of the national strategy to tackle the challenges facing Egypt
urbanization. It is well known that the urban population in Egypt is not evenly
distributed among the 219 cities, 96% of the republic’s total population lives on 4%
of the total national area (The Guardian 2015), while the remaining percentage
spread on 96% of the total area. This lead to more imbalances where 68% of the
republic’s total population are living in three regions: the GCR, Alexandria and
Delta; representing 1.8% of Egypt’s total area while 77 cities comprise 4% of the
urban population. Furthermore, existing villages and cities mostly surrounded by
valuable agricultural land threatened by rapid and unplanned urban growth. This
interne can be seen as over 16 million urban inhabitants live today in informal and
squatter settlements around urban areas. New Urban Communities in the desert
vicinity were thought as an alternative solution to the problems.
New Egyptian cities were an opportunity to enhance the economic growth and
major economic interfaces that are able to attract direct foreign and Arab investments
to recover Egyptian economy as one of the most important roles in causing urban
equilibrium and development outside the inhabited area. Such initiative has found
the economic and political framework represented in economic openness and open-
door policy implemented since 1975. Consequently, the Egyptian program of
establishing new cities around the Cairo, Alexandria and densely populated areas in
Delta started in 1974.
2.5.1 The Three Generations of New Egyptian Cities
The Egyptian initiative building new towns back to 1868, when the Khedive of
Egypt establish the New cities of Port Said and Ismailia that took place among the
establishment period of the Suez Canal, since then number of new settlements were
established such as Heliopolis and Masr El Guedida in the 1930, considered as one
of the first private investment in urban development all-over the world as well as
Nasr City in the 1956 as suburb neighborhood at the fringing of Cairo city.
Nevertheless, the actual start of the New Egyptian Cities (NUC) programme was
taking place in the 1977 till now throughout three generations of cities that shaped
22 new cities.
It is worth mentioning that the NUC programme was launched without clear
national urban policy (Hai 1981), or even a national program to establish and build
NUC. Later number of justifications were specified as redistribution of population
along the whole national geographic space, instead of being centered in 5% of
Egypt’s total area as well as limiting the urban dominance of Cairo and Alexandria,
through establishing counter magnetic poles and redirecting rural immigration to
major cities, to new planned destinations in addition to limiting the random growth
and encroachment on agricultural land and limiting the housing problem in general,
especially in major cities, etc. Subsequently, the original plan for the 22 cities was
revisited due to synchronizing of the market and updating with development on the
ground and therefore the targeted year and the number of inhabitants.
The first generation of the Egyptian NUC that last to 1982 produced seven Cities.
Apart from the El Salheya that was agricultural-based economic this version
produced mostly industrial-based economic cities and regional services, which
aimed at further attracting industry investments. The first generation’s cities such as
10th of Ramadan, 6th of October, Borg El Arab...etc. possess around 48% from the
total new cities inhabitants in the 22 cities. However, the second generation that has
taken place in 1982 and lasted for 18 years produced 8 Cities, was mainly targeting
to absorb the high concentration in the Greater Cairo Region (GCR). Therefore 50%
of the second-generation cities were around GCR as satellite and residential cities
such as New Cairo, Sheikh Zayed, Badr, El Shorouk, etc. succeeded to attract
around 50% from the total new cities inhabitants in the 22 cities. Furthermore, the
third generation created 7 Cities with regional Services, light and basic industries,
which trends of building NUC near existing cities. This version failed to attract
population of nearby dense Cities.
2.5.2 Economic and Urban Role of New Cities
The NUC development programme economic and urban role exceeds the city and it
region. The effect of these roles goes beyond the influence of geographical
boundaries of the city regions and result significantly at the development and the
urbanization of Egypt. Since those cities were supposed to serve as a development

locomotive to upgrade the local economy of the Egyptian governorates. The authors
therefore analyze in depth these effects to highlight the economic and urban role of
NUCs comparing proposed strategic plans, local and regional economic role,
designated population with the actual development, economic population, provided
job opportunities.
The total planned areas in 22 NUCs are approximately 1733 km2 that approxi-
mately equal 31% of the current total urban areas in Egypt. The original plans for
the NUC were predetermined to produce 630 km2 for residential uses that equal
36% from the total NUCs area, 248 km2 for industrial uses (14%) and 651 km2
(37%) for other uses particularly for amenity, education, medical and other regional
service uses (UN-Habitat 2016). Statistics show that the lands allocated for non-
residential or industrial activities such as trade, service, tourism and recreational
activities in these cities are approximately 136 km2 (8%); 31 km2 have been allocated
so far. The number of productive and operational factories in new cities is
approximately 7630 out of 40,000 factories nationwide, at the rate of 19.1%. The
amount of capitals invested in the construction of these factories is approximately
91 billion L.E., providing 533,000 new industrial job opportunities. Factories under
construction are approximately 3887 factories, providing approximately 92,000
new and additional job opportunities according to 2014 statistics (UN-Habitat
2016).
2.5.3 NUC Impact on Urban Development
The Egyptian NUCs therefore are expected to play a regional role as polycentric
service and hubs of business and job opportunities. The NUC influences rationally
designed to go further than the city region, as for major regional commercial centers,
medical service middles, academic and research centers, business development
areas, regional entertainment facilities, etc. NUCs have partially succeeded at
attracting private investment in comparison to huge direct government official
investments. As during the past 20 years around 91 billion L.E has been implemented
by the private sector particularly in industrial investments (UN-Habitat 2014);
whereas, the total amount of implemented government investments exceeds the 65
billion L.E distributed to residential investment (14.4 billion), service investments
(4.9 billion) and utilities investments (46.8 billion). It is important to notes that
currently the total amount of population in new cities is 4.211 million people, at the
rate of 10% of the total urban population. The new cities are expected to accommodate
approximately 22 million people by the year 2032 (UN-Habitat 2016), representing
17.2% of Egypt total population (128.5 million people). Nevertheless, during this
period the share of Egypt’s total infrastructure investment budget that was directed
to the NUCs was approximately 22%, whereas today, only 4% of Egypt’s population
lives in these desert New Towns.
2.6 Al-Alamein Urban Development and Planning
Although, NUCs should act as regional development hubs absorbing the population
increase and economic growth as recommended by the National Urban Policy Study
(NUPS) (PADCO 1981); the regional plans in the eighties for the Northwest Coast
and Alexandria urban region lacks critical determination for linkages between
NUCs and existing/proposed economic activities tourism, agricultural or industrial.
Nevertheless, the development triangle plan “Alexandria – El-Alamein – Wadi
Al-Natrun” in 1999 (GOPP 1999) secures new regional development zones with
formulation of the regional role of the NUCs axis. Subsequently, in 2007, El-Alamein
New City (ANC) was proposed – as a millennium city under the framework of the
national project to resettle five million people in the Northwest Coast from
Al-Hammam city to Salloum – to be the main development center at the Northwest
Coast East sector level. Since then all strategic plans i.e. Northern Coast Development
Plan, Egypt 2052 Urban Development Plan, etc. consider that (i) Interdependent
regional economic hub for investment and international trade gate to Africa and
Southern Europe States by supported free zones and export ports activities and (ii)
Enhancing the productive capacity of Region increasing and the integration between
the various activities in the Region as the main roles and objectives for ANC
development.
2.6.1 Integration with City Region
ANC as one of the main four growth NUCs proposed (New Marsa Matrouh/New
Borg El Arab/New Sidi Barany) for the development of the north-west coast region,
is expected to accommodate the urban population increase as well as founding for
critical regional development that could shift the gravity center of Alexandria urban
region – at the same time it is a coastal city that has the role to link the region with
the Mediterranean basin.
Subsequently, on the one hand the development of ANC that will act as attraction
centers for activities, population and to accommodate around million people must
be critically integrated with the city region. The development size, regional services,
market forces, etc. will affect the nature of connections between the region and
other regions. The ANC witnesses completions of the International Coastal Road
and linking it to West Delta and Sinai, and the investment in the new Borg El Arab
and El-Alamein airports and Marsa Matrouh, which will dramatically affect the city
form and rationalizing new investments directed to production and service sectors
that will serve the regional and national objectives.
On the other hand, it is important to note that the ANC development risk rates
due to issues hinder development. The regional leakage of proposed ANC economy
for the benefit of the emerging adjacent areas, such as residential, commercial and
negligible activities is expected, if the integration of regional development policy
remains absent. Furthermore, the regional competition between the functional roles
of ANC and the role of regional sister cities might weaken opportunities of success
and the feasibility of economic activities based in region’s cities. Determination of
tools for promoting and enhance productive investment dedication towards the ANC
and other new urban communities in the region domain, as well as strengthen the
central service role of the old urban communities.
2.6.2 Spatial Dimension and Supply Chains
The term value-chains captures a sequence of related and dependent activities that
are needed to bring a product or service from conception, through the different
phases of production, to delivery to final consumers and after sales services, and
finally to disposal or recycling (UNIDO 2014). Thus, value-chains are complex
entities where production is only one of several value-added links in the chain,
where logistics, combination with other products, combined solution offerings,
logistics, and etcetera are other links. They may include a range of related and
dependent activities within each link of a chain, and between different chains.
Intermediary producers in one value-chain may feed into several other value-chains.
Value-chains can span enterprises of a local economy, a sub-national regional
economy, the entire domestic economy, a supra-national regional economy, and the
global economy.
In NUC development and in particular the ANC the need for analyzing the value
and supply chains becomes essential due to the fact that it secures proper figures
that reflect complex environment. The value-chain analysis for the ANC becomes
an increasingly useful approach to gain a comprehensive view of the various inter-
locking stages involved from taking a good or service from the surrounding
economic region of the city as raw material to production and then to the consumer.
To establish a strong and sustainable ANC’s economy with such ambition, the city
cannot achieve succession on an individual enterprise basis, but rather, requires a
systemic view that applies methodologies based upon approaches such as value-
chain analysis and encouragement of industry clusters at the city region level
(UN-Habitat 2016).
Therefore, the creation of ANC competitive environment will play important role
to secure sustainable development. Nevertheless, it is essential to know (i) what
works in the regional level beyond the city region territory including “strategic bets”
on new regional industries, (ii) what works for the ANC “locally” in efforts to
improve the performance of the city region’s existing industries, including issues of
infrastructure provision, access to financing, and ways of establishing effective
PPPs, and (iii) how to create coalitions to enable ANC to make a real breakthrough
in regional trade.
Subsequently, the ANC examined the costs and benefits carefully to avoid being
locked into low productivity value chains and therefore into low-level development
trajectories. Success will require an innovative and far-sighted approach on the part
of policymakers, development partners and the private sector to take full advantage
of ANC resources. First, most countries in the MENA region have historically
experienced more investments in infrastructure and in manufacturing capacities in
several sectors also had a degree of industrial infrastructure especially in light
manufacturing. Second, North Africa has a geographical advantage particularly due
to its proximity to one of the largest markets in the world, the EU market. This gives
North Africa an important advantage in its trade relations with the EU. Third, many
countries in the region enjoy preferential market access to key markets particularly
the European Union through association and free trade agreements and also the
United States in the cases of some of the countries in the region. Fourth, countries
of the region have accumulated a degree of managerial and organizational capacities
that enable these countries to meet needed requirements; however, the region,
overall, has not exploited these advantages to the full potential.
Consequently, some areas in Egypt, Morocco, and Tunisia have benefitted from
the integration in the Global Value-Chains (GVC) to expand employment and
improve social conditions as for Al Alamein, being on the Mediterranean coast, to
quickly become a member and network in transnational organizations, such as the
Barcelona based Association of the Mediterranean Chambers of Commerce and
Industry (ASCAME) becomes significant potential. It makes sense to network
directly with European cities, rather than to go the chain up through national levels,
where anyway usually only megacities are visible.
2.6.3 Development and Economic Engines
The economic development and economic engines of Al-Alamein New City should
take place in the context of the macro-economic Egyptian economy, neighboring
and integrating with the current and future MENA region economic activities,
integrating with local clusters, in a continent and a world of increasingly globalized
value-chains and hyper competition between business firms in progressively more
open economies. To achieve a successful new city policymaking, as well as business,
academic and civil society leaders must work together across-ministries, across
sector and across geography to explore and ensure ignition of the robust economic
growth that will support more-inclusive economies.
Economic and social agendas must go hand in hand and focus on institutional
support for the prioritized business clusters, which will render the economic
activities more productive and open up new and better job opportunities for all
segments of the regional population and national immigrants. Better assigning
available resources to productive activities is crucial and requires well-functioning
markets. In fact, analysis shows that ANC possesses the potential to add at least
17,000 feddans (a unit of area in Egypt) needed for industrial areas out of 43,250
new feddans industrial expansions requested at the Alexandria schematic region
level. It is proposed in the rest of the existing industrial cities and the projected new
ones in the schematic region. Furthermore, it is expected that the ANC will secure
the regional industrial service center for the new proposed land reclamation projects
in South, East and West of the city; these lands amount to 230,000 new agricultural
feddans (GOPP 1999) – which are expected to be functionally allocated to produce
fruits and vegetables export agricultural crops and industrial crops like beets, sesame
and oil crops. Moreover, the new city location gives exceptional positioning for the
city to play the role of the region’s tourism service center for the tourist hinterland
of the Northwest Coast which receives both beach and non-beach tourist patterns,
especially conferences, safari and shopping tourism, in addition to its role as a
destination for tourist resorts and vacation and weekend tourism patterns and
expected Mediterranean tourists. Subsequently, it is highly recommended that the
economic underpinnings and the economic engines will be but not limited to the
following:
Industrial development: Exploiting the urban sprawl in West Delta, Northwest
Coast and Matrouh in the establishment of new industrial areas and communities as
well as knowledge-based industrial activity and encouraging industrial orientation
of the activities that are integrated with other economic sectors with expansion for
industrial zones and the development and updating of existing ones, etc.
Agricultural development: Utilizing the geographical location to increase the
exports of some of the food commodities with comparative advantage and utilizing
the region infrastructure to achieve the agro-industrial integration, thus contributing
in increasing the value-added of the Agriculture sector to support agro-industrial
activities and to contribute to the reduction of the food gap in some agricultural
products that are available in the Region.
Tourism development: Achieve comprehensive development of coastal tourism
development areas and exploiting the many and varied tourism potentials in
providing new tourism patterns and diversify the tourism product in the Region, as
well as encourage day use and quick trips thus enhancing the tourism role of the city
as a tourist destination for residential resorts tourism and holiday and weekend
tourism style.
2.7 Conclusion
The ANC is a major development pole in the West regional development area,
within the Alexandria metropolitan urban region framework and its western
expansion. Moreover, in the light of the Strategic Planning of Matrouh Governorate
vision for the northwest coast development 2032 findings shows the region’s most
important resources that rangeland vegetation cover, including fodder, aromatic,
and medicinal plants; oil and natural gas; some mineral and mining deposits;
summer resorts, desert landscape; and the historical and cultural heritage.
Subsequently, the various development proposals and the opportunities of
developing ANC roles could be concluded as (GOPP 2010) (i) ANCs’ urban
development pole has potential to integrate to Alexandria urban region within the
trends to develop the urban region, (ii) the city has huge opportunity as a major
development and manufacturing service center for land reclamation sector in West
Delta region along Al-Hammam canal and Baheeg (GOPP and UN-HABITAT
2014), (iii) the ANC possesses real possibility to play integral role as a tourist
service center for the development of direct tourism hinterland for coastal
communities located on the Northwest Coast (New El-Alamein development within
the framework of the Northwest Coast development plans) and finally, (iv) the city
possesses also the opportunity as a portal and a main gate at the national level (as
targeted in the 2052 national plan) and the West Delta sector in the frameworks of
its association with El-Alamein international airport – new international port –
International Costal Road- railway – Wadi El-Natrun/El-Alamein Road.
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Chapter 3
The Story of NEOM City: Opportunities
and Challenges
Alshimaa Aboelmakarem Farag
Abstract The story of NEOM city starts when the Crown Prince Mohammed bin
Salman announced the launch of NEOM, the futuristic megacity, on the conference
“Future Investment Initiative” in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, at 24 October 2017.
The Project’s promoters aspire to brand a new land where a plethora of unique
development opportunities that could contribute to make NEOM a global hub for
trade, innovation, and knowledge. The creative class around the world has been
invited to participate in creating NEOM, with promises of a new life in a beautiful
nature free place, and an independent economic zone with its own laws, taxes, regu-
lations, and no restrictions. Future technology in transportation, growing and pro-
cessing food, healthcare, internet of things, and digital air all should contribute to
providing NEOM’s residents a unique lifestyle.
The project that starts with a fanfare might face a number of challenges, whether
at the present or in the future such as the abstention of investor’s participation in
such a current economic situation in KSA after the decline of world oil price, resis-
tance of conservatives, the neighbors countries’ supporting, in addition to the time
challenge. There is also a fear of repeating the failed experiments as Saudi kingdom
will not be able to bear its costs.
The shortage of literature and references has been a big challenge when to write
this article in such time, four months after the formal announcement of launching
NEOM. However, this article raises several questions and inquires that help to pre-
dict future challenges that might face the decision makers and can be addressed if
recognized early.
Keywords NEOM · Saudi Arabia · Futuristic city · Branding cities · New cities
A. A. Farag (*)
Architecture Department, Effat University, Jeddah, Saudi Arabia
e-mail: aeelsayed@effatuniversity.edu.sa

36 A. A. Farag
3.1 The Start
The story of NEOM city starts to be narrated by experts, journalists, and even by the
regular people when the Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman announced the
launch of NEOM, on the sidelines of a three-day conference named “Future
Investment Initiative”, that took place in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, on Tuesday, 24
October 2017. The Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, Deputy Prime
Minister and Chairman of the Public Investment Fund (PIF) announced the launch
of NEOM to be “in his vision” a short gateway to the future, or in other words, a
destination for dreamers of the future. Such future the Prince dreams is like nothing
on earth, at where the new way of life, strategic trading location, picturesque nature
and beautiful weather, innovation, technology, and livability are at its core. Saudis
are branding NEOM city as a place for dreamers, confirming that it is not for con-
ventional people or conventional companies, but it is designated for those who want
to create a new place in the world.
“I tell people those who cannot dream should not negotiate with us or come to
NEOM. Welcome to the dreamers who can come to the new world.” with those
words the prince ended his speech in the conference.
NEOM’s name is constructed from two parts: the first part has three letters from
the Greek prefix neo meaning “new”, the second part is the letter M that represents
the word “Mostaqbal” an Arabic word meaning “future”.
There are great ambitions for the future of NEOM, and aspirations to transform
a new land into a new way of life. The Project’s promoters are aspiring to attract the
creative class and talented minds, and empower them with technology and a perfect
place to work and live in, to create a new city inspired by imagination. The aim is to
attract 500 billion dollars of investment from local and international banks, to create
the city that is most efficient, happiest, safest, and healthiest place to work and live
in, and to lead the world to the future.
NEOM has been described according to the formal website “Discover NEOM”
as “the world’s most ambitious project, a city of unprecedented scale, in Saudi
Arabia, made of many cities operating as an independent economic zone built by
robots, done friendly and with traffic regulated by smart cars, unlimited resources,
a Mecca of engineers and dreamers in robotics and solar power. A global hub for
trade, innovation, and knowledge, but especially supportive of all religions and
determined to eliminate extremists” (NEOM Official Web Site 2017).
3.2 The New Land
In the northwestern region of Saudi Arabia, a huge area of vacant land was selected
for the birth of the new city. The special zone where NEOM will exist is made of
mountains, long beaches, desert, and amazing nature.
3 The Story of NEOM City: Opportunities and Challenges 37
There are many dreams by the Saudi leadership; that are planned to be estab-
lished in NEOM. Everything in this city is supposed to start from scratch, to avoid
repeating the conventional city features. The concept of the crown prince is that; it
would be impossible to build an entity like NEOM except by eliminating the vision
of existing cities; and working on establishing a new location, fresh investment,
young people, and businesses supported by new technology and artificial intelli-
gence; in addition to new regulations.
3.2.1 NEOM Location
A strategic location has been selected for NEOM city, along the country’s Red Sea
coastline, adjacent to the beautiful views of the Gulf of Aqaba, and near the Suez
Canal where maritime trade routes exist. The reason for the location selection is its
plethora of unique development potentials which would contribute to making
NEOM a global hub for trade, innovation, and knowledge. The geographic location
with its topography and climatic characteristics have contributed for selecting the
new land for establishing NEOM, with pristine nature, dramatic mountain back-
drops which are covered with snow during winter, uninterrupted coastline with
untouched beaches and coral reefs, several spectacular islands, peaceful desert, mild
temperatures, Red Sea breezes, and above all of these are the beautiful views across
the Gulf of Aqaba and the Red Sea.
Klaus Kleinfeld, the former chairman, CEO of Arconic Alcoa Inc., and Siemens
AG., and one of the pioneering investors in NEOM, praised the new city’s location
in the broadcasted conference for lunching NEOM. His words revealed the unique
features of the selected location comprised of 26,500 km2 vacant land with 500 km
of beachfront where sand, coral reefs, and the very touching and beautiful moun-
tains that go up to 2500 m are surrounded by much-steeped drops, and enjoys a nice
climate where winds blow all the time.
The new land is sited in a worldwide central economic location. It can be reached
by an eight-hour flight by 70% of the people, besides the transit road through Suez
Canal, and the telecom road, all of which contribute to the project’s success.
What actually makes NEOM in a special economic zone is its command of a
unique location in the northwestern region of Saudi Arabia that is set to include ter-
ritory within the Egyptian and Jordanian borders, on one of the world’s most promi-
nent economic arteries, where 10% of the world’s trade flows through the Red Sea.
3.2.2 Neighboring Countries
NEOM is planned to be a futuristic megacity spanning across three countries;

Egypt, Jordon, and Saudi Arabia. This location is expected to facilitate the zone’s
rapid emergence as a global hub that connects Asia, Europe, and Africa. It will also
38 A. A. Farag
serve as a gateway by building the King Salman Bridge that will span the Red Sea
and link Egypt and Africa with Saudi Arabia.
It is worth mentioning that the Egyptian and Jordanian media did not disclose the
future plans for NEOM, which raised a question if the neighboring countries are
willing to cooperate in building the futuristic city. The two countries are close allies
of Saudi Arabia (Mail online 2017).
3.2.3 Natural Recourses in the Site
The Kingdom of Saudi has been blessed by the richness of natural resources, and
NEOM is considered one of the best locations in the Middle East, that is rich in the
mineral resources, as well as in gas and oil, where two hundred thousands of barrels
of oil could be extracted from this location in addition to the gas deposits.
In addition to the new oil and gas in the words of Mr. Masayoshi Son. -the chair-
man and CEO of the SoftBank Group Corp. of Japan and an investor in NEOM- he
pointed to the natural resources the kingdom has been gifted. The perennial solar
resources (20 MJ/m2) and the wind speed (an average of 10.3 m/s), will allow
NEOM to be powered solely by regenerative energy and to develop renewable
energy projects. In addition, the use of natural and renewable resources will live up
to the sustainability standards in NEOM city. The silicon will be extracted from the
wide extended Saudi desert’s sand to use it in manufacturing the solar panel to gen-
erate electricity. From the sand and sunshine, which were difficulties in the past, all
will be made of NEOM partners are thinking of a great opportunity to create a new
place that is fully generated by net zero carbon.
3.2.4 Stakeholders
This project starts with the credibility of its supporters. In October 2017, five of the
richest men in the world met in Riyadh, the capital of Saudi Arabia to announce
their big dream. One of them was Stephen A. Schwartzman who used the word
“muscles” to refer to the power of the supporters who give credibility to NEOM
(The Economist 2017).
1. The Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman; who is the chair of the special
Authority to oversee NEOM.
2. Masayoshi Son, chairman and CEO of the SoftBank Group Corp. of Japan; the
Japanese head of a $100bn “Vision Fund”
3. Stephen A. Schwartzman, chairman, and co-founder of the Blackstone Group;
the private-equity giant.
4. Marc Raibert, CEO of Boston Dynamics;
5. Klaus Kleinfeld, former chairman and CEO of Arconic Alcoa Inc., and Siemens
AG.; NEOM’s chief executive who was appointed to lead the project
development.
In addition to the business giants, world large firms’ cooperate managers and
senior Saudi officials who attended the conference.
The project will be owned by the Public Investment Fund. In addition, the Saudi
government and global technology firms will help to build NEOM, and it is being
funded by the kingdom’s sovereign wealth fund. It is worth mentioning also that the
SoftBank Group and Vision Fund have signed an agreement to buy a significant
percentage in the Saudi Electricity company that will provide energy for the city
(Mail online 2017). All of these financial and economic measures are supporting the
successful launching of the new mega city.
3.2.5 NEOM Community
The community of NEOM is a topic that intersects with several issues, Saudi tradi-
tions and religion, 2030 Saudi vision, Saudi young generation, women’s rights, and
the expected new citizens: the Robots, the creative population, and the investors, all
together will shape the social features of NEOM community.
3.2.5.1 Saudi’s Community
Referring to the past with its complex history and evolution is essential to better
understand the forces that shaped the Arabian Peninsula’s cities and communities.
The people of the Kingdom have experienced several dramatic changes in terms of
cultural, political, economic, and social aspects, and chronological moments dis-
tinct the pre- and post-oil eras.
In the 1970s, prior to the oil discovery, King Mohammed Ibn Saud, and
Mohammed Ibn Abd al-Wahhab established the National Saudi State. History refers
to both of them as the establishers of many of the conservative values that are gov-
erning the kingdom to this day, such as prioritizing men’s education, woman’s
dependence on a man to then become eligible for an educational scholarship or
travel. Until the reign of King Abdullah- who passed away on January 23, 2015-
permitted the women to apply for a scholarship with accompanying of her husband,
father, or brother and allowing them for leading positions in the Saudi government
and to represent in the Kingdom Alshura council (Al-Ban 2016).
The Saudi economy longley depended on religious tourism, until the oil discov-
ery in 1938s, which identified Saudi Arabia as the largest source of petroleum in the
world. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia’s global economic importance has increased
in the field of oil products trading since the 1960s (Holden et al. 1982).
40 A. A. Farag
The Saudi government depended mainly on the oil income, and the Saudi citi-
zens heavily depended on the government subsidies. It has been clear that both
religion and oil are the main influences of shaping Saudi Arabia’s community
(Al-Ban 2016).
Recently, political decisions accompanied the launch of NEOM such as allowing
women to drive, the Crown Prince assured that the Saudis want the moderate Islam
before the Whabbism, and to want to open up to the whole world.
The project promoters are betting on the new generations that have a different
view of the future. The prince believes in the young Saudis have great passion on the
personal and national level and possess the accuracy, professionalism, and intelli-
gence that will enable them to achieve what was impossible.
On behalf of the young generation, which constitutes 70% of the population, the
Crown Prince called for replacing the extreme conservative ideas by moderate reli-
gion and customs that will enable the society to live a moderate life.
3.2.5.2 Robotics and Future Technologies
Sophia, the first humanoid robot in the history that has officially the Saudi national-
ity and is recognized as a Saudi citizen. This event was accompanied by a media
frenzy that reflects Saudi Arabia’s interest in and adoption of technological
developments.
The Saudi leadership’s vision is to make NEOM, a city of robots to be the first
city that has more robots than the human population. This is a kind of city branding
of NEOM in the image of the futuristic city that has been watched several times in
the science fiction movies, where robots are serving people and carrying out all
required tasks with the utmost precision, sincerity, cleanliness, and order. Masayoshi
Son in the conference of NEOM explained that the use of robots would make peo-
ple’s lives better and happier when they have time for what really matters, and above
all of that will give Saudi Arabia the leadership in the future.
Marc Raibert – the investor and CEO of Boston Dynamics- who is proud that
robotic is his speciality explained how robots would be utilized to build the city,
populate it and perform a wide variety of services. NEOM in his words will be a
different kind of place to live where robots are helping in security, delivering things
to home, etc.
3.2.5.3 Creative Population
The demand on the creative population has become a force to be reckoned with
(Pfefferkorn 2005).
The “Creative Citizen or Group” term is used to refer to the people whose eco-
nomic value is to innovate new ideas, technology or creative content in a specific
domain. This group has an important role in city branding (Florida 2014).
A world-scale project like NEOM will help to develop robotic technology, that
will have a big impact on both the population of NEOM and all mankind. This will
have a big impact on both the population of NEOM and all of the humankind. The
investment in robots will be an essential pivot in developing NEOM, as well as the
call for robots’ engineers to come, implement their technology and create the next-
generation robots.
Mohammed Bin Salman recognizes the challenge of making a reality out of a
dream. In addition to the fact that attracting investors from around the world and
companies to create NEOM will take a long time, and investors do not have the
patience to wait for a long time, For that purpose, Mohammed Bin Salman has
announced that NEOM will operate as an independent economic zone with its own
laws, taxes, and regulations in addition to clearing all the restrictions (NEOM
Official Web Site 2017).
The regulations will be formed in the way that encourages the business and will
be designed for the first time by the business people according to the Crown Prince.
3.2.5.4 NEOM Lifestyle
NEOM has been aspired to be the safest, most efficient, most future-oriented, and
the best place to work and live in (NEOM Official Web Site 2017). This is how
NEOM is branded in the visual and social media.
Branding the city is the process that aims to communicate the city’s image and
values to the world in a creative way (Helmy 2008).
In case of NEOM, there is no existing city, rather there is an imaginary vision for
a futuristic city, and livable place for humans, where people can enjoy a new way of
life that is healthier, happier, free from stress, and where people can have more time
for the things that matter for life.
Moreover, NEOM image has been branded as a place where a person can live
with pioneers and thinkers who have committed themselves to the responsibility of
changing the conventional way of life to another that is more modern, liberal and
civilized (NEOM Official Web Site 2017).
3.2.5.5 New Technology
The future technology employed in transportation, growing and processing food,

healthcare, internet and digital air all should contribute to creating a unique lifestyle
in NEOM. Transportation will depend on multiple mobilities from automated driv-
ing to passenger drones, in addition to the city’s streets design that encourages
walking and bicycling. Digital air is a free wireless high-speed internet that will be
available all the time. In addition to the net-zero carbon houses, world-class con-
tinuous online education, the use of renewable energy, robots, etc. All of these facets
reveal the leadership’s vision in technology and artificial intelligence. The city will
42 A. A. Farag
be built on the newest technology of today, the opportunity is unimaginable. The

Crown Prince said.
On the other hand, the project has been heavily criticized by analysts worldwide.
The Italian journal “easyviaggio” mentioned that the purpose of NEOM is the
advertisement, just as Qatar did with PSG, or Abu Dhabi did with the opening of the
new Louvre. The goal is simply to show the world a reliable and positive image, but
nothing promised will be realized by 2030 (Murgia 2017).
Marc Raibert, CEO of Boston Dynamics; think that the biggest risk is to convert
what Saudi Arabia is today to a place where all world technologies come through.
In this context, Klaus Kleinfeld, former chairman and CEO of Arconic Alcoa
Inc., and Siemens AG. said that the world is in a period of drastic change, compar-
ing today with the transformations of the past, makes the future unpredictable; but
there is a chance to create this future in NEOM.
New jobs and positions will be requested in the future to fit the new technology,
as Klaus Kleinfeld, added that the risk is not going through only structure or tech-
nology, but also human structure.
3.3 NEOM Image Branding
Branding is the term that is used to identify how much the sold items, goods, or
service is different and able to compete with others. Branding aims to create an
emotional attachment, a feeling of involvement, and high-quality physical features.
When it comes to a city branding, it is defined as a shaping an urban imaginary for
a place that represents feelings and perceptions about urban image and life (Helmy
2008).
The city branding became mandatory to survive in a global that has been imposed
by economic competition.
Rochester and Berlin failed in branding as they were struggling with economic
problems. On the other hand, few cities like New York City, Toronto, Edinburgh and
Hong Kong succeeded to brand themselves by a holistic approach that combined the
functional practices with the careful plans and studies and values that strengthened
the place identity and profile.
A city function must consider the different requirements of employment, indus-
try, housing, public transportation and recreational attractions, in addition to the
values like people’s experience of the city and its appearance.
Each city can succeed in branding itself when it focuses on its comparative
advantage either in history, attractions, lifestyle, place quality, tourism, economics
or demographics, etc. (Pfefferkorn 2005).
This may be a serious indicator for the Saudi Kingdom to deliberate on the deci-
sion of establishing NEOM, putting strategic studies on plan, based on economic,
social and political current situation.
As Helmy, 2008 confirmed the importance is for making a real attractive place as
well as marketing it. Branding is not about advertising, it is just a tool, instead, it
should extend more to enrich the urban experience for the interest of investors, poli-
ticians, real estate and construction entrepreneurs, planners, architects and other
groups that stand to profit from enhancing the role of their cities. It goes beyond the
visual image, to the multi-integrated associations between places, business, people
and urban experiences, etc.
Branding NEOM is an essential step in, and it probably aimed to attract investors
and creative class in the initial phase of this huge project. Since the city has not been
built yet, there is no room to talk about tourism now, but it is an inevitable step
forward.
The promotional video of NEOM includes an urban imaginary for the ambitious
project represented by a collection of distinctive places. The most famous and well-
known is Singapore’s Garden by the Bay which used to give an urban image about
what NEOM may look like. Singapore is one of the most successful examples of
sustainable smart cities, in how to design and build an efficient urban environment
(Kansara and Ridley 2012).
However, the investors need more than images, they need bold evidence to
conceive.
Saudi Arabia has succeeded to brand its cities before, as they had struggled for
decades to change the unchangeable image of the Arabian city for decades about
camels in the desert, beside some primitive tents and unlimited petroleum produc-
tion facilities. Since 1970, Saudi Arabia has had the opportunity to brand its cities
in a good way that keeps recording progress in economic growth and urban develop-
ment, in addition to the gradual changes in the cultural and political domains. The
Saudi cities have become among the wealthiest regions in the world in a short time,
architecture and urbanism experienced clearly visible changes introducing what is
known as “oil urbanization”. In addition to the dramatic change in the demographic
structure due to the strong attraction of foreign labour because of the availability of
jobs with lucrative salaries. The urban branding at this time has been enforced by a
strong economy, and national projects to draw an image of progress and welfare, all
of that worked together to increase the attractiveness of the city region as a place to
live, visit or do business for the international tourists, investors, and entrepreneurs
(Helmy 2008).
As a result of all of the above, an inevitable inquiry is strongly raised among
interested people asking about the current social and economic situation of Saudi
Arabia and its ability to brand NEOM as a global economic hub in the twenty-first
century.
3.4 Economic Situation
There are urgent questions about the priorities of Saudi leadership in such economic
situation after the decline in prices of petroleum products. Is NEOM the best choice
for the investment of KSA financial resources in such time? Is it more reasonable to
develop the existing cities and its infrastructure rather than building new cities,
44 A. A. Farag
especially when you know about the current state of Jeddah and Mecca; whose resi-
dents still suffer from the inefficiencies in the drainage system which relies on prim-
itive processes? (Magram 2009).
The Saudi leadership seeks to diversify its economy in the long-term by enhanc-
ing and developing the Saudi existing cities’ infrastructure side by side to building
new communities. Moreover, there is an indirect purpose for building NEOM,
which is to minimize GDP leakage by inviting Saudi and non-Saudi people who are
living in Saudi Arabia to invest locally rather than investing outside and cause GDP
to exodus, because of limited local investment opportunities. New investments will
be encouraged, as well as, the investments that rely on the natural resources, such as
wind, sand and solar energy (NEOM Official Web Site 2017). This was mentioned
clearly in the formal website of NEOM.
Despite the promise of this ambitious vision, there are other opinions that are
more fearful and less certain of the validity of NEOM project. Steffen Hertog, a
leading scholar appointed to assess the risk of the project said that NEOM will not
succeed to attract private investors who do not know enough and they need to know
much more details than what are published (Nakhoul and Kalin 2017).
Monica Malik, chief economist of Abu Dhabi Commercial bank confirmed that
investors are ultimately looking for details, their decisions and plans are relying on
progress and initial investment.
Another point of view about the investors’ willing to invest in NEOM confirms
that investors are cautious about investing in Saudi Arabia because of the bureau-
cracy that has slowed many development plans, and because of the uncertain legal
environment.
In addition to international warnings from the project credibility and Saudi
Arabia’s economic situation, the Saudi government and people are still struggling
and trying to overcome the crisis of the decline in oil prices (The World Bank 2017).
Prince Mohammed believes that Saudi Kingdom can over across the energy cri-
sis. He confirmed in NEOM conference, that the demand of energy will increase
between 20 and 24% in the future. He added that the conventional source of energy
before oil is coal and looking at the index of demand of oil or coal; both are still at
the highest peak, the use of solar energy does not affect oil, whenever there is devel-
opment, there will be a request for energy sources.
Economic analysts believe that this is an ambitious trial from Prince Mohammed
to rescue the economic situation and the volume of money leaking out of Saudi
Arabia and diversify the revenue streams and resources away from dependency on
oil exports. However, it will need unlimited financial and technical resources to
build NEOM, especially a megacity on this scale (Mail online 2017).
NEOM project is launched in a time that needs a proof of the possibility to iso-
late the entire project from the critical economic situation in the kingdom, a com-
ment of James Dorsey, a Middle East specialist at Singapore’s Nanyang Technological
University (Carey et al. 2017).
Turki Al Rasheed, a Saudi businessman, commented on the kingdom’s continu-
ing dependency on oil that fails to achieve sustainable development as the real
threat. However, he does not believe that Vision 2030 is going to work, pointing to
the similar past attempts that have ended up in failure (Shahine et al. 2017b).
An objective look at what the Kingdom has been doing since the economic crisis
of 2014, reveals and confirms the government’s vigilance and desire for reform. To
rescue the economic situation in Saudi Arabia from an inevitable a catastrophic
rundown on savings, the Saudi government preceded economic reforms such as
cancelling the unnecessary projects and cutting costly subsidies. Several business-
men agreed on the importance and necessity of Saudi Vision 2030, despite thinking
that it was rushed and relied on quick reform rather than gradual change (Shahine
et al. 2017b). Prince Mohammed bin Salman acknowledged the risk to achieve the
dream; however, he intended to push ahead.
In terms of time, the formal website of NEOM announced the real commence-
ment of the project by establishing a wide communication network with investors
and partners. The construction of the infrastructure has started and the plan is to
complete NEOM the first phase by 2025. (NEOM Official Web Site 2017).
On the other hand, there are several analysts, who have stressed the impossibility
of carrying out such imaginary project in such a short period. For example, Marc
Lavergne, director of the CNRS research centre and specialist in the Middle-orient,
stressed that from the financial point of view, with even less technology, it will not
be possible to create such a project in such a short time (Murgia 2017).
The tourism industry has been added to the project plan to get benefits of brand-
ing and building NEOM. Despite that Saudi economy has already relied on the reli-
gious tourism but the opportunity in NEOM is to make the new city attract people
from around the world. Talking about tourism and attracting people took place in
NEOM conference. It took the enthusiasm of the Japanese man “Masayoshi Son”
who talked about the opportunity to create two more Mecca the matter that caused
the laugh and astonishment of Muslim audiences in NEOM conference. Mecca city
has a scared position among Muslim people, it is a God house, and millions of
Muslims visit each year for Hajj or Umrah, a place that is not comparable to any
existing city. A fast comment of the prince in order to handle the embarrassing situ-
ation, directing his speech to the attendees, that do not misunderstand it as Mecca is
an example of convergence to attract people. The media does not miss this com-
menting that those people around the prince do not know about Saudi Arabia. Some
Saudis have rejected the entire plan, as a fatal project that relies too heavily on for-
eign consultants with little knowledge of the social and political context in the Saudi
Kingdom (Shahine et al. 2017b).
3.5 The Power of Religion
The promotional video of NEOM, featuring a lifestyle so far unavailable in today’s

Saudi cities, showing a woman who is free to jog in leotards in public areas, grabbed
the attention of social scientists. Another woman wearing a pink scarf to cover her
head demonstrated an unusual scene in Saudi Arabia, as most Saudi women are
46 A. A. Farag
covered in a black dress. The promotional video featured a lifestyle that has women
working alongside men, also considered an unusual scene.
Two years ago, the Crown Prince Mohammed released radical social reforms
that went through a series of successive consultations over the years, such as allow-
ing women in the KSA to drive that was very difficult, the matter that makes Saudi
Arabia after such reform to merge with the liberal world.
Actually, the process of liberalization has started under King Abdullah even if
slow and limiting such as curtailing the powers of the “Committee for Promotion of
Virtue and Prevention of Vice”. He also lifted a ban on women driving, permitted
music concerts and is expected to re-open cinemas shuttered for 40 years while they
were completely forbidden before.
In addition, the Saudi government established a recreational facility in which
concerts, social and sports are held.
The public image for Saudi cities has shifted in a few years since young people
started to experience life differently from their parents. The young who are passion-
ate about everything that is forbidden are dancing on music in Riyadh and Jeddah
public areas at the National Day, and women dare to uncover their heads wearing
colourful dresses. The Young generation that constitutes 70% of the Saudi popula-
tion, is keen to regain the right of thinking, move away from rigid, Wahhabi control,
and catch up with the liberated world.
However, accelerating changes triggered social resistance from conservative
clerics and political activists, the matter that needs more time beside a religiously
based education system (Nakhoul and Kalin 2017).
Social change needs time, but what is going in Saudi Arabia is so fast, starting
new city like NEOM with the most modern lifestyle and technology will have many
benefits for different persons and one way or another the change in the kingdom will
happen.
The world grows, if you do not engage and understand it, different things that are
going to affect your life and the big danger is not knowing nor adapting to the accel-
erating changes, the Prince Mohammed Ben Salman confirming the inevitability of
change and adaptation.
3.6 The Role Models
NEOM promoters and supporters are very optimistic; they are expecting to cheer
what they see as a bold engine to transform the Saudi Kingdom. Meanwhile, others
still point to the past failures such as desert industrial cities to rebuild the Gulf and
the Kingdom.
Establishing a separate area for foreigners with loose rules and a convenient
lifestyle, to spur growth and economic diversification, is not entirely a new idea
even for Saudi Kingdom. Saudi Aramco Compound in Dhahran is a famous com-
pound designed as an American suburb. Another model is the campus of King
Abdullah University of Science and Technology (KAUST), a special separate zone
and a gender-mixed community, where foreigners enjoy a lifestyle similar to their

home countries where women drive and dress freely (Carey et al. 2017).
King Abdullah Economic City (KAEC), the mega project in Rabigh was branded
as the world’s next great economic city. The city targeted a population of two mil-
lions and reached much less, around five thousands of permanent residents, accord-
ing to capital economics reports (Shahine et al. 2017b).
Another mega project (Office Park) in Riyadh City worth a10 billion dollars
investment, remains largely unoccupied and unfinished (Carey et al. 2017).
Masdr is an example of the smart city, established near “Abu Dhabi” the UAE’s
capital city in 2006 (Madakm and Ramswamy 2016).
The construction process was completed in September 2010. Masdr was planned
and built to be one of the world’s pioneer sustainable cities Masdr city was branded
to be a futuristic smart city similar to NEOM.
The need to establish the smart city “Masdr” came from a recommendation of
the United Arab of Emirates’ economic development vision to invest in renewable
energy and sustainable technologies. The aim was to create a sustainable commu-
nity and environmentally friendly lifestyle and to use the GIS application in every
aspect of city planning, construction, operation, and monitoring. A net zero Carbon
emissions zone, improved indoor and outdoor air quality, 80% energy consumption
reduction are the main goals from building Masdr (Kansara and Ridley 2012).
An important concern is raised by sceptics, who see that NEOM is an attempt to
imitate Masdr, the smart city in the United Arab Emirates that was launched with
much fanfare and ended up by failing to achieve its targets (The Economist 2017).
An advantage of NEOM over Dubai is that it is closer to Europe. On the other
hand, Steffen Hertog a professor at the London School of Economics criticized the
attempts of coping NEOM as Dubai confirming that it has special factors that
worked together to make its successful (Mail online 2017).
Herton said investors will want to see weather circumventing some of the slow
mainline bureaucracy and general social restriction in Saudi Arabia in a special zone
can work. If this is to be an international hub, it needs to offer something better than
Dubai, which is a high bar to cross (Shahine et al. 2017a).
It took decades to develop Dubai into a tourist destination with 2.9 million resi-
dents, the world’s tallest tower and regional headquarters for such international
banks as Standard Chartered PLC (Carey et al. 2017).
3.7 Conclusive Remarks
NEOM is the most controversial project, since the launch of Saudi Vision 2030 on
25 April 2016, with far-reaching hopes and serious concerns. The land that will be
free of visa, customs, and limitations in the system determined by businessmen. The
official website of NEOM offers a promotional video of an angelic image of the
vacant region. Expressive and promotional words for a complex project that has
economic, political and social objectives.
48 A. A. Farag
The project’s success faces a number of challenges, the first of which is eco-
nomic, such as the low price of oil, which the kingdom is still trying to overcome,
and the entire world is waiting for the kingdom to prove that it has the ability to
solve its economic problems and embark on major projects that need years of work
in light of economic prosperity. In order to attract investors, the Saudi government
should afford them more details and more strong evidence that their investments can
succeed. This could be possible by drastic reforms to facilitate the investment oper-
ations that do not grow in bureaucratic environments and hamper their success.
Some of the other challenges are political and lie within the borders of the project
with Israel and the possibility of its intervention and utilization of the project and its
participation in accordance with the peace treaty.
The success of this project depends on its sound vision and the availability of
financial fluency that can be realized from two sources: the Saudi side which
depends on its ability to provide financial liquidity and the possibility of attracting
huge investment opportunities and a desirable lifestyle. This is in addition to popu-
lar support and support of friendly countries.
The Kingdom is facing challenges, both at the present and in the future, and if its
leaders want to succeed, they have to follow scientific steps and studies, and to be
careful and credible in addressing the future threats and weaknesses.
Finally, and as says an Italian quote: “Whoever wants to be happy, there is no
certainty of tomorrow.”
3.8 Research Limitations
The shortage in resources and references has been a big challenge, and the official
website of the project and a film about the conference announcing NEOM are the
two reliable sources that are mainly used to understand the nature of the project and
its objectives.
This investigation raises many questions and inquiries that help to predict future
challenges that might face decision makers and should be addressed at the com-
mencement of the project.
With regard to the challenges that might face launching and implementation of
the project, the international journals that have been interested and observed the
world’s urban experts, economists’ reviews and analysists have been a good source
for insightful understanding and analysis.
References
Al-Ban, A. (2016). Architecture and cultural identity in the traditional homes of Jeddah. PhD dis-
sertation, University of Colorado. ProQuest LLC.
Carey, G., et al. (2017). Sun, sea and robots: Saudi Arabia’s sci-fi city in the desert. Bloomberg.
Florida, R. (2014). The rise of the creative class: And how it’s transforming work, leisure, com-
munity, and everyday life. New York: Brilliance Audio.
Helmy, M. (2008). Urban branding strategies and the emerging Arab cityscape: The Image of Gulf
City. University of Stuttgart, Stuttgart.
Holden, D., et al. (1982). The house of saud: The rise and rule of the most powerful dynasty in the
Arab world (1st ed.). New York: Holt Rinehart & Winston.
House, K. E. (2013). On Saudi Arabia: Its people, past, religion, fault lines —and future. New York:
Alfred A. Knopf.
Kansara, T., & Ridley, I. (2012). Post occupancy evaluation of buildings in zero carbon city.
Sustainable Cities and Society, 5(1), 23–25.
Lacey, R. (2014). Inside the kingdom: Kings, clerics, modernists, terrorists and the struggle for
Saudi Arabia. New York: Penguin Books.
Madakm, S., & Ramswamy, R. (2016, February). Sustainable smart city: Masdar (UAE) (A city:
Ecologically balanced). Indian Journal of Science and Technology, 9(6), 1–8.
Magram, S. (2009). A review on the environmental issues in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia with special
focus on water pollution. Journal of Environmental Science and Technology, 2(3), 120–132.
Mail online. (2017). Saudi Arabia plans to build be a futuristic $500 BILLION ‘megacity’ spanning
three countries that will run entirely on renewable energy. USA. http://www.dailymail.co.uk/
sciencetech/article-5012701/Saudi-Arabia-announces-plans-380-billion-city-Neom.html
Murgia, V. (2017). L’Arabia Saudita presenta Neom: la città della scienza e del futuro.
Nakhoul, S., & Kalin, S. (2017). New Saudi mega-city is prince’s desert dream. Mail Online.
NEOM Official Web Site. (2017). Discover NEOM. KSA. http://discoverneom.com/
Pfefferkorn, J. (2005). The branding of cities: Exploring city branding and the importance of
brand image. Syracuse University, Syracuse.
Shahine, A., et al. (2017a). Saudi Arabia just announced plans to build a mega city that will cost
$500 billion. Bloomberg.
Shahine, A., et al. (2017b). Saudi Arabia’s great makeover can’t afford to fail this time. Bloomberg
Politics.
The Economist. (2017). Saudi Arabia launches a futuristic economic zone. USA. https://www.econ-
omist.com/news/middle-east-and-africa/21730665-crown-princes-plans-get-ever-grander-
saudi-arabia-launches-futuristic
The World Bank. (2017). GCC: economic outlook- April 2017. http://www.worldbank.org/en/
country/gcc/publication/economic-outlook-april-2017
United Nations. (1979). Treaty of peace between the Arab Republic of Egypt and the State of Israel
(Treaty series). Cairo: State Information Service.
Chapter 4
King Abdullah Economic City:
The Growth of New Sustainable City
in Saudi Arabia
Rasha A. Moussa
Abstract The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) is one of the strategic countries in
the Islamic worlds, and one of the top oil producers. KSA has formulated its 2030
vision, that expresses its long term goals, and expectations; reflecting the country’s
strengths, and capabilities. The vision aims to increase the investments in real estate
and infrastructure projects, as they will help the Kingdom build a strong industrial
base to sustain its economy in the future, when oil reserves shrink. One of the basic
development concepts is to build new cities, in an attempt to shape a better urban
future for all, by generating and scaling new interventions through events, research
and urban innovation projects.
The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has started on building four new economic cities,
that resolve the housing and employment crisis, resulting from growing population,
together with supporting economic diversification. King Abdullah Economic City
(KAEC) is one of Saudi economic cities that is located in Rabigh. It is mainly estab-
lished to represent an inclusive, connected, healthy, and vibrant city, that compre-
hensively satisfies all community needs, while sustaining good life quality
standards.
In this Chapter, the author will present King Abdullah Economic City, and the
main objectives, and principles of its development. In addition, there will be a brief
about the challenges tackled, and methods of resolving them. Moreover, there will
also be an elaboration on the opportunities offered by the KAEC for the community,
while highlighting its future capability to become one of the largest sustainable cit-
ies in the Middle East.
Keywords Saudi vision 2030 · Sustainable urbanism · New cities’ challenges ·

Vibrant society · Diversion of economy
R. A. Moussa (*)
Architecture Department, Effat University, Jeddah, Saudi Arabia
e-mail: ramoussa@effatuniversity.edu.sa

52 R. A. Moussa
4.1 Introduction
The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) is one of the strategic countries, in the heart
of the Arab, and Islamic worlds. It is also the second largest city in Middle East. In
addition, it is considered to be on top of the oil producers, with vast oil reserves.
Accordingly, the government’s resolute economic development plans provide robust
support in moving ahead with its development projects.
The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has formulated its new 2030 vision, that expresses
its long term goals, and expectations; reflecting the country’s strengths, and capa-
bilities. In this vision, there is an emphasis on depending on multi- sector economic
development rather than a uni-sector; represented by the oil as the main source for
energy, and external income for the country. It thus aims to increase the investments
in real estate, and infrastructure projects, to constitute a strong industrial base for
the Kingdom, to sustain its economy in the future, when oil reserves shrink. The
vision mainly advocates the establishment of three main pillars:
• A vibrant society, where all the society members are living, in accordance with
the moderate Islamic principles, while sustaining a good life quality environ-
ment, supported by an empowering social and health care systems;
• A thriving economy, which aims to develop the investment tools, diversify
Saudi economy, and create job opportunities;
• An ambitious nation, with competent employment, and responsible societies,
where all stakeholders, including: Private, and and non-profit sectors, coherently
coordinate, to maximize the benefits, and make the most efficient use of resources.
4.2 T
he Kingdom Plan for Creating a Solid Economic
Foundation
Despite the global economic slowdown, and instability in the Middle East, and
North Africa (MENA) region, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is planning to attract
foreign trade, through its ambitious economic development program, by establish-
ing four economic cities (ECs). This is considered a significant step towards the
long-standing vision of positioning the Kingdom as a leading destination for both
tourists, and investors on the world map.
The six new cities – four cities are still in the design phase, while the other two
are already planned- are part of a regional plan for the whole country (see Fig. 4.1);
they are independent, and each one has a different vocation; but all are linked to the
same vision: Developing the technological capabilities of the country. They are all
spread around KSA, and each of them has its own distinguished economic role.
The six cities are:
4 King Abdullah Economic City: The Growth of New Sustainable City in Saudi Arabia 53
Fig. 4.1 A map showing the six new cities in KSA, and their spatial connection
Four in Design Phase:

1 . Prince Abdulaziz bin Musaid Economic City in Hael (PAMEC);
2. Knowledge Economic City in Madinah (KEC);
3. King Abdullah Economic City in Rabigh (KAEC), and;
4. Jazan Economic City (JEC).
Two Planned Cities:
5 . Tabouk Economic City (TEC), and;
6. TBD (Eastern Province) Economic City
Additionally, in October 2017, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has announced the
launch of the new city named: “NEOM”, representing an innovative generation for
the new cities, and acting as a global trade center, while conveying technological
creativity in the kingdom.
The objective of these economic cities is to develop the national economy, and
raise the standard of living for Saudis, through fostering the competitiveness of the
Saudi economy worldwide, and in the meanwhile diversifying job opportunities,
and building capacities for the Saudis, depending on six main principles, which are:
54 R. A. Moussa
1. Each city will be developed around at least one globally competitive economic
sector, which will serve as the initial core development spine for the city, around
which other businesses will locate;
2. The cities will utilize their greenfield opportunity to adopt state-of-the-art tech-
nology solutions to make them truly competitive;
3. Initial developments in each city will be established with the help of the private
sector, including: Infrastructure, and real estate;
4. Core jobs will be created for basic employment sectors by private investors, and
this will promote other supporting services jobs;
5. The cities will offer an attractive lifestyle, which will attract Saudis to relocate,
and live there, and;
6. The cities will create a business center, which is competitive to other free zones
globally.
The real estate sector in the KSA has great potential for development, as there is
a growing demand for residential, commercial, housing, and institutional construc-
tions, as the Saudi population is rising annually by 2.7%. These cities shall absorb
the pressure on the large cities in KSA, such as: Riyadh, Jeddah, Makkah …… etc.,
which hosts almost 65% of the population, and 75% of the business sectors.
In addition, they will offer a wide range of opportunities for contractors to
develop, and improve the residential, and commercial real estate sectors, while pro-
viding industrial infrastructure packages. Saudi Arabian General Investment
Authority will regulate, and facilitate the process for the private sectors, as they will
work as the capital provider, land owners and developers of these cities.
From Table 4.1, it’s shown that King Abdullah Economic City (KAEC) is the
largest city, and has the highest expected population, in addition to the several
planned facilities, and activities. Consequently, this chapter will analyze the main
planning concepts of King Abdullah Economic City (KAEC), located in Rabigh
(about 100 km north of Jeddah on the coast of the Red Sea).
4.3 K
ing Abdullah Economic City: Saudi Arabia’s New
Mega City
King Abdullah Economic City (KAEC) was launched in 2006, and located on the
Red Sea coast in the Western region of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, away by
100 km from North Jeddah. The City is governed by a single regulator – the
Economic Cities Authority (ECA), and is planned to constitute a mixed-use devel-
opment, including six zones, which are (see Fig. 4.2):
1 . A modern world-class seaport;
2. Industrial district;
3. Financial Island (Central Business Zone);
4. Educational zone;
Table. 4.1 Summary about the four new cities in KSA

Description KAEC PABMEC KEC JEC
Master Emaar the Al Mal Investment Knowledge Economic Saudi Aramco
developer Economic City Company City Company
Area 168sqkm 156sqkm 4.8sqkm 113sqkm
Timeline 2006–2029 2009–2025 2006–2020 2007–2037
Expected 2 0.3 0.15 0.3
population
(million)
Employment 1,000,000 55,000 20,000 100,000
(persons)
Investments 93 8 7 27
(US$b)
Focus Logistics Transportation Knowledge based Heavy,
secondary and
labor-intensive
Light & Agriculture Industries Industries and
processing energy
industry
Financial Minerals Tourism Agriculture
services Construction Services
materials
Key Industrial Logistics and Complex for Power plant
components district transportation technology and
center knowledge based
economy
Seaport Agro-industrial Technological and Water
zone administrative desalination
colleges plant
Residential Knowledge center Islamic civilization Industrial port
area studies center
Central Petrochemical Campus for medical Aluminum
business industries district studies, and health smelter
district services
Resorts Residential area Refinery
Educational Entertainment Business center Iron ore complex
zone area transport and lifestyle
Mining center Commercial plaza Ship building
Residential areas
Source: Author
5. Resorts, and;
6. Residential area (approximately 2,000,000 inhabitants).
The six zones are planned to be organized together to promote King Abdullah
Economic City globally, and mark it as a distinctive area for the development of all
industries, whether heavy or light, beside the services provided in various sectors,
in order to attract a higher level of local, and regional level of investment, as well as
56 R. A. Moussa
Fig. 4.2 The master plan for KAEC, and all its planning sectors (http://www.green-destinations.
com/docs%5Csbasa.pdf, P. 15)
international foreign direct investment into the Kingdom, while creating more job
opportunities for Saudi youth. This major new economic city will be supported by a
substantial new port facility, a station on the Haramain high speed train line, with
the presence of the King Abdullah University of Science, and Technology (KAUST).
It will directly support rapid progress in Saudi Arabia’s economic development, and
international competitiveness.
KAEC will closely integrate itself into the Kingdom’s on-going drive, to expand
the economy, create employment opportunities for Saudi Youth (the city will offer
500,000 employment opportunities), and function as a catalyst to attract foreign
investment, global trade, commerce and industry. All of these projects, that are in
KAEC, will promote Saudi Arabia as an international investment destination, while
pushing forward the Saudi economy into a new phase of adapting international
standards.
4.4 King Abdullah Economic City Formation
King Abdullah Economic City is formed to be the greatest enabler of socio-

economic development in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, by providing local, and
international investors with unique business opportunities, in addition to working
towards securing the future of Saudi youth by offering new job opportunities.
The city is formed in serial phases, starting with partial areas from city district,
business park, besides the port, and the industrial area attached to it. In the second
phase, the residential area is completed, and continue on finishing the three previous
zones, while work on the finalizing the city facilities by the third phase (see Fig. 4.3).
In this part, the component of the city will be illustrated as they are the elements
that form King Abdullah Economic City and promote it.
Fig. 4.3 The different phases of KAEC (http://www.green-destinations.com/docs%5Csbasa.pdf,

P. 16–18)
58 R. A. Moussa
Fig. 4.4 Port operation (http://www.kaec.net/wp-content/uploads/2014/11/KAEC_CORPORATE_

BROCHURE-FINAL.pdf, P. 15)
1. The World-Class Seaport-King Abdullah Port (KAP): The port will be the
largest port on the west coast with area 2.6 million sq.m. This allows the world’s
largest super vessels to drop anchor, with a capacity of 20 millions TEU at com-
pletion. Furthermore, the strategic location of the port on the Red Sea, and the
instant access to key cities within Saudi Arabia, help in adding a designated area
for light industry, and logistics. These shall constitute a natural platform for
onward movement of goods to Europe, Africa, Asia, and beyond. The port will
have an integrated transport system with seamless high-speed transitions from
sea to rail, road, and air, making the city the main gateway to the central, and
eastern provinces, as well as the entire Kingdom (see Fig. 4.4).
Due to the near location of the port to the two Holy Cities of Makkah, and
Madinah, KAP will also have a Hajj terminal, that can receive over 300,000 pil-
grims every season. It will further be supported by adjoining hotels, medical cen-
ters, and other world-class amenities, that will provide the pilgrims with all their
everyday needs.
KAP began partial operations in 2013 with the arrival of the first commercial
ship on the 28th of September, and has effectively started import, and export opera-
tions on January, 2014. It is equipped to receive the new supersize container ships.
The Saudi Coast Guard, Saudi Customs, Saudi Food, and Drug Administration with
Fig. 4.5 Some of the local, and global leaders in IV, and one of the companies (http://www.kaec.
net/wp-content/uploads/2014/11/KAEC_CORPORATE_BROCHURE-FINAL.pdf, P. 18)
its labs, sampling facilities, and other relevant government agencies are all duly
established inside the Port.
KAP is a key part of KAEC’s integrated multi-model transportation system, that
includes the planned Saudi Land Bridge rail project, the high speed Haramain rail-
way, and highways.
2. Industrial Valley (IV): The industrial district covers an area of 55 millions
sq.m., and is exclusive to the requirements of a small, medium, and large-scale
industry, which will be around 2700 manufacturers, and logistic companies
(Fig. 4.5). This area is connected to KAP, the Haramain High-Speed Rail net-
work, and the planned Saudi Land Bridge, which all help in offering the first
class infrastructure, and enable a more efficient logistics’ framework, together
with a distribution network to the largest market in the region, and beyond. They
will represent sectors, such as downstream petrochemicals, pharmaceuticals,
R&D activities, as well as a host of educational institutions, that will prepare
young Saudis for the jobs, initiated by the city. In order to attract people to work,
and develop the industrial area, there was a sizeable area set aside to develop
accommodation for employees, and their families.
The Industrial Valley incorporates five industrial clusters: FMCG/foods, logis-
tics, pharmaceuticals, plastics, and building materials. Additionally, it provides
ready industrial lands connected to a state-of-the art infrastructure, with different
shapes designed, based on client’s requirements:
• Utilities: industrial lands are provided with electricity requirements, potable
water, sewage treatment, and natural gas in selected locations.
• Telecommunications: the city is connected through fiber optic network, to meet
the demanding needs of modern technologies, and swift data transfer
requirements.
The IV has some advantages that attract large companies to invest there includ-
ing its unique location, the single regulator, the broad connectivity, the diverse land
solutions, and the integration with the whole city (see Fig. 4.6).
60 R. A. Moussa
Fig. 4.6 The different phases of the industrial valley in KAEC (http://www.sbjbc.org/wp-content/
uploads/2015/12/150630-IV-Presentation-2015.pdf, P. 13,14)
In addition, investors have the choice between freehold or leasehold schemes

depending on their requirements. The Re-Export Zone is directly adjacent, and con-
nected to the port, a dedicated area for specialized value-added manufacturing, and
logistics operations, where tenants will benefit from a special custom regulatory
framework.
One of the important approaches that is used to attract workers, and labors, was
the Labor Village, that is located in the heart of the industrial zone, to enable easy
access, and transportation for workers. It occupies 48,000 sq.m. of land with 5000
bed spaces. Furthermore, the Labor Village includes senior, junior together with
regular labor buildings, sport courts, community buildings, and a mosque.
3. Financial Island (Central Business Zone): This zone will offer 500,000 sq.m.
of class “A” offices for the leading international, and regional financial entities,
business hotels (with up to 1200 rooms), a new exhibition, and convention cen-
ter. Up to 60,000 professionals are expected to operate from the financial island
on a daily basis. The financial island will be topped by two towers reaching up to
100 stories respectively, that offer compelling views of the surrounding city sky-
line. The Financial Island will benefit from having a state of the art communica-
tion, and IT infrastructure.
4. Educational Zone: It consist of schools for all educational levels, International
universities for higher education, and fully equipped research centers, which will
work closely with the R&D arms. The King Abdullah University of Science, and
Technology began its construction back in 2009, and it is one of the best funded
universities in the world, with an initial $20 billion endowment, given by the
King himself, and is only surpassed by Harvard and Yale. It is also the first
mixed-gender university in the country.
5. Waterside Resort: The resort will be established with area of approximately 4
millions sq.m., around a compelling mix of waterfront hotels, and boutique resi-
dences (75–150 rooms), mid-sized holiday retreats (350–400 rooms), and large
resort hotels (500 to 600 rooms). All these facilities will provide people with the
most refined levels of comfort, relaxation, and recreation. The master plan envis-
ages 3500 well-appointed hotel, and residential bedrooms, and suites, premium
Fig. 4.7 The coastal communities in KAEC (http://www.kaec.net/wp-content/uploads/2014/11/

KAEC_CORPORATE_BROCHURE-FINAL.pdf, P. 25)
villas, besides extensive retail elements, and an international-class signature

18-hole golf course, together with an equestrian club.
6 . Residential zone: This area is known as “The Coastal Communities” and has a
wide variety of housing, and living solutions to meet the price point, and lifestyle
needs of a diverse residential population. Each zone has its own unique charac-
ter, brought about by the prevailing use of land, built-up space and feature public
amenities, such as mosques, souks, and recreational venues, that are designed to
promote the health, and well-being for all residents. Furthermore, they offer lots
of opportunities for business, and investments in property development, whether
for residential, commercial or recreational purposes as these districts will host
thousands of tourists, and transient traffic in a variety of residential properties
from mid-rise buildings to secluded detached homes. In addition, it will be home
to 1,000,000 permanent residents (see Fig. 4.7).
The Coastal Communities are divided into:
1. Al Murooj – An Elite, Green Retreat by the Sea: It is a new elite community,
that consists of 2330 plots, and villas. It offers unique benefits to suit different
lifestyle needs, and nestled alongside a world-class 18- hole golf course. This
prestigious beach community represents an opportunity to live in a beautiful,
fully-serviced environment, with unique access to the spectacular beaches along
the shoreline of the Red Sea.
2. Bay La Sun – Urban Living: It is a mixed-use development, that consists of the
residential towers (Beach and Marina Facing), business park, the marina canal
promenade, with planned provisions for berthing facilities for yachts, and plea-
sure crafts, besides the hotel, and the retail promenade incorporating restaurants,
and cafes. All of these luxurious facilities enjoy exquisite views across the Red
Sea and the Marina.
3. Al Talah Gardens – A Perfect Place to Grow: It is young family-friendly living
that spread over 3 million sqm and offers 7500 housing units and land plots with
a unique landscape to offer an environment with recreational spaces for jogging,
and other sporting activities
4. Al Waha – Contemporary Living: It’s divided into districts that are designed to
comprise several villages organized around open space corridors, roadways,
62 R. A. Moussa
landscaping and activity centers with aesthetic treatments. It also offers dwelling
units with a variety of choices between Apartments, Paired Home, Town Homes,
& Villas. Each Village is distinguished with a neighborhood community center
and several amenities such as mosques, parks, schools, offices and restaurants.
5 . Al Shurooq – New Beginnings: it’s a modern housing community of multifam-
ily apartments set within easy reach of Industrial Valley, King Abdullah Port and
the spectacular beaches of King Abdullah Economic City.
4.5 KAEC Key Challenges and Role of Stakeholder
Although King Abdullah Economic City could be considered as a great enabler of

socio-economic development in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the urban labora-
tories for testing new business models, technologies, and lifestyles of the future, it
has faced myriad challenges that could affect the growth of the city, this part will
indicate the most important challenges and how they overcome it.
4.5.1 G
lobal Slowdown and Its Impact on the Formation
of Economic Basis
The global financial crisis had affected the development of the new cities and the
global economics which led to the delay of some projects. In KAEC, there was a
partnership between the public and private sectors that was independently of oil
revenue. The Saudi Arabian General Investment Authority (SAGIA) was estab-
lished in 2000 and can be considered as a key milestone in the KSA’s drive to build
a world-class economy. SAGIA aims to promote, attract and retain quality local and
foreign investments in untapped sectors by developing an optimal business environ-
ment. In March 2015, SAGIA invite foreign investors for some projects, with a
combined value of nearly US$140b and the Oil revenue was directed into major
social infrastructure projects, to attract foreign investment.
The construction of trade and logistics infrastructure was one of one of the essen-
tial parts that affects KAEC’s economic model. KAEC operate which is considered
the first in the region to be built entirely with private capital. The port now has the
capacity to manage 3 million containers a year. This increases to 4.5 million in 2016
and is expected to reach 20 million by 2025.
Furthermore, more than 100 global and local companies are setting up operations
in the city in non-oil industries, including pharmaceutical, automotive, logistics,
and consumer goods, except one European oil company operates a blending plant
for its lubricants business in the city, and by 2017, a bonded zone and sophisticated
warehousing operations will be added.
Moreover, the idea of connecting King Abdullah port to the national road net-
work facilitate the transportation process and attract companies that need improved
access to the Saudi market. Having the Industrial Valley near by the port also allows
companies to ship raw materials in to their manufacturing plants and ship product
out, either to the Saudi market or the broader region.
All of the previous had helped in creating the economic infrastructure of the city,
which offers a lot of opportunities for investment, and employment.
4.5.2 Creating Balance Between Public and Private Sector
Nowadays, public authorities in many cities developed a corporatized approach to

government, creating government-owned entities (private sectors), with corporate
structures to manage new cities services, and this verses what was in the past as
public sectors led the cities. This does not mean that the role of public sector can be
ignored, or that urban development project can overlook public authorities, but pub-
lic sector engagement is essential should be involved from the initial stage. KAEC
developed pro-business regulations through a single regulator – the Economic Cities
Authority (ECA) with a wide and comprehensive spectrum of incentives for inves-
tors, and residents alike.
In the case of KAEC, it was essential to define the roles of both private, and
public sector holders, even before the start of construction, and urban life, to strike
balance between them especially in planning, and governance, including a discus-
sion of issues, such as corporatizing city management, financing infrastructure ver-
sus public space, and fostering diversity, and affordability when building a city from
scratch.
The role of the ECA is to supervise, serve, and regulate KAEC, and all the new
cities. Accordingly, their main task is to:
1 . Oversee developers to ensure value proposition of the Economic cities (ECs);
2. Support the Kingdom’s socio-economic development objectives;
3. Monitor developers’ projects’ deadlines;
4. Develop, and enforce global reference regulations, and standards;
5. Provide world-class services through the 60 min an hour, 24 h a day and 7 days
a week (60 × 24 × 7) concept;
6. Develop, and monitor public–private partnership (PPP) models, and;
7. Contribute to the promotion of ECs.
64 R. A. Moussa
4.5.3 KAEC Remote Place and the Creation of Social Basis
One of the important issues that could affect the success of any new city is its ability
to attract people to live, and work there, beside creating spaces for social interac-
tions. Cities need to attract all categories of people. New city projects are as much
responses to economic growth as they are to demographic growth, and changing
societies. Whether they ultimately intend to incentivize the emergence of high-
income workers, or a globalized class. New cities must also plan for the fundamen-
tal diversity, and inclusiveness that create opportunities for all. The goals of diversity,
and inclusion should fall under the key objectives for any public stakeholder
involved in a new city project. This includes, in particular, affordability in housing.
KAEC’s residential communities are built to encourage interaction, incorporat-
ing green spaces, community centers, cycle paths, and ready access to the city’s
recreational facilities. KAEC adapt lot of events there to encourage people to go,
and discover the city, besides there is the labor village adjusted to the industrial val-
ley, and provided with several facilities.
Furthermore, KAEC will be one of four terminals on the 450 km Haramain High
Speed Rail network that will reduce the travel time between cities to service the
regions’ 8.5 million people. The state of the art, high-speed rail network will link
the city to Jeddah, Makkah and Medina, and will have an executive business, retail
and residential area built around its station. This terminal will become a stopping
point for millions of pilgrims annually, a natural destination for conferences, exhibi-
tions, and home to malls, and outlets. Corporate headquarters, colleges, vocational
places of learning and specialized medical centers will occupy this uniquely acces-
sible area.
This is not the only way to create a social infrastructure, and achieve sustainabil-
ity, but technology should be part of the design. The original master plan of KAEC
has evolved to incorporate advanced fiber optics, smart-utility networks, and a wide
array of sensors to manage city operations. Moreover, Residents can use technology
through the report municipal issues directly to the city management via a dedicated
application which help them to contact with the city administrators, in addition, this
application helps in reducing time and cost consumed for providing essential com-
munity care services.
4.5.4 W
ater Demand Projections and Initial Water
System Layout
The idea of supporting KAEC with water system supply, and distribution needs,
was one of the challenges that face the developer Emaar Economic City (EEC),
especially with hot, and arid environment of KAEC. EEC was supported with one
of the famous offices Henningson, Durham and Richardson (HDR) that supported
EEC by establishing water demand projections for KAEC over the planning period,
Pressurized
Seawater Ferric Dissolved Air Ultrafiltration Sodium
RedSea Chlorine PumpStation Chloride Flotation Strainers Membranes Bisulfate
Equalization
Basin
Storage
Cartridge Reverse UV Disinfection Carbon Pumping
Filters Osmosis (Future) Lime Dioxide Chlorine Station
Brine Retum to
RedSea
Belt Filter
To Landfill
Press
Fig. 4.8 Desalination treatment plant design in KAEC (https://www.hdrinc.com/sites/default/

files/2017-05/hdr-seawater-desalination-kaec-experience.pdf)
taking into account local water demand patterns, future improved water conserva-
tion measures, and offsetting potable water use, while reusing water to the greatest
possible extent. After the projections were identified, HDR team laid out the entire
water supply, transmission, and distribution system, and phased its development to
coordinate with the transportation, and power system extensions.
The basis of the plan called for the construction of two desalination plants:
(a) Desalination Plant-1 with an initial potable water production capacity of
60,000 m3/day (16 mgd), planned to reach an ultimate capacity of 600,000 m3/
day (159 mgd) in 23 years, and to support utilities such as: road access, electric-
ity, natural gas, and sanitary sewer.
(b) Desalination Plant-2, with an ultimate capacity of 640,000 m3/day (169 mgd).
The treated water would then be stored in reservoirs, and pumped throughout the
system using variable speed booster pump stations. Moreover, one key ancillary
system, that is added to the project, is solar power (solar panels were added on all
available buildings, and reservoir rooftops), that will further reduce electrical use at
the plant (see Fig. 4.8).
66 R. A. Moussa
4.6 KAEC: City of Investment
The Saudi Government has invested heavily in national infrastructure to attract

investment. Foreign direct investment (FDI) is seen as one of the most effective
ways to diversify the economy, and provide employment for younger generations.
The authorities welcome FDI for its ability to transfer technology, employ, and
train the national workforce, foster economic development, and enhance local raw
materials. The country’s controlled inflation, and relatively stable exchange rates,
and openness to foreign capital in upstream gas, as well as extensive privatization
programs, are all among the advantages attracting the investors to the country. In
addition, access to the world’s largest oil reserves, very low energy costs, and a high
standard of living, are all strategic decisive factors for foreign investors.
In order to attract investors, Kind Abdullah Economic City has simplified the
procedures for business set ups, and offered a huge range of contracts. The authori-
ties provided potential present contractors with more opportunities from port and
industrial infrastructure packages to a full range of residential and commercial real
estate developments. These benefits include:
• Foreign Ownership: 100% foreign ownership of projects, including property
required to support the business activities, in addition to owning private resi-
dences, and employees’ accommodation;
• Employee Sponsorship: No restrictions on sponsoring foreign employees;
• Capital Requirement: Minimum capital requirement, and no restrictions on
repatriation of capital, with ability to carry forward losses indefinitely;
• Ease of Doing Business: Accelerated investment application, business registra-
tion, and setup process, with a guaranteed decision for foreign investment appli-
cations, within 30 days of submission to SAGIA;
• Taxation: No personal income tax, and a minimal 20% corporate tax for foreign
companies;
• Export/Import Duties, and Transaction Incentives:
–– Exemption from import fees for selected raw materials, imported for manu-
facturing products;
–– No export duties within the 17 countries of the “Greater Arab Free Trade
Area”;
–– Few restrictions on currency conversion, exchanges, and transfers, and;
–– Duty drawback, customs refund for raw material imports that are processed;
and exported as finished goods.
• Industrial Incentives:
• These incentives include:
–– Preferential treatment for national products in Saudi Government
procurement;
–– Export credit, financing, guarantees, and insurance through the Saudi Export
Program;
–– Financial support for the training, and employment of Saudis from the Human
Resources Development Fund;
–– Low-cost loans from the Saudi Industrial Development Fund, and Public
Investment Fund, and;
–– Customs’ duties exemption on imported machinery, equipment, raw materi-
als, and spare parts, if they are for industrial use.
• Leasing and Contract Terms:
–– Net leasing rate/annum: SAR700/, service charge: SAR120/sq.m. (total ser-
vice charge: SAR820/sq.m., to be paid annually in advance on a quarterly
basis), and;
–– Contract term: minimum 2 years; no escalation during the first 2 years, year
three onward, 5% per annum).
In the real state sector, there are some regulations that encourage investors and,
offer an attractive lifestyle to grow beyond a mere industrial free zone. The cities
enjoy a globally competitive, business – friendly regulatory environment. These
regulations are effective as they offer the following:
1. Land Ownership and Development:
• Saudi Arabian General Investment Authority’s license allows the master
developers to establish, and carry out investment projects;
• Master Developer will enter into a master developer agreement with Saudi
Arabian General Investment Authority (SAGIA);
• Master Developer will establish a project company (PC) to undertake the
development of KAEC, and;
• The project company will be required to offer 30% of its issued share capital
to retail investors.
2. Rights of Property Ownership
• Non Gulf Cooperation Council (Non-GCC)/Saudi nationals are covered by
the Foreign Investment Law, and the Law of Non-Saudis Proprietorship, and
Investment of Real Estate, issued by the Royal Decree 15 dated 17/4/1421H
(Foreign R/E Ownership Law), and;
• GCC nationals are covered by the GCC Nationals Royal Decree No. 4 dated
12/7/1415/H, and Executive Rules (GCC R/E Ownership Law).
3. Foreign Investment Restrictions
• Saudi Arabian General Investment Authority has issued a list of some busi-
ness activities prohibited to foreign investment. These include manufacturing
of military materials, equipment and explosives, oil exploration and produc-
tion, services related to security, real estate brokerage, and land transportation
services (excluding trains).
68 R. A. Moussa
4. Project Land Ownership

• For KAEC, the Maser Developer acquires land; and then transfer the title to
the land that will then transfer to the Project Company (PC). The PC will
transfer the land to investors under a long-term lease or develop the land for
sale to third parties, or retain ownership of the land, and manage the devel-
oped property, or enter into strategic partnerships, alliances or joint.
5. Opportunity
• 100% foreign land – ownership is allowed.
4.7 Conclusion and Recommendations
King Abdullah Economic City has the potential to inspire urban stakeholders for
generations to come, and experience a new life style with good quality. It could
become a good reference model that foster urban innovation around Middle East.
KAEC offers a multitude of opportunities to its inhabitants, as they have ICT
infrastructure, ports, clean roads, and public transportation, that help them to move
around seamlessly. In addition, they are connected to the nearby cities through one
of the largest rail stations. KAEC needs to address the challenges of climate change,
design flexible urban form and policy, create innovative environments, adjust priori-
ties, and set targets according to its own local context.
In order to keep the level of life, owners in King Abdullah Economic City should
take in considerations social aspects, related to the coherent integration between
community members, and their city.
KAEC can leverage ICT to create more effective feedback loops between resi-
dents, and the city. It can innovate how they are governed by providing the right
infrastructure for citizens to easily access municipal services -an infrastructure that
is future-proofed, scalable, part of a master plan, and that matches citizen needs;
develop new inhabitants’ services that leverage existing ICT infrastructure, intro-
duce connected technologies for citizens to access basic municipal services, and
thus create integrated municipal management networks to maximize their
efficiency.
The relation between the private, and public sectors in KAEC is immense, and is
supported in all phases. They ensure that the vision is clearly laid out with its pio-
neering elements, and offer individuals the possibility to positively react and be an
effective part in the project.
References
A Hub Manufacturing Growth Value, Delivering Growth. Online: http://www.industrialvalley.

com/contact-us/?investor_package
A new world city for Saudi Arabia, A New Saudi Arabian City for The World. Online: http://www.
kaec.net/wp-content/uploads/2014/11/KAEC_CORPORATE_BROCHURE-FINAL.pdf
EMAAR the Economic City, A Saudi Joint Stock Company under Formation. Online: https://cma.
org.sa/en/Market/Prospectuses/Docments/EEC_English.pdf
EY Building a better working world. (2015). Economic cities – Opening vistas of growth in the
Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. Online: http://www.ey.com/Publication/vwLUAssets/ey-economic-
cities-wave-of-growth-in-saudi-arabia/$FILE/ ey-economic-cities-wave-of-growth-in-saudi-
arabia.pdf
Fahd Al-Rasheed. (2016). Learn from the past, build for the future: Saudi Arabia’s new city on
the Red Sea. Online: https://www.mckinsey.com/industries/capital-projects-and-infrastructure/
our-insights/learn-from-the-past-build-for-the-future-saudi-arabias-new-city-on-the--red-sea
Green Destinations. (2010). Economic cities Saudi Arabia. Online: http://www.oecd.org/mena/
competitiveness/38906206.pdf
Komninos, N. (2018). Technology and intelligent city strategies in Saudi Arabia.
New Cities Foundation. (2015). Building new cities: Challenges, opportunities and recommenda-
tions: Summary and analysis of themes emerging from Cityquest – KAEC Forum 2014. Online:
http://bit.ly/Cityquest2014
Chapter 5
Land Value Capture as a New Sustainable
Financing Mechanism for Public Transit
Development in New Cities: Borg El-Arab
New City as a Case Study
Mostafa El-Nagdy and Asmaa Ibrahim
Abstract The public transit financing methods in Egypt are mostly dependent on
governmental entities, which increase national economic burdens, without any cor-
respondent impact on the quality of service provided nor their provision. An alterna-
tive way of financing must be integrated without an increase in fares, and general
budget, or dependence on foreign loans, and grants. This funding problem has fur-
ther become a spectacular challenge, to link the new cities with existing ones. From
another perspective, public transit eventually poses economic influences on land
values surrounding their context that increase incrementally. Yet, this increment is
commonly captured by landowners and private developers, and can be rationally
used to cover the initial public transit costs if the construction phase which is pre-
ceded by a pre-planned framework to capture this increment in favor of the com-
munity through related governmental authorities and decision makers. This
mechanism is referred to as “land value capture: LVC.”
From this view, the objective of the study presented in this chapter is to generate
a new sustainable funding mechanism for public transit development using land
value capture methods in the Egyptian new cities. Accordingly, this will be achieved
through the analysis and the review of several relevant international case studies in
an attempt to deduce the LVC mechanism criteria and stakeholders’ role that can
successfully manage this framework. The deduced criteria will be used to test the
applicability of using the land value capture mechanism in Borg El-Arab new city.
The chapter results end up with highlighting how the ‘LVC’ methods could serve as
a two faceted mechanism that meets the community and low-income groups’ needs,
while benefiting from the high-end landowners, and private developers without hav-
ing the government as the main economic funder.
Keywords Public transit funding · Land value capture · New cities · Sustainable
mobility
M. El-Nagdy (*) · A. Ibrahim

Department of Architecture, Faculty of Engineering, Cairo University, Giza, Egypt

72 M. El-Nagdy and A. Ibrahim
5.1 Introduction
The public transit financing methods constitute a heavy economic burden on the
national governments in Egypt, resulting in a correspondent deterioration in service
quality and provision in general. This is attributed to the fact that only governmental
authorities bear all costs, depending on five sources. First, general government bud-
get funds are the main public transit funding method used in Egypt, depending on
different types of taxes together with profits from the public sector companies like
General Petroleum Company, Suez Canal Company, the Central Bank, and other
mega companies that follow the public sector (Ministry of Finance 2015). Second:
fares from common users, which are excessively lower than the global average fare,
that is estimated to have an average fare of3 Egyptian pounds for the former com-
pared to about 30–45 Egyptian pounds for the latter (Litman 2015a). Third, direct
revenues from advertising on vehicles and inside stations; however, the revenues
from advertising is considered very low. Accordingly, the collected revenues from
fares are comparatively very low. Fourth, grants from other countries to help dis-
pose off the traffic congestion. The last grant was in 2015 from the United Arab
Emirates. It included 600 full-size public buses with costs of 550 million Egyptian
pounds (Tamam et al. 2015). Finally, foreign loans from the World Bank, which are
long term loans with low interests. The last one was in 2010 with an amount of 330
million dollars to develop the Egyptian national railways (Sustainable Development
Department, Middle East and North Africa Region 2010).
These methods have proven to be ineffective in facing the rapidly growing trans-
portation problem in Egypt. The current fare is very low, and it cannot reach the
profitable range. Any increase will over burden the users of public transit especially
the poor citizens, who already suffer enough. The revenues from advertising are
relatively low to cover the expenses of any developmental strategies in such an
expensive sector. The general budget suffers from severe deficit estimated by about
9% of GDP in 2015. Consequently, it is not wise to depend on any of these methods.
Meanwhile, the foreign loans are going to be paid back someday with extra
interests.
Accordingly, an alternative way of financing must be integrated without any
increase in fares, and general budget, or dependence on foreign loans, and grants.
This has been a crucial challenge, especially for linking the new cities with existing
ones to promote the former. On the other hand, public transit has many benefits and
economic impacts on land values surrounding their context that increase incremen-
tally. Yet, the government does not capture a part of this increment from landowners
and private developers that could cover the public transit costs. This mechanism is
referred to as “land value capture: LVC.”
The study in this chapter aims at exploring the applicability of this concept in
Egypt in three main parts. The first part introduces the economic impacts of public
transit on land value and the evidence of land value increment due to public transit
development, together with reviewing the land value capture mechanism definition,
history, and methods. The second part analyzes, and compares two international
5 Land Value Capture as a New Sustainable Financing Mechanism for Public Transit… 73
Fig. 5.1 Chapter structure (Authors)
case studies in an attempt to deduce the LVC mechanism standards, criteria, and the
stakeholders’ role. These pioneering international cases have successfully used dif-
ferent LVC mechanisms in funding their public transit projects in their new cities or
in their existing cities’ expansions. The deduced criteria will be used in the third part
to test the feasibility and applicability of using the land value capture mechanism in
Borg El-Arab new city in Egypt (see Fig. 5.1).
5.2 The Impact of Public Transit on Land Value
In 1826, an economist and a landowner called Johann Heinrich Von Thünen intro-
duced the first location theory. He proved through his model that the accessibility
factor to the market area can create a complete system of land uses. So, if lands are
located far away from the market area, then the rent will get lower and the transpor-
tation costs will get higher. As a result, this will create a land use map for different
types of crops, since crops with the highest prices will be located very near to the
market like dairy products, fruits, veggies, and flowers. On the other hand, crops
with less economic value will be located far from the market like cereal grains.
(Bloug 1985; O’Kelly and Bryan 1996). Nevertheless, land values increase if they
are connected with public transit and vice versa.
5.2.1 The Economic Impacts of Public Transit on Land Value
It can be noticed that the value of lands with high accessibility to public transit
nodes and corridors has risen. This notion can be considered as an extension to the
first location theory proposed by Johann Heinrich Von Thünen in the nineteenth
century. In his research, the value of any property will be determined according to
the number and the strength of the connections between this property and other ones
with high interactive land uses.
Consequently, the investments in public transit will lead eventually to an increase
in land values. This is attributed to several added advantages such as: saving time
and money for local business, attracting new business to the region, creating high-
density mixed uses’ communities with better environment, providing more acces-
sibility for new jobs, and reducing parking demands and congestion. (Robert and
David 1998; Litman 2015b).
5.2.2 The Evidence of Land Value Increment
The different public transit systems do not have the same effect on lands’ value.
These systems must have specific fixed and separated tracks giving them superior
performance and high acceleration in comparison with normal unsegregated public
transit like regular buses and minibusses. In addition, they must have a high-
frequency service to move the highest capacity of passengers. These systems are
commuter rail, metro rail, light rail, and Rapid Bus Transit (RBT). Such modes offer
effective options for improving mobility within urban areas and enhancing quality
of life. Moreover, they provide competitive alternatives for transport other than pri-
vate vehicles. The existence of such public transit modes results in re- shaping the
city urban form, promoting high densities, mixed land uses, and accessibility. Each
mode of these four modes has its benefits, costs, and implementation considerations.
However, they all intended to be fast, comfortable, and effective (UN-Habitat 2014).
Over more than 150 recent published works have analyzed cases of land value
increment due to public transit development covering many areas in different coun-
tries including USA, Canada, Europe, and Asia. A review of some of these cases is
illustrated in Table 5.1 (Doherty 2004; Banister 2005).
5.3 Land Value Capture Mechanism
Public transit has huge economic impacts that lead to an increment in lands’ value
and properties adjacent to its lines and stations. This increment is obtained only by
the landowner. The government should obtain a part of this increment to recover a
Table 5.1 The evidence of land value increment – selected examples

Location Public transit Land value increment
Chicago, Commuter An increase of 20% of all properties’ values within 400 m from
USA Rail stations.
New Jersey, Commuter An increase of 3.8–10% of all properties’ values within 400 m
USA Rail from stations.
London, Metro Rail An increase in properties’ rent values by 1–5% within 400 m
England around Victoria metro line stations.
Santiago, Metro Rail An increase in properties’ value by 4.2–7.9% within 1 km from
Chile stations.
Dubai, Metro Rail An increase in residential properties’ values by 13% within 900 m
UAE around the stations. Moreover, an increase in commercial
properties’ values by 76% within 900 m around the stations.
Portland, Light Rail An increase in properties’ values by 10.6% within 450 m around
USA the stations.
Missouri, Light Rail An increase of properties’ values estimated by 32% within 300 m
USA around St. Louis light rail stations.
Seoul, Rapid Bus A 5–10% increase in residential lands and properties’ values
Korea Transit RBT within 90 m from the stations. Moreover, a 5–10% increase in
commercial lands and properties’ values within 120 m from the
stations.
Source: Authors, Based on Gruen (1997), National Association of Realtors (2014), Salon and
Shewmake (2011), Wacher (1971), Al-Mosaind et al. (1993), Landis et al. (1995), and Mohammed
et al. (2017)
portion of the funding used in construction and operation of this public transit sys-
tem (UN-Habitat 2016).
In 1848, John Stuart Mill, an English philosopher, political economist and civil
servant, stated that “Suppose that there is a kind of income which constantly tends
to increase, without any exertion or sacrifice on the part of the owners: those owners
constituting a class in the community, whom the natural course of things progres-
sively enriches, consistently with complete passiveness on their own part. In such a
case it would be no violation of the principles on which private property is grounded,
if the state should appropriate this increase of wealth, or part of it, as it arises. This
would not properly be taking anything from anybody; it would merely be applying
an accession of wealth, created by circumstances, to the benefit of society, instead
of allowing it to become an unearned appendage to the riches of a particular class.”
(Mill 1848).
Figure 5.2 illustrates the different portions of the land value increment, in accor-
dance with the different kinds of developments that occur after the establishment of
the transit system. The first portion of value increase is due to the development, that
has been done by the land owner himself; this increment should be kept and obtained
by the landowner. The second portion is due to the public services’ development
such as the cost of establishing public transit; this increment should be obtained by
the government to cover a part of the initial paid capital (Suzuki and Murakami
2009).
The basic land value paid by land

Basic Land Value
buyers to land sellers
First Portion: Land Value Increment Landowner should obtain profits

due to Landowner Investments resulting from this investment in land
Second Portion: Land Value

Increment due to Public Investment
The government should obtain and
in Infrastructure capture part of this increment
Fig. 5.2 Land value increment portions (Authors)
Fig. 5.3 Land value

capture concept (Authors) Public Transit
Development
More Accessibility
Land Value Capture Lower Travel Time
Less Congestion
Higher Land Value
5.3.1 LVC Definition and History
Land value capture is a group of funding methods based on collecting and obtaining
revenues from land/ properties’ owners and developers, who are located adjacent
and near to public transit lines and stations due to the increment in their land values,
as an indirect result of the economic impacts of public transit development. (see
Fig. 5.3) (Lari et al. 2009; Salon and Shewmake 2011; George Hazel Consultancy
Ltd. 2013).
In Egypt, ‘LVC’ methods have been used to provide the required infrastructure
in new communities by the New Urban Communities Authority ‘NUCA’. The LVC
method was transferring land ownership. By law, they are officially owned by the
government that transferred the lands’ ownership to ‘NUCA’. The latter finance the
provision of infrastructure systems, such as: water, sewage systems, and electricity.
Afterwards, it starts to sell these lands at a public auction under the free power of
the market or in the lottery. In 2004, parcels of lands with an area of 378,000 Sq. M.
at New Cairo were sold for 625 LE per square meter, which has covered about 50%
of the internal infrastructure costs. In 2007, several parcels of lands in new cities
were sold for 3.12 billion dollars, which has covered all internal infrastructure costs
and a part of the external infrastructure costs (George 2008).
5.3.2 LVC Mechanism Methods
The capturing of land value can be done through nine methods. They are land value
taxes, tax increment finance, special assessment, transportation utility fees, devel-
opment impact fees, negotiated exactions, joint development, air rights, and land
sale. These methods are not fixed. Accordingly, each country can manipulate them
to fit their economic system and potentials, and in accordance with the circum-
stances of each project (Lari et al. 2009; Walters 2013).
5.3.2.1 Land Value Tax (LVT)
Land value tax is a tax obtained from landowners to capture the value created by the
provision of public transit networks. It’s a kind of payment for benefits received. It
could be an added tax to the original property taxes or it could be a replacement tax
with higher rates than the original property one. It is a tax on land, not buildings.
5.3.2.2 Tax Increment Financing (TIF)
Tax increment financing is a normal property tax but when a property tax rates get
increased from its normal base due to public infrastructure development, the addi-
tional collected tax is directed to fund the related public infrastructure projects in a
specific district. This district may also be called “TIF districts”. ‘TIF’ is commonly
used by local governments to provide housing, public transit, and other develop-
ment in a specific district. Studies showed that the collected TIF from the construc-
tion of public transit projects, such as railways in high density areas are huge.
5.3.2.3 Special Assessments (SA)
Special assessment is a special charge obtained from property owners near an

improved or new public transit facilities, mainly based on how near they are or in
some cases based on other measures of special benefits. Many measures are taken
into account to determine which properties receive special benefits to determine the
consequent charge amount. These measures include the distance from the public
transit station, property area, and property age.
5.3.2.4 Transportation Utility Fees (TUF)
Transportation utility fees are derived from the idea that public transit service can
be treated as other utilities, such as water and electricity, basically funded from
monthly or yearly fees. To estimate the ‘TUF’, an analysis of public transit users
must take place to determine the prices’ ranges in accordance with the different land
uses. For example, commercial and industrial uses’ landowners get more benefits
than the residential ones.
5.3.2.5 Development Impact Fees (DIF)
Development impact fees are one-time fees that are collected by the local govern-
ment from the developers and investors for funding the construction of new services
and infrastructure such as public transit, schools, and highways. They are mainly
charged with the new development in a specific district to help in recapturing a part
of the public services growth costs.
5.3.2.6 Negotiated Exactions (NE)
Negotiated exactions are in the form of a corporation between landowners and the
government. The land owners provide or donate a part of their land to the govern-
ment in return for providing a public service such as the public transit. The main
idea of negotiated exactions is that the value of the bigger lands in areas before the
public transit construction will be less than smaller ones after the public transit
construction. The land which the government gets can either be sold or be used as a
service facility.
5.3.2.7 Joint Development (JD)
Joint development is a kind of public-private partnership. The private sector either

builds some of the public transit facilities like a station or participates in financing
it. In exchange the private sector gets bonuses like development rights and extra
densities. The term joint refers to the partnership either in ownership of the public
transit facility or in the timing of development.
5.3.2.8 Air Rights (AR)
Air rights are selling or leasing the development rights of spaces above or below
public transit facilities to the private sector in return for their contribution in funding
and upgrading the public transit facilities.
5.3.2.9 Land Sale (LS)
If land lots are owned by the government, then the government might provide infra-
structure services like water, electricity, sewage systems, schools, hospitals, and
public transit. As a result, the value of lands adjacent to these services will get higher.
After that, the government starts to sell these land lots with much higher price.
5.4 Comparative Analysis of Case Studies
In this part, an analysis of two global examples in using land value capture mecha-
nism in funding public transit projects will be presented. The selection of these
global examples has been based on the fact that both of them have used ‘LVC’
mechanism in covering public transit projects, that serve new communities or new
expansions. However, in order to determine the factors that affect positively or neg-
atively the amount of collected revenues through the use of LVC mechanism and its
effectiveness, each case study analysis included a review of the urban and demo-
graphics context, an overview of the whole rapid public transit system, the LVC
mechanism used, and finally the learned lessons.
5.4.1 Hong Kong SAR China
The Hong Kong public transit system is considered to be one of the most pioneering
examples of the public transit service in the whole world. Its success is derived from
being very widespread. As in 2002, more than 2.8 million inhabitants lived within
0.5 km of a public transit station representing 41% of Hong Kong. In addition, about
one of every five houses is located within a distance of 200 m of a public transit sta-
tion (Cervero and Murakami 2008). Now, 75% of its population and about 83% of
jobs are located within 1 km of a public transit station (UN-Habitat & Morphology
Institute Paris 2017).
Due to its wide dispersion, its impact on time saving was enormous. In 2002,
about half of all trips done by local residents lasted for half an hour or even less.
(ARUP 2003). As Fig. 5.4 shows, only 5% of Hong Kong Gross Domestic Product
GDP is consumed by motorized travel, that includes public and private transporta-
tion, which is considered one of the lowest rates among other metropolitan cities.
This is a clear sign of the effectiveness of their transportation policies that depends
mainly on rapid public transit modes.
Despite its low fare, the Hong Kong public transit system is one of the very few
public transit projects that actually make a profit. Its operation costs do not depend
on any governmental subsidies.
Fig. 5.4 Costs of all motorized trips as % of GDP in a number of cities (Authors, based on data
obtained from Cervero and Murakami (2008))
Hong Kong Population

8
7 7.02
6.66
6
5.7
5 5.06
4 3.95
3 3.07
2
1
0
1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010
Fig. 5.5 Hong Kong population growth (1950–2010) (Authors, based on data obtained from
Suzuki and Murakami (2009), and World Bank)
5.4.1.1 Urban and Demographics’ Analysis
Hong Kong is a Special Administrative Region that follows China. It consists of

three main regions; they are Hong Kong Island, Kowloon, and New Territories.
These three regions are divided into 18 administrative districts. Its area is 1104
square km and has more than seven million inhabitants in 2014 (Verougstraete and
Zeng 2014). It is called “Pearl of Asia”, and it is considered a global hub for finance,
tourism, and business services. Its population is estimated to be more than 8.6 mil-
lion persons by 2026. As Fig. 5.5 showed, Hong Kong has a relatively rapid popula-
tion growing with a population growth rate of 1.96% annually. Despite its
fast-growing population, the built up area is less than 25% of its total. (Suzuki and
Murakami 2009). Its main planning pattern is derived from the garden cities move-
ment, which was introduced in 1948. Its pattern was formulated through many
development strategies to meet the demand of the housing, commercial, transport,
recreation, and other community needs. It has a density of 16.000 people per square
kilometer in Hong Kong Island, about 45.000 people per square kilometer in
Kowloon, and about 3000 people per square kilometer in the New Territories
(Suzuki and Murakami 2009; Census and Statistics Department 2012).
5.4.1.2 Rapid Public Transit Overview
Hong Kong public transit system is managed and operated by the Hong Kong Mass
Transit Railway Corporation (MTRC), established in 1975. The rapid public transit
system consists of metro and light rail. The metro has a length of 218 km and more
than 84 stations. (Verougstraete and Zeng 2014). In addition, the light rail systems
constitute two sub-systems, one has 68 stations with a length of 36 Km, and the
other has seven routes with a length of 16 km, covering more than 11 million trips
daily. (The Information Services Department 2015; Gilbert and Perl 2010).
The early lines of the public transit were sited to serve the high-density built-up
district, where the majority of residents are located. Due to the continuous popula-
tion growth, new districts should be constructed to face the growing demands.
Hence, the public transit system was used as a backbone of this urban expansion. In
addition, the airport, commercial centers, and other important facilities were located
near and adjacent to its stations and lines.
As a result, the number of private cars is quite little if compared to other metro-
politan cities. In Hong Kong, there are only 443,000 private vehicles, which repre-
sent about 62 vehicles/1000 inhabitants (HKSAR Transport Department 2013).
Whereas in London, where one of the most developed public transit systems are
located, there are 187 vehicles per every 1000 inhabitants. (The Driver and Vehicle
Licensing Agency (DVLA) 2014).
5.4.1.3 LVC Mechanism
The success of Hong Kong transit system mainly depends on its ‘Rail Plus Property’
program (R+P), that is adopted by its agency MTCR (Mass Transit Railway
Corporation). This program depends mainly on recovering the costs of construction,
operation, and maintenance through a LVC mechanism using the joint development
method. This mechanism partially funded some of the railway lines and stations of
Honk Kong metro.
Rail plus Property Program (R+P) (R+P) is a part of the MTRC managing model.
It depends on capturing the increment in properties and real estate value to finance
public transit projects costs. It is based on the joint development method, as one of
the land value capture methods.
Selling Development
Government Rights Developers
(the Market Price)
The Traditional Public Land Lease Model
Joint
Development
Selling
MTRC Through
Development
Hong Kong Public Profits Sharing
Rights Developers
Government Transit and Up-Front
(Before-Rail Agency Payments
Market Price) (After-Rail
Market Price)
Hong Kong Public Land Lease Model
Fig. 5.6 Rail plus property model used by MTRC to fund public transit in Hong Kong (Authors)
As Fig. 5.6 shows, the government owns the vacant lands in Hong Kong. The
government sells the development rights of lands adjacent to public transit lines and
stations to MTRC for 50–70 years. This precedes the construction of the public
transit project. The MTRC pays the land premium for these rights. The government
does not take into account the increase in land value from the public transit project.
In another way, the MTRC buys the development rights of lands, before its value
gets higher. Then, MTRC starts to divide these land lots into small parcels to sell
their development rights to private developers. Those developers pay the costs of the
land premium to MTRC and bear the construction costs of the development. So,
MTRC does not bear any financial risks. However, MTRC generates revenues
through receiving a portion of the private developer’s profits according to certain
agreements, or in some cases MTRC may have the ownership of some of the com-
mercial and office spaces to lease them.
R+P program has succeeded in generating revenues for the government through
the ownership of most of the MTRC shares. However, 38% of the obtained revenues
of the MTRC are coming from the joint development method (Suzuki and Murakami
2009). Furthermore, R+P program does not only achieve huge revenues, but it can
be used to satisfy the required demand of residential and commercial spaces. In the
period from 1995 to 2010, R+P program was responsible for construction of the
residential units by approximately 100,000 ones, through its encouraging attribute
of the urban development. (Verougstraete and Zeng 2014).
5.4.1.4 Lessons Learned
The land value mechanism used in Hong Kong has shown great success in funding
the public transit development. This mechanism has not only provided the initial
construction costs, but has steered and directed the urban growth of Hong Kong.
The main method used in this mechanism is the joint development between the
government, MTRC, and private developers. The main reason for such success is
the great increment in land and properties’ value due to the investment in public
transit sector. The current properties’ prices constitute more than 15 times of the
prices in 1980 (Verougstraete and Zeng 2014). This huge increase has maximized
the revenues by the government through the profit sharing concept. It has been
proved that this increase in properties’ value was due to many factors. These factors
have helped in multiplying the impact of Hong Kong public transit system on prop-
erties’ values.
The first factor is land ownership. The land lots in Hong Kong are owned by the
government, which extensively helped in the value capture process, as the govern-
ment has given the development rights of these lands to MTRC in a very low price
(before rail price). In addition, this has reduced the construction costs of the rail
system, due to the low land acquisition costs for the station. The second factor is the
scarcity of lands, which has motivated the private developers to abide to the joint
development project, due to the limited alternatives. The third factor is Hong Kong
high population, which remarkably increased the ridership rates, and consequently
resulted in more revenues from the fare box. In addition, this in turn has facilitated
the mobility of huge number of employees and customers for the business located
near the rail stations, and thus raising the land value. The fourth factor is the high
economic growth rates in the entire country, which provided a suitable climate for
investments and developments.
As a result, the MTRC has succeeded in managing the land value capture mecha-
nism to provide the needed fund, and to promote urban development. Furthermore,
the MTRC bears the lowest financial risks. Further, R+P program is based on selling
the development rights for the private developers, who bear the construction costs
of the properties development, and thus would not suffer from any possible future
financial loss.
5.4.2 Orestad, Copenhagen, Denmark
The public transit development in Orestad, the Copenhagen case, shows the impor-
tance of the analysis stage before the construction of any public transit develop-
ment. This example illustrates how the negligence and inattention of the public
transit demands, timing, and costs analysis could lead to a huge financial loss for the
government, the developers, and the public money.
5.4.2.1 Urban and Demographics’ Analysis
Copenhagen is the capital of Denmark. It has 10 districts. Its area is estimated by

about 86.2 square Km. It has about 591,481 residents in 2015 (The Official Website
of Denmark 2016a). Orestad is a small district, that is located 5 km south Copenhagen
Fig. 5.7 Orestad population growth (1997–2010) (Authors, based on data obtained from CPH
City & Port Development (2011))
city center. It is located on an island called Amager. It has an area of 3.1 square km.
Despite its relatively close location to Copenhagen center and the Copenhagen air-
port; it was not developed until the 1990s. The main reason for that was the use of
these lands for military training purposes. 1n 1992, a plan was set in order to develop
this land. The development strategy mainly included two goals. The first goal is to
establish a community, that will consist of about 20,000 residents, 20,000 university
students and staff members, and about 80,000 employees. The second goal is to
construct a metro system, that connects it with the city center, and the airport. In
1997, the implementation of the development plan has started. However, Orestad
development strategy has failed in attracting residents, students, or business. In
2010, as shown in Fig. 5.7, the population, the total employees, students, and staff
members’ numbers of Orestad were estimated by about 6142, 12,000, and 18,500,
and 1200 respectively. (CPH City & Port Development 2011).
5.4.2.2 Rapid Public Transit Overview
The rapid public transit system in Copenhagen consists of the metro rail, that has
two modes: the surface railways and the underground metro. The surface railway
system is called S-train. It has 84 stations, and seven lines. The underground metro
has 22 stations, and two lines with total length of 20 km (The Official Website of
Denmark 2016b). However, the public transit is being used as a backbone for the
expansion plan in Copenhagen. In addition, it links the city center with the new
communities. This plan is called the fingers’ plan (Smith 2012). Eventually, it links
all of the important facilities together like the city center, the commercial malls, the
airports, and the universities. As a result, both of these two systems move about 145
million passengers in 2010, which represents about 60% of all passenger traffic.
(Ministry of Transport 2010).
5.4.2.3 LVC Mechanism
The land value capture used in Orestad is represented by the land sales’ program.
This mechanism participates partially in funding its metro system.
The Land Sale’s Program
In this program, the vacant lands are owned by the government. During, and after
the construction of the metro line, the value of land lots starts to get higher due to
the economic impacts, and the high accessibility of such system. Then, the govern-
ment starts to sell these land lots with “after development” prices. The total reve-
nues from the profits were estimated to be about 50% of the total metro costs.
(Notay and Clark 2009).
5.4.2.4 Lessons Learned
From this case study, it can be learned that the impact of the metro system on land
value is not stable. Reports show that the land sale rates and prices were less than
expected, despite the strong linkage created with Copenhagen upon the establish-
ment of this system. As in 2006, after 9 years from the beginning of the construction
and before only 1 year from its completion, only 52% of land lots were sold.
(Romana and Modelewska 2009). This can be attributed to the low market demand
in this area, the low population, as well as the low metro ridership rates, together
with the lack of mixed uses. All these factors have negatively affected the increment
in lands’ value; however, the use of the land value capture mechanism has partially
succeeded in funding about 50% of the metro system construction cost, despite all
the previous factors referring to the effectiveness of applying the “LVC” mechanism
in funding public transit project under any circumstances.
On the other hand, two major errors occurred during the analysis stage and before
the planning process. The first was the wrong estimation of the metro construction
costs. In the planning stage in 1992, the study has shown that the metro will cost 485
million euros, whereas the real costs were 1065 million euros. The second was the
wrong estimation of the construction period. It was planned that the construction
will take 7 years from 1997 to 2003, which were actually extended to 10 years with
a delay of three more years. This delay has caused the rise of the construction costs
to reach 1600 million euros (SPUTNIC). This shows the importance of the prelimi-
nary feasibility launch stage for any public transit project, since any underestima-
tions would cause huge financial loss for all participating stakeholders.
5.4.3 LVC Mechanism Criteria
From the above review and the comparative analysis of the previous two interna-
tional case studies, a set of criteria were concluded. These criteria are intended to
maximize the public transit impacts on land lots’ value, and thus reach the highest
increment. They are divided into five categories; public transit mode selection, land
value capture methods’ selection, economic, urban, population and demographics’
criteria.
5.4.3.1 Public Transit Modes’ Selection Criteria
The main four public transit modes that actually create an increase in land value are
metro rail, commuter rail, light rail, and Rapid Bus Transit RBT in order.
Each of the previously mentioned modes must be used under specific
circumstances.
1. The metro rail is used to move passengers between high populated districts in a
high-frequency high-speed service.
2. The commuter rail is used to move passengers for a long distance between the
city center, and the suburban areas in a very high-speed service.
3. The light rail and the RBT is used to move passengers for a short distance
between adjacent, high and medium populated districts in a high-frequency
service.
5.4.3.2 Land Value Capture Methods’ Selection Criteria
The LVC mechanism used in new communities is based on two methods. They are
joint development and land sale. This necessitates having available enough space
with a lot of vacant land lots within the public transit stations and around them. In
addition, there should be a scarcity in other alternatives to urge the private sector to
participate in return for certain pre- contracted benefits. Furthermore, the stations’
land lot must be owned by the government.
5.4.3.3 Urban and Demographics’ Criteria
Any public transit service needs a high populated area in order to achieve its tar-
geted ridership rates. Further, the public transit must be used as a backbone for any
urban expansion. This is called ‘Transit Oriented Development TOD’. There are
certain factors that should be taken into consideration regarding this issue, including
the following:
1. There must be an agglomeration of services around any public transit station

through allowing high-density mixed-uses’ development. Therefore, construc-
tion of transit stations is highly recommended to be located in high density areas
rather than low ones;
2. In low-density districts, a plan to increase the density in these areas must be
adopted before any planned public transit development through allowing more
heights and more floor area ratio, and;
3. The public transit routes must be integrated with other modes, important roads
and vital facilities such as airports, commercial malls, universities, and hotels.
Their planned areas must be characterized by high rate of mobility of employees,
youth, and new families to achieve high daily movement rates and to provide the
required ridership rate for the public transit service.
5.4.3.4 Economic Criteria
The dependence on the private vehicles must be reduced to minimize the economic
burdens of the required roads through raising the private vehicles’ operating costs,
imposing a tax on fuels’ consumption, and using road tolls. The public transit costs
and construction period must be calculated very accurately, in accordance with the
inflation rates, and the economic growth. Public transit network must connect the
industrial, commercial, and services areas with the residential areas to help in reduc-
ing unemployment rates.
5.4.4 Land Value Capture Mechanism Stakeholders
The land value capture mechanism incorporates many stakeholders. Each of them
has different roles and responsibilities (Table 5.2).
5.5 Empirical Study (Borg El-Arab New City)
Alexandria Governorate is divided into seven districts, and Borg El-Arab new city
(see Fig. 5.8). Alexandria Governorate has a population of 4.8 million inhabitants in
2015, with a growth of 0.8% more than in 2006. Accordingly, Alexandria annual
population growth rate is 2.1%, which is considered to be relatively high among
other metropolitan cities around the world (GOPP 2010a, b).
Table 5.2 The LVC mechanism stakeholders

The ‘LVC’ Municipal Getting benefits from the public transit service, and
mechanism governments from not being the main economic funder of the
stakeholders Residents public transit projects.
Planning Formulating the general vision for the public transit
authority plan on city or region scale.
Setting the suitable land coding to achieve the
required population and densities around public
transit stations.
Collecting revenues through Land Sale method.
Public transit Constructing and operating public transit projects, in
agency accordance with the general vision.
Collecting revenues through Joint Development
method.
Land owners Getting benefits from the public transit service, its
economic impacts, and the increased land value.
Being the targeted ones who will contribute in the
land sale method.
Private Getting benefits from the public transit service, its
developers economic impacts, and the increased land value.
Represent the target group, who will contribute in
the land sale, and joint development methods.
Source: Authors
Fig. 5.8 Alexandria Governorate Districts (Authors)

Table 5.3 Alexandria Governorate districts population growth 1986–2006

Population in Population in Population in thousand
thousand 1986 thousand 1996 2006
El-Montaza District 610 868 1169
Shark District 770 860 963
Wasat District 612 514 506
Gomrok District 212 171 143
Gharb District 497 439 373
El-Agamy District 97 195 343
Amrya District 111 228 450
Borg El-Arab New 0 41 92
Community
Total 2909 3316 4039
Source: Authors, based on CAPMAS (1988, 1998, 2008)
8.39%
7.01%
5.75%
2.90%
1.04%
-0.20%
-1.84% -1.72%
Fig. 5.9 Alexandria Governorate districts average annual population growth (1996–2006)

(Authors, based on CAPMAS (1998, 2008))
5.5.1 Population Analysis
The population of Alexandria Governorate is not equally distributed. As shown in

Table 5.3, most of the Governorate’s population is concentrated in the eastern dis-
tricts; since El-Montaza district and Shark District have almost 50% of the total
governorate population, despite their relatively small areas, estimated to about 5.8%
of Alexandria area. On the other hand, the western districts like Amrya District,
El-Agamy District, and Borg El-Arab new community accommodate about 21% of
the total population, despite their relatively huge area, estimated by about 89% of
Alexandria area (CAPMAS 2008; GOPP 2010a, b).
The population growth in Alexandria districts is not the same. As shown in
Fig. 5.9, some districts are growing rapidly such as Borg El-Arab, Amrya, Agamy,
El-Montaza, and Shark districts in order. On the other hand, the population growth
in the other three districts suffers from less growth rates; especially in Gomrok and
Gharb districts.
Fig. 5.10 Alexandria Governorate public transit system based on Google maps (Authors)
5.5.2 Public Transit Overview
In order to study and analyze the public transit system in Borg El-Arab new city, a
review of the entire public transit system that covers all Alexandria Governorate
must be illustrated. However, Alexandria Governorate is being served by the surface
train, the light rail, and the public buses (see Fig. 5.10). Meanwhile, Borg El-Arab
is served with two public transit systems; Borg El-Arab commuter train that links
Borg El-Arab new city with Alexandria districts, and the public buses that link Borg
El-Arab new city with Alexandria districts, in addition to linking all Borg El-Arab
districts together.
5.5.2.1 Borg El-Arab Train
Borg El-Arab train is a surface train, that connects Borg El-Arab new community
with Alexandria old city center, located in Wasat district. Further, it links the unpop-
ulated Borg El-Arab new city with the less growth rate area; Wasat district, passing
through the middle of the low-density Amrya district, and through abandoned areas
in Shark and Gharb districts. As a result, it is totally ineffective, and is characterized
by very low ridership rates, that sometimes reaches only 5 passengers/trip.
Its railway is segregated from other traffic modes, except on the intersections. Its
length is 70 km and has ten stations. Despite that, its railway is physically connected
to Abo Quir train railway that serves the eastern high-populated sides of Alexandria
districts; however, it is totally operated in separation from Abo Quir train.
It has only four main daily trips; two trips from Alexandria to Borg El-Arab at
6:30 am and 3:30 pm, and the other two trips are from Borg El-Arab to Alexandria
at 8:30 am and 4:45 pm; however, these timings are mostly not suitable for the resi-
dents or workers. Its average operating speed is 40–50 km/h.
Each train usually consists of six coaches, and the motor coach. Each train has a
carrying capacity of about 1800 passengers per trip. In addition, the location of its
stations is relatively far away from the current residential neighborhoods in Borg
El-Arab New Community (see Fig. 5.11), and the public buses, that connect the
train stations with Borg El-Arab New Community are few. Accordingly, it has very
Fig. 5.11 Borg El-Arab urban context and its relation with the train stations (Authors)
low ridership rates. As for its condition, the trains and the stations are relatively in
good condition, as it has been developed and upgraded in April 2014.
5.5.2.2 Public Buses
There is a very few number of public buses that link Borg El-Arab New community
with Alexandria districts, or that serves Borg El-Arab new community in general. In
addition, the New Urban Communities Authority (NUCA) has signed some con-
tracts with private mini buses to work as public buses within Borg El-Arab.
5.5.3 The Proposed Development Strategy
The public transit development strategy proposed by the authors addresses the
regional scale of Alexandria Governorate, in order to encourage residents, workers,
and employees to move from the eastern high-populated districts to Borg El-Arab
new city.
The proposed public transit network in Borg El-Arab is divided into two levels.
The first one is linking it with the other seven districts. The second one is serving
and linking all of Borg El-Arab districts (see Fig. 5.12).
5.5.3.1 The Commuter Rail
The commuter railways are proposed to link Alexandria city with Borg El-Arab new
community. The current Borg El-Arab diesel train is to be replaced by a high-speed
electric commuter trains. Its service will be periodically all over the day.
Fig. 5.12 The proposed public transit development strategy (Authors)
Fig. 5.13 The proposed commuter rail network served population diagram (Authors)
The commuter rail shall link the low populated Borg El-Arab new city with high
populated Alexandria seven districts through another proposed metro network. This
network will link all adjacent districts together. These districts are Al-Montaza,
Shark, Wasat, Quarb, and Agamy districts. These districts have about 84% of
Alexandria population. This would help in moving a huge number of workforce,
employees, and residents to Borg El-Arab new city, and thus motivating urban
development and urban regeneration futuristic plans. In addition, this would increase
the properties’ value in these areas. (see Fig. 5.13).
The commuter rail is integrated with the metro network, which is connected with
the light rail networks, and the rapid bus transit networks. In addition, they are also
Fig. 5.14 The proposed rapid bus transit system in Borg El-Arab (Authors)
integrated with Alexandria main arterial roads, such as the Desert Road, Ring Road,
Mostafa Kamel Road, Corniche Road, Agamy Road, and Abo Quir Road.
5.5.3.2 The Rapid Bus Transit RBT
The RBT system will be used on the main roads between districts, and thus covering
the whole Borg El-Arab new city. The RBT systems are the most suitable ones for
the medium populated areas. The proposed RBT connects all of its ten districts.
This would encourage the urban development in the remote areas of Borg El-Arab.
In addition, this would connect all Borg E-Arab districts, and its important facilities,
together and with the commuter rail stations (see Fig. 5.14).
5.5.4 Proposed LVC Methods
The proposed financing mechanism consists mainly of two methods. They are the
joint development method, and the land sale method. The joint development method
will be used within and around the commuter rail stations. The land sale method
will be used around the commuter rail stations, and the rapid bus transit route.
5.5.4.1 Joint Development Program
The joint development program shall achieve huge revenues quickly, and develop
the public transit station as well. In this program, the public transit agency will sell
the land premium of the public transit station in a public auction to private develop-
ers. The private developer is supposed to pay the land premium price, and build a
new property with limited heights, in accordance to each station location. The new
Fig. 5.15 The Proposed Joint Development Program to fund public transit in Alexandria
Governorate (Authors)
property will consist of an underground floor as a station, ground floor as a plat-

form, and a number of floors. Public transit agency shall own 20–50% of these
floors and the private developer will get the profits’ rights for the rest of floors for
50–85 years (Fig. 5.15).
The benefits that would be achieved by the public transit agency are:
1. The ridership rates will be multiplied. So, the revenues from the fare box will
increase;
2. The development or the construction of the public transit stations;
3. The land premium price, that would be used to recover a portion of the public
transit costs, and;
4. The public transit agency’s share of the new property, that could be sold or
leased.
This program is mostly suitable for the commuter rail stations. Furthermore, in
this program, the private developer bears all the financial risks, including the con-
struction costs and the land premium price.
5.5.4.2 Land Sale Program
This program will be used to sell the land lots around the RBT route; however, this
program is not new; the New Urban Communities Authority (NUCA) uses this pro-
gram since years to finance the internal infrastructure development such as: water,
sewage systems, electricity, and road networks. NUCA provides the required infra-
structure in new communities in an attempt to sell the land lots in a public auction
with higher prices. So, NUCA would provide the Rapid Bus Transit service within
Borg El-Arab new community, which will cause an increase in land lots’ value. This
increase would be captured through land lots’ sales in a public auction.
The land sale program consists of two stages. The first stage is selling the avail-
able vacant lands around the commuter rail stations. The second stage is selling the
available vacant lands around the rapid bus transit route (see Fig. 5.16).
Fig. 5.16 The land sale program in Borg El-Arab New Community (Authors)
Fig. 5.17 The implementation phases of the proposed public transit development strategy
(Authors)
5.5.5 I mplementation Process, Legal Framework,

and Stakeholders
The development strategy is proposed to start from the eastern districts of Alexandria
Governorate, since these districts have the highest population mass. In addition,
these districts are rapidly growing ones with highly congested streets. On the other
hand, the proposed strategy shall end at the western side of Alexandria, since these
districts have the lowest population mass. This strategy would steer the urban expan-
sion towards the western side, which would encourage the urban development in
Borg El-Arab New Community (see Fig. 5.17).
The implementation process consists of three phases (see Fig. 5.17, and
Table 5.4). The first and third phases are allocated in Borg El-Arab new city. The
second phase addresses the other seven Alexandria districts.
As for the legal framework, the proposed LVC mechanism shall consist of two
methods; joint development and land sale. Both of them can be applied with the
current Egyptian legal framework (Table 5.5).
Table 5.4 The implementation phases of the proposed public transit development strategy
Phases Description
Phase A plan to increase the density and population in Borg El-Arab New Community must
1 be adopted. This plan must include mixed uses development, more heights, and more
floor area ratio. In addition, there must be some driving forces for developers through
bonuses, payment facilities, and tax exemption.
Phase Public transit construction in Alexandria metro rail – Alexandria Rapid Bus
2 Alexandria seven districts Transit – Light rail upgrading (Blue and Yellow
Tram)
Phase Public transit construction in Commuter rail – Borg El-Arab Rapid Bus Transit
3 Borg El-Arab new city
Source: Authors
Table 5.5 The Egyptian legal framework related to the proposed LVC methods
Joint Applicable within the current regulations
development Current regulation The current law allows for the private sector to intervene
and participate in constructing and financing the public
infrastructure projects through Public-Private Partnership
PPP bidding contracts.
Method of The private sector will be selected though public bidding.
implementation The PPP agreement shall include paying the land
premium price and constructing the public transit station,
together with the above property by the private partner,
and in return, the private partner will get profits’ rights for
specific number of the new property floors for specific
time.
Land sale Applicable within the current regulations
Current regulation The current law allows for the new urban communities;
authority to sell the lands in new cities. The price of a
land is being estimated based on the public infrastructure
costs and many other factors. Then, its price is being
multiplied by a specific ratio based on any other privileges
this land possesses. These privileges include many
variables such as: number of façades that the land has, the
façade length, and/or the width of the main road where
the land is allocated.
Method of Lands that are allocated within a walking distance from a
implementation public transit station will be classified as a privileged
land. So, when estimating the land price, this privilege
will be accounted for.
Source: Authors
Table 5.6 LVC mechanism stakeholders – Borg El-Arab New City

The National Getting benefits from the public transit service and its social, economic,
Government and environmental impacts.
New Urban Getting benefits from not being the main economic funder of the public
Communities transit projects, since traditional funding of the public infrastructure
Authority projects come from three sources; the general government budget, the
Local Residents new urban communities authority budget and/or fares from residents.
New Urban Formulating the general vision for the public transit plan on city or
Communities region scale.
Authority
General Organization Setting the suitable land coding to achieve the required population and
for Physical Planning densities around the public transit stations.
Collecting revenues through land sale method.
Alexandria Public Constructing and operating public transit projects, that include the
Transit Authority commuter rail, and the rapid bus transit in accordance with the general
vision.
Egyptian National Collecting revenues through joint development method.
Railways
Land Owners in Borg Getting benefits from the public transit service, its economic impacts,
El-Arab New City and the increased land value.
Represent the target group, who will contribute in the land sale method.
Private Developers Getting benefits from the public transit service, its economic impacts,
and the increased land value.
Represent the target group, who will contribute in the land sale and joint
development methods.
Source: Authors
Finally, the first and third phases proposed to be implemented in Borg El-Arab
new city, incorporate many governmental stakeholders and non-governmental ones.
Table 5.6 illustrates the responsibilities and the role of each one of them.
5.6 Conclusion
The Egyptian traditional funding methods are neither suitable nor effective in fund-
ing public transit development in Egypt. These methods include direct revenues
from fares and advertising, general government budget funds, grants from other
countries, and foreign loans. However, all these methods have failed in achieving
any of their financial targets, and most importantly do not satisfy community needs,
resulting in having a poor and inefficient transportation system with deteriorated
condition. Therefore, such methods should be typically reviewed.
The public transit development, if successfully planned, can result in many
social, economic, and contextual benefits. It even portrays the city image. As a
result, investment in public transit development leads land value increment in the
surrounding context; however, this is only attained in certain conditions related to
having rapid segregated high-frequency public transit modes. These modes should
include commuter rail, metro rail, light rail, and rapid bus transit.
The capture of the increased land value to be used as a funding resource for infra-
structure, has been used frequently in many countries, including Egypt by providing
infrastructure, and then selling related land lots whose value increase. LVC includes
nine flexible methods, that can be manipulated to fit different circumstances, and
achieve maximum benefits. They include: land value tax ‘LVT’, tax increment
finance ‘TIF’, special assessment ‘SA’, transit utility fees ‘TUF’, development
impact fees ‘DIF’, negotiated exactions ‘NE’, joint development ‘JD’, air rights
‘AR’, and land sale ‘LS’.
The study presented in this chapter has analyzed some of the ‘LVC’ mechanisms
used in Hong Kong, SAR, China and Orestad, Copenhagen, Denmark, and have
thus proven their ability to fund public transit development in new cities. These
mechanisms were based on two methods. They are joint development and land sale;
however, they require certain fundamental factors to guarantee their success, and
which can be summarized as follows:
• There must be enough space within the public transit stations, and around them
to use the joint development method. In addition, there must be a scarcity of
alternatives in order to strongly motivate the private sector to participate through
getting benefits in return for their contribution. Furthermore, the stations’ alloca-
tion land lots must be owned by the government, and;
• The land sale method requires having a high percentage of vacant land. These
land lots must be owned by the Governorate. Therefore, it mainly fits new
communities.
On the other hand, the use of the other seven ‘LVC’ methods would be more
efficient if applied in existing cities with many non-governmental properties. Each
of them should be appropriately used in accordance with the available land lots,
their properties, and land uses.
Furthermore, a set of criteria should be addressed to achieve the highest potential
revenues, encourage pre- planned urban development, and provide the most effec-
tive public transit network. These criteria are divided into five categories:
• public transit modes selection criteria;
• Land value capture methods selection criteria;
• Urban and demographics criteria, and;
• Economic criteria.
In addition, the land value capture mechanism should incorporate many partici-
pating stakeholders, such as: the planning authority, the public transit agency, and
the funding contributors (landowners and private developers). Each of these stake-
holders has specific roles and responsibilities.
Finally, it can be concluded that the LVC methods can serve as a two faceted
mechanism, that satisfies the community and low-income groups’ needs, through
providing an effective public transit network, while benefiting from the high-end
landowners, and private developers, without bearing non affordable economic funds
required to initiate any transit oriented development.
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Chapter 6
Monitoring Real Estate Bubble in Egypt:
New Cairo Case Study
Mohamed Said Meselhy
Abstract Lately, the world has been witnessing universal challenges; such as
social, political, cultural & environmental. These are affecting the economic poli-
cies worldwide. At the local level in Egypt, the economic conditions are critical, due
to the world trade movement leading to the increase the inflation rate and the con-
tinuous decrease of local currency value with respect to foreign currencies, in addi-
tion to the reduction of saving rates for local currency. The Egyptian central bank &
the Egyptian government did not offer saving rates for local currency that can adapt
with the increase of inflation rates that exceeded 30%, which did not comply to the
wishes of the citizens to increase or keep the value of their savings. On the other
hand, investing in real estate is more reasonable to balance the increase of inflation
rates. Accordingly, citizens and small investors had to invest in real estate as an
alternative for saving rates provided by Egyptian central bank. This chapter dis-
cusses the run-up of real estate prices fuelled by demand of citizens and small inves-
tor with respect to limited supply; causing a real estate bubble in the future due to
fake demand and the unbalance between supply, and real demand.
Keywords Real estate · New Cairo · Economic bubble · Economic policies ·

Investment
6.1 Introduction
Lately, the world has been witnessing universal challenges; including social, politi-
cal, cultural and environmental challenges. That are affecting strongly the economic
policies worldwide. This chapter will discuss some international case studies for
real estate bubble that exploded earlier during the last century; it will highlight the
problems that caused the bubble formation and explosion in addition to learn from
these international case studies. The author will present practical study for the real
M. S. Meselhy (*)
Architecture Department, Faculty of Engineering, Fayoum University, Fayoum, Egypt
e-mail: dr.meselhy@waveegypt.com

102 M. S. Meselhy
estate in Egypt and will survey cases in New Cairo city. The Egyptian real estate
market shows promising indications for real estate investment in different levels;
starting from mega scale investors till individual investors. Egypt witnessed lately
economic and political changes during last period; that led to change of investment
strategies and replacement of real estate investment instead of bankable investment,
as result of instability in local currency exchange rates and instability of political
conditions. These circumstances led to invest in real estate market. Finally, in the
conclusion of the chapter the author will compare between USA housing bubble and
Egyptian real estate bubble. It will discuss different aspects, governmental policies,
demand and supply, stakeholders, and bubble bursting.
6.2 Research Problem
6.2.1 On the Economic Level
The economic conditions are in continuous degradation, as a result of close associa-

tion to world trade movement. This degradation leads to an increase of inflation rate
and continuous decrease of local currency value with respect to foreign currencies.
The Egyptian central bank did not offer saving rates for local currency that can
adapt the increase of the inflation rates that exceeded 30% (based on the Inflation
Rate in October 2016 at the Egyptian Central Bank, as shown in Fig. 6.1). In addi-
tion to that the Egyptian central bank could not save its needs from the foreign cur-
rency, for dollar financial liquidity the Egyptian government offered land allotments
(Beit El Watan project) which price of meter square is paid by dollar (The Egyptian
Central Bank 2016).
Basic General Inflation
17%
15%
13%
Rate
11%
9%
7%
5%
10 9 8 7 6 5 3 1 12 11 10
Month
Fig. 6.1 The inflation rate in October 2016 at the Egyptian Central Bank (http://www.cbe.org.eg/
ar/MonetaryPolicy/Pages/Inflation.aspx)
6 Monitoring Real Estate Bubble in Egypt: New Cairo Case Study 103
6.2.2 On the Real Estate Level
On the other hand, the investment in real estate is more reasonable to balance the
increase of the inflation rates. This lead to the running-up of real estate prices fuelled
by the demand of the citizens and the small investor with a limited supply; that will
form a real estate bubble in the future due to the fake demand and that is the main
chapter problem.
6.3 International Real Estate Bubble
The following section will discuss an international case studies for real estate bubble
that exploded earlier in last century, it will highlight the problems which caused the
bubble formation and explosion in addition to learn from these international case
studies. Most of real estate bubble formed from the increasing of the demand in a
comparing with limited supply (Fallis 1985). This will raise the house prices and
made the market keep running up in a period of time which gave the market the trust
because the prices will keep running up forever. As a result of economic, political,
environmental and social changes in the countries will lead to decrease the demand
to be below the offered supply (De Leeuw 1971). This considered the point of change
in the real estate bubble, which will burst it as result of these circumstances. The real
estate bubble that happened in USA, London, Tokyo, India, Poland, Australia, China,
Romania, Spain, Denmark and Bulgaria are considered the most significant experi-
ences which witnessed the real estate burst in different levels. This chapter will dis-
cuss in details the American experience in the real estate bursting that occurred at the
end of twenty-first century. The chapter will discuss the causes and the learnt lessons
from the American experience concerning the governmental policies, stakeholder’s
actions, supply and demand, and bubble bursting (Clauretie and Stacy Sirmans 2010).
6.3.1 The Housing Bubble in USA
We will study the American real estate bubble that occurred at the beginning of
twenty-first century, which had a significant impact on the American market adding
to this the effect on the world economy system during this period (Harris 2013).
6.3.1.1 The Primary Causes of the Housing Bubble in USA
In this section the four primary causes of the housing bubble will be discussed as
shown in Fig. 6.2:
104 M. S. Meselhy
The Primary Causes of the Housing Bubble in USA
1 Low 2 Low 3standards

Relaxed 4
mortgage short-term Irrational
for
interest interest exuberance
mortgage
rates rates
loans
Low mortgage interest rates
Fig. 6.2 The primary causes of the housing bubble in USA (Author)
Investors in the countries such as Japan and China sought investments providing
relatively low risk and good returns (Shiller 2006). The low mortgage interest rates
contributed to the housing bubble by keeping monthly mortgage payments afford-
able for more buyers even as home prices rose.
6.3.1.2 Low Short-Term Interest Rates
The low short-term interest rates contributed to the housing bubble in two primary
ways. First, the low short-term interest rates encouraged the use of Adjustable Rate
Mortgages (ARMs) (Nneji 2013a, b). As home prices rose faster than household
incomes, home buyers were unable to afford house payments under fixed rate mort-
gages. The second way the low short-term interest rates contributed to the housing
bubble was by encouraging leveraging (investing with borrowed money) (Harris
2013).
6.3.1.3 Relaxed Standards for Mortgage Loans
Standards for mortgage loans were relaxed as a result of the following factors; new
governmental policies aimed at fostering an increase in home-ownership rates
among lower-income households, Greater competition in the mortgage loan
market.
6.3.1.4 Irrational Exuberance
Government regulators felt no need to try to control rising home prices, which they
did not recognize as a bubble. Mortgage lenders continued to make increasing num-
bers of subprime mortgages and adjustable rate mortgages. These mortgages would
continue to have low default rates if home prices kept rising (Shiller 2005).
6.3.1.5 The Bursting of the Housing Bubble
Most of the losses were not incurred by homeowners but by the financial system.
Large losses were incurred by the following groups:
1. Mortgage lenders.
2. Investment banks.
3. Foreign investors (mainly banks and governments).
4. Insurance companies (Nneji et al. 2013a, b).
Generally, the bursting of any housing bubble would be expected to have a nega-
tive effect on the economy for two reasons: First, home construction is an important
economic activity, and the decline in home construction would reduce GDP. Second,
the decrease in home prices would also reduce household consumption due to the
wealth effect.
6.4 Real Estate in Egypt (New Cairo Case Study)
The real estate in Egypt is going through the following process; government allot-
ment for land, then sale of land allotment before construction, then sale of apart-
ment for investment, and finally hold of apartment.
6.4.1 Government Allotment for Land
The Egyptian government started the allotment for the lands in new cities to citizens
using the lottery process, as shown in Fig. 6.3. Where the government represented it
through the ministry of housing and announced about it in the public media as a
lottery for lands allotment in different new cities, the applicants should buy the
manual requirement for the lottery. It consists of some terms and requirements with-
out adding any condition or terms that guarantee the ability of the applicant to
Government allotment
Government allotment
process
lottery
for Land
Lands
Investors End User

hand
first
Fig. 6.3 Government allotment for land lottery (Author)

106 M. S. Meselhy
Table 6.1 Apartment meter share in land (Stage 01)

Government
Land
meter
price Apartment Built Meter sq.
(lottery) Land basic share in up area Apartment share in
Land No of EGP price EGP land EGP (Meter area (Meter land EGP
NO. area apartment (Pound) (Pound) (Pound) sq) sq) (Pound)
1 527 8 4100 2,158,650 269,831 1132 141 1907
2 530 8 4100 2,173,000 271,625 1140 142 1907
3 566 8 4100 2,320,600 290,075 1217 152 1907
4 522 8 4100 2,140,200 267,525 1122 140 1907
5 526 8 4100 2,156,600 269,575 1131 141 1907
6 522 8 4100 2,140,200 267,525 1122 140 1907
7 708 12 4100 2,902,800 241,900 1522 127 1907
8 550 8 4100 2,255,000 281,875 1183 148 1907
9 500 8 4100 2,050,000 256,250 1075 134 1907
10 470 8 4100 1,927,000 240,875 1011 126 1907
11 522 8 4100 2,140,200 267,525 1122 140 1907
12 522 8 4100 2,140,200 267,525 1122 140 1907
13 522 8 4100 2,140,200 267,525 1122 140 1907
14 534 8 4100 2,189,400 273,675 1148 144 1907
15 568 8 4100 2,328,800 291,100 1221 153 1907
16 518 8 4100 2,123,800 265,475 1114 139 1907
17 942 12 4100 3,862,200 321,850 2025 169 1907
18 800 12 4100 3,280,000 273,333 1720 143 1907
19 694 12 4100 2,845,400 237,117 1492 124 1907
20 800 12 4100 3,280,000 273,333 1720 143 1907
Source: Author
complete the land payment and the construction of building in the future. The author
of the chapter considered the winning to be named as the first hand, who could be
the end-user which is the prefect case or could be the investor who aims to invest
with down payment for the lottery and will sell the allotment later in case of he won
the land (Ministry of Housing and Urban Communities http://www.moh.gov.eg/).
These investors aim to save their money in the real estate industry as the Egyptian
central bank did not offer saving rates for local currency that can adapt the increase
of inflation rates that exceeded 30%, meanwhile this chapter was written after the
economic reform in November 2016, when the Egyptian central bank offered the
interest rate and it reached 20% which is not equivalent to the inflation rates com-
paring with the change in the foreign currency. On the other hand, the investment in
real estate is considered more reasonable for the balance with the increase occurred
in the inflation rates.
In this stage, a survey was performed on different land areas of the lottery. This
survey was summarized in the following (Table 6.1). It aims to study how does the
EGP
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0
Plot 20
Plot 19
Plot 18
Plot 17
Plot 16
Plot 15
Plot 14
Plot 13
Plot 12
Plot 11
Plot 10
Plot 09
Plot 08
Plot 07
Plot 06
Plot 05
Plot 04
Plot 03
Plot 02
Plot 01
Fig. 6.4 Apartment meter square share in land (EGP) (Author)
Investors End User

hand
first
Sale of land allotment
Investors
Second hand
Real estate
development
companies
Fig. 6.5 Sell of the land allotment (Author)
apartment meter share in the land price during the first stage, taking in consideration
that land meter price was considered on a fixed rate 4100 EGP it concluded that the
apartment meter shares in the land price to be fixed at 1907 EGP, as shown in
Fig. 6.4.
6.4.2 Sell of the Land Allotment
The government does not guarantee the ability of applicant for completing the land
payment and construction of building in the future when the lottery was offered to
public. The first hand can sell the land allotment to the investors or the real estate
development companies as 2nd hand, because he does not have the affordability to
pay the while land price and the construction of the building, as shown in Fig. 6.5.
Therefore, the first hand who invest in the land lottery “Buy to sell not Buy to hold”.
In this stage, a survey was performed on different land areas of lottery. This sur-
vey was summarized in the following Table 6.2, It aims to study the additional price
required by the first hand owners in order to sell the land allotment to the investors
or real estate development companies. It concluded that the inflation rate for meter
square share in land has increased on average 94% (Fig. 6.6).
108 M. S. Meselhy
Table 6.2 Sale of land allotment (Stage 2)

Meter
sq.
share Meter
in sq. share
land Apartment in land
(First Land share in (Second
Land No. of Hand) Additional Total meter land EGP Hand) Inflation
NO. area apartment EGP price price land price (Pound) EGP rate (%)
1 530 8 1907 2,000,000 4,173,000 7874 521,625 3662 92
2 566 8 1907 2,250,000 4,570,600 8075 571,325 3756 97
3 526 8 1907 2200,000 4,356,600 8283 544,575 3852 102
4 522 8 1907 2,100,000 4,240,200 8123 530,025 3778 98
5 550 8 1907 2200,000 4,455,000 8100 556,875 3767 98
6 522 8 1907 2,000,000 4,140,200 7.931 517,525 3689 93
7 522 8 1907 2,300,000 4,440,200 8506 555,025 3956 107
8 522 8 1907 2,000,000 4,140,200 7931 517,525 3689 93
9 534 8 1907 1,800,000 3,989,400 7471 498,675 3475 82
10 568 8 1907 2,000,000 4,328,800 7621 541,100 3545 86
11 942 12 1907 3200.000 7,062200 7497 588,517 3487 83
12 800 12 1907 3200,000 6480.000 8100 540,000 3767 98
13 911 12 1907 3,500,000 7.235,100 7942 602,925 3694 94
14 784 12 1907 3,000,000 6.214,400 7927 517,867 3687 93
3700 94
Source: By Author
7000
6000
5000
4000
3000
2000
1000
0
Plot Plot Plot Plot Plot Plot Plot Plot Plot Plot Plot Plot Plot Plot
14 13 12 11 10 09 08 07 06 05 04 03 02 01
Meter sq. Second Hand

Meter sq. First Hand
Fig. 6.6 Meter square share in land comparison between first & second hand (EGP) (Author)
Fig. 6.7 Sell of apartment

for investment (Author)
Investors
Sale of Apartments for investment
Second hand
Real estate
development
companies
Third hand
Citizens & small
investors
Table 6.3 Sale of apartment for investment (Stage 3)

Built up Actual cost by Meter Sq. Price per Meter
No. of area (Meter after implementation EGP Profit margin Sq. EGP
No. apartment sq.) (Pound) percentage (%) (Pound)
01 9 1970 3860 32.25 5105
02 12 2200 4060 50.00 6090
03 9 1657 3800 60.00 6080
04 8 1580 4250 30.00 5525
05 9 1780 4100 50.00 6150
5790
Source: Author
6.4.3 Sell the Apartments to the Investment
The investors or the real estate companies (2nd hand) will make their marking try-
ing to sell the apartments to the citizens and the small investors (3rd hand) who are
also aiming to invest in the real estate, as shown in Fig. 6.7, which is considered
more profitable than investment in banks. “Buy to Invest not Buy to hold”
In this stage, a survey was performed on a different real estate companies. This
survey was summarized in the following Table 6.3, which aims to study the con-
struction cost for different projects before selling to users. It concluded that the
meter square increased from 3700 EGP to 5790 EGP, where inflation the rate was
156.5% (Fig. 6.8).
6.4.4 Hold of Apartments
The third hand will sell the apartment to the fourth hand (end user) who will hold
the apartment, that will make the price of the meter square in the apartment increases
to more than 5790 EGP in order to add a profit to Minimum Attractive Rate of
110 M. S. Meselhy
Meter Sq. EGP

10000
5790
3700 5000
1907
0
third hand second hand first hand
Fig. 6.8 Average meter square inflation rate (different stages) (Author)
Return (MARR) which is more than the inflation rate in the economic conditions.
This will lead to the running-up of meter square price to the end-user comparing
with the price which was offered by the government to the first hand.
6.5 Conclusion
This chapter will compare between the USA housing bubble and the Egyptian real
estate bubble. It will discuss different aspects, governmental policies, demand and
supply, stakeholders, and bubble bursting.
6.5.1 Governmental Policies
In USA the government made policies so as to relax the standards for mortgage
loans, While the Egyptian government policies is seeking to overcome severe eco-
nomic degradation conditions. For EGP Financial liquidity, the Egyptian govern-
ment offered last lottery for those who can afford total price of land, this will
increase the participation of real estate companies who buy to sell not to hold. On
the other hand, for dollar financial liquidity the Egyptian government offered land
allotments (Beit El watan project) in a condition to be paid by dollar.
6.5.2 Demand and Supply
The USA housing bubble, The Adjustable Rate Mortgages made monthly mortgage
payments affordable for more buyers and thus contributed to rising home prices. In
the Egyptian case, the stages lead to the increase of fake demands for the apartments
as an investment tool, while the supply is increased but with a slow rate than it
demands. After period of time that can be estimated in this chapter, the third and the
fourth hand who bought the apartments to invest need to sell their investment assets
with MARR (as per his point of view) to end-users or others, that will increase the
supply of the apartments and on the other hand the end-users cannot afford a new
price of the meter square apartments as a result of different investments by the third,
fourth hand...etc. this is the main cause that led to decrease the demand.
6.5.3 Stakeholders
In the USA housing bubble, all the participants who contributed to the housing
bubble acted on the assumption that home prices would continue to rise which
didn’t happen. In the Egyptian real estate bubble, all participants who contributed to
the real estate bubble (first hand, second hand, third hand, fourth hand, etc.…, home
holder) are seeking for profit from real estate sell process, assuming that the price of
houses will keep rising, which will not happen for ever.
6.5.4 Bubble Bursting
In the USA, the irrational exuberance was the main cause of the housing bubble. The
housing bubble would not have occurred without the widespread belief that home
prices would continue to rise (Clauretie and Stacy Sirmans. 2010). In the Egyptian
real estate bubble, the irrational exuberance was that all participants believed that
prices will be raised. This warns of bursting of the real estate bubble in Egypt.
The analysis for the American and the Egyptian experience in real estate bursting
concluded the difference between USA and Egypt in different aspects; economic
conditions, political conditions and debt strategies. Concerning the real estate mar-
ket, the Egyptian market took the experience from the same symptoms that faced
the American market earlier. These symptoms led to the burst of American real
estate bubble in light of different circumstances for the American and the Egyptian
experience; these symptoms such as the belief that prices of houses will keep rising
forever and relaxed mortgage loan policies need to be ahead of Egyptian decision
makers in order to work on amendment actions for these symptoms to avoid the
expectation of real estate bubble burst in Egypt.
112 M. S. Meselhy
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Electronic Press. http://www.bepress.com/ev/vol3/iss4/art4
Chapter 7
Exploring the Challenges for Effective
Spatial Planning in New Urban
Development: The Case of Ecotourism
in Egypt
Emad Kenawy, David Shaw, and Taher Osman
Abstract Egypt is embarking on an ambitious National Strategy of new urban

development, which includes the establishment of many new settlements. History
has shown, here, as with many other developing countries, technical plans are for-
mulated, without effective mechanisms for implementation. Instead, the plans end
up gathering dust on the shelves of national agencies or local government with
limited improvements on local economic or environmental well-being evident on
the ground. This is attributed to the difficulties in understanding competing inter-
ests, and the lack of effective contribution of diverse stakeholders in the planning
process. Current plan-making processes can be characterised by a central govern-
ment monopoly in decision-making. This combined with fragmented government
agencies lead to multiple, and often conflicting spatial plans for the same location.
This chapter seeks to highlight such deficiencies through an exploration of recent
ecotourism development proposals in Egypt. By drawing upon a critical documen-
tary review of specific case studies, and semi-structured interviews with 56 ecotour-
ism experts, and stakeholders, the analysis suggests that stakeholder engagement
was tokenistic, with a particular central government agenda still dominant. If the
aspirations of Egypt’s new urban development are to be fully realised, then more
effective collaboration between stakeholders, at all levels, is crucial.
Keywords Spatial plans’ implementation · New urban development · New cities ·

Planning process · Collaborative approach · Ecotourism · Stakeholder engagement
E. Kenawy (*) · T. Osman

Faculty of Urban and Regional Planning, Cairo University, Giza, Egypt
e-mail: E.kenawy@liverpool.ac.uk; Taher@Kyudai.jp
D. Shaw
Department of Geography and Planning, University of Liverpool, Liverpool, UK
e-mail: David.Shaw@liverpool.ac.uk

114 E. Kenawy et al.
7.1 Introduction
The unbalanced demographic distribution, and high population growth rates are the
key dimensions of Egypt’s urban development dilemma. Over 95% of the Egyptians
population live within, an extremely narrow strip of land, representing less than 7%
of the of the country’s total area (Ibrahim 2011). As a result of this population
explosion, and subsequent urban sprawl, the Nile Valley, and its Delta have become
too urbanised, and much of the most fertile land has been eradicated (Abu-Fadil
2013). According to a United Nation’s report on combating desertification, and
drought, published in 2011, Egypt is losing fertile lands faster than any other devel-
oping country. Approximately 3.5 acres of fertile land are lost every hour or around
30 thousand acres per annum (El-Hefnawi 2005; Elshamy 2015). Furthermore,
more than 40% of this arable lands is classified as highly productive capable soils
(class I & II) (Shalaby and Moghanm 2015). Therefore, Egypt has no alternative,
but to push forward towards a comprehensive urban development strategy, that
spreads urban growth towards the desert regions. This is intended to both minimise
pressure on valuable agricultural land, and help to create a more balanced urban
development perspective throughout the country.
This is not a new agenda, and within the last three decades, Egypt has formu-
lated national visions, and strategies to help create four generations of new cities.
These were located in dessert areas, and expected to accommodate at least 11 mil-
lion of inhabitants by 2012, and 21 million by 2032. Nevertheless, these new settle-
ments, according to the 2006 census, had only attracted 5% of the target population,
some 903,000 (Mahmoud 2007; MIC 2016). According to the New Urban
Communities’ Authority, these figures had increased to 10%, or 2.2 million, by
2015 (NUCA 2015). This suggests that the sustained efforts, and investments to
establish those cities has not helped to mitigate the traditional urbanization trends,
and indeed arguably have exacerbated the pressures on the core urban centres
(Ibrahim 2011). With the new cities around the Greater Cairo Region (GCR), higher
commuter rates are causing excessive traffic congestion, and energy consumption
(Ellahham 2014).
Several reasons have been suggested as to why the actual development of these
new cities has lagged behind the expected growth. These include:
• Major changes to the original master plan of the new cities, which particularly
prioritizes the interests of certain groups. For example, building residential rec-
reational compounds, at the end of the urban boundary of Sadat City, on the
Cairo-Alexandria Road, in favour of investors. As well as converting, the recla-
mation area, located in a distinct location in the eastern part of Burg Al Arab
City, to residential compounds, although this area is located in the opposite
direction of the proposed growth of the city (Mahmoud 2007);
• The new cities were not developed in accordance with a comprehensive strategy
or vision that considered the interrelationships between themselves, or between
the new, and existing established cities. Consequently, commuting flows between
the settlements has resulted in unprecedented congestion. For example, the
7 Exploring the Challenges for Effective Spatial Planning in New Urban Development… 115
Metropolitan area of Cairo, according to the most recent vision of Cairo 2050,
was extended northwards, and hit the urban boundary of the 10th of Ramadan
City. This had previously been established as an independent new city, and now
it is has become a suburb of one of the largest urban areas in developing coun-
tries (Ellahham 2014) and;
• There has been no coordination or collaboration between, and among the gov-
ernmental bodies, and other relevant stakeholders (the private sector, local com-
munities, and NGOs, etc.) at any of the different stages of the development
planning, implementation, or management processes. For example, during the
process of identifying the location for 6th of October City, the lack of integration
between governments’ agencies initially led to a chosen location, which included
significant archaeological, and cultural heritage areas. In order to protect these
areas, the location of the city had been moved to a plateau rising about 180 m
above the sea level. Then it was discovered that the tourist districts in the city
were divided by a longstanding oil pipeline (Sumed), which extends through the
western desert from Cairo to Alexandria. Due to difficulties in moving the pipe-
line, or changing the location of the city for a second time, the problem was
addressed by creating wide buffer zones around the Sumed (Mahmoud 2007).
These issues, which limited the ability of newly established cities to meet
national development strategies, are very unlikely to be resolved without transfor-
mational communication, and collaboration within, and between government insti-
tutions, as well as widening stakeholders’ participation during the planning,
implementation, and management process. The most appropriate starting point for
this is by focusing on the planning process to ensure that development plans prop-
erly reflect all relevant stakeholders’ interests, and deal with their aspirations, and
concerns through face-to-face dialogue.
A rich body of literature (Mazmanian and Sabatier 1989; Gray 1997; Kenawy
and Shaw 2014) has emphasised how a collaborative planning approach (CPA) is
one of the foremost methods for enhancing spatial planning effectiveness. It poten-
tially addresses conflict interests between stakeholders, and can help to gain broad
support for implementation, which is considered a critical issue in highly central-
ised decision-making systems, such as Egypt. A CPA process can produce more
shared, and equitable agreed solutions, based on establishing effective negotiations,
and building a consensus between stakeholders. It improves the legitimacy, and
quality of decision-making, as well as building integration among, and between,
governmental, and non-governmental stakeholders through procedures of inclusive-
ness, communication, trust, and consensus building (Jarvis 2007). Nevertheless,
dozens of Egyptian initiatives, with the full support of international donor organisa-
tions, that have attempted to apply the principles of stakeholder engagement to
bridge the horizontal, and vertical fragmentation between the government institu-
tions, and other relevant stakeholder groups input within the planning process, have
failed to achieve their goals.
This chapter seeks to investigate the challenges for more effective spatial plan-
ning for the newly proposed urban development strategy, using recent examples of
Egyptian ecotourism development proposals. There are several reasons why this
particular sectorial case has relevance:
• Such plans and development proposals have been developed in highly sensitive
regions, both environmentally and culturally, and there are a wide spectrum of
stakeholders (national, regional and local), who will be affected, and influenced
by any ecotourism development (Preskill and Jones 2009);
• Ecotourism development is seen as being an important counterbalance to help
mitigate the concerns associated with Egypt’s mass-tourism strategies, which
has led to Egypt’s tourism offer, being perceived as low-price, and low-quality
(Chemonics 2006);
• Well planned, and well implemented ecotourism development can maximise the
benefits from Egypt’s Environmental Sensitive Areas, which represent more than
20% of the country’s total area (Ibrahim 2011); and
• Ecotourism can also provide opportunities for Egypt to expand its share of the
global tourism market, and recover some competitiveness as a result of the more
recent political turmoil, dating from January 2011(WEF 2013).
Seeking to explore how the lessons learnt from ecotourism development can be
applied, in order to better realise the aspirations of the Egypt’s new urban develop-
ment strategy, this chapter includes two main parts. The first part develops the con-
ceptual, and analytical framework for understanding the challenges, that have
hindered the efficiency of stakeholders’ engagement during ecotourism planning,
based upon an analytical review of the relevant literature. In the second part, the
collaborative planning approaches in practice are evaluated by commenting on the
actual planning process in two case studies, based against the previously articulated
conceptual framework. The sources of evidence for evaluating each of the selected
case studies included, a critical review of the documentary evidence associated with
each of the initiatives, observations of the processes in practice through which a
better understanding of the relationships among, and between stakeholders could be
established. These two initial activities were then supplemented by structured inter-
views with 56 ecotourism experts, and stakeholders. Initially interviewees were
selected based on an initial stakeholders’ mapping exercise, supplemented by a lin-
ear snowballing technique. All interviews followed a semi-structured format, in
Arabic to allow for more in-depth discussion, and to help the research gain a better
understanding of each interviewee’s interpretation of the planning process.
7.2 Developing a Conceptual Framework
7.2.1 The Potentials of Collaborative Planning Approach
Environmental and social resource pressures are increasing in developing countries,

whilst the state’s capabilities to address such pressures are reducing. This conun-
drum requires a change in approach, away from the more traditional planning
approaches, which are controlled from the top (a hard systems approach) to a more
collaborative, and alliance building perspective, with a wide spectrum of relevant
stakeholders (a soft system approach designed to promote commitment support for
both development plans, and their implementation (Kim 2002; Imran et al. 2011).
This is because no single body, public or private, has the knowledge and/or abilities
to address complex, and dynamic issues associated with spatial planning, and new
urban development (Jarvis 2007). Without effective spaces to deliberate, appreciate,
and hopefully resolve conflicts before advancing shared planning visions, different
stakeholders likely impede plan implementation, which does not meet their needs,
and aspirations (Bonilla 2008). CPA can provide such expectations within the plan
making process. This approach attempts to bridge the gap between different stake-
holders’ group interests, by recognising mutual interdependence of collaborating
together to make, and implement, shared decisions (Araujo 2000). By avoiding the
costs associated with trying to resolve long-running, and long-standing conflicts it
is anticipated that CPA can prove cost effective solutions (Jarvis 2007).
CPA has been widely recognised as a crucial component of spatial planning for
new urban development, because of many reasons:
• Stakeholders’ collaboration is seen as a key sustainable driver for resource man-
agement, by recognising, and respecting the variety of stakeholder interests in
that resource, and encouraging deliberation between them (Kim 2002);
• CPA helps to devolve power from national governmental bodies, by providing
stakeholders with specific roles, and responsibilities during planning, implemen-
tation, and management stages (Araujo 2000);
• It can promote stakeholders’ skills in dealing with planning issues (Lima 2008),
both in the short term, by analysing data, and information, and constructing
plans, or visions, and in the long term, by building institutional capacity, and
enhancing working practices, and knowledge (Kansas 2013);
• It provides a flexible process, which can be adjusted, and is responsive to tempo-
ral changes in local circumstances (Innes and Booher 1999; Kim 2002);
• CPA provides an opportunity to improve the stability, and legitimacy of decision-
making by advancing a shared solution designed to meet most stakeholders’
interests, thereby increasing local acceptance, and confidence in the plan,
together with its proposed outcomes;
• It promotes continuous, and open accountability among the stakeholders (Kim
2002);
• The participation of multiple stakeholder groups helps to build their sense of
ownership, and commitment towards the plan, and enhances their feeling of
responsibility to ensure that final outcomes are achieved (Albert et al. 2003),
and;
• CPA improves the quality of solutions being suggested based on collective
capacities of stakeholders, and a comprehensive analysis of the problem (Jarvis
2007).
To deliver such aspirational outcomes the literature highlights a series of critical
factors that are necessary pre-requisites for a successful collaborative planning
p rocess. Identification of such factors creates a benchmark for evaluation of the

challenges, and hurdles faced within the Egyptian context. A group of researchers,
pioneered by Selin and Chavez (1994), have identified critical success factors fol-
lowing the examination of partnerships promoting sustainable tourism develop-
ment, namely personal, interpersonal, organisational, and operational. Choi (2005),
during his studies concerning the barriers to effective collaboration in sustainable
tourism development in South Korea, merged the operational, and organisational
themes. For him the critical components are:
• Personal factors, relating to the characteristics of individuals, and organizations,
which facilitate, or undermine, collaboration;
• Interpersonal factors focus on the interrelationships between different stakehold-
ers during the planning process, and;
• Operational factors are concerned with operationalizing stakeholder engagement
and collaboration during the planning process.
Zaki et al. (2000) in their model for collaborative environmental planning have
developed such ideas further focusing as much on the process. The first theme
relates to the stakeholder engagement, developing the relationships between stake-
holders, and enhancing their mutual learning, and capacity building skills. This
seemed to be the most critical factor in determining whether the outcomes would be
successful or not. The second theme relates to process issues, for which the out-
comes might be shared goals and visions, effective leadership, and/or organising
and building partnership. More specifically, this relates to the arrangements for
stakeholders’ engagement. Finally, the outcome theme relates to the extent to which
innovative solutions are created, followed up, and monitored to ensure the outcomes
of these collaborative efforts produce a process for action, rather than simply an un-
implementable plan or strategy.
From the literature, the whole process of stakeholders’ engagement is the most
critical issue for delivering a successful collaborative planning approach. This
involves focusing on the following steps, initial stakeholders’ identification: broad-
ening the stakeholder base through the process; relationship building between
stakeholders with a focus on communications by encouraging listening, understand-
ing, discussion, and decision-making; and careful consideration of how the dia-
logue, and communication can be convened, and facilitated (Brooks et al. 2007).
This requires a clear identification of stakeholders’ roles, and responsibilities in the
process, and how, if necessary, their confidence and contribution can be developed.
This might include regular follow-up after engagement actions to facilitate effec-
tiveness in participation, and collaboration.
7.2.2 C
hallenges to Stakeholders Involvement
and Collaboration in Developing Countries
The core factor that could significantly increase the likelihood of the new urban
development plans being implemented is the stakeholders’ engagement process.
However, there are also many barriers, and challenges that reduce, or prevent the
effective participation of relevant stakeholders (Aref and Redzuan 2008; Kenawy
2015). Stakeholders’ collaboration for new urban development, in particular, can
face specific challenges compared with other development projects, because of
ambiguity in terms of the targeted population characteristics, and an inability to
effectively engage a hypothetical group. Recognising, understanding, and anticipat-
ing these challenges is significant to mitigate their impacts, and promote appropriate
individual, and organisational engagement during the planning process for new
urban development (Dukeshire and Thurlow 2002; Kenawy et al. 2017). If these
challenges are ignored then levels of stakeholders’ conflicts may arise, undermining
stakeholders’ engagement, and the advancing of shared solutions, that meet most
stakeholders’ needs. This section investigates the main barriers, which have pre-
vented an acceptable level of stakeholders’ participation, during new urban devel-
opment planning process in developing countries. Many authors Tosun (1998);
Dogra and Gupta (2012); Kenawy (2015) have emphasised how most developing
countries can be characterised by three significant structural deficiencies:
• Socio-economic factors, which include low standards of living, limited access to
health, and basic infrastructure services, low economic growth rate, and a high
unemployment rate;
• Political factors, which embody characteristics, such as high centralisation, frag-
mentation in the public administration system, and domination of political pro-
cesses, by few elites, and;
• Cultural features, such as low levels of education (including poor literacy rates),
and the majority of people living in highly stratified societies.
These deficiencies create significant challenges for effective stakeholders’ par-
ticipation in collaborative planning processes. From the perspective of collaborative
planning, within such contexts, two distinct challenges can be identified:
• Structural barriers associated with the institutional deficiencies in the system of
public administration, and;
• Stakeholder barriers associated with attitude, perspective, and ability of each
stakeholders’ group to effectively engage with the process (Choi 2005; Aref and
Redzuan 2008).
Furthermore, from the discussions outlined above, we would argue that proac-
tively operationalising stakeholders’ engagement needs to be included, to better
facilitate stakeholders’ engagement throughout the planning process. Consequently,
three key deficiencies, or concerns that mitigate against effective collaborative plan-
ning processes can be identified.
Deficiencies in Operationalising Stakeholders’ Engagement, and Collaboration

during Spatial Planning include:
• Poor identification of an appropriate stakeholders’ network is a result of:
–– Deficiencies in relevant stakeholders’ identification, at the beginning of the
process, often leads to the exclusion of key stakeholders, who may have a
substantial role to play in the spatial planning, implementation, and manage-
ment process, and;
–– Not only are key stakeholders not identified, but there is often a lack of under-
standing of their powers, responsibilities, and their inter-relationships. This
often leads to inadequate roles being defined for stakeholders, and their levels
of participation, being misunderstood, as trust is undermined (Schmeer 2001).
• Inadequacies in stakeholders’ engagement, during the spatial planning process is
often the result of:
–– Late stakeholders’ engagement during the planning process. This is often
cited, as a critical reason why many stakeholders are resistant to the plan, and
its implementation, because they believe that the decisions have already been
made, and they are being informed rather than engaged in the process (Tseng
and Penning-Rowsell 2012), and;
–– Inappropriate and insufficient methods of stakeholders’ involvement at each
stage of the planning process.
Deficiencies in the structure of the governmental institutions, and the way they
operate during the planning process include:
• A lack of coordination between highly fragmented government agencies often
leads to significant overlap, and duplication in their roles, and responsibilities;
• A lack of resources, (information, financial resources, and human capacity) often
limits collaborative efforts, and leads to the formulation of plans, that are in prac-
tice, rarely implemented. This undermines trust in communities in their belief
that any future proposals will make a difference (Wafik 2002).
• The lack of political will, and elite domination leads to such groups maintaining
control of the resources, and maximising their profits (Choi 2005).
Deficiencies in Non-Governmental Organisations include:
• A lack of trust in the formal government bodies, as a result of previous unmet
promises;
• A lack of awareness about the formal planning process, and their roles, respon-
sibilities, and potential to influence outcomes, and;
• Extremely low standards of living, combined with high levels of illiteracy within
local communities means that individuals are more concerned with how they can
meet their daily needs, rather than looking forward to an aspirational future
(Dogra and Gupta 2012).
Fig. 7.1 The Conceptual framework (Authors)
Consequently, Fig. 7.1 describes the conceptual framework used to evaluate the

effectiveness of stakeholders’ engagement, during two specific Egyptian ecotour-
ism initiatives, upon which the three key deficiencies outlined above, are based.
7.3 The Egyptian Ecotourism Initiatives
Within Egypt many initiatives have sought to promote ecotourism development,

thereby spreading development potential. But, most have been unsuccessful. The
tensions between, and among different stakeholder groups have not only prevented
such benefits occurring in practice, but also led to a continuing degradation of eco-
tourism destinations, and increased marginalisation of local communities from any
of the benefits returning from tourism development. These communities, through
informal, and unregulated activities, e.g., selling souvenirs to visitors, further accel-
erated degradation of the environment (Kenawy 2015).
In this analysis, two initiatives have been chosen as illustrative case studies. Both
are located in regions with a long history of resources’ conflict. This provides a criti-
cal context for identifying challenges to stakeholders’ engagement, and collabora-
tion. Furthermore, both deliberately set out to engage in a more inclusive approach
to the planning process. Hence, the analysis can explore, and understand some of
the challenges in operationalising effective stakeholders’ engagement during plan-
ning process.
Both are located in the desert regions, and offer the potential to provide a distinct,
and bespoke ecotourism experience (see Table 7.1). More specifically, the two case
studies are:
• The Red Sea Sustainable Tourism Initiative (RSSTI) was one of the largest eco-
tourism development initiatives in Egypt, which lasted five years, (1999 to 2004).
Established under the Egypt’s Environment Policy Program (EEPP), with a focus
on development, and management of the Red Sea Governorate (RSG), and its
resources (IUCN, UNDP et al. 2006). The overall aim of the RSSTI was to assist
in the development and dissemination of environmentally sound ecotourism
facilities and activities. During the lifetime of RSSTI, USAID provided technical
assistance via several expert contractors. At the end of the program, it also trans-
ferred significant resources to the three main governmental agencies involved
(34 million US$ for the EEAA, 26 million US$ for the TDA, and 2 million US$
for the RSG), and;
• Ecotourism for Sustainable Development in the New Valley Governorate
(ESDNVG) was intended to improve the livelihood of communities, within the
NVG, more particularly focusing on the Farafra, Dakhla, and Kharga oases. The
approach was to use ecotourism development, and thereby developed more
effective management approaches to using local environmental and cultural
resources. It also aimed to promote the attractiveness of the New Valley oases, by
including them as part of the main ecotourism destinations within Egypt. Any
future ecotourism development projects that were proposed, were intended to be
based on the results locally based, and locally engaged inventory, and analytical
phases.
7.4 E
valuation and Analysis of Stakeholders’ Engagement
in Practice
7.4.1 D
eficiencies in Operationalising Stakeholders’
Engagement
Two key deficiencies in the way that stakeholders’ engagement works, within the
planning process, have been identified.
7.4.1.1 Insufficiency in Building the Stakeholders’ Network
Omissions in Identifying Appropriate Stakeholders’ Networks

The internal stakeholder lists, for both initiatives, omitted a number of critical stake-
holders, including governmental bodies, such as General Organization for Physical
Planning (GOPP). One of the interviewees noted why the omission of GOPP was so
significant, because they “had prepared several recent spatial plans and therefore
Table 7.1 The contexts and locations of the case studies
Cases ESDNVG RSSTI
The location
It was located in the Farafra, Dakhla, It was located in the Southern Red Sea
and Kharga Oases (RS) Region, extending from south of
Marsa Alam city to north of Shalateen
city and just south of Ras Banas –
stretching from the RS coast to the
mountain ridgeline in the west
The project 30 months (1/2010–6/2012) Lasted five years, (1999–2004)
life time
Prepared by CISS, TDA and Italian Egyptian Debt EEAA, TDA & USAID
for Development Swap Program (DDSP)
The budget €527,000 was funded by the Italian USAID provided technical assistance &
Egypt DDSP transferred 62 million US$ to the three
main governmental agencies involved
Focal
attractions
Secondary
attractions
Source: Authors, based on (TDA, RSSTI et al. 2003; CISS and EDG 2012, and cited in (Kenawy
2015))
CISS Cooperation Internationale Süd-Süd, TDA Tourism Development Authority, EEAA Egyptian
Environmental Affairs Agency, USAID United States Agency for International Development
had an up-to-date database for the key infrastructure in each location” (PS-14).1
Similarly, many local government bodies were excluded although, in theory, they
were often charged with implementing the spatial plans (EC-29). Furthermore, even
if the right stakeholders’ group was included, the conveners were often not success-
ful at nominating or attracting the most appropriate individuals, to represent these
different stakeholders’ groups. Public sector representatives were simply nominated
by the Chairman of each agency, without real consideration of the appropriateness
of the individual concerned. As one of the interviewees remarked, “the local con-
vening teams could not establish any criteria for the nomination of representatives
from governmental agencies, because they did not have any idea about the hierar-
chical positions, nor employees’ skills in each agency. Furthermore the Chiefs of
these agencies would not accept any external body nominating a specific employee,
within their organisation for any task” (EC-1). Therefore, often their nominated
people had little, or no, knowledge of ecotourism development. Furthermore, their
participation throughout the planning process was ineffective, because they had no
delegated decision-making authority and were, in effect, simply observers.
With regards to the local community representatives, in the RSSTI initiative, the
convener hired a team of senior social scientists, and experienced field researchers
to survey and interview local residents to collect baseline information (Snyder
2004). This activity was helpful in identifying knowledgeable key persons, who
could be a reference for the project. However, one interviewee claimed that “These
nominated persons were largely excluded from the planning activities except [for]
providing the missing information, and taking part in a raising awareness cam-
paign, at the end of the planning process” (PS-6). In the ESDNVG initiative, local
community delegates were nominated using a snowballing technique. The New
Valley Tourism Authority (NVTA) directly invited whom they thought were the key
persons, one each from the three main oases, to an initial meeting. They then were
able to nominate other interested and active representatives to be involved in the
different planning stages (EC-26).
In choosing representation, the conveners for both initiatives ignored or excluded
experienced NGOs, such as Nature Conservation Egypt, and Hurghada
Environmental Protection, and Conservation Association (HEPCA). Both had
already contributed to activities in the NVG, and RSG respectively (NG-1). It was
felt, with the benefit of hindsight, that these more experienced NGOs could have
played a more pivotal role, during the ecotourism planning processes, through the
provision of training, raising the awareness of stakeholders, and providing technical
advice and support. Private sector representation was also weak, and limited. Within
the ESDNVG process, the convener ignored pre-existing networks that might have
provided them access as to how to contact the key representatives for each group.
1
(PS-14) A reference to the interviewee/s: the acronyms refer to the interviewee groups:
EC = Experts & Consultants in ecotourism development or participatory planning, PS = An
employee in the Public Sector, NG = A member of NGO boards, LC = A member of the key per-
sons of the Local Communities; and the number refers to the serial number of the interviewee in
each group.
By contrast, the convener of the RSSTI initiative invited private sectors’ representa-
tion drawn from the managers of existing tourism facilities (hotels, diving centres,
diving lodges, ….etc.). A professional research team had previously carried out a
survey of all the managers of tourism facilities in the RSSTI boundaries, and this
provided context for individual invitations (TDA, RSSTI et al. 2003). In addition,
RSSTI also invited national, and international tourism industry bodies to separate
events, aiming to widen the discussion about ecotourism development potentials in
Egypt more generally rather than focusing exclusively on the Southern Red Sea
Region (TDA, USAID et al. 2004).
Not only was there a lack of adequate stakeholders’ mapping in building a suit-
able stakeholders’ network, but also the convenors failed to define the roles and
responsibilities of the chosen partners during the planning process. In addition, the
conveners failed to take into account level of power and interest in the development
of each group, and classified them based on either, the level of position or, sector
characteristics. This technique maintained interest disputes between the different
stakeholders’ groups. “The main reason behind using this method was the wide
range of education, background, culture, and positions between, and among differ-
ent stakeholders’ groups – particularly, the artisans could not understand the lan-
guage of top executive employees” (EC-20). Consequently, these classification
methods used in both initiatives could be viewed as a useful first stage of the pro-
cess, by identifying the range of stakeholders to be engaged. Following this stage,
these separate groups really needed to be brought together, in order that true col-
laboration and real mitigation of existing conflicts of interests could be recognised
as the foundation for building shared commitment for the plans’ implementation
(EC-29). This failed to happen.
The Exclusion of External Stakeholders2 Although there were a significant num-
ber of international governmental and non-governmental organisations, who were
interested in supporting the ecotourism development in Egypt – whether from a
technical or financial perspective, (such as United Nations’ Development Programme
(UNDP) and United Nations’ Environment Programme (UNEP) – neither initiative
sought to engage with any external actors.
Limited Interaction Between the Key Agencies and Their Stakeholders’

Representatives Although this dialogue is crucial in developing support, and com-
mitment to any final agreements, individuals who were invited, within both initia-
tives, to represent the interests of local people, handicraft groups or NGOs, only
tended to offer their personal opinions without engaging in dialogue with other
group members. Moreover, the dialogue between governmental representatives, and
their parent authorities was also weak and limited. For example, in the EDNVG,
“the EEAA representatives from the regional office simply faxed a summary of the
final recommendations, and outcomes of ESDNVG to the central office in Cairo,
without any discussion between them during the planning process” (PS-12). In the
2
These are governmental and non-governmental bodies who are interested in, affected or influence
by ecotourism development, but are located outside the initiatives’ boundaries.
same way, another interviewee highlighted that “representatives from the local
police, and security agencies simply gave their boss a copy of the meeting’s min-
utes, to provide evidence of their participation in the planning process” (PS-21).
However, dialogue during the RSSTI process, involved regular reports, and
meetings before, and after, each activity. It was claimed that this more proactive and
interactive approach was due to the fact that the representatives were from central
government offices (TDA and EEAA), and that they had had previous experience of
similar projects (EC-20). Moreover, there were also bilateral negotiations between
the representatives of the EEAA, TDA, and their parent agencies trying to address
significant conflicts about the appropriate density for eco-lodge development. With
the private sector agencies, positive exchange between meetings, including provid-
ing the nominated representative with a clear steer, as to the sectors desired out-
comes was effective, because the big national, and international tourism agencies
had already created an effective collaborative network within the Red Sea
Region(EC-20) (Table 7.2).
7.4.1.2 I nadequacies in Stakeholders’ Engagement Within the Planning

Process
Inadequacies in Levels of Participation and Actual Stakeholders’ Engagement

at Each Stage of the Planning Process Judged against Arnstein’s (1969) ladder of
participation, stakeholders’ engagement, in both initiatives, can at best be seen as
tokenistic. Engagement was confined to informing, consultation and placation
(beginning of interactive negotiation). But even then, the informing techniques used
were often wholly inappropriate. Written communication was often undertaken
through the medium of English, and therefore not accessible to many of the key
audiences, who were either illiterate and/or could not understand English properly
(EC-26).
The consultation phases, in both initiatives, failed to achieve their objectives of
widening the stakeholders’ participation base, because the majority of attendees had
previously been participants in the process (PS-4). Local communities were the
specifically targeted group for these consultation activities, but they did not engage.
The RSSTI planning team felt that interviews with local residents might be the best
method to understand their views because of widespread illiteracy (TDA, USAID,
et al. 2004).
At other stages, although the literature highlights the importance of interactive
negotiations in developing the solutions, in practice many stakeholders were absent
from this stage of the process. Decisions on the final outcome of each initiative were
taken by the key government agency, without retuning to the stakeholders, to explain
or to seek their approval (EC-26).
A significant problem was that no clear roles or responsibilities for the s takeholders
(except for the focal actors of governmental agencies) were really identified, and
defined. Often “the funders defined the roles, and responsibilities of the government
agencies through a contract, early in the initiative. This made these agencies
Table 7.2 Insufficient stakeholders’ network building during Egyptian ecotourism initiatives
Critical factors for Performance
building stakeholders’ of initiatives
network RSSTI ESDNVG Comments
Did the stakeholder list Some relevant stakeholders’ groups.
include all relevant Such as GOPP & local government
groups? bodies were excluded from both
initiatives
The representatives of In RSSTI, these were based on a
local communities survey and interviews. In ESDNV,
they were based on a snowballing
technique organised by NVTA
The representatives of Simply nominated by the respective
the public sector agency bosses without reference to
key skills and knowledge of the
individual concerned.
The representatives of Limited representation from the
the private sector managers of existing tourism
facilities were involved in RSSTI.
Representatives of hoteliers, tour
operators and loc al guides were
more centrally involved in ESDNVG
The representatives of Although several experienced NGOs
NGOs experienced in had conducted activities near both
ecotourism development initiatives, none of these were
nominated
Clear techniques and The conveners assumed that all
criteria for an analysis of stakeholders in both projects had the
stakeholders’ knowledge same level of influence and interest
skills and understanding
of the issues
External stakeholders’ No global or national NGOs were
involvement involved
Dialogue Public sector Dialogue was good in RSSTI, but
between limited in ESDNVG
SRs & Private sector Dialogue was good in RSSTI, but
their limited in ESDNVG
parent Local communities and There was no dialogue
bodies NGOs
Source: Author
Fully achieved, Partially achieved, Not achieved
accountable during the process” (EC-24). More explicitly, with the “RSSTI, the
funder linked its release of grant funding to each agency based on the delivery of
their defined responsibilities, at each stage of the initiative. Consequently, these
agencies were much more engaged than the others in the RSSTI process” (PS-10).
Consequently, the majority of other stakeholders’ groups were only pro-actively
involved in the informing stage. When developing actual plans and outcomes the
stakeholders’ base was much nwarrower. According to Kansas (2013), for an effec-
tive stakeholders’ engagement process, it is necessary to clearly define their roles
and responsibilities, based on their interests and experiences, from the outset.
Inappropriate Stakeholders’ Involvement Methods In both cases, the main

methods of stakeholders’ engagement focused on informing, and raising the aware-
ness of the stakeholders to the issues, rather than actively involving them, so that
they could have an input during decision-making process (EC-29). Such a narrow
approach cannot fulfil the requirements of a collaborative approach for ecotourism
development. A summary of these issues can be found in Table 7.3 and summarised
below:
• Normally the diagnosis phase comprised two main methods. The first involved
individual or group interviews, and surveys. Whilst such an approach was appro-
priate, sampling was not required during the RSSTI process, because there were
only 19 small settlements within the area of the initiative. Such an approach was
inappropriate for more geographically dispersed stakeholders, as was the case
with ESDNVG. Here the planning team needed to look at complementary meth-
ods, such as drop-in centres to improve information received from this phase
(EC-8). A second approach involved public meetings that were designed to intro-
duce the initiatives to interested stakeholders. These were largely tokenistic,
because the meetings were dominated by long speeches from governmental rep-
resentatives, leaving little time for other stakeholders to make an effective contri-
bution, and/or, to give full answers to questions. (EC-20).
• During the analysis phase two main techniques were used. However, only the
workshops in ESDNVG really added significant value. Here to enhance the
effectiveness of stakeholders’ engagement, within these workshops, a series of
learning sessions were initially designed to teach stakeholders how to build a
SWOT3 analysis. The convener divided the participants into small discussion
groups (10–14 people), to ensure that the voices from all the stakeholders could
be heard during the discussions (EC-27). Such an approach had a positive impact,
as it “encouraged communication between the stakeholders, and tested their
knowledge about the ecotourism development planning, using role-playing tech-
niques” (EC-20). Also within ESDNVG, a questionnaire was used to get feed-
back from stakeholders beyond the network. However, because the respondents’
answers were very brief, its value was limited. (EC-1).
• The workshops during the development phase in both initiatives involved a one-
way direction of information (from the planning team to the stakeholders). Also,
simply holding one public meeting (a legal requirement) in ESDNVG was insuf-
ficient due to the geographically dispersed nature of the stakeholders.
Furthermore, feedback, and reflections from the stakeholders were very limited,
because the majority of participants did not know much about initiatives before
the meeting (EC-24).
• After plan approval, stakeholders’ involvement events were organised as sched-
uled. Most were concerned with awareness-raising programs and advice for run-
ning ecotourism activities. There was a consensus these events could have been
3
A Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities, and Threats (SWOT) analysis is a structured planning
technique evaluating the needs or outcomes of a project or organization.
Table 7.3 An evaluation of the methods used, their appropriateness and effectiveness in each phase of the process
Diagnosis Analysis Development After plan making
The involvement methods Face-to-face interview Public meeting Workshop Questionnaire Workshop Public Hearing Awareness-raising programmes
Appropriateness √ √ √ × √ √ √
Effectiveness × × * × × × ×
Source: Authors
√achieved, ×not achieved, *It was sufficient during ESDNVG only
more valuable, if they had focused on building the stakeholders’ commitment to

the plan, and implementation (PS-12).
Further deficiencies related to how the meetings, throughout the process, were
organised, include:
• Agendas were often lacking any meaningful representation of actual community
requirements, and there was no, or limited opportunity for enabling stakeholders,
to reflect their concerns;
• The information presented at meetings, was often not in an accessible or under-
standable format to meet audience expectations;
• The scheduling of the meetings effectively excluded many critical stakeholder
groups. Because they took place during normal working hours, many non-
governmental stakeholders were, because of work commitments, unable to
attend (NG-1);
• The structure of the meetings allowed very limited time for stakeholders’ groups,
to fruitfully contribute their inputs (EC-3), and;
• There was a lack of follow-up measures meant that stakeholder groups were
informed of any meetings’ outcomes and/or progress (EC-29).
Stakeholder Motivation Was Often Lacking Within the ESDNVG, to try to
encourage effective stakeholder participation, incentives were offered. For those
representing the local communities, any expenses and a compensatory payment to
cover any lost income were made. However, this did not encourage the right indi-
viduals to participate, nor did it facilitate effective participation. It was simply paid
to those who attended meetings, and was not linked to particular needs in the pro-
cess nor their individual contributions. Furthermore, money was not really a motiva-
tion for community leaders, who sought legitimacy or prestige through their
engagement in the process (EC-3). The private sector groups were promised access
to information, through the updated database of NVG ecotourism resources (CISS
and EDG 2012). However, in practice, there was a lot of prevarication, and this
information was not provided to the private sector until late in the process, thereby
undermining trust.
Lack of Stakeholders’ Preparation in Egypt, ecotourism development potentials,

and requirements are not well known, and many of the stakeholders’ groups were
neither qualified, nor properly prepared before, the initiation of the planning pro-
cess. If there were training activities, these usually took place late in the process,
and were often concerned with practical issues associated with the running of eco-
tourism activities, (CISS and EDG 2012) rather than initailly raising awareness
about ecotourism development potentials, and clearly establishing the roles and
responsibilities of stakeholders during the planning process (PS-10).
7.4.2 Deficiencies in the Government
There were five key deficiencies identified in the way governmental institutions
were structured and operated during the spatial planning process.
Fragmentation Within and Between Government Agencies Although new
urban development in general, and ecotourism development in particular requires
intensive coordination between, and within concerned governmental authorities,
there was, and still remains a significant overlap and duplication in their roles and
responsibilities; a lack of communication between governmental agencies; and, the
development of fragmented and disjointed sectoral plans for a particular area, that
are frequently incompatible with one another.
Concerning horizontal fragmentation, there was, and there remains a lack of
coordination between the EEAA, and TDA. These are the key government stake-
holders for ecotourism development in Egypt. To illustrate this, “The EEAA refused
to sign the final RSSTI plan trying to force the TDA to change the eco-lodge density
in low intensive zones from 20 to 2 rooms per feddan. The TDA was eventually
forced to do so, because the funder of RSSTI, USAID, stipulated that any money
transferred to pay for the project could only occur with the approval of all the gov-
ernmental stakeholders involved in the preparation of the final plan” (EC-23).
Moreover, there was wide-scale duplication of effort at both the regional, and
local levels, with confusion over the roles responsibilities and functions of the
Governorates, and the Regional Branch Offices (RBOs) of the EEAA and TDA. In
this regard, one of the interviewees commented that “The Environmental
Management Unit in the Governorate, and regional offices of the EEAA, and the
TDA have almost the same mandates for monitoring tourism activities, leading to a
tripling of activity in this regard” (PS-13). Despite recognising these overlapping
competences, both initiatives did offer some potential for better co-operation, and
coordination between governmental bodies. Nevertheless, this opportunity was lost,
and this lack of integration adversely affected the relationships between such agen-
cies, thereby undermining the efficiency of the planning process (PS-11).
Concerning vertical fragmentation, within the same organisation, there was often
a lack of coordination and communication between its offices, at different levels,
including central, regional, and local. This was a critical weakness in the spatial
planning process (PS-8). The central governmental bodies usually dominated and
intervened without respecting the knowledge and responsibilities of lower-tier gov-
ernment agencies. As one of the interviewees noted, “During the RSSTI planning
process, only the central offices of TDA, and EEAA participated as stakeholders.
Representatives from both the regional and local branches, who were charged with
follow-up activities once the plans had been agreed, were excluded” (PS-6).
Lack of Information A reasonably up to date information system can be consid-
ered as one of the most significant pre-requisites for any plan making process.
Nevertheless, reliable information concerning Egypt’s existing ecotourism resources
and potential remain limited. This is despite the fact “there are various authorities
concerned with collecting, and analysing data, such as the national Information,
Decision Support Centre, and several information centres, located in each gover-
norate. However, there is no integration between such agencies, and consequently,
there is no coherence or consistency in the information base.” (EC-3). Consequently,
“each ecotourism initiative spent more than 20% of their time, and budget on build-
ing their own information systems. It would have been better, if there was an inte-
grated national information system, and this time and resources could have been
better used in the plan making process” (EC-12).
The Lack of Financial Resources is probably the most critical barrier in initiat-
ing, and supporting effective stakeholders’ engagement in the planning process
(EC-5). This is because the stakeholder engagement requires considerable time and
effort, over a sustained period, to initially prepare and motivate different stakehold-
ers to become engaged in the process from the outset, and then remain involved in
the subsequent activities (EC-11). Because most of the initiatives were externally
funded by international donors, and were time limited, several interviewees empha-
sised how the initiative’s focus was on plan making, rather than delivery. “The
resources for plan implementation were trivial. International funds for the initia-
tives [were] oriented towards plan making. No money was left for implementation
stage” (EC-4). Furthermore, “Nationally there is no strategy for financing the
implementation, and management stages of such initiatives, which inevitably stop
once the funding has ended” (EC-24). The government probably needs to be proac-
tively engaged in building private-public partnerships, during the planning stages, to
better ensure effective implementation, together with having effective monitoring
systems embedded in the process. (EC-14).
The Lack of Capacity amongst governmental staff, who were supposed to be

managing the initiatives, was one of the main constraints in delivering an ecotour-
ism planning process. For example, whilst TDA was nominally the focal actor for
the ecotourism development projects, the majority of its staff lacked any basic
knowledge of the issues. This lack of knowledge was exacerbated by rapid staff
turnover leading to a lack of continuity of critical individuals. Following the RSSTI
project, all the TDA staff, who had worked in the project, were motivated to join the
private sector, with better posts, and higher salaries (PS-4). This adversely affected
the outcomes, and deliverables of the projects (EC-28). Similarly, the EEAA staff,
who had a particular focus on environmental protection in designated areas, did not
valorise the importance of proper management of ecotourism development, for the
both indigenous communities, and their environment. The TDA, and EEAA, who
should have been supportive partners, were both unable, and unwilling to compro-
mise, and instead sought to enforce often contradictory regulations, that justified
their decisions (EC-1). Hence, “the majority of conflicts between both EEAA, and
TDA, were attributed to the fact that the staff of EEAA, took decisions on personal
base, rather than a professional one. Several conflicts could have been resolved
through negotiations, but they refused.” (EC-5).
Furthermore, a more general lack of skilled cadres in local government, is also a

major problem for new urban development planning projects, including ecotourism.
One interviewee commented “The RBOs of EEAA, and TDA are significantly
understaffed, and are already overloaded with other tasks, like monitoring the envi-
ronmental impact of the existing activities” (PS-13). Hence, “A major obstacle, that
faced both initiatives, was the basic lack of staff, who were properly trained, so that
they could participate efficiently in the planning process. Building a consensus
between the stakeholders, requires a basic knowledge, skills, and experience of both
ecotourism development, and negotiation procedures. Both were lacking”
(EC-20).
Lack of Political Will, and Domination by Elite Stakeholders The lack of real
political will, was one of the major barriers to the adoption of a stakeholder approach,
to ecotourism development in Egypt. As one of the interviewees said, reflecting the
view of the others, “Most of the challenges to ecotourism development in Egypt, are
a result of a lack of national willingness to develop this type of tourism. Due to high
unemployment rates across the country, the state has traditionally promoted labour-
intensive tourism [mass-tourism] to mitigate this problem” (EC-1). Furthermore,
“Plenty of government bodies believe that there is no real need to engage with local
people in the plan making, because they are not fully aware of future plans, and
policies.” (EC-17).
Moreover, a convergence of power, and capital, has led to the dominance of the
elite of Egyptian society over the tourism development, while excluding local com-
munities, to maintain control of the resources, and maximise their profits (EC-9).
Hence, one interviewee acknowledged that “Elitist bodies are fighting ecotourism
development in some places, such as the RSG, so they can establish mass-tourism
projects, to maximise their short-term profits, without caring for the sustainability
of the resources” (PS-10). Consequently, according to one of the ecotourism con-
sultants, who reflected the views of many others, “Strong political support is
required to promote effective participatory approaches during ecotourism develop-
ment processes. This will, on the one hand, motivate stakeholders to become
involved in open participation, and on the other hand, encourage the authorities to
accept the views of others” (EC-18).
7.4.3 D
eficiencies in the Local Communities, and Other
Stakeholders’ Abilities to Effectively Engage
in Ecotourism Processes
A Lack of Trust All the interviewees agreed that a lack of trust in the government
was evident. Three themes underpin, and reinforce this mistrust.
• This is generally attributed to the negative experiences from previous projects,

including a legacy of unmet promises. In this respect, one of the interviewees
commented, “How can a local community trust the government, and then engage
in a new process, when experiences to date involve several failed projects, with-
out any visible benefits, or enhancements in their quality of life?” (LC-1). Many
stakeholders, particularly local communities, are negatively disposed towards
any governmental activities, because they cynically believe that the government
only involves the stakeholders to endorse decisions already made by govern-
ment, and is therefore only tokenistic, to complete external funding agency
requirements (NG-1). For example, “The response from many of the local com-
munities during the planning process of RSSTI was negative, because they had
previously been engaged in similar initiatives before, without any real attempts
to address their priority issues” (PS-18). The RSG had been subjected to more
than 75 studies, and initiatives dealing directly, or indirectly, with ecotourism
development in the twenty years up to 2008 (TDA, EEAA et al. 2008). Different
international donors, often with broadly similar objectives funded many of these
projects. Nevertheless, in the end, the ecotourism issues, and challenges were the
same as before, without real development taking place. How could the local
communities or other stakeholders, in the RSG, trust government bodies after
these experiences? (EC-8);
• A lack of transparency concerning the information provided by government to
the stakeholders, and the government’s decision-making processes. One member
of a local community claimed that, “They did not speak with us once, for exam-
ple, about the project budgets, and how they were going to be spent. What are or
have been the main reasons behind the lack of effective implementation? At least
they should involve us to help in addressing any of these deficiencies” (LC-2).
Another interviewee claimed, “The government does not respect our views. They
always decide what they need, because they believed that they are the only ones
aware of all the circumstances relevant to the project” (NG-3), and;
• Changing decisions based on political expediency rather than long-term coherent
and sustained visions. In this regard, one interviewee remarked that, “There are
no strategic decisions, or visions adopted by the government. Any changes in the
highest-ranking staff, are always followed by total change in plans. Therefore,
we are not confident in any promises of the government as any agreed outcomes
are likely to be changed” (EC-8).
The Lack of Community Awareness of local potentials for ecotourism develop-
ment, and lack of understanding concerning the planning process itself, are key
factors, which affect the efficiency of their engagement. “Although Egyptian eco-
tourism development initiatives were initiated at the beginning of the 1990s, the
principles of ecotourism development are not well known by the stakeholders, par-
ticularly in the local communities” (EC-1). Due to a lack of awareness of the poten-
tials for ecotourism development to improve their wellbeing, together with their
doubts in the benefits that their participation can bring, stakeholders were often
unwilling to contribute to the development process. In this respect, one interviewee
commented, “There is a negative attitude of stakeholders towards ecotourism,

because they believe that ecotourism is a restricted tourism form, which will prevent
them from continuing their existing activities and limit their job opportunities”
(EC-8). Another interviewee commented, “Apathy from local communities towards
ecotourism development is a direct result of their exclusion, for a long time, from
affairs, which have affected their life. Furthermore, they do not know how they can
be active, and effective participants” (EC-7). Hence, CISS and EDG (2012) have
emphasised that stakeholders need to be continuously reminded of the potential
benefits of ecotourism development, and the value of their involvement during the
process. Ideally, such engagement should help to achieve effective participation,
and motivate new local participants’ willing to support the development of a locally
bespoke ecotourism industry.
Widespread Illiteracy and Low Standard of Living Amongst Local

Communities Both initiatives were located in peripheral regions, whose local
communities are characterised by high illiteracy rates, and limited access to basic
health, and public infrastructure services. Therefore, their major priorities are
focused on short-term aspirations. How they can meet their daily subsistence needs
and do they have access to basic public services? This situation can be understood
as one of the most significant barriers to effective ecotourism development, and
stakeholders’ participation (EC-6) because their priorities are on their daily needs.
Moreover, inability of the local communities to express their own aspirations is
often the result of the poor education, low-income levels, and low levels of ambition
(EC-12). Hence, one of the interviewees observed that, “Most of local communities
have not been interested in taking part in planning activities, because they are pre-
occupied with providing their basic daily needs. How could they leave their daily
work without sufficient monetary compensation?” (EC-3). Similarly, another inter-
viewee thought that, “Local communities might be interested in being involved in
planning activities, if they felt that the process could help to solve their life chal-
lenges. So the planning team should build the local people’s trust in the initiatives,
by providing realistic opportunities for local communities to enhance their quality
of life” (EC-23).
7.5 Conclusions
The study presented in this chapter has tried to identify some of the main challenges
that inhibit Egypt from realising its national development strategies, in particular
the role of new urban development in desert regions. Our approach is to evaluate the
planning processes, associated with Egyptian ecotourism development. We argue
that wide ranging stakeholders’ engagement and collaboration, using CPA, may be
one of the key ways to address these challenges, by ensuring that development plans
should properly reflect all stakeholder interests, and conflicts considered within a
transparent manner. Critical flaws in what is still largely top-down process have
been identified. Our analysis indicates that engagement practices remain mostly
tokenistic. Central government’s role remains dominant, but internally horizontally
and vertically fragmented. Accordingly, there is a crucial need for building the inter-
nal capacities of both central and local government, alongside a necessity of achiev-
ing horizontal, and vertical integration between all governmental authorities. In
addition, significant efforts should focus on building trust between the government,
and stakeholders, to alleviate previous negative experiences, that are commonly
associated with a lack of efficient deliverables. Only by understanding the true moti-
vations of every particular stakeholder, can their proactive engagement with the
process, and its outcomes, be encouraged.
Acknowledgements The authors would like to thank the Egyptian Government, and Cairo
University, who generously sponsored the study presented in this chapter. We would like to extend
our gratitude to all those, who gave their time to take part in the case study interviews.
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Chapter 8
Decision Making Ideology: Correlation
Analysis Between Informal Settlements
Growth & Upgrading Policies in Egypt
Aya Elsisy, Ayman M. Ashour, Marwa A. Khalifa, and Laila M. Khodeir
Abstract Planning for future urban development usually pursues a comprehensive

understanding for complex city systems with all its diversities. The balance of these
systems depends on their interchanging dynamics when they contribute in city’s
generation, and stabilize its development momentum. Since formal and informal
systems integrate within market dynamics; development policies should be inclu-
sive for both. In this chapter, development management in Egypt is investigated
through assessing effectiveness of decision making ideology on success of informal
settlements’ upgrading policies. This chapter discusses the integration level of
upgrading policies within Egypt’s agenda for sustainable development, and con-
structs a correlation analysis between growing informality and the upgrading poli-
cies implemented; tracking down deficiencies and poor practices. The findings
assist in establishing a platform for evaluating the applicability of ‘Good Urban
Governance’ within the Egyptian legislative and institutional frameworks; putting
into consideration the poor institutional setup, the poor legislations’ understanding,
and the poor steering structure for city development management.
Keywords Decision making ideology · Informal settlements · Upgrading policies

· Good urban governance · Egypt
A. Elsisy (*) · A. M. Ashour

Architectural Engineering Department, Faculty of Engineering, Ain Shams University,
Cairo, Egypt
e-mail: a.elsisy@eng.asu.edu.eg; ayman.ashour@eng.asu.edu.eg
M. A. Khalifa
Urban Design & Planning Department, Faculty of Engineering, Ain Shams University,
Cairo, Egypt
e-mail: marwa_khalifa@eng.asu.edu.eg
L. M. Khodeir
Associate Professor of Architecture, Department of Architecture, Ain Shams University,
The British University in Egypt, Cairo, Egypt

140 A. Elsisy et al.
8.1 Introduction
In September 2000, World leaders met to discuss pressing issues related to human-
ity & environmental development in the Millennium Summit, held by United
Nations in New York. They agreed upon the Millennium Development Goals
(MDGs) concerned with reducing hunger, poverty, illness, and discrimination by
promoting commitments on national leaders to provide standard quality of life for
their citizens. Goal no 7 stated the parameters that “Ensure Environmental
Sustainability”; from which Target 11 declared, that in order to achieve that we need
to “Achieve significant improvement in the lives of at least 100 million slum dwell-
ers by 2020” (UN-Habitat 2003). The relation constructed between environmental
sustainability, and improving the lives of slum dwellers continued to prevail in the
New Urban Agenda, as well as in the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs)
declared in 2015; where it confirmed that in order to “Make cities inclusive, safe,
resilient and sustainable”, all should have access to adequate, and affordable hous-
ing with basic services by 2030; stating clearly that slum dwellers are in fact a dis-
tinctive part of the city (UN-Habitat 2015).
Since formal and informal systems integrate within market dynamics; strategic
policies for sustainable development should be inclusive for both. To achieve effec-
tive sustainable development management, three aspects are important to consider.
The first aspect is inclusive participatory approach for strategies’ generation (M
Andersson 2015a, b; Thomas 1996; UN-Habitat 2009), the second aspect is accu-
rate estimation for problem with its potentials and challenges (GTZ 2009;
UN-Habitat 2015), and the third aspect is the steering structure and coordination
strategies between active stakeholders (El-Refaay 2016-November 3; GTZ 2009;
Yousry 2016-November 10). These three aspects are the key elements of the
decision-making process, and they need to be considered when developing urban
intervention policies, that deals with informal urbanism and other urban problems.
8.2 S
ustainable Development Management & Urban
Intervention Policies
Sustainable development management pursues satisfying human needs and aspira-

tions, reflected on physical, environmental and socio-economic progress. There are
three main aspects that should be considered when developing an effective manage-
ment plan for sustainable development. The first aspect is the strategy generation by
all development partners (El-Refaay 2016-November 3). They should agree on
defining the areas of development, the targets needed to be achieved, and the stan-
dard baseline to measure positive progress in city development (M Andersson
2015a, b; Thomas 1996; UN-Habitat 2009). Their involvement from the beginning
will assure consistency and commitment. The second aspect is the accurate
8 Decision Making Ideology: Correlation Analysis Between Informal Settlements… 141
estimation for potentials, and challenges affecting areas of development.

Development of comprehensive database for all parameters, and variables is essen-
tial for core and evidence based analysis (GTZ 2009; UN-Habitat 2015). The third
aspect is the coordination strategies between development partners, along with the
steering structure, and institutional setup, that provides the procedural platform for
development management (El-Refaay 2016-November 3; GTZ 2009; Yousry
2016-November 10).
The three aspects considered can be reflected on the strategies and policies of
urban development, and informal upgrading. Egypt has been facing the challenges
of slums & informal settlements since decades, and most of intervention policies
practiced have failed to effectively solve informal urbanism drawbacks. The con-
cept of informal settlements is paradoxically perceived by different governmental
sectors in Egypt (Mahmoud and Elrahman 2016). Therefore, the ideology of inter-
vention policies conducted is different and have diverse backgrounds. Accordingly,
agreeing on a unified strategy among different stakeholders – that resembles the first
aspect of effective development management – is quite challenging within the
Egyptian context. Regarding the second aspect, a fluctuation in estimating informal
settlements’ data resulted from having different understanding for the same prob-
lem, different authorities dealing with it, and different methodologies for collecting
data (Arandel and Batran 1997; GTZ 2009). For instance, different reports have
different estimations for the actual number of informal settlers in Egypt; as it ranges
between 40% and 75% of urban population, according to different sources (Tadamun
2014).
Problem underestimation or misinterpretation in Egypt comes as a direct result
of lack of accurate information about informal areas. There is no integrated database
for informal inhabitants’ actual population numbers, their financial status, their
legal rights, and the registry of land – if it exists – as well as other data that need to
be covered. The problem is not always with data availability, but with its accuracy
and consistency. Records could be found in different governmental sectors where
different authorities have changed scope and strategy of data collection throughout
time, thus providing inconsistent information about informal settlements (Arandel
and Batran 1997; GTZ 2009). Transparency is another issue, where the published
figures regarding informal areas’ sizes or numbers were occasionally reduced than
the actual figures to enhance governmental public image, so people support its strat-
egies and promote its viability (GTZ 2009). The lack of accurate information affects
the ideology of decision making and results in weak practices that don’t consider
important aspects or undermine its role. Therefore, data analysis becomes poor and
accordingly, suggested solutions are inadequate.
The third aspect, defining coordination strategies, is correlated with the success-
ful assigning of roles and responsibilities. Different jurisdictions should not overlap,
which provides a sustainable setup for development management, and an effective
channel for monitory evaluation. Since Egypt has developed through changing
political and socio-economical agendas; laws and legislations are changing con-
stantly and not always in a constitutional way (Soliman 2014; Zahran 2016-November
14). Diverse reforms and additions to the original laws and legislations made the
legal framework saturated with decrees and adjustments, which in return makes
tracking, understanding or practicing these legislations a difficult process. Many
stakeholders suffer from legal ignorance and don’t have a full understanding for law
limitations, therefore some of their decisions are built on false assumptions.
Accordingly, the coordination strategies are challenged by weak procedural recog-
nition of roles and responsibilities, and poor steering structure for development
management.
On the other hand, Good Urban Governance (GUG) has been promoted as a com-
prehensive approach, that deals with the discussed sustainable development man-
agement aspects, and an alternative tool for decision-making. Its principles bring
out the importance of equity of access to decision-making process, as well as civic
engagement and community participation (UN-Habitat 2009). The capacity build-
ing for active parties, governmental or non-governmental, is essential for providing
comprehensive and adequate solutions for informal urbanism drawbacks, as it is a
highly complex system, that needs an effective integration between involved stake-
holders. These principles require bases in the institutional framework, as well as a
certain level of awareness among the different stakeholders involved, especially citi-
zens. However, replication of first-world models on third-world countries is a prac-
tice that needs careful analysis and investigation (Roy 2005). Principles of GUG
can’t be easily borrowed and implemented as they are. Instead, they need to be tai-
lored according to the receiving context with all its strengths and weaknesses.
This chapter investigates areas of sustainable urban development in respect to
decision making process ideology in Egypt. The application domain is informal
settlements’ upgrading policies. The adopted methodology is divided into theoreti-
cal and field studies. The theoretical study reviews the academic researches, records
and reports concerning the correlation between the growth of informal settlements,
and the intervention policies developed by decision makers. These studies summa-
rized the problems of decision making in Egypt, as well as the incompetent urban
management practices. The chapter focuses on the operational, institutional and
legalization problems, disregarding the physical and socio-economical perspec-
tives. The analysis for this part considered the principles of GUG as measuring
baseline for assessing the performance of the institutional setup. Accordingly, the
theoretical study is divided into two sections.
The first section investigates the ideology behind the formation and existence of
informal system in Egypt. It allocates its position in city system dynamics and
investigates its defining characteristics. The second section overviews the ideology
of intervention policies conducted through history to correct or prevent the informal
phenomenon. It linked this ideology with the changing political and socio-economic
status, that affected city’s agenda for development. The field study is based on one
to one interviews held by author(s) with selected stakeholders from different enti-
ties, related to urban management generally and informal upgrading specifically.
The stakeholders are clustered into four groups; Non-governmental Entities,
Strategic Managers, Local Executives/Beneficiaries and Experts/Academic
Researchers’ group, as illustrated in Fig. 8.1. Each group has a distinctive role in the
process as follows:
Fig. 8.1 Interviewed groups for field study (Authors)
• Non-Governmental Entities Group: is concerned the mediator for the inter-

viewing process, and it includes two sub-groups. The first is the international
agencies that work as consultants, introduce technical support for the govern-
mental entities, or conduct researches on the Egyptian context. The international
agencies selected are the UN-Habitat and GIZ. The second sub-group is the local
consultancy and research offices, organizations, and initiatives concerned with
urban studies. The selected entities are Tadamun, Madd, Cluster & Megawra.
These two sub-groups are vital to be at the first stage of interviews for two rea-
sons. First, they introduce connections with other different stakeholders, govern-
mental, and non-governmental, on all institutional levels, from local to national.
Second these stakeholders work on comparing the urban theories and studies
with the actual implementation of the action plans proposed. They develop these
theories using evidence-based data from pilot projects.
• Strategic Managers Group: are basically the policy makers, and strategy devel-
opers. They are national governmental entities, that produce strategic, and
detailed planning, as well as action plans, and codes of procedures. They also
manage the data collection, and analysis needed for executing a project, monitor-
ing the process of implementation, and allocating funds and resources, depend-
ing on their role in the institutional setup. These are key stakeholders, with high
power and interest, yet their coordination procedures are not clear in the litera-
ture. Also, the data they collect, the work they do, and the reports they produce
are not all accessible to public. The selected entities are the Informal Settlements
Development Fund (ISDF) responsible for informal upgrading policies, the
Social Housing Fund under the authority of the Ministry of Housing responsible
for subsidized housing policies, the General Organization for Physical Planning
(GOPP), the New Urban Communities Authority (NUCA), the Egyptian Survey
Authority (ESA), the Republic Registry, and the National Center for Planning
State Land Uses responsible for land policies, regulations, and planning strate-
gies, and finally the Central Agency for Public Mobilization and Statistics
(CAPMAS), together with Accountability State Authority responsible for data
collection, analysis and monitory.
• Local Executives/Beneficiaries Group: are the executive arms for implement-
ing action plans for upgrading policies. They work closely with laws implica-
tions, as well as beneficiaries of the upgrading projects. They test the validity of
the proposed scenarios, and procedures by both evidence and result-based data,
yet they don’t have much of authority or resources to change these plans. The
selected entities are the Urban Upgrading Units (UUU), and the Informal
Upgrading Units, within the Cairo and Giza Governorates, the urban planning
and engineering units in the local administrations, and the departments for defin-
ing properties, registry and building permits.
• Experts & Academic Researchers Group: are consultants and advisors that
have both theoretical and practical experiences. They are key personals that have
worked in governmental and non-governmental entities, as well as national and
international agencies. This stage of interviews is important to have a compre-
hensive perspective over the effectiveness, and efficiency of informal upgrading
policies specifically, and the ideology of decision-making process in Egypt gen-
erally. Their opinions validate the overall study results.
This chapter is a part of an ongoing research assessing GUG in promoting informal
upgrading policies in Egypt. Due to time limitations, the conclusion of this chapter is
driven from a sample of interview respondents from different stakeholder groups.
8.3 Informal Housing System in Egypt
Informal housing is an active sector in the Egyptian local economy. According to

statistics, it has been able for decades to provide a continuous supply for affordable
housing units serving limited income citizens, more than what the government with
all its resources could provide (Arandel and Batran 1997; GTZ 2009). The informal
population growth in Greater Cairo Region (GCR) is compared with the formal one
in Fig. 8.2 based on statistical records from Central Agency for Public Mobilization
& Statistics (CAPMAS) (Sims 2011). It shows that informal housing units are under
higher demand than the formal ones. In spite being generated in large quantities,
formal housing has failed to increase the population of its beneficiaries. This is not
restricted to GCR, or to the period prior to the public revolution in 2011. The informal
housing between 2011 and 2014 has provided and delivered almost 6.5 million hous-
ing units; 3 times more than what was planned by government for the same period,
and 43 times what was actually provided for low income groups (Shawkat 2014).
Different parameters are tangled together to define informal urbanism, forming a
complex understanding for the terminology. Yet, all agree that informality is a type
of violation for the laws defined, where informal settlements are the physical urban
Fig. 8.2 Formal & informal population growth in Greater Cairo Region (1946–2009) (CAPMAS
census)
manifestation of such violations (ElMouelhi 2014). There are different causes and
incentives for violations, represented in informal development, where they have
political, managerial, legislative and socio-economic backgrounds. There are also
different levels of urban development violations, starting from illegal occupation of
land to unregistered tenure contracts. To understand the system of informal housing
in Egypt, we need to investigate the causes, and incentives for these violations, as
well as the growth dynamics of informal urbanism within the context.
In Egypt, land prices have been increasing substantially since 1960s. Low income
groups couldn’t access the land market, and was unable to gain land ownership eas-
ily (Arandel and Batran 1997). Programs of leasing public lands, or selling it
through subsidized prices are very limited in Egypt, while private land is sold for the
best & highest land use price. As a result, gradual informal occupation of land has
taken place by those who couldn’t buy or rent a housing unit (Soliman 1996).
Another issue is that land registry procedures are quite complicated, and costly for
low income groups; so most of them don’t go through legal procedures to sell or
lease their land and they do it only following customary rules (GTZ 2009; Hassan
2011). However, the high-density sprawl on agricultural lands is the most pressing
issue of informal development, as it jeopardizes Egypt’s food security.
Egypt has lost 35% of its arable land since 1950 due to urban extension on the
peri-urban areas, and it still losing between 10,400 and 31,100 acres each year for
the same reason (GOPP 2014). This type of land informality represents almost 80%
of informal settlements in Egypt (Khalifa 2011), since the profit value of land
exchanging its use from agriculture to urban is about 200% (Barthes 2014). The
increasing need for housing units gives developers, either formal or informal ones,
an incentive to acquire more land, and develop it to benefit from the housing market;
however, the informal housing market is more vibrant, because it competes unfairly
with the formal one. The informal market doesn’t need to follow procedural regula-
tions, or get official approvals; giving it a more opportunity to increase its profit, and
speed up its production rate (Acioly Jr 2010).
Land regulations, and building standards are also defied by inhabitants. Informal
inhabitants usually argue that they need to have more foot print, and more separated
spaces within a remarkably small residence, and that they don’t have the luxury to
have big rooms, or openings in every room, or wide stair cases as recommended by
law. Also, they tend to have multiple floor heights with a minimum clear height for
each floor due to same reasons. Informal developers who control the informal land,
and building markets tend to promote the same arguments to gain more profits by
increasing the densities and number of units designed per plot (Morales-Schechinger
2016b). They also justify for the same reasons why informal areas tend to access
infrastructure through extending water pipes or electricity wires illegally to their
residences. The argument states that land laws are rigid, and it is not adapted to dif-
ferent contexts, and regions within Egypt, making them unrealistic and inconsistent
with the customary practices of urban development.
However, in fact, laws and regulations for land, buildings and inhabitants are
changing constantly, adding layers of complication on the housing provision pro-
cess, and on the rights and obligations of each party involved (GTZ 2009; Hassan
2011; Sims 2011; UN-Habitat 2003). Moreover, these laws are overruled by presi-
dential decrees, and temporary regulations along the Egyptian history. All the previ-
ous aspects illustrate that the ideology of informal market depend on finding the
easiest, and the most profitable way to fulfill the market needs (Acioly Jr 2010). On
the other side, the inefficient formal system contributes in making following the
laws for decent citizens more challenging, and violating the laws for corrupted citi-
zens more tempting. Accordingly, the laws and legislations that control urban devel-
opment in Egypt need to be analyzed, and adjusted to provide better performance.
Also, the institutional setup that applies, and enforces these laws need to be audited
to enhance its practice for controlling, and managing urban development.
The following diagram, Fig. 8.3, shows the defining spectrum of different laws,
managing urban development in Egypt, and how they vary in flexibility and limita-
tions. Moreover, it shows that land informality in Egypt is the most defining viola-
tion for informal areas, followed by building regulations. Violations in buildings
standards do not necessarily classify the area as informal, unless they reached a
critical level of deterioration, making them unsafe. However, violating other stan-
dards (like minimum indoor spaces dimensions, minimum openings dimensions, or
standards for vertical circulation) doesn’t categorize the area as informal. The dia-
gram shows that the informality definition range could be widened if these stan-
dards, as well as the tenancy regulations, were included. For instance, if all housing
units, that are not officially registered are considered informal, about 91% of hous-
ing units in Egypt will be considered informal as only 9% are officially registered
(Abd-ElKader 2017-April 23; Kodya 2017-April 23).
Fig. 8.3 Informal settlements’ laws violation & spectrum for legislation (Authors)
8.4 Ideology of Urban Intervention Policies
The prevailing ideology for academics, researchers, and human rights advocates
that cities have social responsibility towards those in need. Mostly people living in
slums are subjected to poverty, illiteracy, sickness, crime, and above all life threat-
ing conditions. Young generations are considered the productive sector for city’s
development, while living in such conditions will affect their role in the society, and
eventually affect their liability (Acioly Jr 2010). Levels of hatred crimes & terrorism
can be tracked back to the feeling of injustice, and inequality between different
social classes. Involving this sector into the community will increase their sense of
belonging, and decrease their sense of exclusion. Urban intervention policies, pro-
poor policies and urban upgrading systems fall under the reactive and proactive
approaches. The proactive approach is working ahead of the problem, trying to
anticipate the upcoming challenges, and deal with it before occurring. The reactive
approach deals with current situation, analyzing needs, and areas of development
based on the actual existence of the problem.
Consequently, the development of pro-poor policies, or strategies targeting the
urban poor, and their informal agglomerations are originally classified into three
categories; corrective, containment and preventive polices (UN-Habitat 2003).
Corrective policies are the ones related to improving the lives of slum dwellers, and
upgrading their existing environment (Khalifa 2015). Containment policies restrain
the spread of the phenomenon to limit its growth, and retain sprawling. While pre-
ventive polices are concerned with introducing alternatives for citizens with higher
probability of occupying informal settlements as advised by (UNDP 2005). These
policies tend to track the root causes of the problem by providing inclusive and
subsidized housing policies (Khalifa 2015). This chapter adds one more category
based on quality management’s definition for corrective actions, which is remedial
policies as shown in Fig. 8.4.
Fig. 8.4 Urban intervention policies categories. (Authors based on Dale 2015; Khalifa 2015;
Shawkat 2014)
Remedial action terminology is explained in quality management’s definition for

procedural actions in monitory, and evaluation of both project, and process manage-
ment (Cleland and Ireland 2006; Dale 2015; Eurolab 2017). Accordingly, remedial
policies tend to only deal with current problems, and fix its drawbacks without
introducing any actions to sustain the corrected situation, or restrain problems from
remerging. Remedial policies are the ones, which target fixing spotted problems,
that can’t be overlooked. The followed strategy is the rapid response, targeting fast
tangible results. Usually not much analysis or deep core investigation for causes of
the problems are proceeded, before adopting these policies. They act more as an
instant action plans, that target hazardous situations, or faster outcomes for political
agendas, or economic revenues (Dale 2015). Approaches like slum clearance/forced
eviction, eradication, and rapid reallocation can fall under this category.
Historically, intervention policies started with this category, represented in forced
evictions, that denied the right of informal settlers to exist where they are; however,
this only relocated informality in other locations, but never restrained it (UN-Habitat
2003). The shift afterwards went to resettling informal communities in other loca-
tions planned, and constructed by governments. This caused huge financial burden
on governments, as well as negative consequences resulting from breaking the exit-
ing community, and usually resettling it away from job opportunities and adequate
services. Yet many countries are still following these policies in reallocating settle-
ments placed in danger locations. Eventually enabling, and empowering the com-
munity to help themselves was the next paradigm adopted by policy makers and
academics (UN-Habitat 2003).
The enabling approach faced multiple challenges in providing the land, support-
ing the citizens, managing the enabling process, and achieving fast results that gov-
ernments and political parties pressured to have. That moved policies later to
physical upgrading of informal areas, through introducing infrastructure and ser-
vices. Afterwards, paradigms have shifted to a more comprehensive approach of
upgrading, that involved socio-economic aspects, until it reached an integrative
approach, that tangled all the city policies and resources, including upgrading ones,
to a city system that functions all together, through governance principles achieving
development for the whole city (Khalifa 2015).
In spite the developed ideology for handling informal urbanism, not all stake-
holders involved in the process are convinced with the recent approaches, and favor
more the old ones. They question the validity of upgrading policies from different
perspectives. They argue that upgrading, and titling of slums for example, could be
an incentive for current, and possible future informal occupation. They also state
that countries following these approaches are approving violations of regulations
done by citizens, and soon enough these countries will not be able to control urban
development (Morales-Schechinger 2016a). Moreover, upgrading opponents argue
that upgrading approaches aren’t necessarily supporting the poor. The main benefi-
ciaries of providing services, and titles for informal areas are the informal specula-
tors and developers who are waiting to force out the poor in exchange for higher rent
or higher selling values from the middle class, or even the rich, after regularizing
these areas (Morales-Schechinger 2016a, b).
On the other hand, the counter arguments state that in the integrated city system
strategy, the governmental housing policy for lower income groups is the comple-
ment strategy for restraining the growth of informal housing market. Thus, the fail-
ure to provide adequate or/and affordable housing through this policy is correlated
with the increase of informal settlements; the citizens’ spontaneous proactive action
for fulfilling their basic need for shelter (Acioly 2010; GTZ 2009; UN-Habitat
2003). The involvement of countries in improving the lives of informal dwellers is
a compensation of its failure to provide access to adequate and affordable housing.
Also, working with the community, encouraging their participation in developing
the country, and improving their lives is an indicator for sustainable development
systems (UN-Habitat 2003, 2015; UNDP 2005).
8.4.1 C
orrelation Analysis Between Informal Growth & Urban
Intervention Policies in Egypt
Egypt has experienced tremendous changes, politically and socio-economically,

which changed its national strategies and agendas throughout time. These changes
are classified to definite eras by different literature (Hassan 2011; Khalifa 2015;
Tadamun 2014). The reflection of political changes and socio-economic aspects is
important to evaluate the strategies conducted within the comprehensive under-
standing of the country’s development agenda at the time. The following diagram
(see Fig. 8.5) constructs a relation between the different strategies implemented,
since 1952 revolution until present, and the existing political status along with
remarkable incidents, that shifted the paradigm of these strategies, and changed the
scope of intervention.
150
A. Elsisy et al.
Fig. 8.5 Correlation between informal growth & intervention policies in Egypt. (Authors based on CHI 2011; Hassan 2011; Khalifa 2015; UN-Habitat 2003;
Wahdan 2013)
In the communalism era (from 1956 to 1974), the ideology for the state was to be
totally responsible for housing provision for lower income groups. The State also
controlled the rent rates through rent control laws, the building industry through
nationalization, and the land supply for developing these projects (Sims 2011;
Wahdan 2013). This was a result to the sensitive political status after the revolu-
tion in 1952. This trend of centralization and controlling all assets by the state was
not sustainable, as it deprived the housing market from private sector participation
(Hassan 2011), and increased immigration from rural areas towards industrial zones
(Arandel and Batran 1997; Soliman 1996). When the Arab-Israel War started in
1967, the housing provision system collapsed as all the financial resources was
allocated to the military. During this period, the control over the evolution of infor-
mal areas was weak. Areas like Mansheyt Nasser, and Ezbet El Hagana grew sub-
stantially to provide housing for lower income groups (GTZ 2009).
After the war in 1973, the state shifted its strategy towards liberalism, and started
to promote its withdrawal from the housing market, leaving the role for cooperatives
and private sector (Alpopi and Manole 2013; Hassan 2011). It supported the coop-
eratives through loans, and facilitation in land acquisition. Further, it supported the
private sector through subsidizing the building industry (Hassan 2011). The New
Urban Communities Authority (NUCA) was established by presidential decree in
1979, to attract the urban extensions away from agricultural land towards the desert.
However, building in the desert cost the state more than was planned in extending
infrastructure, and roads to connect these areas (Sims 2011, 2015). This financial
burden was added to the housing prices, excluding the urban poor from these new
communities.
Therefore, the supply from formal housing units increased, without a correspon-
dent balance in demand, resulting in increasing the vacancy rate (Sims 2011). The
rent control law was still a problem for rental market, and the obligation of having
at least 67% rental units in each privately developed building, discouraged owners
to rent their units waiting for a legislation change (Hassan 2011). So, urban poor
accommodated informal areas, as it had more affordable units, with more space
flexibility, and more alternatives for provision system. The Open- Door policy was
not also sustainable, as it injected large sums of money in the market, without proper
steering for the development management. Therefore, the majority of financial
influx benefited the informal market, as shown in Fig. 8.5, where the informal
growth rate in GCR reached one of its highest values compared to other periods.
In 1981, President Mubarak called for the National Urban Policy Study, that was
conducted by USAID, along with some local consultants (Dorman 2013; Sims
2015; USAID 1981). This study intended to investigate the potentials, opportunities
and challenges of urban development, as well as evaluating the strategies imple-
mented. Yet the recommendations for this study hasn’t been taken into consider-
ation in full (Dorman 2013). On the positive side, the support for the cooperatives
increased, the provision for housing loans was facilitated with the establishment of
the Housing & Development Bank, and the rent control law was adjusted to allow
free market, but with fixed values for rents (Hassan 2011). Yet the scheme for new
towns continued, more cities and residential units were constructed, with no
e conomic base or adequate access to services. After radicalization incidents, and

buildings collapse in 1992 Earthquake, the State started the systematic approaches
for intervention policies.
On the upgrading level, the National Urban Upgrading Fund was established in
1994. It worked on two phases’ program, the Informal Settlements’ Upgrading
Program, and the Informal Settlements’ Belting Program, under the authority of
GOPP. The first phase was concerned with providing infrastructure for deprived
areas, while the second developed detailed physical plans for areas of possible
extensions around informal settlements, to restrain its horizontal growth (Khalifa
2015). After Dewiqa incident in 2008, the mapping effort was once more redone by
ISDF, to map out the informal areas, and reclassify it differently than what was done
by GOPP, having different priorities and strategies. The GOPP fund program
stopped, and unsafe informal areas were targeted and classified by ISDF instead of
deteriorated ones in general, giving priority to life threating conditions.
On the affordable housing level, the State started consecutive systematized pro-
grams, correlated with the last three electoral periods of President Mubrak; These
programs are “Shelter for All” Program in 1999, “Mubark National Housing” Project
in 2005, and finally the “Social Housing Program” declared in 2011, before his step-
ping down after the public revolution. These schemes provided alternatives for pro-
vision and loaning systems, along with specified selection criteria for each project,
such as newlyweds, family housing, widows, and elders. Also it specified schemes
for rural, and incremental housing (site & services) (Khalifa 2015; Sims 2015); how-
ever, these programs failed to accommodate the target groups, as applying condi-
tions, targeted locations, and delivery systems excluded them (Shawkat 2014).
8.4.2 Reflection on Sustainable Urban Development Aspects
As illustrated in Fig. 8.5, all efforts done by the Egyptian government couldn’t
reduce the substantial growth of informal urbanism. Interviews with relevant stake-
holders have been carried out, with respect to the evaluation of the intervention poli-
cies performed in Egypt, including three main aspects of sustainable development
(explained in Sect. 8.2): strategy generation, accurate problem estimation, and
cooperation strategy, which can be explained as follows:
• Strategy Generation Institutional Setup: Defining strategies, and national
agreement on it lacked authenticity, and was based on centralized methodology
for decision making. Defining goals didn’t involve valuable stakeholders in its
generation, and was unrealistic concerning city resources, and its sustainable
development (Ibrahim 2016-December 6). The scope of the Ministry of Housing
had changed constantly, as well as the minsters responsible, with no clear justifi-
cation within short periods in the earlier times, as shown in Fig. 8.5, affecting the
validity of decision making. The change of the ISDF executive chairman from
Minister of Local development, to Minister of Informal Settlements, and finally
to Minister of Housing, affected the projects implemented, and slightly altered

the working methodology with each change within only 8 years (Gohar
2016-December 8). These consecutive changes show an inconsistent trend for
decision-making process in Egypt.
• Accurate Estimation for Potential & Challenges: Having accurate estimation
for development areas have faced challenges, either due to lack of resources, lack
of transparency or/and lack of coordination between different resources. There is
general trend currently from officials, academics, and consultancies to map
informal settlements, and classify more its characteristics, along with mapping
the territory of unplanned areas, and deprived districts (Ibrahim 2016-December
6); however, these studies and researches are not aligned. The international agen-
cies and researchers share their efforts through development groups meetings
(El-Refaay 2016-November 3; Yousry 2016-November 10). Governmental enti-
ties don’t have a systematic cooperation strategy, or protocol for sharing infor-
mation till now.
• Generating Cooperation Strategies and Steering Structure: Alignment of
governmental projects, strategies and plans is quite a difficult process, within the
complicated legislation system, that most of its practitioners are not totally aware
with its limitations and exemptions. In spite being a very centralized system of
governing, the Ministries, governmental agencies, and funding agencies seem to
be working under very different agendas, and there is weak synergy between
their plans. For instance, the strategic, and detailed development plans produced
by GOPP don’t align with the spatial financial plans of Ministry of Planning, or
that of infrastructure networks, or even that of land jurisdictions produced by the
National Center for Planning State Land Use (Nada 2016-November 17; Zahran
2016-November 14). All this weaken the ability of the institutional setup to host
a national wide city policy. It can manage successful small-scale projects, but it
is unable to scale them up to adopt national policies.
8.5 Conclusion
To develop a sustainable strategy for intervention policy towards informal settle-

ments, different variables should be taken into consideration in designing the appro-
priate and affordable formal housing system, that could substitute the informal one.
The following tables; Tables 8.1, and 8.2 summarize these variables and attributes,
based on literature and performed interviews (El-Ibrashy 2016-December 6;
El-Refaay 2016-November 3; Gohar 2016-December 8; Ibrahim 2016-December 6;
Nada 2016-November 17; Shaath 2016-December 8; Yousry 2016-November 10;
Zahran 2016-November 14). This represents an initial derivation of variables, that
need further validation through ongoing research, interviewing involved stakehold-
ers, and analyzing the legislation framework with its gaps, and contradictions.
The first category of variables, illustrated in Table 8.1, shows the indicators mea-
suring the success of housing provision system. These variables are concluded from
Table 8.1 Defining variables for housing provision system

Measuring variable Attributes
Housing Spaces alternative Area No of rooms
provision Payment alternative Rent Possessive rent Installments Loan
process Provision requirements Age Gender Social Occupation Income
status level
Delivery time lag Announced time of Actual time of
delivery delivery
Adequate Access to transportation Good Poor None
housing Access to infrastructure Good Poor None
Access to services Average person/area from each essential service
Access to jobs Average distance from current job occupation
Crowd factor Area/person – person/room
Affordable Percentage from Percentage of increase
housing household income
(20:30%)
Percentage of failing to % of evicted households % of payment
pay extension
Security of Probability of eviction High Medium Low
tenure Reliability of property High Medium Low
documents
Source: Authors based on (10Touba 2016; Hassan 2011; Shawkat 2014; UN-Habitat 2003)
the definition of adequate housing, and appropriate delivery defined by the

UN-Habitat (UN-Habitat 2003). Also these variables summed up the indicators
published by (10Touba 2016) for built environment deprivations (BEDI), the factors
used by (Hassan 2011) to evaluate housing policies in Egypt, and the parameters
used for comparing Egyptian public housing projects introduced by (Shawkat
2014). The second category of variables illustrated in Table 8.2, discuss the sustain-
ability of the housing provision system, depending on “Good Urban Governance”
indicators, and its operationalization introduced in the global campaign for urban
governance paper (UN-Habitat 2002, 2009). Also, it concluded its attributes from
intervention policies failure justification introduced in (10Touba 2016; GTZ 2009;
Hassan 2011; Shawkat 2014).
In conclusion, managing sustainable urban development in complex city systems
needs a comprehensive study for all fields contributing in forming these systems.
Overlooking informal development while planning for new cities will only result in
inadequate policies, and strategies that will fail to satisfy the actual needs, and waste
financial resources. This chapter concluded three main issues with respect to sus-
tainable development, and effective decision-making ideology in Egypt. These
issues are the weak institutional setup, the lack of an agreed strategic vision among
stakeholders, and the lack of appropriate steering structure, and appropriate problem
identification. That resulted in intervention policies that suffered from problem
underestimation, symptoms treatment, and project syndrome.
Table 8.2 Defining variables for housing provision sustainability

Measuring
variable Attributes
Accountability Delivery failure Exist Compensation None
penalty
Dispute Known/easy Known/complex Unknown/
resolution none
Monitory Good Poor None
evaluation
Transparency Selection Known/stable Known/changing Unknown
criteria
Actual date of Known/accurate Known/inaccurate Unknown
delivery
Public hearing Exist/effective Exist/ineffective None
for complaints
Accurate Exist/accurate Exist/inaccurate None
published
reports
Participation & Defining needs Public Focus Surveys None
civic hearing groups
engagement Assigning Consultation Placation Partnership Delegated Citizen
responsibilities power control
Community Exist/effective Exist/ineffective None
monitory
Source: Authors based on (10Touba 2016; GTZ 2009; Hassan 2011; Shawkat 2014; UN-Habitat
2002, 2009)
Problem underestimation is a result of asymmetrical information, due to lack of

information (data collection problems), lack of coordination (data integration prob-
lems) or/and lack of transparency (the right of data acquisition). Symptoms treat-
ment is a result of weak analysis, and incomprehensive upgrading approaches, that
don’t focus on all aspects involved. The analysis strategy is generic, and isn’t
depending on evidence core based detailed analysis. That is a direct result for not
having a clear approved strategy, that involve all aspects of development, yet it
seeks fast results, and checklists’ assessment. Project Syndrome is a result of poor
coordination strategies between active stakeholders, and weak steering structure,
that makes scaling up successful upgrading projects into upgrading policies more
challenging. That is due to inconsistent organizational, setup that have crossing
jurisdictions in controlling different city resources, needed for adopting successful
comprehensive upgrading policy.
Tracking down the gaps in the ideology of decision making in Egypt will provide
a base platform for receiving the principles of “Good Urban Governance”, and eval-
uating its applicability within the Egyptian context on upgrading strategies. Tailoring
these principles according to our needs, potentials and challenges is essential for its
success. This platform is meant to support the validity of decision-making in Egypt
regarding upgrading strategies, as well as the holistic sustainable urban develop-
ment for our existing and new cities.
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Chapter 9
So It’s Always a Chance: Community-Led
Solutions to New Urban Expansion
Ahmed M. Soliman
Abstract President Abd Al-Fatah El Sisi declared that more than 50% of urban,
and rural agglomerations in Egypt are informal (Youm 7, 2016). In addition, arbi-
trary urbanization, and rapid population growth of urban, and rural agglomerations
have increased the demand for housing, especially for low income groups. It is
estimated that Egypt’s population has rose over the past decade from 72.8 million
people in 2006, to 94 million people in 2017, an increase of 21.2 million people
(CAPMAS, General statistics for population and housing: population census.
Central Agency for Public Mobilization and Statistics, Cairo, 2017). This popula-
tion inhabited around 6% of Egyptian territory. If this trend is continued, Egypt’s
population will reach more than 183 million by the year 2050, by which we will
need at least one-fold of the current urban, and rural agglomerations to be added for
meeting future housing demand, and various social amenities. Also, if the current
housing policy, and planning trends are to be continued, it is expected that more
than 50% of the future urban, and rural agglomeration will be spreading informally
on adjacent agricultural land on the periphery of urban areas. This brief background
leads to question the future of Egyptian urbanism, and how to tackle the spreading
of urban informality. It is the time to understand how the urban poor formulated
urban informality in which they secured their land tenure. If the urban patterns of
low-income groups are to be remodeled, and if the informal process of cooperation
among the urban poor is to be formalized, it would enhance the Egyptian built envi-
ronment, and meet the official planning processes.
This chapter is an attempt to shed light on hidden potential actions of urban
informality, as a cooperation/participation process among the urban poor, and to
understand how they formulated the informal urban expansions that met their
requirements, and their needs. Potential actions of the urban poor, and their relative
impact on the housing production are defined as the priorities of the participants
(government, professionals, and the poor) and their ability, liability and willingness
towards the production of housing being supplied. Three important themes are
A. M. Soliman (*)
Faculty of Engineering, Department of Architecture, Alexandria University,
Alexandria, Egypt
e-mail: ahmsoliman@alexu.edu.eg

160 A. M. Soliman
explored, those of preferred, effective, and actual actions. This research applies a
deductive methodology to test theoretical concepts, and patterns by using new
empirical data. The potential actions, among the urban poor, are examined in rela-
tion to land plots with security of tenure, and its relationship to the housing process
as a use and/or an exchange value, and the way it had been created, developed, and
invested.
This chapter utilizes the above arguments through two sources; first; the exami-
nation of reports of the General Strategies Urban Plan’s (GSUPs) for selected
Egyptian cities. The second is information based on practical studies, previous
researches, participant observation, and the exploration and understanding of com-
plex issues of urban informality in which the author was involved. The main argu-
ments are driven by investigating the informal new urban expansions in Benha city
to explore the three themes of potential action, and to deduce the main lessons learnt
from such development (Soliman 2017). The aim is to reach a practical, and appli-
cable housing policy, and to remodel the current planning ideas to serve the immedi-
ate and future population needs for housing and various social amenities in a
cooperative way in order to alleviate poverty.
The findings of the study would change concepts of the current housing policy
for the advantage of the urban poor. They are diverse, and multifaceted based on the
history of potential actions, and the development patterns of the informal urban
expansions. Throughout Egyptian cities, informal security of land tenure has been
the preferred methods for safeguarding the interests of disadvantages groups. A
form of legalization among users based on collective land tenure is highlighted.
Keywords Urban informality · Informal urban expansions · Potential actions ·

The urban poor · Land tenure
9.1 The Basis of Legitimacy of the Right of Land Ownership
Based on studies of informal housing areas in Egypt (Kipper and Fischer 2009;
Sims 2010; Soliman 2004, 2017; Eric 2012), land allocated for residential use rep-
resents the most important and immediate commodity. Without land there can be no
building or even shelter for people. The land located in cities is not only dedicated
for residential uses, but there are several different uses and activities. Until recently,
most third world countries superficially regarded land dedicated for housing with-
out considering its impact on the economic, social, and political change (Pickvance
1988; Sait and Lim 2006). Leilani Farha (2017) stated that housing “is now a means
to secure and accumulate wealth rather than a place to live in, to raise a family and
thrive within a community. Housing lost its value as a universal human right.
It is argued that land prices have increased much faster than the prices of other
consumer goods (Durand-Lasserve 1996), but land value and housing development
represent more than just a sector of economy or an ‘aspect’ of urban development in
9 So It’s Always a Chance: Community-Led Solutions to New Urban Expansion 161
Middle Eastern and North African cities (Pickvance 1988). The real estate market is
very complicated in terms of land ownership (Sait and Lim 2006) and land tenure
(McAuslan 1985, 2002; Payne 2002; Payne 1999; Payne et al. 2009; Roy 2011),
depending on the different laws and various land ownership (McAuslan 2002)
within countries. Private and public ownership exist a free market economy, public
property exists in a socialist economy, private, religious, and public property existed
in countries of religious establishment such as some Arab countries (Sait and Lim
2006). The struggle over residential land in Third World cities leads to increasing
the gap between the different social strata (McAuslan 2002). The real estate market
is linked to socioeconomic and political transformations (Soliman 2017) by which
land prices increase to increase profits of land dealers irrespective of its negative
impact on society (Payne 2002). The penetration of the private sector on illegally
divided agricultural land adjacent to cities, and changing it into non-agricultural
use, leads to price increase, squandering of agricultural wealth, and distortion of the
urban environment (Soliman 2017; Sims 2010; AlSayyad and Roy 2004).
Turner (1972, 1976) concedes that the real estate market has become a theory
and practice of low-income housing for urban development, in the hands of the
World Bank and national governments (Pugh 1997). Since 1980s and 1990s, objec-
tives policies have changed, requiring different proposes in different contexts (Pugh
1997; Fernandes and Varley 1998; Soliman 2004), different ideologies (Burgess
1985; De Soto 1989, 2000), and different communication technologies (Castells
1997; Alexander 2005). Turner said that housing is not what it is, but what it does in
people’s lives, it could be argued housing is not what it is rather what it has done to
the urban fabric of a given context (Soliman 2017).
Contrary to the views of John Turner (1972, 1976); it could be said that in site
selection for residential areas in informal zones, the economic factors come first,
then, the insurance of land possession take second place. On the other hand, without
financial resources land possession is impossible even if the land is sold at the low-
est price.
Currently, the ownership of land on Egypt is divided to private and public prop-
erty. The latter as State Assembly is divided into private ownership and state owner-
ship. While ownership of the endowment is what is known territory of Awqaf. Awqaf
land divided into two types, Waqaf Khairy, and Waqaf Ahaly, the latter can be trans-
ferred into freehold ownership, while the former is owed by charity projects. The
public land ownership belonging to the state-owned and are subject to the National
Center for the use of state land directly to the Prime Minister of the Council of
Ministers (founded Presidential Decree No. 154 of 2001). Public land in Egypt is
characterized by its fragmentation as a result of the cumulative impact of legisla-
tions that extended over six decades. Approximately 45 Laws and Decrees directly
or indirectly impact land ownership. It is worth mentioning that there are many gaps
related to the use of State land; represented in the multiplicity and diversity of leg-
islation and laws that manage, exploit, and dispose of control of public land.
There are three trends related to right to property: the capitalist trend that gives
the landlord all the freedom in his/her property as an absolute right. The second is
the socialist trend which limits the right of ownership to the State as the sole owner
162 A. M. Soliman
of all means of production. The third is a mixed trend that is clearly shown in the
definition of the right of the ownership in the current Egyptian Civil Law, as it indi-
cates that “the owner of the thing has, in the limits of the law, the right to use, exploit
and dispose of his own property”.
The nature of ownership’s right is a right in kind which allows its owner all the
authorities in a place. It is characterized by three aspects and determined with three
rights, namely, first: collective ownership which gives its owner all the rights to the
scope of the right things. The main principle in possession is the proclamation and
not to the prohibition or adhere to. Second, ownership is right awareness and con-
fined to the owner of which others are not allowed to share in the ownership or
interfere in the affairs of the property’s unless it is determined by the law or under
the certain agreement. A third is a permanent ownership, as long as it remains an
enduring theme, do not go away, but the demise of the theme or mortality does not
change by changing a person on the fact that the owner is always right effect.
The right to property authorizes the owner three powers which are the use,
exploitation, and dispose of land. Both the use and exploitation are approaching
from each other. Since use and exploitation are applied to commodities and the dif-
ference between them is concentrated in the beneficiary of money. If the property
owner called the user, and if not property owner and paid a certain amount of money
called exploitative money. The consequences of this distinction that property owner
has full authority over his property, and if not the owner will comply with the pres-
ervation of land on its condition as was received. Hence, there is a difference
between ownership and tenure, the property owner could own the land and use it
whatever he wishes, while a user is the right to benefit from it, and here it is called
a possession of a piece of land. It is argued that land tenure involves a complex set
of formal and informal land rights, ranging from various rights of use to conditional
or full rights to dispose of land as it calls a “continuum of land rights” (UN-Habitat
2015).
Not every owner of a piece of land is a hand holder and not every hand holder is
a property owner, but to combine ownership and tenure has to have the right of
ownership and tenure by depending on three rights of awareness, collective, and
permanent, and the three powers of exploitation, use and disposition. The Civil Law
determines various ways in articles no. 870 and 984 to gain full ownership of prop-
erty as follows:
• First, comes the seizure of property of no man land: if the land is not planted nor
built on, and was planted or built by a citizen (exploit) who continued to use this
property without a long break (use), is considered the first reason to gain posses-
sion and ownership of the land which results in many of the difficulties in the
realm of protection and disposition;
• Second, inheritance is one of the main methods for the acquisition of ownership
of property, and the least problematic in terms of proof, which accrues to the
heirs the remains of what the deceased left after the implementation of the obli-
gations of the estate;
• Third, commandment with inheritance; which means legal disposition issued by

a person for the benefit of a non-owner at no charge, and appends a disposition,
concluded by the owner of one of the heirs to retain possession of the land dis-
posed, and the right to benefit over the life of the recommended;
• Fourth, adhesion is one of the reasons to gain a complete ownership where pos-
sessions are not moveable. It is associated with two bases regarding the property
that is not movable, the first linked to the fact that the landowner owns what is
within and above the land, and the second is associated with the possibility of
disarming the property from the position without causing damage;
• Fifth, a contract is the official document to gain ownership, and considered
mostly problematic in the domain of real estate, where the law prohibits transfer
of real estate ownership and all rights related to real estate, except through one
way which is to register the proclamation per the prevailing law and its decrees
of the Property Declaration System;
• Sixth, pre-emption as a cause for special gain of real estate ownership aims to
ensure the unification of the possession powers in the hands of one person, and
seek to overcome the many problems arising from the implementation of the
neighboring adhesion, and;
• Seventh and finally, tenure is one of the most important means of gaining owner-
ship by low-income and poor people, where the law stipulates that a person may
gain ownership and long tenure of the property (15 years) or short (5 years), but
this applies to private property, not public property.
The next section addresses the potential action of the three cooperatives pillars
within informal urban expansion in Benha city and studies the activation of these
potentials in a formal way to legalize land ownership, ensure residents’ rights, and
maximize the role of real estate for the prosperity of the country’s economy.
9.2 Research Setting
The city of Benha is located approximately 45 km north of Egypt’s capital, Cairo.
The city has expanded, like all Egyptian cities, to all directions with urban sprawl
surrounding both edges of the river Nile and on surrounding agriculture lands. In
2007, the GSUP set forth a vision for Benha for the next 20 years and therefore
projected population growth and needs until 2027. It created a new urban boundary
with an area of 944 hectare of the city, for a projected density of 54 inha./hectare.
The city’s population is projected to a total population of 21, 200 by 2027. In 2011,
the GSUP was officially approved by the responsible minister according to the
Building and Planning Law (BPL)119 of 2008, making a way for the detailed plan-
ning process for the new urban expansion areas. As a part of the proposed urban
land expansion, El Rezqa area (see Fig. 9.1) was chosen as a demonstration pilot
project to investigate new informal urban expansion on the ground (for further
details see Soliman 2017).
164 A. M. Soliman
Fig. 9.1 Left, the current land uses of El Rezqa area, Right, the proposed urban expansion of El
Rezqa area (Soliman 2017)
Through case study method, using Geographic Information System (GIS) tools,
the author understands the spatial conditions through participant observation, and
the exploration and understanding of complex issues are raised. Case study method
helps to explain both the process and the outcome of informal urban expansion
through complete observation, evaluation, comparison, and analysis of the case
under investigation. The illegal urban expansion followed the irrigation pattern of
the agricultural land subdivision and separated into small liner narrow strips. These
strips with an average area varied between 0.041 and 0.52 hectare perpendicular to
a small canal, which is currently formed Kafr Saad Street.
9.3 The Potential Action of the Three Cooperatives Pillars
There are various attempts to house low-income groups. Some attempts are built by
government agencies or international bodies, in the form of upgrading policy, sites
and services, or a combination of both, which are called “formal methods”. Other
attempts are made by the low income community to achieve adequate and appropri-
ate physical and social needs (for example see Davidson and Payne 1983; Soliman
1996).
In recent development of informal urban expansion in Egypt, a group of indi-
viduals and official bodies are together responsible for the scale and nature of the
final urban product; and on the availability and legalization of land for low-income
groups, this entity could be called the “three-cooperative pillars” or “the three co-
operative magnets”. It consists of three main groups; the first pillar is the govern-
ment or official bodies responsible for housing policy, the second pillar is the
professionals, whether architects or planners or social workers, and the third is the
users, the beneficiaries, or the residents of the informal areas. This cooperative
Fig. 9.2 The potential

action of the three
cooperatives pillars
(Author)
group, formally or informally, controls the balance and mechanisms of the

legalization of land tenure through several mechanisms, subsequently, controls the
new uran expansion in the periphery of the Egyptian cities.
First, the government is playing a key role in the formation of the informal urban
expansion in the three types, formal, informal and semi-informal. The role of gov-
ernment also affects the land acquisition mechanisms through the real estate market,
and regular methods upgrading informal residential areas, or by applying sites and
services policies, or directing towards new urban expansions. Government agencies
are trying to give de facto tenure recognition to those areas in several different ways,
such as the delivery of some of the infrastructure services (water and electricity), the
collection of symbolic fees to stay in their areas, residents’ participation in electoral
processes, etc. This process leads to increased densification of those areas, without
imparting legal legitimacy of land ownership and thus codifies ostensibly intervened
in the transition to formal housing areas without securing land tenure (see Fig. 9.2).
The second pillar is the professionals, architects, planners, economists, social
workers, or a team of different specializations who lead the housing policy in the
formal and / or informal realms. The failure or success of the implementation of a
housing policy is based on the negative or positive contribution of professionals.
Specialists, directly or indirectly contributed to the spread of informal housing
areas, by failing to provide serious solutions to legalize land ownership, ignoring the
marginal economic sector, proposing temporary non holistic solutions that do not
affect the overall development of informal areas, all of which eventually negatively
166 A. M. Soliman
Fig. 9.3 Formulation of urban informality by the three cooperative pillars
impacts the social entity of the residents. The third pillar are the users; the residents
of informal areas; who used all innovative available mechanisms to provide the land
that fulfills their social needs and suits their economic abilities. Citizens in search
for a home, play an important role in the genesis of planning informal urban expan-
sion for housing.
The three cooperative pillars (governments, professionnels, and users), work
together or separately, in the formation and configuration of informal residential
areas, and may also have contributed, directly or indirectly, in upgrading and
improving those areas. Therefore, the role of each partner must be clarified and
defined among the various variables that affect the housing system and the mecha-
nisms for legalizing land ownership. The objective is to reach a cooperative policy
suitable for the different possibilities, capabilities, and requirements of all stake-
holder in the process of legalization of landownership and the possession of
residence.
The priorities of the three cooperative pillars in potential action for each stake-
holder to secure land tenure depend on three basic criteria: willingness, liability, and
responsibility, which could lead to three actions, the actual action, effective action,
and preferred action. The next section deals with the analysis of the three main
directions by examining the role of each of the three cooperative pillars in legalizing
the possession of land plots in El Rezqa area as a new informal urban expan-
sion (Soliman 2017). This might enable the urban poor and decision makers to carry
out an appropriate role définition in improving the urban environment or reaching
cooperative mechanisms to legalize land ownership in informal areas (see Fig. 9.3).
9.3.1 Actual Action
The actual action is the means and methods that can be provided by the three col-
laborating pillars in the land market to achieve a state of balance between supply
and demand for land, and ensure the availability of suitable land for various classes
in the community. Those means could be summarized in three main aspects; site
selection and land acquisition, piecemeal tenure occupation, and informal local
planning convention (see Fig. 9.2).
9.3.1.1 Site Selection and Land Acquisition
The availability of land means, on the one hand, to overcome the obstacles that
impede the urban poor to shelter, and on the other hand it allows a lower cost of
investment in the long term to secure the future of the family, which cannot be found
with such speed and with such cost if families try alone to create these
opportunities.
Sites on the periphery of Benha city, as well as other Egyptian cities, are being
chosen due to residents’ social needs and their economic potential. People who
search for new housing plots are guided through social cohesion to residential sites,
where the most important priorities in site selection is the proximity to workplace,
which is considered a traditional behavioral pattern in low-income communities.
Before the final settlement in the urban periphery, settlers pass through a transitional
location in a temporary shelter or in deteriorating housing in the center city, which
is the focus of the media for being a center for newcomers (Soliman 1996).
Therefore, the economic factor is the first priority for the site selection for low-
income groups.
The mechanisms of land acquisition and ownership in informal areas differ from
one pattern to another and from one location to another. The mechanisms of the
formation of areas for temporary shelter usually start by the government initiatives,
where official bodies designate certain locations in existing cities as temporary shel-
ter areas. These locations are often outside the urban fabric of Egyptian cities, far
from public transportation and lack basic services. Later, water is delivered as a
basis for infrastructure. With the implementation of a temporarily housing project,
the unit is restricted to a specific area, but with time, residents extend onto the public
land adjacent to their units and increase the residential unit’s space. Most added area
of land were spaces for green areas; roads; or corridor space between residential
blocks. The residents fill the voids without restricting the movement within the pub-
lic space.
The second phenomenon is the temporary shelters where the residents conquer a
governmental land, such as reclamation area in Kotor city (Soliman 2010). The
process of conquering such site, follows the piecemeal approach, where individuals
working in the same area begin to take over parts of land plots, and sell it to new-
comers who continue to add new parts of the land to their units, and so on until they
168 A. M. Soliman
exploiting all spaces available to them. When the community reached the consolida-
tion phase, people start a claim their basic services such as: sanitation, and drinking
water, for their site. As soon as the basic infrastructure is installed, the whole site
gains moral support (de facto tenure recognition) from the governmental bodies.
In squatters’ areas, the methods of conquering governmental land are diverse and
numerous depending on the circumstances and nature of each city and region, but
the seizure of land almost has one style. Land acquisition has occurred through four
main phenomena; the acquisition of land during the construction of mega national
projects (such as El Haganha area in Cairo), the capture of land which is neglected
and out of urban development plans (such as El Materyhia area in Cairo), the cap-
ture of land where there is a dispute over property or ownership (such as El Dekhila
area in Alexandria), and finally, seizing rugged land that is not served by utilities
(such as land adjacent to River banks). Squatting government land occurs through
two methods. First, workers in the same area begin to take over areas of land through
the formation of rubbish dumps, or stores for scrap, they continue these additions,
until they are reassured that the local authorities would not enter those lands. As
soon as the situation is settled, the establishment of housing units is spread. With
time, settlers begin dividing the land and selling it to new comers, the process con-
tinues until the construction of all vacant spaces.
Second, in many cases, the local authorities issue an official statement approving
to store building materials outside the residential area of cities, or use a piece of land
in storing construction materials (gravel - sand). A person who has a license for such
activities in a certain location starts to illegally subdivide the site and prepare it to
be suitable for habitation, and generates multiples of residential units to house
workers within the site. Upon completion of the activity or expiration of the license,
the person responsible for the site begins, dividing it into small land plots which he
sells to newcomers, relying on the official license acquired from governmental
agencies, to convince newcomers of his/her possession of the site as a whole, this
gives the newcomers the confidence to the acquisition of the rest of the site.
Invasion of land continues over time, and increases the consolidation of the area
to the point of becoming a residential area with huge numbers of residents, between
15 and 20,000 people, and thus impose a fait accompli before the government agen-
cies awareness of the existence of this large residential area, which is difficult to
remove, nor damage its social entity.
In the new urban expansion on agricultural land, as in El Rezqa area, securing
land tenure is necessary for the establishment of residential units in accordance with
the mechanisms of development in the area. Bearing in mind that agricultural land
adjacent to cities have the privilege of legal ownership, but land subdivision and
construction process are illegal, where these actions take place without obtaining
licenses from the local authorities. These areas have become important marginal
real estate investment areas within cities. In addition, to the lack of control of urban
growth (Active Planning Control), the marginal real estate areas have encouraged
many individuals and investors to change their use of agricultural land to residential.
The privilege of tenure security resulting through three basic rights, collective,
inhibitor and lasting, leading to informal ownership. These rights result from the
Fig. 9.4 New urban expansion areas on the periphery of Egyptian cities (Author)
acquisition of common land by a group of people, and the common rights of all
people eased the way to the generally accepted customary right of residents (see
Fig. 9.4).
9.3.1.2 Piecemeal Tenure Occupation
The principle of piecemeal tenure occupation is characterized by the process of the

suitability of land acquisition with the possibilities and needs of the residents of the
components of housing units in terms of space, location, infrastructure, etc. The
principle of piecemeal tenure occupation depends on the sequence of land tenure,
with the beginning of the planning and composition of informal communities. It
passes through several different stages; scattered tenure expansion, collective tenure
expansion, and consolidated tenure expansion. With each stage of growth, residen-
tial construction starts in sequential steps, and in parallel with the construction of
the infrastructure, which serves the stages of growth in the first outburst (see
Fig. 9.3).
Scattered tenure expansion starts with the stability of urban expansion on agri-
cultural land and the availability of the economic resources of the residents. Land
tenure starts individually spaced at distances according to the possibilities of each
inhabitant, and takes into account the agreed upon road network within the area.
170 A. M. Soliman
The owners of land holdings within the site participate together to decide the width
of the road, and the size of land plots based on the area left for the road network
which is considered “common holdings” as an area owned by the public domain for
all owners of land plots in informal residential blocks. In this case, a resident secures
his land through a certain use and then starts the construction of the core of the
housing unit or the foundation of housing unit.
Collective tenure expansion starts with the economic boom of residents followed
by attracting other people who are looking for housing plots. With the growth of
joint holdings, a subdivision of the rest of the site occurs, through splitting spaces
between scattered buildings within the site to meet the increasing demand for hous-
ing plots. The construction process follows a piecemeal method, and the site gradu-
ally changes to meet the needs and possibilities of each family and with securing
land ownership, where moral support existed (de facto tenure recognition) or legal
support (de jure tenure recognition), or both.
In parallel with the increased collaboration and community management for
each tribal family, growth and consolidation increased, going in parallel with the
potential, optional, and actual action of the residents. Upon completion of that phase
reassuring residents of the right of exploitation and use of land, moving to the right
to act more securely, and turn out a piece of land to the unrealized commodity from
two goals with the right to dispose of buying and selling in the official/ non-official
real estate market. The result leads to the formation of a network of tenure relations
which go beyond the formal systems. This network is the result of the fragmentation
of property resulting from the distribution of land as a result of inheritance.
Associated with the three previous phases, safety factor or stability for the acqui-
sition and ownership of a piece of land has existed. The residents managed to secure
possession of their land, and get both moral support (de facto) legal support (de
jure). This enables the residents to ensure continuity in terms of both employment
and housing, as well as, to secure their homes from the danger of demolition by one
way or another. To secure their homes from the danger of elimination, moral support
(de facto) consists of several ways, including the supply of infrastructure services
(electricity, water, …. etc), while legal support (de jure) comes through other ways
such as the validity and enforceability of claims, court order, a decision to enable,
or the minutes of both set-aside minutes’ violation or minutes violation build with-
out a permit, which is based on official documents that circulate as an official docu-
ment to prove legal possession of the land.
The State’s role in legitimizing process of these areas is to recognize their exis-
tence in the location, and supply the necessary infrastructure, and try to improve the
physical condition to enhance the urban environment. In addition, all professionals
or experts in the field of housing see the upgrading of basic infrastructure (in El
Heker project, Ismallia) as a fast way to integrate those areas with the surrounding
urban environment, and are not trying to integrate or enhance the marginal eco-
nomic sector, as an integral part and a keystone to the process of upgrading.
9.3.1.3 Informal Local Planning
Informal local planning is based on several principles and rights, developed by peo-
ple themselves, applied under the supervision of the head of the unofficial union or
the oldest person in the community, or the oldest person settled in the area, or head
of the tribal factions in the region.
Rights; requirements; and ideologies are taken into account; the freedom of own-
ership; private possession and respect to the rights of others exist in the informality
of housing production. The main aim of informal local planning is to maintain the
local urban fabric of the informal housing areas (see Fig. 9.3), the protection of the
area from natural disasters, and the preservation of life, traditions, customs and
lifestyle of the residents in cities. These ideologies are divided into the customary
rights, physical rights, human, and socio-economic rights.
Customary rights are formulated through traditional tenure for local people to
possess a piece of land granted by a delegated council of the factions of the clan
without the intervention of a third party. These customary rights provided three col-
lective requirements to achieve three rights; the exploitation, use and disposition of
land, and adopted the local minimum standards in planning the informal residential
areas.
These requirements have relied on several basic principles. First, the simplicity
in the construction of the road network reduces the total cost of infrastructure, with
the flexibility to increase the size of land to meet the future needs per household,
according to economic and social changes in the family cycle. Second, reducing the
space and keeping the frontage of land parcels overlooking the road to a minimum
size, increases the number of land plots within each housing blocks. This would
serve the largest possible number of residents, and at the same time would reduce
land prices, and reduce the construction cost of infrastructure for those land plots.
Third principle is to provide equal space in front of land plots to form a road net-
work within the communities, that respects the privacy of residents, and sustains the
projection of each building in order to preserve privacy and rights of others.
Informal local planning responds to the living standard, and expresses and the
viable force of nature. Informal planning is suitable for all types of residents by
considering the limits and wishes of each individual family. Residents manage to
coordinate their positions to fit the collective uses according to the needs of all
dwellers, leaving construction details for each family. This process maintains the
personality and wishes of each family regarding the generated housing form, with-
out harming the privacy of neighbors. All planning problems including boundaries
of land plots in the area are resolved directly on site and in the presence of all
beneficiaries.
Physical rights centered on the rights of individuals to enjoy the air, easement
rights, building heights and the rights of the different uses of buildings. These rights
are designed to achieve the configuration and balance appropriate function for each
area. These rights represent the requirements and needs of the residents of informal
housing areas in terms of traffic rights, road construction and integration with the
172 A. M. Soliman
local road network, and achieve an appropriate composition of the surrounding

environment.
In addition, all residential plots follow an attached row houses composition to
achieve two goals. First, natural protection from the sun’s rays and heat, and second
minimizing building facades to reduce infrastructure costs for the area. The spatial
configuration of informal housing areas depends on the slow pace of development
to meet all aspects of life and activities within those areas. The end result of this
planning process is an urban fabric suitable for the needs of residents, expresses
their lifestyle, and reflects the nature of the environment and the habits and behavior
of the community.
The appropriate environmental configuration aims to protect residents from cli-
matic and natural aspects and to provide a suitable residential environment through
several key determinants. Firstly; planning informal residential areas depend on the
establishment of relatively narrow roads and lanes, to suit the needs and require-
ments of the residents, since there is no rapid traffic in those areas. Secondly; the use
of narrow roads and lanes provides shade to those corridors to protect pedestrians
from the sun during summer, while allowing buildings’ overhangs to protect pass-
ers-by from rain during winter. Climate impacts the lifestyle of the individual and
determines the type of adaptations to the surroundings’ determinants that affect the
community, its culture and the lives of individuals and the place. The residents
implement classical solutions such as the internal courtyard provides heavenly
shadow inside the housing unit, at the same time the courtyard is used for daily
activities such as: washing, cooking, poultry farming, …etc. The composition of
residential informality adopted the size of the housing unit as a target to form a basic
housing assembly unit and local planning of informal residential areas.
Economic and social rights of the philosophy of informal local planning is based
on four main aspects, maintaining the privacy of individuals and buildings together,
maintaining the individual property and the freedom in making improvements and
upgrading the residential unit, and finally freedom to determine the scope of
improvements according to the specific needs of each family. These rights aim to
expand the principles of exploitation, use, and disposal of the piece of land, in order
to achieve social and economic harmony, and to eliminate segregation between resi-
dents of informal housing areas. All those features are the result of social agreement
between residents and the oldest person in the community.
9.3.2 Effective Action
Effective action are the possibilities that can be provided by cooperating among the
three pillars for possession and ownership of land in informal residential areas,
which could affect the housing systems, and are represented in the following fac-
tors: public participation, self-management, and the schedule for the construction of
housing.
9.3.2.1 Public Participation
Public participation in informal housing is the outcome, and the reason for creating
a sense of belonging to the residential group, associated with the presence of a com-
munity. This collective conscience and solidarity usually flourishes in the events of
confrontation with the local authorities, that threaten the area’s stability (Hamdi and
Goethert 1988). When residents confront local authorities by refusing to to be
evicted out of their land, they instigate a sense of community (such as the Manshiet
Mubarak area in Samnood), and formulate collective demands for this community.
This collective feeling is the means of communication that allows residents to rec-
ognize their needs, resources, and aspirations especially with the proliferation of
social media.
In addition, the social and cultural aspects among groups influence the nature
and formation of urban space in informal areas. The anthropological study, carried
out by Amos Rapoport demonstrated (Rapoport 1982), the importance of lifestyle
and daily behavior on one hand, and the importance of the relationship between
social groups on the other hand, in the formation of prevailing cultural models,
which crystallize in the urban fabric of the area. The decorations that people some-
times draw on the facades of their homes, such as pilgrimage scenes after perform-
ing Hajj, or weddings decorations, symbols welcoming the month of Ramadan are
expressions of cultural and ideological beliefs shared by the community.
As a result of these collective affiliations community unions, local NGOs, and
unofficial sponsors automatically arise, they handle affairs of physical, social, and
religious respects in the community. An older person, or the Sheikh of the mosque,
usually acts as the head of the association, based on his wisdom, well-behaved char-
acter, strength, and restraint. Through these associations, all problems that occur
among residents are solved without resorting to third parties or to official authori-
ties, where the decisions of the community associations are binding and final for all.
This configuration determines the affairs of the community and solve all arising
problems, whether related to road or exchange or the limits of including plot bound-
aries and construction limits demarcating the rights of others, which determine the
character of informal housing areas and result in the stability, security, and organi-
zation of all residents.
9.3.2.2 Self-Administration and Management
The impact of self-administration and management of the development processes

appears clearly in making the suitable urban fabric with the local cultural reality
(Turner 1976). The impact appeared clearly at the level of urban space designated
for daily use of the residents. Self-administration and management in informal
housing areas, result in the graphical and architectural heritage produced by the
people (Vernacular Architecture), reflecting the culture and customs of the commu-
nity (Soliman 2012).
174 A. M. Soliman
The principle of self-administration and management succeeded in several

aspects. First, at the level of pre-urban communities, the collective bonding is still
maintained. Second, the residents adopt the same methods that were followed in
their homelands, often rural areas, due to the presence of kinship and clan-relations,
which are still linked by belonging to the group and the environment. Third, the lack
of financial resources of the residents led to the reliance on human effort to save
expenses, which otherwise could be spent by hiring subcontractors (Soliman 2012).
Fourth, residents participate in converting raw, local, and used materials into con-
struction and building materials, thus reducing the cost of building and infrastruc-
ture.Fifth, women play an important role in the revitalizationefforts andself- management,
due to their free time, available experience, neighborly relations; and their ability for
integration and social interaction. This, in addition, to taking advantage of women’s
time in the construction process depending on their ability to accomplish the work
assigned to them. Sixth, self-financing systems are developed by associations,
through the formation of residents monthly saving groups (Ghamhyhia) agreed upon
between all members of the group during the configuration of the association.
9.3.2.3 Time Span
The time factor is the most efficient housing variable, which reveals its importance
in the chronological order of the different steps considered; in order to have a piece
of land in urban areas. The newcomers to the urban centers assess their positions
according to their economic and social conditions for a certain period of time, next
they consider changing their homes and their positions based on the choices avail-
able to them at every stage.
The time factor plays a role starting from the arrival of a resident to the urban
center until the stability in a certain area. This time factor runs parallel to every
step the resident takes and with every change happening, including moving
from one place to another, the beginning and the final stages of the construction
of his/her house the beginning of his/her contract to put his hand on a piece of
land, or buy a piece of land in the informal housing areas. The time factor is
closely linked to the economic, social and political changes of the society as a
whole.
When agreeing to buy a piece of land or to lay hands on a piece of land among
two parties; they agree on a select plot on the site which is withheld to create the
required road network. The process is fast starting with pinpointing the demarcation
and identification of land plots, and clarifying the road network to assure each
owner of the borders of his/her own land, the land subdivision proceeds rapidly, but
according to the financial capacities of each owner separately. In some cases, con-
tractors build several rooms cut off the land paid on an agreed premium cost, thus
securing possession of land and at the same time providing a shelter at the lowest
cost and in record time for the new settlers. The two parties contract on purchasing
a piece of land and/or building a housing unit within a few hours or a few days. In
this case, the availability of financial resources is the key factor. In the case of
absence of financial resources, the process of obtaining housing units or acquiring a

piece of land might take a longer period of time.
The actual action available in informal areas provides opportunities for residents of
the low-income groups; through public participation, self-planning, and the time
factor. The process helps to secure land tenure in the area at the city level, and thus
adds residential lands to the national territory, which is influenced by processes of
inventory supply and demand for the land market. In this case, the three manifesta-
tions: public participation, planning, and self-management considering the time fac-
tor, automatically help in the provision of secured suitable land for construction,
and thus can achieve equilibrium between supply and demand in the real estate
market.
9.3.3 Preferred Action
The preferred action is the fundamental option favored by the three polar cooperat-
ing systems and mechanisms of acquisition and ownership of residential land. The
following factors, affordability, social interaction and integration, and finally the
minimum requirements of infrastructure are the main determinants.
9.3.3.1 Affordability
Ability to pay comes as the first optional action for residents in informal housing
areas. The economic level of low-income families determines the possibilities and
limits of expenditure. The priorities of the limited income strata for spending are in
food, clothes, health, and what is left is spent on housing. The ability to pay for the
low-income strata is confined to what is available for their income, both in the for-
mal and/ informal economy. Each family of limited income groups has a specific
size and is linked to the level of income to spend, and can adapt according to its
income, so spending on housing is linked to the size of the family income. Families
in informal housing areas, varying in housing expenditure, this is reflected in plot
size, methods of securing tenure, and finally the residential area site. Informal hous-
ing areas provide different choices to suit all classes of low-income categories,
according to their ability to pay, due to social needs, without imposing extra expen-
ditures on households.
In addition, a large proportion of residents of systemic methods projects, having
to waive their rights of all their land, due to their inability to pay ongoing expenses
to legitimately secure their land. The piece of land is resold to new comers to urban
areas, while the first settlers search for other sites in the outskirts of the city at the
lower costs. This process is called the removal or skimming the poor of the area
(Creaming off the poor). This leads to the emergence of new informal residential
areas in cities. Most of the systemic methods projects do not meet the needs of
176 A. M. Soliman
limited-income classes, but they reach other social groups with the help of real
estate speculations to those sites, this phenomenon happened at Salam district proj-
ect in the city of Ismailia (Davidson and Payne 1983).
9.3.3.2 Social Interaction and Integration
Social interaction and integration ability of residents in informal housing areas

takes the form of links, extensive kinship, gatherings of tribal or religious groups,
and popular or religious unions, which aims to achieve many types of participation
and mutual assistance. Informal housing areas in Egyptian cities show strong social
interaction between residents based on several studies applied to those areas
(Soliman 1996). Each sector has a social and tribal characteristic. And those social
engagements are reflected on the conduct, behavior, and way of life of each cate-
gory of informal housing areas. Social cohesion assists organizations and civil
departments in most public services, where all the families are involved to serve all
residents in established residential areas. Create a Kotab, or a nursery or elementary
school, to teach children between the ages of 3–5 years, the residents pay a nominal
weekly payment, or pay services in the form of food or other substances. The
madrassa is managed by an individual who is familiar with the teachings of reli-
gious doctrine, he is teaching the Quran and Sunnah and traditional values, besides
writing and reading. The spread of the madrassa (school or Kotab) in part of Zayhia
(small place for prayer), or a small mosque constructed by self-efforts. The main
role of the madrassa is to establish religious belief in small young people, and to
help them in the initial studies in public schools. A small clinic supported by the
residents themselves provides health services to the people of the area.
Through social interaction, all residents commit themselves to the construction
in accordance with the agreements among which included several principles. These
principles include leaving equal land space in front of their plots for road network,
in general, the architectural structure of the entire area is agreed upon, and then the
urban fabric for each zone separately to serve all parts of the area is agreed upon.
9.3.3.3 Minimum Local Standards of Infrastructure
Minimal infrastructure is considered the third priority for residents in informal

areas. Residents start improving infrastructure after fulfilling other priorities such as
private insurance and stability of land ownership. There are two types of standards:
infrastructure within the housing unit and infrastructure outside the housing unit;
both are completed according to the economic and social status of residents. The
priority is for supplying the area with electricity and a drinking water network,
while the sewage network is installed by the people through the cooperation of all
residents to assemble all organic waste in an orderly manner, which is mostly dis-
posed of either in agricultural banks, lakes or any highway adjacent to the site.
9.4 Conclusion
The formation of unofficial urban residential expansion is characterized by three

main directives. The first is the private investor who intervenes with land of unknown
origin, then, starts the formation of urban informality. The second trend, in the case
of the private investor’s intervention through purchasing agricultural land, and over
time, carries out the illegal division of land turning it into semi-official residential
areas. The third trend, takes place when the state intervenes to create residential
areas, through formal methods (sites and services, upgrading, and improvement) as a
result new informal urban residential expansion rapidly appeared nearby those sites.
Through these trends, it became clear that the urban poor has accumulated assets
sufficient to build a successful capitalist system, and that the value of their savings
are represented in the territories where they build their homes. The urban poor real-
ized the problems of land ownership and sensed de facto recognition of ownership
and possession of land, of which they have developed what suits them to empower
themselves within urban areas. But the completion of this investment in a formal
way must be guided to secure the land or to put those assets in an effective legal
framework to serve both the user and official bodies as a means of serving the
mechanisms of local and national economy.
The potential action of the three-pillars as a key role in the acquisition and own-
ership of land is essential to house limited income strata. When the three criteria of
inherent action in the form of desire, ability, and responsibility are flourished, the
legalization of tenure and property mechanisms are met. The result impacts posi-
tively on the main underlying potentials in the form of effective capacity, actual
capacity, and optional capability. To create the underlying potentialities among the
three pillars, a reasonable and appropriate cooperation is needed to legalize land
ownership and possession, to regulate new urban expansion, on one hand, and to
secure the stability of the real estate market on the other. This requires addressing
the problem of legalization of land tenure for limited income strata with all its mani-
festations, the economic, social and political and should not be dealt with separately
from the overall development of the country.
To underlying power steering the three cooperating pillars is the provision of
official avenues legalize land ownership at the lowest possible cost. The ability to
pay should be carefully studied and should be realistic to reflect the economics of
the low-income classes.
Through the previous study, it became clear that the acquisition of land repre-
sented in abandoned roads and common spaces is essential to a group of people.
Land plots, and the rights to casual non-customary ownership of land in the space
of public domain, should be realized as a starting point. This would lead to develop-
ing laws and legislation relevant and appropriate to the nature and potentials of
low-income strata, as well as, would lead to activating and enlarging the real estate
market in informal residential areas. This legislation should be simple and flexible,
taking into account the exemption from the payment of fees rationing. Among the
178 A. M. Soliman
legislation applied in Egypt is Aini record and should be opened to informal settle-
ments for registration of land plots.
The residents in informal areas established together an explicit commitment
(Altazmat) to provide security for their property and their activities. This represents
combinations of selectively borrowed rules from the current legal system and
improvises to certain conditions and norms. The residents gained these norms from
their place of origin or derived them locally, and combined them to reflect ties sup-
ported by society as a whole and implemented by a group of people.
Cooperation is needed to activate the actual capacity of the three pillars. A form
of organization or a union composed of all residents should be established. A joint
acquisition in the form of real estate’s shares should be established and registered in
Segel Aini department. This will lead to opening the way for a tradable mortgage
from banks and selling them, providing many areas for investment in order to
achieve material return and rewarding for those classes and help improve their stan-
dard of living. However, the legalization of the possession and ownership of land is
not an integral part of the field of marginal economic activity in isolation from the
economic life of existing urban areas.
Finally, the State should provide essential components for legalization, which
individuals cannot provide by themselves. Individuals as beneficiaries of housing
policies should provide necessary human effort and cooperation to implement the
settlement projects record Segel Aini system. The bottom line is that the three pillars
should collaborate together to enable all individuals to participate in a scientific
way, to draw a real legislative policy for urban informality, to keep up with the over-
all development of the country, and to guide new urban expansion.
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Chapter 10
Reusing Lost Urban Space
Rana Sameeh, Mostafa Gabr, and Sherine Aly
Abstract The city is one of the greatest products of human civilization that has
been built to provide services; safety and comfort. However, uncontrolled urban
growth caused some anonymous, and unsightly images of the cities among which
are underused, abandoned, or deserted urban space. Public space in cities reflects
social life, and hosts community interaction; the absence of social interaction
changes the public space to wasted and lost spaces. Wasted urban space leads to the
discontinuity of the urban fabric creating meaningless unstructured landscapes
within the city’s urban fabric. Wasted space is the unrecognized areas of land that
are in need of redesign; their value is derived from their potential in vitalizing and
connecting their surrounding urban context.
The research significance lies in recognizing the importance of community urban
open spaces, their value and impact. The research also addresses the reuse and the
regeneration of lost urban spaces in order to enhance the physical and social quality
of life in urban open space. In addition, the reuse of in-between left over space is an
incremental process that is addressed in building totally new cities which follow
phasing development plans; as well as vitalizing the land of already existing cities.
Connecting or stitching the discontinuous urban fabric, represents an exploratory
process in the relationship between infrastructure and the urban fabric and seeks to
establish an architectural solution to leftover spaces within the city. In doing so, the
research establishes a framework (criteria) for reuse of lost urban space by imple-
menting an inductive and deductive analytical methodology applied to relevant
examples and case studies of lost urban space.
Keywords Lost urban space · Reuse · Urban open space · Stitching urban fabric ·
Revitalizing cities · Rehabilitation of open space
R. Sameeh (*) · M. Gabr · S. Aly

Arab Academy for Science and Technology and Maritime Transport, Alexandria, Egypt
e-mail: rana.sameeh@icloud.com

182 R. Sameeh et al.
10.1 Introduction
Over the years, the change in economic, industrial, and employment patterns;
affected urban centres and disrupted the continuity of urban form. The percentage of
green and open urban spaces in dense cities is decreasing dramatically due to the
urban sprawl and unplanned rapid city growth. The uncontrolled haphazard exten-
sions over the urban space and green areas fragments the structure of the urban pat-
tern resulting in unexpected leftover space; as well as urban fabric discontinuities.
The aim of the research is to provide a methodological process for reusing lost
urban space to create integrated community urban spaces. This process helps to
achieve several objectives mainly: (1) to provide more green open space by using
existing urban fabric in the city; (2) to provide open spaces that can improve the
quality of life in the public realm and enhance the pedestrian experience; (3) to
achieve a continuous and connected urban fabric within city centers and in new cit-
ies; and (4) finally to emphasize and exhibit the potentials of lost urban space.
Lost urban spaces are considered valuable resources, applying the principles for
developing lost urban spaces differs from one context to another. The research
hypothesizes that not all principles are applicable in every urban context. In order to
achieve its objectives, the researched employed a methodology based on an intense
literature review followed by comparative and qualitative analyses. The literature
review helps to establish a framework for the study of lost urban spaces. Then, the
framework is applied on three international and national case studies.
10.2 Lost Urban Space
Some definitions of lost urban spaces emphasize the emptiness of the space and others
emphasize the fact that the spaces are abandoned without urban activity or contami-
nated. Several planners and architect gave different definitions and descriptions to the
term “lost urban space” according to their perception; this is illustrated in Fig. 10.1.
This research will follow Roger Trancik’s definition; which provided a general
definition inclusive of all the meanings from the other definitions.
Fig. 10.1 Theoreticians’ definitions to the term “lost urban space” (Authors)
10 Reusing Lost Urban Space 183
“Lost urban space is the leftover unstructured landscape that failed to connect its
surroundings; they are the undesirable urban areas that are in need of redesign since
they provide tremendous opportunities for redevelopment.” (Trancik 1986).
10.3 Historical Background
Historically; the emergence of lost urban spaces is a cumulative process that does
not occur suddenly; it takes place during the development of cities throughout the
history and until the present time more and more lost urban space are developing in
our cities. Generally, the history of lost urban spaces can be related to two phenom-
ena: Firstly, the evolution of city planning and the change in city plans which lead
to the emergence of vacant land that was left until the rest of the city was formed,
and; Secondly, laces that were originally designed within the urban fabric but
became abandoned or underused due to certain historical events or certain changes
in their surroundings. (Nefs 2006; Matthew Carmona 2011).
10.4 Factors that Shape Lost Urban Space
Lost urban spaces exist due to five major factors: (1) an increased dependency on
automobiles; (2) the attitude of architects of the modern movement towards open
space; (3) zoning and land-use policies of the urban renewal period that divided the
city; (4) an unwillingness on the part of public and private institutions to assume
responsibility for the public urban environment; and (5) an abandonment of indus-
trial, military or transportation sites in the inner city core. (Trancik 1986; Tiesdell
2007; Michael Larice 2013).
10.5 Types of Lost Urban Space
Several planners and architects have discussed different types of lost urban spaces
that have emerged within the urban fabric. The research summarized those types in
Fig. 10.2.
10.6 Approaches from Different Planners
There are different visions among architects and planners concerning lost urban
space, each one discussed a point of view from a certain aspect of the problem as
shown in the diagram in Fig. 10.3.
Fig. 10.2 Typology of lost urban space (Authors)
Fig. 10.3 Timeline of approaches addressing lost urban space (Authors)

Fig. 10.4 Integrated design approach (Trancik 1986; Matthew Carmona 2011)
10.7 An Integrated Design Approach
The integrated design approach demonstrated in Fig. 10.4 was deduced from theo-
retical reviews, analysis of case studies and precedents. It is based on three theories
first put by Rob Krier (1979) then used by Roger Trancik. The approach combines
the spatial definition of the figure ground theory with the connective qualities of
the linkage theory and the social responsiveness of the place theory.
(The three theories indicated above need to be elaborated differently and in more
detail for the book as well as their illustrative diagrams)
10.8 Proposed Strategy Applied to Lost Urban Space
Infill, repurposing and renewal of existing structures are major strategies for the
creation of successful integrated public open spaces, which can be elaborated as
follows:
–– Urban infill is defined as new development that is sited on vacant or undevel-
oped land within an existing community, and that is enclosed by other types of
development. Fig. 10.5) The term “urban infill” implies that most of the existing
land is mostly built-out and what is being built is in effect “filling in” the gaps.
Fig. 10.5 Infill development diagram (authors)
Fig. 10.6 Repurposing diagram (authors)
–– Reuse: It is the process of reusing (or readapting) an old site or building for a
‘purpose’ other than which it was designed for. (see Fig. 10.6) (Dara Rourke
2002; Lawrence Perkins 2016).
–– Renewal: It is the application of several principles resulting in the revitalization

of any or all portions of the urban structure which are not fulfilling the functions
for which they were designed. (see Fig. 10.7) (Miller 1959). Urban renewal gen-
erally applies to inner-city areas, located in historical districts including non-
residential as well as residential land uses.
The criteria are drawn from leading urban planners and designers, dense cities
comprehensive framework and the project for public space place diagram as shown
in Figs. 10.8, 10.9 and 10.10, and the final criteria is shown in Fig. 10.11.
Fig. 10.7 Renewal diagram (authors)
Fig. 10.8 Criteria from different planners (Authors)
10.9 Examples
Three examples were selected to elaborate on the application of the integrated

design approach theories at various scales, as illustrated in Fig. 10.12. The Figure
Ground theory is best illustrated in Al Azhar Park in Egypt, the Linkage Theorywas
best illustrated in the High Line Park in USA, whereas Samir Kassir Square in
Lebanon was the best illustration of the Place Theory. Important distinctions of use
and theme also occur between the prototypes of the examples, since that the use and
theme have a direct impact on the redesign of lost urban space. The examples were
also selected based on: availability of data, location, type of strategy used (Renewal,
Repurposing, Infill), various forms and scales, impact of the reuse, approach to the
problem and models of intervention.
Fig. 10.9 Place diagram (PPS 2016)
10.9.1 T
he Implementation of Place Theory on Samir Kassir
Square, Beirut, Lebanon
Given its location in the recently reconstructed Beirut Central District, Samir Kassir
Square or Square Four, designed by Vladimir Djurovic, acts as a prominent gate-
way, welcoming people to the heart of the reborn city of Beirut, Lebanon. Fig. 10.13.
Atthe onset of Weygand Street, between ancient ruins, new modern buildings,
mosques and churches, Samir Kassir Square emerges. (ASLA 2007). The challenge
of this project was to create a quiet refuge on a limited piece of land surrounded by
buildings, while addressing the prominent street frontage that it occupies (see
Fig. 10.14). (Vladimir Djurovic 2007).
As a result of the civil wars that destroyed many parts of central Beirut, Samir
Kassir Square emerged as one of the redesigned spaces among the SolidereCompany
Development Projects. It was inspired by the existing historic Ficus trees.
Fig. 10.10 Criteria from the dense cities comprehensive framework (Im-Sik Cho 2016)
After discussing the strategies for reframing lost urban space, there was a need
for attributes and detailed criteria in order to apply those strategies. Accordingly, the
research referred back to two sources for the attributes and criteria and each source
was used for a purpose; the place diagram by the project for public space and it was
used to provide with the main attributes and detailed criteria of the framework and
the dense cities comprehensive framework was used as a source of the analysis and
evaluation methods of the framework. The research will then merge the two sources
and come out with the final framework of the study.
Fig. 10.11 Final criteria diagram (Authors)
Fig. 10.12 The three examples (Archdaily 2016)

Fig. 10.13 Location of Samir Kassir square (Google earth 2016)
Fig. 10.14 Samir Kassir

square (Vladimir Djurovic
2007)
10.9.2 I mplementation of Linkage Theory on High Line Park,

New York, USA
The High Line is a linear park located on the Lower West Side of Manhattan,
New York (see Fig. 10.15). It was designed by landscape architect James Corner
Field. It was redesigned to become an aerial greenway and connection corridor;
as well as; a rails-to-trails park. No trains have traveled the tracks of the high line
Fig. 10.15 Location of the High line park (Google earth 2016)
since 1980, and it was threatened by demolition. Then the ‘Friends of the High
Line’ was formed to bring the out-of-use viaduct back to function as a walkway and
green corridor. The park’s design achieved great integration between the users and
the surrounding landscape allowing people to enjoy a serene and pleasant experi-
ence within the greeneries (Fig. 10.16).
10.9.3 I mplementation of Figure Ground Theory on Al Azhar

Park Cairo; Egypt
The park was named after the great ‘Al Azhar Mosque’, it is located to the north of
the Al-Darb Al Ahmar area. The aim of the infill of the Azhar Park site was the
master planning and landscape design for the environmental rehabilitation of the
site and its transformation into a significant public green space in the center of Cairo
as in (see Figs. 10.17 and 10.18).
For more than ten centuries the site of the Azhar Park remained untouched by the
residents surrounding it and it was used as a dumping ground for rubble. In 1984,
Aga Khan announced his plan to reclaim the wasteland and create a public park for
the dense populated area that surround it.
According to the previous overview, Samir Kassir Square was the best illustra-
tion of the place theory, since that the design of the space was based upon both a
historical meaning; the existing historical sculptural trees and a significant memory;
Fig. 10.16 Nodes from the High line park (The High Line 2016)
Fig. 10.17 Left: Site plan of the park (Google Earth 2016); Right: aerial view of the park, (www.
akdn.org)
of the late Samir Kassir Professor and columnist in the adjacent building to the park.
The linkage theory was best illustrated in the High Line Park, where the park acted
as an urban corridor linking different districts and nodes. The figure ground theory
was best illustrated in Al Azhar Park, where the urban void of the park was shaped
by the form of the surrounding condensed buildings and the remains of the old
Fig. 10.18 Azhar Park main axis (www.akdn.org)
city walls. Whereas important distinctions of use and theme also occurred between
the prototypes of the examples, since that the use and theme have a direct impact on
the redesign of lost urban space.
The following checklists (see Figs. 10.19 and 10.20) review the applicability of
the literature criteria on the given examples with the following initials for each
example; Samir Kassir: SK, The High Line: HL and Al Azhar Park: (The number (0)
means that the feature addressed is not present in the case study whereas number (1)
means that the design feature is present in the case study addressed).
10.10 Discussion of Findings
In Samir Kassir Square, the scale of the project was relatively smaller than the other
projects, but the impact of the space on the area was successful. The square made
the area more vital and maintained connectivity with its developed new and old sur-
roundings. The High Line Park succeeded in integrating the landscape and users. It
provided a completely pedestrianized space that is safe, connects people to other
destinations and is well separated from car routes. The Azhar Park had two phases,
when the park first opened elements were stolen from the park from the surrounding
slums since that the area around the park was not developed and was poorly served.
Afterwards the development of Al Darb Al Ahmar area was inaugurated and the
park and its surrounding area were successfully maintained.
Fig. 10.19 Urban design criteria checklist part I (authors)

Fig. 10.20 Urban design criteria checklist part II (authors)

In conclusion, even though the three examples did not achieve all the criteria in
the checklist but they proved to be successful reuses of lost urban space and they
also proved that reusing lost urban spaces not only depends on the condition of the
space itself but on its surroundings and how the reuse impacts those surroundings.
10.11 Conclusion
This chapter demonstrates the transformation of lost space into integrated commu-
nity open space either by renewal, repurposing or infill. The transformation might
be successful and maintain its function, or it might need to extend and impact the
surroundings of the given site. The three previous examples were originally differ-
ent types of lost urban spaces but in spite of their varying scale and different design
approaches, they became focal nodes of attraction in their districts and managed to
link their surroundings coherently. Through an integrated design process, lost urban
spaces that are formed by infrastructure, landscape, and architecture can be treated
as sites that promote urban activity. With visible reminders of the past problems of
urbanization, it will be important to maintain focus upon integrated design. As the
urban population grows, the transformation of lost urban spaces into desirable sites
of urban activity should continue to be a top priority among designers.
The research recommends the implementation of an integrated approach com-
bining the spatial definition of the figure ground theory with the connective qualities
of the linkage theory, and the social responsiveness of the place theory, whicn can
be summarized as follows:
• The approach should integrate new elements with old in order to express the
concept of time.
• The integrated approach could also be achieved by increments or phasing, as in
using small scale steps like the renewal, repurposing or selective infill of a cer-
tain landscape instead of a complete redevelopment that could often segregate
the patterns of the urban space.
• Finally, the quality of design on the urban space should be integrated in the deci-
sion making process to balance between functional and economic considerations.
• In the concluding remarks you should try to link the findings to the design
of urban space in new communities and new settlements. How will this
research benefit planners and designers and decision makers in new cities?
References
Archdaily. (2016). Archdaily. Retrieved from Archdaily: www.archdaily.com

ASLA. (2007). Retrieved from www.asla.org
Dara Rourke, G. N. (2002). MIT east campus life cycle assessment project. Retrieved from archi
node web site.
Google Earth. (2016). Retrieved from http://www.googleearth.com
Im-Sik Cho, C. K. (2016). Re-framing urban space: Urban design for emerging hybrid and high-
density conditions. New York: Routledge.
Lawrence Perkins, P. W. (2016). Perkins+will. Retrieved from perkins+will website: http://www.
perkinswill.com
Matthew Carmona, F. M. (2011). Capital spaces: The multiple complex public spaces of a global
city. London/NewYork: Routledge.
Michael Larice, E. M. (2013). The urban design reader. NewYork: Routledge.
Nefs, M. (2006). Unused urban space:Conservation or transformation? Polemics about the future
of urban wastelands and abandoned buildings. City & Time, 2(1), 47–58.
PPS. (2016). Project for public spaces. Retrieved from www.pps.org, http://www.pps.
org/?s=urban+squares
Rob Krier. (1979). Urban Space. Academy Group Ltd. London
The High Line. (2016). Retrieved from www.thehighline.org
Tiesdell, M. C. (2007). Urban design reader. Oxford: El Sevier.
Trancik, R. (1986). Finding lost space: Theories of urban design. New York: Van.
Vladimir, D. (2007). Retrieved from www.vladimirdjurovic.com
Chapter 11
Operational Risk Model Managing Urban
Safety in Real State
Indjy M. Shawket
Abstract The study presented in this chapter aims at deducing a new operational
framework model for safety existence in urban real estate grounded on risk manage-
ment. This expanded vision is based on the concept of ‘Man’ as the core of study,
his aspirations, needs and his relation with the surrounding communities. As real
estate deeply affects communities, and enclosed urban spaces physically and psy-
chologically, security is also a key aspect among that domain, that can also affect its
life quality. Here comes the role of project management widely, that incorporates
risk management specifically.
Social Protection’s view emphasizes the double role of risk management, as it
should particularly support poor societies, against all expected risks. The study in
this chapter focuses on safety risk management through the project operation stage,
to build up an operational model manipulating different safety risks (high/low prob-
abilities, and impacts) affecting different stakeholders in urban spaces of real estate.
Furthermore, safety elements should be integrated within the design of the differ-
ent urban spaces, which are included in the operational model, as measuring indica-
tors for safety risks vs. stakeholders’ vision.
Empirical study is conducted on residential middle-class compound in Egypt to
apply the operational model, in an attempt to explore safety risks in spaces.
Accordingly, this model shall act as an effective tool in decision making during
project management phases, to ensure safety and thus enhances life quality inside
these urban spaces.
Keywords Risk Management · Safety, · Real Estate · Project Management ·

Community Urban Spaces
I. M. Shawket (*)
Modern Academy for Engineering and Technology, Cairo, Egypt

200 I. M. Shawket
11.1 Introduction
Housing is considered to be a fundamental human right; that constitute one of the

important life quality, and healthy context determinants. Deteriorated housing
conditions might lead to different levels of environmental risks. The real estate
project is usually interdisciplinary, integrating tools and techniques for the design,
implementation, and evaluation of indoor and outdoor environments, and targeting
many developmental goals.
Urban renaissance is concerned with managing our existing assets, while con-
trolling our future ones as well. Poor management and insecurity in environments
are main reasons that urge many inhabitants to relocate from their communities.
Such unplanned movements could be reduced by ameliorating the different physi-
cal, cultural, economic and social aspects.
Nevertheless, security is one of the most demanding aspects. Therefore, it
became a major necessity to study safety risks, that may affect different stakehold-
ers of any of the real-estate projects, through its different stages; and to figure out a
suitable process to discover these risks. Thus, the study in this chapter mainly aims
to deduce a model, to be used by decision makers, that helps in identifying different
safety risks in middle –class urban spaces’ residential compounds during the project
operation period. The chapter starts with demonstrating the main argument, based
on literature review covering aspects of urban design, and safety risk management,
and then moves to the empirical study. Stakeholders’ questionnaires are used as a
tool to apply the extracted model on a middle-class residential compound, based on
investigation of safety risks and their categorization to overcome safety risk man-
agement; and thus contributing to establishing better environmental contexts.
11.2 Urban Real Estate
Buying and selling of land, whether it is developed or not, is a major force in the
production of space. Consequently, urban land acquires its value through society/
community.
The collective component of metropolitan real estate’s value is privately expro-
priated in a capitalist society/community (Gottdiener et al. 2016: 113). The meaning
of term ‘community’ can be elusive even within academic discourse. Liepins
(2000a) recognizes communities to be ‘social collectives of great diversity’. A
model developed by her represents a community as an entity comprising four ele-
ments: people, meanings, practice and spaces/structures (Woods 2011: 92–93).
Further, security is the main key to lead a happy healthy life. As insecurity affects
us all, we regularly look for individual salvation from different shared troubles. This
strategy is unlikely used to deliver results we are looking for – since it leaves the
roots of insecurity intact-. Moreover, precisely falling back on our individual
resources, and wits, which inject most regions with the insecurity we wish to control
11 Operational Risk Model Managing Urban Safety in Real State 201
and escape from (Bauman 2013: 72). Urban neighborhoods should be livable places,
and incorporate points of attraction. This target would be achieved by improving the
design’s quality, and movement creating compact developments (Force et al. 1999:
5).
The ‘cultural turn’ takes hold in geography. There is a turn from focusing on the
economics and politics of class. Tim Butler has been at the forefront of attempts to
conceptualize middle classes- which will be presented in this chapter- they are frac-
tured along identity lines, usually associated with lifestyle, value system, and
income; and they seek out place (neighborhoods) that contain ‘people like them-
selves’ (Paddison and McCann 2014: 42).
The quality of the built environment, in our settlements, extensively impacts the
way they function. Well-designed streets, buildings, compounds, and districts are
fundamental for successful economic, and environmental regeneration, as well as
socially in all.
New developments on urban brownfield or Greenfield land must be designed
with higher standards, if they are likely to attract people back into their projects,
with emphasis on urban developments; required to be integrated within their sur-
roundings. Thus, they should optimize the access to the public transport, and maxi-
mize their potentials by increasing their density in appropriate conditions.
Developments should seek diversity; through encouraging activities’ mix, variation
in services, incomes, and tenures within neighborhoods. Land-use must be effi-
ciently planned, local respected traditions and negative environmental impacts are
required to be taken into consideration in development strategies. Priority should be
given to architectural standards, and to the design of public spaces between build-
ings, where people meet, and move around (Force et al. 1999: 6).
According to design guidelines by Marcus, and Francis (Marcus and Francis
1997: 9–10), after reviewing all studies, they established a set of criteria for success-
ful people place. Points related to safety will be used in the empirical study pre-
sented in this chapter. These criteria include:
1. Easily accessed, and can be seen by common users;
2. The place clearly conveys the message that is meant to be used for;
3. The place should be beautiful and engaging, on both the outside and the inside;
4. Furnisher should support most likely and desirable activities;
5. Provides likely users with the feeling of security and safety;
6. Offer relief from urban stress, and enhance the health, and emotional wellbeing
of most common users;
7. Fitting the needs of the most common user groups;
8. The space should encourage different subgroups to use it, without any group’s
activities disturbing the other’s enjoyment;
9. Offers a physiologically comfortable environment, regarding sun, wind, and
shades;
10. Takes into consideration children, and disabled people accessibility;
11. Supports the management’s philosophical program;
12. Consolidates components, which users could change;
202 I. M. Shawket
13. Motivates individuals or members of a group user, to become attached to the

place, through getting involved in its design or/and construction or/and
maintenance;
14. According to what is expected to that type of space, it should be easily and
economically maintained, and;
15. When designing the space; equal attention should be paid to space as a social
setting and expression of visual art.
Accordingly, from the previous list, only the following nine points, related to
safety will be applied through the empirical study.
1- Easily accessed (Safely accessible);
4- Be furnished to support the desirable activities safely (Safely furnished);
5- Provide common users with the feeling of security, and safety (Safety feeling and
secure);
7- Fitting the needs of the most common user groups. (Safely geared to needs);
9- Offer a physiologically comfortable environment, regarding sun, wind, and
shades (Physiologically safe);
10- Safely accessible to children, and disabled people. (Safe to children/disabled);
11- Support a safely philosophical program espoused by the managers of the space.
(Safe managing);
12- Safely incorporate components, which the users can manipulate or change.
(Safe for user changes), and;
14- According to what is expected to that type of space, it should be easily and eco-
nomically maintained (Safety pertained, during any maintenance procedures).
11.3 Safety and Risk Management
The project management’s role is to use the resources available in an effective way
to accomplish a set of goals within specific criteria. The role of project management
needs to be placed within a wider project context.
A model of project’s life with its six stages has been provided (Munns and
Bjeirmi 1996: 84–85) as follows;
1. The conception phase: where the idea for the project is generated, within the cli-
ent organization, and its feasibility determination;
2 . The planning phase: it is the method to achieve all goals of the original idea-
planned and designed;
3. The production phase: plans are converted into physical reality;
4. The handover phase: when the finished project is handed over to the client for
use;
5. The utilization phase: when the client makes use of all the setting, and;
6. The closedown phase: the project is disposed of, and dismantled at the end.
Fig. 11.1 The project life cycle’s stages, and the parties’ interest in each stage (Author based on:
Munns and Bjeirmi 1996: 84)
The client is then left to cope with the outcome, which must be effectively uti-
lized, until it reaches the last stage. Throughout this process, the project perfor-
mance can be assessed in one of following three ways:
1. Implementation: this is completed in stages (two – four), and is concerned with
the ‘project management techniques’, and their implementation;
2. Perceived values: this is the users’ view, which will interact with the project dur-
ing the utilization phase, and;
3. Client satisfaction: at project closedown, when the client can examine different
influences on the project, and can make assessments to measure the satisfaction
of the original goals.
As mentioned above (see Fig. 11.1), utilization phase is the longest, and most
important phase, as it is the phase were users interact with the project delivering
positive or negative views of users. At this point the research will work on building
up an operational risk model managing urban spaces of real state at this period to
guarantee the successful completion of projects.
Risk mainly deals with the ‘uncertainty of events’ that may affect the project.
Some negative events have a high likelihood of occurring on certain projects, exam-
ples are as follows:
• Safety risks; which are common in construction projects.
• Changes in the value of local currency -during a project affect purchasing power
and budgets on projects- with large international components.
• Some projects that mainly depend on good weather (such as road construction or
coastal projects) face risk of delays due to exceptionally wet or windy weather.
These previous examples are of known risks. ‘Known risks’ are events that have
commonly been known/identified, and analyzed for which advanced planning is
possible. Other risks are unknown or unforeseen till now (Wiley and et al. 2016:11.1).
On the other hand, attitudes to risk are measured by studying commonly assumed
categories of risk: reverse risk, natural risk, and risk seeking. In addition, for most
business and scientific decisions there are mainly four categories of risk, as
follows;
High probability: High impact (H-H) or Low probability: High impact (L-H), or
High probability: Low impact (H-L), or Low probability: Low impact (L-L).
204 I. M. Shawket
Many empirical studies have shown that it is overwhelmingly the case that deci-
sion makers are highly risk averse. In fact, they spend a lot of effort, and time to
minimize risks that they do take (Raftery 2003: 9)1.
There are three pillars of assessing the quality of life which are: the safety level
of the neighborhood and park, health issues -related to housing environment, and
park-, as well as the satisfaction for the housing amenities, and park facilities.
(Bakar et al. 2016: 00083).
Giving a high priority to safety, it was defined by the IAEA as being indicative
of a safety culture, the IAEA (1988) defined safety culture as; “that assembly of
characteristics, and attitudes in organizations, and individuals, which established
that, as an overriding priority, safety issue receive the attention warranted by their
significance”.
For safety and risk professionals, (Glendon et al. 2016: 340–364), safety auditing
could be a mean in achieving the following;
• Compose a priority list of items, which require attention (a particular and impor-
tant function).
• Getting line management, to think about health, and safety issues (related to the
awareness that generate function of the safety audit).
• Getting line management, to own their health, and safety responsibilities (takes
the mission, which is a stage further by helping to locate responsibility, where it
belongs, hopefully leaving the safety, and risk aspects in an advisory role).
Studying and analyzing safety techniques of documentation reviewing its risks
are; Expert interviews, analogy comparisons planning meetings, SWOT analysis,
brain storming, risk practice methodology, documentation reviews, checklists, plane
valuation, Delphi technique, Crawford slip method, and risk breakdown structure
(Pritchard 2014: P63). From which, reviews will combine brain storming to form a
checklist through valuation, as will be seen in the empirical study section.
11.4 Model Formatting
To format a model that targets ‘the operation of safety risk management in urban
spaces of real state’, deductions from previous sections will be involved; the set of
urban elements for a safe successful people place (from urban real estate section),
Categorization of risks (from safety and risk management section), different stake-
holders, and the stages chosen for the study ‘utilization stage’ will all combine to
form a matrix of relations, that produces the model (which the study in this chapter
targets), as shown in Fig. 11.2.
1
All previous risk divisions will be involved in the operational model, and applied to the empirical
study as well
Fig. 11.2 The operational safety risk model for utilization stage in real estate (Author)
206 I. M. Shawket
11.5 Empirical Case Study
A case study is selected to examine the ‘Operational risk model managing urban
safety in real estate’, to figure out safety risks in real estate, contributing to a better,
and safer environment. Egypt is one of the countries that have been witnessing dra-
matic changes; as well as its capital ‘Cairo’, suffering from radical changes in real
estate requirements. Nowadays, although management is taking a great role in tack-
ling lots of challenges, but, pertaining safety measures in residential compounds is
still missing.
Baron City Project is one of the projects owned by (OUD) “Orientals Urban
Development”, which is located along Cairo’s Ring Road near Maadi Carrefour.
The project is part of the OUD’s mission to assist in alleviating the housing shortage
in Greater Cairo, and to encourage people to move away from the city center, by
providing affordable housing in the suburbs.
The project is mainly constituted of 80 high-rise buildings, each of 11 standing
floors. The residential compound aims to accommodate middle-income household.
The project facilities include parking, open recreational spaces, water features,
Baron Home Center, kindergarten, and a mosque, with a total built up area of
30,000 m2. (OUD. 2016) (see Figs. 11.3 and 11.4).
Interviews were held with different stakeholders (residents, visitors, workers,
management, and project consultants) to fill up a questionnaire (see Fig. 11.5),
which is divided according to risks’ types (using the operational model Fig. 11.2)).
Questionnaire form will obtain basic information about the stakeholder e.g., the
date of his residence, in order to determine his capability in identifying risks. Filling
in questionnaires will help in finding out an answer to ‘What are the safety risks that
face the stakeholders during the utilization period?’
The answers will be analyzed, to end up with specific results. The below form
was filled up by 80 different stakeholders as follows;
The biggest percentage goes for the inhabitants, constituting about 62.5%, as
they are the categories, who are mostly in contact with the real estate (divided
equally between males and females with 25 forms for each). Visitors and workers
come next, by12.5% for each (the workers form was filled by 5 security guards and
5 housekeepers). And the least were the management responsible, and consultants,
where each filled 5 forms with the percentage of 6.25%.
11.6 Results
The research focuses on one of our country’s major challenges: ‘Safety risk man-
agement in urban residential compounds’, where many stakeholders suffer from
lack of security in their residential open spaces. Questionnaires have been con-
ducted in the study presented in this chapter, as a tool attempting to figure out, and
resolve security challenges.
Fig. 11.3 Baron City compound (Author)
It is evidently clear that there is a lack of binding ‘urban spaces’ design’, with
‘safety risk management’ in urban residential compounds. Consequently, the
research worked on building-up an operational risk model to manage the feeling of
security in open residential spaces. From previous questionnaires, results are
deduced, from which an overall safety risk list could be identified clearly. Decision
208 I. M. Shawket
Fig. 11.4 A satellite image for Baron City compound (Author, based on Google map, October
2016)
makers could use these results to tackle challenges resulting in safety risks, and thus
contributing to a better environment. Results will be divided into three parts, in
accordance with the questionnaire, which includes three divisions (reverse risks,
natural risks, and additional urban design risks).
11.6.1 Data Analysis for ‘Reverse Risks’
The questionnaires revealed that there are a number of reverse risks, which varies in
probability of existence, and impact on its surroundings. Below is a list of extracted
reverse risks, and a graph showing identified risks, with its probability and impact,
shown in Fig. 11.6.
Fig. 11.5 Resident Questionnaire from Extracted from the Operational Safety Risk Model for
utilization Stage in Real Estate (Author)
List of Reverse Risks:

1. Stray animals -dogs- cause the feeling of insecurity in the urban spaces of the
compound;
2. Non-shaded paths cause an unsecure walk for pedestrians inside the
compound;
3. The circulation of the vehicles causes unsecure walks inside the compound;
4. The existence of mod garbage by the backside of the compound, which pro-
duces bad odors, that harms the health safety of the compound residents;
5. The cars’ parking location design is not well connected to the entrances of the
buildings, which gives the feeling of insecurity for stakeholders after parking
while reaching the buildings’ entrances, especially if they have children with
them;
6. Entrances and gates don’t offer a complete secured feeling from the outsiders;
7. Area of open spaces is not enough for the residents of the compound; this over
capacity gives the feeling of social insecurity;
8. Non-fenced borders give the feeling of insecurity from the surroundings;
9. Crossing roads are not designed safely for pedestrians;
210 I. M. Shawket
Fig. 11.6 An analytical chart for the reverse risks’ answers (Author)
10. Non- shaded parking’s raise worries about residents’ cars, and make them feel
that their cars are not safe from high temperatures;
11. Non-fenced water-escapes give the feeling of insecurity for parents about their
children, and;
12. Reaching the service area (Baron Mall) requires the exit of the compound, and
the re-entrance from another gate, as there is no direct accessibility to the mall
from inside the compound, which decreases the feeling of security to the
pedestrians.
11.6.2 Data Analysis for ‘Natural Risks’
The questionnaires also highlighted the fact that there are a number of natural risks
that varies in probability of existence, and its impact on surroundings. Below is a list
of extracted reverse risks, and a graph showing identified risks, their probability and
impact (see Fig. 11.7).
List of Natural Risks:
1. Strong rains, which may cause the feeling of insecurity inside the urban spaces
of the compound, as well as the negative effects it may cause to the open spaces
of the compound;
2. Strong winds –may be accompanied with sand-, which may cause the feeling of
insecurity inside the urban spaces of the compound, as well as the negative
effects it may cause to the open spaces of the compound, and;
3. Dusty winds from surrounding hills are not prevented by any landscape ele-
ments, which cause the feeling of insecurity, while sitting in plazas, in case of
windy weather.
11.6.3 Data Analysis for ‘Urban Design Elements’ Risks
This part will present the statistical data from the questionnaire (Table 11.1)), and
this is represented graphically in Fig. 11.8.
11.7 Results’ Discussion
Statistical results of the study case highlight some challenges that should be
tackled by decision makers as follows;
• Security men should not be changed a lot, and they have to be recognized in
urban spaces for residents’ security;
• Green areas used by children as a play area, should be fenced for their security;
• No safe paths for pedestrians, or bicycles;
• Maintenance staff should be under supervised by the management authorities to
guarantee safety inside the compound;
• The compound management should fence the borders of the compound;
• The mod garbage should be removed totally;
• Cars’ parking should be redesigned and shaded;
212 I. M. Shawket
Fig. 11.7 An analytical chart for the natural risks’ answers (Author)
• Entrances and gates should be more secured;

• ‘Crossing roads’ should be taken as a design aspect that needs development;
• ‘Wind breakers’ should be added to open sitting spaces of the compound;
• Rain drainage systems should be developed inside the compound;
Table 11.1 Statistical data from questionnaires, part of: ‘Additional urban design risks
Questions & Yes No Not Questions & Yes No Not
stakeholders (Y) (N) determined stakeholders (Y) (N) determined
(−) (−)
Q. no.1 Q. no.3
Residents 40 10 0 Residents 45 5 0
Visitors 5 5 0 Visitors 8 2 0
Workers 2 8 0 Workers 0 0 10
Experts 8 2 0 Experts 2 8 0
Total 55 25 0 Total 55 15 10
Q. no.2 Q. no.4
Total 54 12 14 Total 26 42 12
Q. no.5 Q. no.8
Total 23 57 0 Total 2 70 8
Q. no.6 Q. no.9
Total 4 76 0 Total 21 35 24
Q. no.7
Residents 5 40 5
Visitors 2 5 3
Workers 3 7 0
Experts 4 3 3
Total 14 55 11
Source: Author
• Spaces should be developed, taking into consideration safety of children and

disabled;
• Spaces’ components should be more flexible, in accordance with each target user
to guarantee his safety;
• Managing system of the compound should consider ‘safety’ a significant ele-
ment when taking any decisions;
• Maintenance should be operated with higher safety precautions;
• A new and safer accessible method should be developed to provide ease of access
to the compound;
214 I. M. Shawket
Fig. 11.8 An analytical chart for the urban design elements’ risks’ answers (Author)
• Differentiation between paths should be integrated in the compound (pedestrian,

bicycle, etc.), and;
• Controlling entering people from outside to inside.
11.8 Recommendations
This chapter has ended up with a number of recommendations on both of the scales
of urban design and risk management that can be presented as follows:
On the Scale of Urban Design:

• Enable Urban, and housing regeneration companies to coordinate with different
stakeholders;
• Develop detailed planning policies for neighborhoods’ regeneration, to accom-
modate safer residential compounds, and;
• Simplify determined local development plans, with an emphasis on strategies to
create safer urban spaces in real estates.
On the Scale of Risk Management:
• Develop an action plan to develop safety risk plans in urban real estate spaces
during the operation period over a settled time scale;
• Develop a network of regional centers for safety risk development, promoting
innovation and good practice;
• Establish a five-year program of capacity building for training staff on interna-
tional basis, to acquire the required skills, and benefit from the exposure to some
international practical models;
• Employment in local development sites should give safety plans contributing dif-
ferent housing development strategies, and;
• Establish a national framework that would help in identifying, managing and
communicating the safety risks, that are arise throughout the utilization process
of the project, and the different tools and methods that can be utilized to tackle
their resulting impacts and challenges.
Acknowledgment I would like to acknowledge my colleague/ sister’s soul – Arch/ Reham

Mosaad – for her contribution in elaborating the scientific concept, and in investigating the scien-
tific argument. She was supposed to co-operate with me to conduct this study till the end. All grati-
tude and honor goes to her kind self.
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Chapter 12
Branding the City: Questioning Mega
Malls as New Magnets of Socio-economic
Vitality in New Cities Around Cairo
Mennat-Allah Elhusseiny and Karim Kesseiba
Abstract In accordance with the urban expansion taking place around Greater
Cairo since Sadaat’s open economy policies, questions have been raised related to
the sustainability of the new settlements. Ranging from New Cairo City to the East
and 6th of October to the West the same urban design strategies of low density and
horizontal expansions have been applied. However, those urban design strategies
did not fulfill the need for alternative independent communities and the vast open
spaces are either privatized by real estate companies, mega malls or left vacant.
Mega malls- investigated in this research- play the role of the public space in several
cases to be investigated here. From one point of view, the mega mall provides ser-
vices both social and commercial to its customers who can afford to use the facili-
ties. However, this leads to a great dilemma of privatization and branding of public
space in new cities. The question raised here is the validity of branding new cities
via mega shopping malls. This debate re-questions Jacobs’ theories applied to the
Cairene case. The methodology is based on qualitative analysis of two selected case
studies for mega malls focusing on the urban setting of the mega malls within the
new expansion and its architectural character. Following that, Jacobs’ theories will
be briefly reinterpreted according to the urban setting surrounding the mega malls
in addition to contemporary theories of social resilience. The conclusion is a group
of recommendations to enhance the social vitality of new cities.
Keywords Branding-cities · Mega malls · Social resilience · Controlled environ-

ments · New developments around Cairo
M.-A. Elhusseiny (*) · K. Kesseiba

Architecture Department, Faculty of Engineering, Cairo University, Giza, Egypt

218 M.-A. Elhusseiny and K. Kesseiba
12.1 Introduction
In accordance with the urban expansions taking place around Greater Cairo since
Sadaat’s open Door economy policies, questions have been raised related to the
sustainability of the new developments. Ranging from New Cairo City to the East
and 6th of October to the West the same urban design strategies of low density and
horizontal expansions have been applied. However, those urban design strategies
did not fulfill the need for inclusive independent communities and the vast open
spaces are either privatized by real estate companies, mega malls or left vacant.
Mega malls played the role of the public space in several of the case studies to be
investigated here. From one point of view, the mega mall provides services whether
social or economic to users who can who can afford to use the facilities. However,
this leads to a great dilemma of privatization and branding of public space in new
cities. The question raised here is the validity of branding new cities via mega shop-
ping malls.
The focus here is mainly relevant to the role mega malls play in the new urban
expansions around Cairo to the East and West as shown in (Fig. 12.1). The aim is to
examine the duality of the roles of mega malls, being from one point of view, the
services providers to the new expansions whether social or economic, while from
another point of view they create a dilemma of privatization, branding and consump-
tion of public space in new cities, resembling the fantasies of the Dubai architectural
extravaganza. This is the main debate in the hereby context, using case studies from
the two far ends of the expanding Greater Cairo, connected by the ring road.
The questions raised are related to the validity of branding new cities via mega
shopping malls, which aim to provide spaces of consumption along with accesscon-
trolled environments and activities. This debate thus re-questions Jane Jacobs’s
theories regarding the death and life of cities, however applied on the Cairene case.
Fig. 12.1 The new urban expansions around Cairo (Authors)

12 Branding the City: Questioning Mega Malls as New Magnets of Socio-economic… 219
In order to achieve this, the methodology is based first on the literature review of the
Life and Death of Cities in relation to Cairo’s urban expansions, followed by a
qualitative analysis of the two selected case studies, the first is Cairo Festival City
located in New Cairo city, and the second is Mall of Arabia located in 6th of October
city taking into account in the analysis the dominant urban features and architec-
tural qualities. The qualitative analysis will focus on twofold aspects, first the urban
setting of the mega malls within the new expansion; the second is the architectural
character depending primarily upon branding and advertising products. Following
that, Jane Jacobs theories will be briefly reinterpreted according to the urban setting
surrounding the mega malls in addition to contemporary theories of social resil-
ience. The analysis will thus focus on the duality between the possibilities of creat-
ing vital streets versus the branding of the city via mega malls. Finally, the conclusion
is a series of recommendations to enhance the social vitality of new cities.
12.2 R
e-visiting the Life and Death of New Cities
in Accordance to New Urban Expansions’ Policies
in Cairo
The new expansions around Cairo have to be regarded in the shadows of several
theories due to their vitality in creating a better built environment. According to
Nassar (2013), the absence of sustainable principles in the urban expansions for
instance “Green Urbanism”, have affected the livability of the expansions, public
space and the Sustainable model of the city of Cairo. Nassar (2013) also advocates
the importance of paying attention to principles of Green Urbanism especially in
cities as important and as expanding as Cairo. Stemming from that, the definition of
the term “Green Urbanism” has to be explored. According to Beatley (2000), green
urbanism is the term that captures both urban and environmental sustainability.
Lehmann (2010) added to that a proactive vision of what might be
our zero-carbon, fossil fuel free future: overlapping mixed-use activities, living
and working building typologies explored on the urban scale, infrastructures sys-
tems for renewable energies, public transport and individual energy-efficient build-
ing designs.
This adds an important dimension related to social integration and the value of
paying attention to emerging theories in the 1960s, in which notably Jane Jacobs
(1961), called for the “Livability” in cities in accordance with specific urban design
attributes, most importantly the significance of the sidewalk, the role of parks, the
identification of the city neighborhood, the balance between the formal and infor-
mal. Based on the previous debate, the following table summarizes the main aspects
to balance social sustainability in the new developments which represent the focus
of the study (Table 12.1).
In relation to the low livability of the new expansions, Fahmi (2013) explains that
the new expansions have failed to attract the targetedmiddle income and low income
Table 12.1 Key aspects for enhancing livability in new expansion

Key aspects for enhancing livability in new expansion
Mixture Informal Street Market Street Shop Sidewalk Identity Narrow De-commoditized
of meetings life square vendor frontage cafe streets public
building space
types
Source: Authors
classes resulting in cities which apparently seem empty. This is because of the low
rates of inhabitants in the new cities due to mainly the limited proximity between
work spaces and housing units and the insufficient public transportation. Accordingly,
the middle-income classes prefer to remain in the condensed city in a near proxim-
ity to their work and public schools. From another side, he argues that since 2000
New Cairo City was established as a result of merging Greater Cairo Master Plan’s
eastern new settlements, creating a large suburban community. Initially the area was
inhabited by 1992 Cairo’s earthquake victims officially relocated to public housing
units in settlement which were later regarded incompatible neighbor tothe develop-
ment of golf gated communities. However, this resulted inthat the New Cairo City
encapsulates most of the features and problems of Greater Cairo’s urban situation,
in terms of a hybrid mixture of decayed public resettlement housing for the poor and
up-market private gated resort communities for wealthy expatriate groups, (Fahmi
2013). And due to the lack of homogeneity between the two communities, issues of
social disintegration and separation have been observed.
The role of transportation was crucial is bonding the two far ends together as
well as tocentral Cairo. The ring road contributed to transportation and communica-
tion which connected New Cairo to downtown, the 26th July road axis, introduced
on Giza’s western outer fringes, has encouraged linkage within 6th October New
City including Sheikh Zayed. Whilst the state was forced to re-house thousands of
victims of the 1992 Earthquake within Eastern New Cairo City (Sutton and Fahmi
2001) and within Badr New Town (El-Noshokaty 2002), the Ministry of Housing,
Utilities and Urban Communities (MHUUC) has recently handed over the manage-
ment of some of these new towns to private promoters and speculators who con-
structed villa complexes, enclosed elite compounds, and gulf funded mega malls,
(Denis 2006).
In addition to the previous and tackling the issues of livability and vitality of new
expansions, Stewart (1996) argues that poor basic services and lack of social and
educational infrastructure have also discouraged middle and low income families
from settling in new towns. Middle and low income families preferred to remain in
familiar even if crowded neighborhoodsin Greater Cairo rather than relocate to
remote desert cities with unattractive monotonous architecture. As new town hous-
ing proved to be too expensive for workers, it eventually attracted higher income
classes and investors rather than middle and low class residents, as in New Cairo
City.
The above mentioned debate ranging from issues of livability, social sustenance
and resilience of new expansions recall Foucault’s (1997) concern with the power of
space in terms of how a place is open or closed to public entrance, how it maintains
boundaries, barriers, gateways and disallows thoroughfare, loitering or anonymous
entrance. Stemming from that, the next part will analyze the two selected cases on
the East and West of Greater Cairo.
12.3 M
all of Arabia Versus Cairo Festival City:
Architectural and Urban Similarities
of Mega Malls’ Branding
As El-Sheshtawy (2011) emphasized, traditionally; Cairo had a strong cultural,

social, and architectural influence on the Arab world. However, currently this influ-
ence is weakened and even inverted. To justify this, one has to regard the series of
projects which emerged in Cairo, that respond to Dubai’s new urban fantasies.
Among which as El-Sheshtawy (2011) explains the Smart Village Project on Cairo-
Alexandria road, initially planned to be occupied by the major ministries of the
state, which is a replica of Dubai Internet City; Ma’adi City Center which is a rep-
lica of Dubai City Center, a retail chain; and the various gated communities emerg-
ing in New Cairo, which are an echo of similar ventures in Dubai. These parallels
do exist and in many instances references are made directly to Dubai.
El-Sheshtawy (2011) further implies that examining these projects would shed-
some light on changing notions of Egyptian architectural language and identity in
which its own heritage whether its Muslim and pharaonic incarnations as well as
those of others, like Dubai’s architectural language are repetitively used as ‘brand-
ing’ devices to attract multinationals and in turn “globalize”. This will be studied in
more details below, to examine the architectural qualities of branding mega malls.
As a matter of fact, the scale of those projects could be considered as urban projects,
due to the horizontality and multi-functional use of the projects. Nevertheless,
architecture in many instances is used to create eye-catching impressions, aiming to
achieve the aura of the Guggenheim museum in Bilbao. Such projects are the means
to revitalize an otherwise stagnant city-a process sometimes called “the Bilbao
effect”, (El-Sheshtawy 2011).
12.3.1 A
nalysis of the Urban Features in Cairo Festival City
Mall and Mall of Arabia
The following part represents the core analysis according to two-fold aspects. The
first explained in (Table 12.2) is the main similarities as to urban setting of the two
selected case studies, while the second explained in (Table 12.3) are the
Table 12.2 Urban features analysis of the mega malls
Surrounding CFCM:
urban context Cairo Festival City Mall is surrounded by notably the Police Academy to the
North, which marks an important security landmark in New Cairo. From the
East, South and West CFCM is surrounded by housing plots for higher middle
income class of the 1st settlement in New Cairo. Adjacent to the Mega-mall lies
a gated housing compound still under construction; with villas and apartments
reflecting a luxurious lifestyle; matching that of the customers and clients of
the neighboring mega mall; and implemented by the same developer “Al
Futteim”.
Mall of Arabia:
Mall of Arabia is located in a strategic plot which marks the major traffic node
in 6th of October city, which is El-Obour square. This node is considered the
entrance gate the new expansion, upon which lies one of the major universities,
The Nile University, still under construction and gated housing compounds
mark the south corners of the urban node. The node also is a major
transportation hub which accommodates the stops of most public and informal
transport systems accessing the new city. This location provides the mall with
easy accessibility which is an important advantage to its operation and
functionality.
(continued)
Table 12.2 (continued)
Surrounding CFCM:
roads The exit from the Ring-road linking New Cairo to downtown represents the
network main access to CFCM. The Ring Road is a heavy traffic road, especially during
the peak traffic hours, where students of schools and universities and residents
move back to their destinations. Private cars, school and university buses along
with public microbuses that transport workers and employees who reside in
considerably far places form their workplaces such as the mega mall represent
the most dominant mode of transportation. Access to the Mega mall is also
possible from the adjacent streets of the first settlement.
Mall of Arabia:
Access to mall of Arabia is from the main 26th of July axis which link 6th of
October City to downtown. The other entrances are located on the parallel axis
of Gamal Abdel-Nasser road. Both roads again mark high traffic roads, and
dependency is mainly on private cars or microbuses. Pedestrian access is not
possible due to the urban features such as width of road, number of lanes,
absence of traffic lights of the roads, even from nearby gated communities.
(continued)
Mass plan CFCM:

The mass plan of CFCM is extending horizontally with a low density built up
area, consuming the horizontal expansion to provide vast parking spaces and
featuring landscape. This marks the long travel distances between the shops,
department stores and parking zones. Thus, experiencing the whole mega mall
in one visit is considered impossible.In light of this fact customers deal with
the mall as an entertainment and commercial city with different attractions to
be targeted in each different visit. Stemming from that, mobile apps started
targeting this horizontal expansions to provide way finding techniques within
the same project.
Mall of Arabia:
The same strategy of horizontal expansion applies to Mall of Arabia, which
also marks a large scale experience for users due to the long distances that
separate the different entrance gates from each other and from the parking plots
as well. This horizontal expansion resulted in adaptable patterns of use where
internal valet services are provided for users who aim to facilitate their trip.
(continued)
Heights CFCM:
The heights in this case extend up to 4 stories in most of the complex. This
provides enclosure within the central spaces, and enabled the presence of more
dominant branding techniques on the elevations.
Mall of Arabia:
Heights are limited to a single storey in this case, except for the furniture
complex which marks a landmark by extending for 4 levels with a cylindrical
form. Thus, from the vistas of the axes around, the mega mall doesn’t provide a
strong visual image.
Source: Authors
Table 12.3 Architectural Features Analysis of the Mega Malls

Central space CFCM:
The central space represents the core gathering and socail interaction node in
the mega –mall. Although there is no clear impact of the central space on the
external image of the mega mall, yet, the inner elevations, setting, landscape
and activities make it the real heart of the project. The water feature “dancing
fountain” plays an important role in creating a favorable view for the tens of
restaurants and cafes surrounding it. However, access is not limited only to the
users of the cafes, but extends to all users of different socio-economic levels.
This is because of the proximity of the entrance to the dancing fountain to the
main street and the free entrance to the facility. This encouraged the residents
of the nearby Zahraa Al-Maadi to use the space inside the mall as a free of
charge public space especially in the weekends and public holidays.
(continued)
Mall of Arabia:
The central space in this case is also an outdoor space that embodiesthe heart
of the project, where again a dominant water feature has been added to provide
attraction in the vast space. However, the main difference here is that the
access to the water feature has been limited to the users and customers of the
restaurants and cafes, after being open to the public. The next two images refer
to the alterations before and after the access to the central water feature has
been limited. Certainly the main goal here was to maximize the economical
profit, however, disregarding the possibility of creating a new typology of
urban forums. The branding and consumption values have been maximized in
this case.
Architectural CFCM:
Language The architectural language in this case provides a minimalistic tribute to
patterns and materials. The main player in the mega mall was to provide a
background for the elevations of the commercials and branding features. The
selection of colors is also based on the suitable choice for each department
store. This provides a new sort of International Style, where the branding of
the elevations is the new trend, regardless of the physical context of the city.
(continued)
Mall of Arabia:
The same strategy is applied on the elevations of Mall of Arabia. The entrances
are the only highlighted design features through mass and materials; however,
the remaining of the elevation is another background for branding. Notably to
mention here, that the same architectural language has been borrowed from the
Mall of Arabia in Jeddah, by the same holding company, which re-emphasize
the emergence of a new trend of International Style based on branding and
consumption aspects.
(continued)
Circulation CFCM:
The circulation elements in this case is mainly linear, however, sub-divided by
several nodes and atria which provide vertical connectivity of the different
levels.
The inner nodes are again used to provide entertaining features for the users
and act as magnets to attract users from one node to the other through the
different settings and displays.
(continued)
Mall of Arabia:
In the case of Mall of Arabia, the circulation is mostly linear to the
horizontality and loop shaped circulation. However, the main player here was
to provide a vast circulation space amid the two rows of the shops to enable
the circulation elements to contain commercial and social activities as well.
Source: Authors
architectural features dominant in both cases. The analysis here will pinpoint the
surroundings of each mega mall, the main roads leading to each, the mass-plan of
each mega mall and finally the heights.
12.3.2 A
nalysis of the Architectural Features in Cairo Festival
City Mall/Mall of Arabia
In the next part, the qualitative analysis will focus mainly on the architectural fea-
tures of both mega malls, (Table 12.3). The aim is to address points of similarities
and differences in the emerging trend of mega-malls. The analysis will cover the
features of centralspace, architectural language and circulation inside the facility.
12.4 C
ross-Analysis of the Role of Mega Malls in Creating
Livability in Cairo’s New Districts
After the previous analysis of the mega malls as islands of consumption and brand-
ing in the new extensions around Cairo, it is important to re-read the mega malls in
their outer context, in relation to the nearby residential neighborhoods and traffic
arteries. In this section, the cross analysis will be conducted on the effect of the
mega malls on the livability of the peripheral streets nearby.
According to Momtaz and El-Semary (2015), definitions of livability include an
array of different issues that are underpinned by a common set of guiding principles.
Those include accessibility, equity, and participation that give substance to the con-
cepts of livability. The quality of life experienced by citizens in a city is tied to their
ability to access infrastructure (transportation, communication, water, and sanita-
tion); food; clean air; affordable housing; meaningful employment; and green space
and parks. The differential access of people within a city to the infrastructure and
amenities highlights questions of equity. The livability of a city can be also deter-
mined by the access that its residents have to participate in decision-making to meet
their needs. Thus, the livability indicators used in this paper will be combined with
reference to the previous literature review as, access to suitable transportation, the
right to public space, local products produced by local small based vendors in public
space and the balance between the formal and informal activities.
In addition to this, Momtaz and El-Semary (2015) add on that a livable city is a
city where common spaces are the centers of social life and the foci of the entire
community. A livable city must be built up, or restored, as a continuous network;
from the central areas to the more distant settlements, where pedestrian paths
and bicycle-paths don‘t cross and mix together, each has its own path in all the
sites of social quality and of community life. Those indicators will be examined
in the direct context of the two mega malls selected for the study in the
Figs. (12.2, 12.3, 12.4, 12.5, 12.6, and 12.7). It has to be noted that the images below
were taken in the same time duration as the images used in the previous analysis.
This gives a strong indication that the livability has been mainly directed to the
mega malls, while being missing in the streets, nodes and squares of the surround-
ing neighborhoods.
As apparent in the figures above, the planned open space in the neighborhood is
left vacant due to its nature of no man’s land. Only private entrances of the houses
are maintained, however, none of the indicators of livability studied above are
present.
The same problem of the lack of livability is indicated in the above figures adja-
cent to Mall of Arabia. Open public space is left unmaintained, no possibilities for
walk-ability or the presence of social interaction in the streets. Adding to that the
new fly-over under-construction in El-Obour street adds even more to the lack of
social vitality in the neighborhoods. In addition to that, the left over undersigned
space started to re-adapt informal activities and dwellings by the porters of the
adjacent houses.
Figs. 12.2, 12.3, 12.4 6th of October neighborhoods adjacent to Mall of Arabia (Authors)
Figs. 12.5, 12.6, 12.7 First settelment neighborhoods adjacent to Cairo Festival City Mall
(Authors)
12.5 Discussion
The problem tackled here was the emergence of the new trend of mega malls in the
new urban extensions around Cairo. The main aim is to study the current state of the
mega malls as islands of branding and consumption, and the cross-effect this has on
the livability of the surrounding neighborhoods.
The study resulted in demonstrating that the new trend of mega malls is certainly
changing the social spaces of socio-economic vitality into consumption and brand-
ing tools. Although in Cairo Festival City case, it has created a social vital node in
the fountain area which is open to the public; nevertheless, it is not connected to the
city.
The strong presence architecturally and on the urban scale of the branding tools
de-saturated the new expansions from opportunities of creating spaces of social and
economic vitality elsewhere. The mega malls have been acting as magnets to attract
the users to the central space.
In a parallel note, the architectural significance of the mega malls in Egypt are
more or less replicas of the featuring mega malls in Duabi and the gulf area. This in
addition to demolishing the layers of identity and architectural primacy of Egypt
emphasizes more and more the global architectural transitions to branding and con-
sumption. The brand is thus emerging via mega malls to become the new International
Architectural Language.
To conclude, the relevant literature related to the life and death of cities was
applied on the cases of new expansions around greater Cairo. After that, qualitative
analysis has been implemented on two selected case studies of mega-malls, Cairo
Festival City Mall and Mall of Arabia. The main outcomes of the study can be sum-
marized as a group of recommendations and lessons learnt. First, it is crucially
important to pay attention to the decaying and unmaintained public space in the new
extensions and to provide opportunities of economic and social vitality to avoid the
presence of unsafe spaces in new developments, or leave the space for further infor-
malities. This is also important for the social sustainability of the new developments
around Cairo, which is an emerging trend in this period as a political will in Egypt.
Those issues are in need to be addressed before becoming an unsolvable
phenomenon.
Second, it is important to re-insert a local character and an appropriated architec-
tural language to emphasize the identity of local spaces. This will add a distinction
to the place instead of merely duplicating similar mega-malls in the region. Finally,
public transportation should play a better role in the new expansions to link the
districts together. Also the design of functional pedestrian and bike lanes in the new
development linking the districts to the lively nodes is a very important outcome.
Walk-ability can be used also as linking tool between the districts to avoid the pre-
vailing lack of livability in the streets of the new developments.
References
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Denis, E. (2006). From the Walled City to the Walled Community: Spectacles of Risk, Enclaves
of Affluence in Neo-liberal Cairo. In D. Singerman & P. Amar (Eds.), Cairo Cosmopolitan:
Politics, culture, and urban space in the New Middle East (pp. 47–74). Cairo: American
El Noshokaty, A. (2002). Promised cities. Al-Ahram Weekly, no.602, http://weekly.ahram.org.
eg/2002/602/fe5.htm. Accessed 1 Nov 2016.
Elsheshtawy, Y. (2011). From Dubai to Cairo: Competing global cities, models, and shifting cen-
ters of influence? In D. Singerman & P. Amar (Eds.), Cairo cosmopolitan: Politics, culture, and
urban space in the New Middle East (pp. 235–250). Cairo: American University in Cairo Press.
Fahmi, W. (2013). Fragmenting a Metropolis Sustainable Suburban Communities from
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November (2013), http://www.sciforum.net/conference/wsf3. Accessed 1/3/2016.
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reader in cultural theory. London: Routledge.
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Lehmann, S. (2010). The principles of green urbanism: Transforming the city for sustainability.
London: Earthscan.
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ory and applications in Egypt. In International Conference on IT Architecture and Mechanical
Engineering (ICITAME’2015), Dubai.
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Journal of Social Science and Humanity, 3(4), 339–343.
Stewart, D. (1996). Cities in the desert: The Egyptian new towns program. Annals of the Association
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Egypt’s 1996 population census results. Cities, 18(3), 135–149.
Chapter 13
Towards an Innovative Community:
Rethinking the Urban Configuration
of the University Campus Within New
Cities
Mohamed Shokry Abdelaal and Doaa Abdelaal
Abstract Within the context of Knowledge-Based Economy, many cities around

the globe are working on magnetizing the global talents of professionals, students,
academic staff and researchers for joining their local markets. Numerous studies
revealed that university campuses could play a substantial role in boosting the inno-
vation within communities and reinforcing the mission of developing human
resources aligned with fostering competitive technological advantages. In new cit-
ies, societies tend to maximize their competitive benefits to attract more talents and
investment. Thus, reconstructing the relationship between campus and the new city
is becoming more substantial for the survival and foolishness of these new commu-
nities. Therefore, this study is organized based on two premises, the first straightfor-
ward is, hypothesizing that both, urban and spatial characteristics and configurations
of university campus may increase or decrease the possibilities of innovation to take
place within the city. The second attribute is more holistic, assuming that there is a
kind of correlation between community or campus-scale planning, and space-scale
setting in fostering interaction and thriving innovation. Accordingly, the research is
a trial to articulate the design framework which may control the efficiency of this
relationship to promote innovation within a broad ecosystem. In this chapter, the
authors used qualitative research tools to consolidate the final findings and planning
consideration of new innovative communities by deploying a target group question-
naire and analyzing a distinctive case study of MIT University Campus, USA.
M. S. Abdelaal (*)
School of Architecture and Built Environment, Adelaide University, Adelaide, Australia
Architectural Engineering Department, Cairo University, Giza, Egypt
e-mail: shokry.abdelaal@adelaide.edu.au; mshokry@effatuniversity.edu.sa
D. Abdelaal
e-mail: dmohamed@effatuniversity.edu.sa

238 M. S. Abdelaal and D. Abdelaal
Keywords Campus planning · Academic spaces · Innovative university · Social

innovation · Metrics
13.1 Introduction
Many cities, regions and corporates around the globe are working on developing
several projects, trends and concepts to magnetize the global talents for joining their
local markets. At the micro level of the worldwide talent pool, this generation of
innovators is drawing higher attention to their work environment, providing facili-
ties for them and their families and offering incentives to encourage moving to these
innovation magnets.
Moreover, policy makers, stakeholders, and prominent innovation firms are seek-
ing more precise and measurable indicators for evaluating the ability of their econo-
mies, regions, and universities to attract the world’s best innovators. (Imperative
2008)
With the more significant role of urban communities, comes the greater contribu-
tion of universities within these areas. Universities have a long history of thriving
the social, cultural and economic competitive advantages of cities. The relationship
was always mutually supportive. Today, universities can act as testbeds for generat-
ing more innovative and vibrant communities and attracting international businesses
and researchers (Ransom 2015).
In response to this invaluable bond, this chapter focuses on establishing a design
framework to articulate the urban design premises that provide exclusive distinction
for the university campus of the future of new cities.
This goal can be achieved by engaging the disciplines of city planning, urban
design, and architecture more actively in two broad scopes: The first frames the
relation between University and City. The University’s physical interaction with
the new city plays a major role in providing reciprocal benefits that support both
town and gown. The second scope within the boundaries of the campus: a vibrant
environment that combines buildings and open spaces in a harmonious setting that
metaphorically expresses the unpredictable character of modern Education
(Turner 1984).
The principal aim of this chapter is thus to influence the thinking of innovative
managers, architects, and university campus planners by broadening their consider-
ation when planning and designing both the organizational settings and the physical
configurations of innovative spaces within new cities. A research is conducted try-
ing to establish a universal language that brings these disciplines together in the
context of the innovation process to avoid perceiving the organizational structure,
and physical environment of innovation in isolation from one another.
The authors are using the qualitative research method while investigating the
premises of innovation-boosting space and the parameters of designing an innova-
tive campus. A case study for a successful role model of innovative campus in MIT
will be applied to conclude the learned lessons and emerging trends from a success
story of an innovative university campus.
13 Towards an Innovative Community: Rethinking the Urban Configuration… 239
13.2 Literature Review: About Innovation
Precedent studies navigated literature on the conception of innovation in both busi-

ness enterprise and technological innovation and their applications; considering
how to match technology to the market need. However, the architectural character-
istics and parameters of innovative spaces were only oriented towards the arrange-
ment of workspace or study classroom to foster collaboration and innovation
holistically.
13.2.1 Economic Innovation
Innovation is related to business development for new products and processes. Thus,
the metrics of economic innovation depends on the mechanical parameters of inputs
and outputs. Historically, Innovation was viewed linearly. Accordingly, economic
innovation measurements focused on production systems with the input-
development-output mode (Atun et al. 2007). However, today, innovation is a mul-
tidimensional process that cannot be measured with a single indicator. While the
knowledge economy is unfolding around us, the currently available measurements
reflect products and artifacts rather than ideas and processes.
The extensive research on the relationship between innovation economies and
high-tech clusters focuses on the critical role that universities play in driving pro-
gressive urban change in new cities. O’Mara stated:
Universities are critical anchors for many of these communities – from San Francisco to
Boston, Barcelona to Tel Aviv, Munich to Melbourne, Sao Paulo to Shanghai. Through
commercialization of research, creation of jobs, and education of students, universities
drive economic dynamism and regional competitiveness. The extensive research on innova-
tion economies and high-tech clusters points again and again to the critical role that univer-
sities play not only in seeding research, but in driving positive urban change in the cities in
which they are located. At the same time, universities have gained strength when they inte-
grate the talents and resources of people, firms, and institutions in the community to find
innovative ways to teach, to perform research, and to create professional opportunities for
their students. (O’Mara 2012)
Planning of innovative districts and workplaces:
Zundel (2013) densely researched this topic in finding a comprehensive frame-

work for developing innovative communities. His research project tried to find some
answers to the question of: “What role(s) and degree of confidence can be planning,
and design professionals play in the development of regional innovation economies,
especially considering the lack of evidence tying urban sites to the larger system?”
The most interesting findings of Zundel’s study determined the role of places in
innovation systems and how to use urban redevelopment to foster innovation and
the roles planning/design professionals play in the process of cataloging new tactics
for land development. About regional innovation system, Zundel’s study helped in
linking between the understanding of regional innovation systems and the value of
land development projects in improving those systems. Also, it concluded that

favorable developments increased innovation in their local economy via urban plan-
ning and design tactics.
The organizational structure and built environment for innovation:
The work of Thomas Allen and Gunter Henn (2007) about The Organization and
Architecture of Innovation was focusing on bridging the gap between the business
organization of workplaces and architectural space planning of office spaces. Their
extensive study concluded that these two management tools—organizational struc-
ture and physical space—are partners in moving the innovation process forward.
This mission requires the clever combination and use of physical space and organi-
zational structure. Neither by itself is sufficient.
It was one of the earliest design-based studies that go well beyond the observa-
tion of “best practice” or separate case studies as it includes the issue of the appro-
priate organizational structure for innovation and the product development process,
which can be designed on a rational basis. (Coleman et al. 2012).
Campus –City relationship as a generator for innovation:
Goddard and Vallance (2013) demonstrated that the relationship between the
campus and the city is:
a multifaceted one of distinct but interrelating physical, social, economic and cultural
dimensions. Universities are physical sites and regeneration projects that ‘connect eco-
nomic and community engagement.
Also, it is proven that city size matters for a successful campus-city integration
the more powerful is the university campus within an average size city, the more it
contributes to the ‘agglomeration economies’ that drive city growth. There is a
strong correlation between cities with more skills and higher levels of human capi-
tal, and local employment growth. (Shapiro 2005). The Centre for Cities adds that
medium-sized cities are the most innovative, leading pioneering work in different
industries.
13.2.2 Examining the Campus-Downtown Relationship
The morphological configuration for the relationship between the university and the
city centers were examined in Adhya study (Adhya 2009). This study covered four
university campuses in different cities and stated that there are some commonalities
among the four cases in the following typical spatial patterns: the first pattern that
emerges in all the four cities is the presence of an active center composed of highly
integrated lines. The second trend was the secure connection between the historic
core and the periphery; this center-periphery link has helped to sustain the down-
town in these cities as an attractive location for entertainment, retail, and other pub-
lic amenities. The third pattern inherent in the studied cases is the location of the
university campus is vital to the cities. The campus defines the urban form, attracts
activities and people, and creates an identity of the town. The universities have
played an essential role in influencing the shape and direction of the urban expan-
sions. University campuses are significant generators of activities and movement,
creating opportunities for enhanced public experience.
13.3 Theoretical Framework- Understanding Innovation
The most confusing thing about innovation is its definition and its organization.
Simply, innovation can be recognized as a magical mix of creativity, knowledge,
spark with imagination and fuel with data. To understand innovation as an idea, it is
essential to demystify it into conception, organizational structure, and process.
The understanding of innovation:
The architects who create buildings for organizations engaged in innovation
must go far beyond their traditional programming process. They need to understand
the role of different types of innovation, communication and the desired patterns of
interaction within their clients’ organizations. Christensen stated that there are two
categories of innovation:
• Sustaining innovation: as an improvement mode to something already existing.
Also, it is the ability to use resources in a new, bright or unexpected way to solve
a specific problem in a context. Which is creativity?
• Disruptive Innovation: is the second category of innovation, which is opening
new frontiers of imagination for creating entirely new products, services or even
a whole new market. (Christensen 1997)
To facilitate innovation, Communication is a mandate. The more integrally com-
municated are the innovative team(s) the more ideas might be mingled to retain the
organization’s efforts to hatch, incubate and develop innovative products, services
or processes.
There are three types of communications for better innovation (Allen and Henn
2007):
• Information communication: This is more related to fundamental knowledge and
references. This sort of connections is occurring within the same discipline or
department to discuss a technical expertise.
• Coordination Communication: this type of communication is required among
team members from closely related specialties or disciplines who are working on
the same project to assure that their separate pieces of the mosaic will be assem-
bled safely as a final product.
• Inspiration Communication: the most challenging level of innovative communi-
cations is built on gathering a vast variety of minds from different backgrounds
(science, art, and engineering) to think imaginatively to interweave radically new
ideas. The organizational structure of innovation
Historically, the Ancient Greek Agora; the eighteenth-century teahouses where the
Enlightenment developed; or early twentieth century Paris cafés, where modernism
Fig. 13.1 The technical

department organization
(Author)
was born, are excellent examples of discourse-driven areas and fostered generative
interactions between people. The sociologist Ray Oldenburg calls these spaces the
“third place,” which are environments separate from home or work where people
gather and, more importantly, collide.
From the organizational point of view, innovation has evolved, organically, as a
process through four generations:
13.3.1 Generation One: Department-Based Innovation
By the mid of last century, organizations tended to control the flow of innovation
process as an industrial mass production line. Dividing the institution into a group
of departments with different, but related, specialties who are working together to
create the final product along with a technology stream of activity. At that time,
production mode was more oriented towards creativity or sustaining innovation.
(see Fig. 13.1) Positively, technical departments’ staff can keep in close contact
with new developments within their specialties. However, the limitations of this
model lay in the mere fact that industry has not had the luxury of avoiding cross-
disciplinary work. Information communication is the dominant mode of exchanging
ideas among departments’ staff.
13.3.2 Generation Two: Project Team-Based Innovation
Due to the complexity of market demands, the idea of project teams emerged from
companies’ desire to satisfy the market needs by creating products and services
without being aligned with a single technological speciality or discipline (Dspace
2012).
Fig. 13.2 The project-

team organization (Author)
Tracking the market’s demand in a proactive fashion leads to more predisposi-

tion towards creating interdisciplinary teams centered on a project. This model
allowed coordination communication and imagination or disruptive innovation to
flourish among the multidisciplinary team members to an absolute limit. (Fig. 13.2).
On the other hand, this trend had a price of extracting the team members away
from their original bases of knowledge-technological departments. They are more
likely to lose updates about “state-of-the-art” in their respective specialized areas of
knowledge. This dilemma creates a problem in reassigning the resulting prema-
turely “obsolete” staff to new projects which lead, consequently, the organization to
be lagging.
13.3.3 Generation Three: The “Matrix”-Based Innovation
The matrix organization is developed to resolve the previous concerns, as project

teams, while making intense focus and coordination possible, could not meet the
challenge of keeping well contacted with new developments within their specialties.
Typically, this trend uses functional supervisors and project directors to manage the
same people. Lines of liability go in at least two directions. The Matrix setting gen-
erated a highly competitive environment to let both sustaining innovation (creativ-
ity) and disruptive innovation (imagination) to thrive. (see Fig. 13.3).
Meanwhile, testifying such a model proved its organizational inefficiency as
people could not work for multiple bosses—the project leader and the department
head. This managerial conflict may cause brutal competition among different
managers to fight for grabbing the most talented resources for their projects or
departments.
Fig. 13.3 The matrix organization (Author)
Fig. 13.4 The center of gravity organization (Author)
13.3.4 Generation Four: Centre of Gravity-Based Innovation
Evolutionally, a refined edition of “the matrix” model is developed by adding a third

layer of interaction as follows (see Fig. 13.4):
• A center of gravity is added to a central area of collision between technically ori-
ented talents (department based) and market-oriented skills (project based) within
a fully flexible space for chaotic and messy but mentored innovation. The com-
posed teams within such a center are highly independent with freedom of location,
communication, and integration with other bases (technological and project).
• The technological departments remain as the resource of knowledge update and
revising the validity of proposed ideas by the center of gravity.
• The project-based teams are acting as moderators between both centers of grav-
ity and technological knowledge based departments. Also, these teams will be
responsible for revising the novelty of proposed ideas by the talented groups in
the center of gravity.
13.4 S
tudy Hypothesis: The Multi-dimensional Ecosystem
of Innovation
This research assumes that there are interrelated bonds within different scales of
innovation: the city, district, building, and individuals. Such complex interwoven
connections create an ecosystem for innovation within the city. The stronger is the
bond among these factors within mentioned four levels; the more likely innovation
may flourish and expand (see Fig. 13.5).
Fig. 13.5 The physical framework of innovation ecosystem (Abdelaal 2016)

These hypotheses are supported by the findings of secondary and primary research
on innovation conducted by Steelcase company. It was retained by a survey of more than
200 corporate real estate practitioners and observation studies with clients that helped to
identify innovation behaviors and processes in actual work settings (Steelcase 2016).
In fact, the study revealed that some design elements of buildings reduce the
opportunities for thriving and innovate. Hence, the importance of physical space in
the innovation process is profound; it becomes more important to understand the dif-
ferent types of communication and their impact on innovation (Coleman et al. 2012).
Another study conducted by Gensler design research team navigating through a
group of case studies for innovation generation spaces, one of the its critical find-
ings is that one size does not fit all, as each type of change within a certain culture
is a unique environment. Each situation needs a set of multiple, overlapping design
strategies for its spaces to support a mode of innovation (Coleman et al. 2012).
The proposal of innovation ecosystem is constructed on earlier thoughts, theo-
ries, visions and practically learned lessons from different models. This chapter
presents some proper answers for the major raised questions in a sequentially struc-
tured approach to reach this comprehensive framework. The levels of applying this
framework are attributed within four hierarchical scales: Individual/interpersonal
scale, Campus /building scale, District/vicinity urban scale and City/regional scale.
Still, this concept is flexible enough to match various modes of innovation for
different innovative industries. Table 13.1 shows that not all industries are equally
related to the four levels of this ecosystem. For example, Digital applications, edu-
cation, fashion, and architecture are more enclosed professions which are linked to
the institution and the talented workers more than being related to the city or the
adjacent context.
13.5 C
ase Study: MIT, the Leading Global Campus
of Innovation
Finally, after years of being the global runner-up innovative university, MIT man-
aged in 2016 to surpass its traditional rival, Harvard, which is scrambling to catch
up from the institutional point of view.
At MIT, there’s no pretense, and everyone is very humble and lets the work speak for itself.
At Harvard, it is much more structured and formal, but that same level of energy is missing.
(Vogel 2012)
Although MIT, Cambridge-USA was considered one of the most dynamic inno-
vative campuses worldwide over the past decade, a little research focused on reveal-
ing the secrets of MIT booming. In this section, the research will work on applying
the evaluation parameters of innovative campus on MIT case.
Referring to the few studies which analyzed the built environment of MIT,
researchers and stakeholders (MIT 2016) of the campus revealed a secret ingredient
behind the stunning success of MIT campus in generating innovation on three lev-
els, as shown in Table 13.2.
Table 13.1 The correlation

between innovative industries
Individuala
and the four level of
Buildinga
Districta
innovation ecosystem aThe
scale of correlation (L Low, M
Citya
Medium, H High) was derived
from an extended matrix
includes 18 variables that Innovative industry
relates innovative industries (Berg and Hassink 2014)
to the four levels. (Facilities,
type of space, size of space, Aerospace L L H M
relation to adjacent supporting Architecture M M H H
services, relation to city
center, etc.) (Abdelaal 2016) Art & crafts H H M M
Automotive L M H H
Digital application M H H H
Education L M H H
Fashion M L H H
Film & music H H H M
Healthcare L M M M
Industrial design L L M H
Information technology L L H M
Media L M H H
Publishing M M M H
R&D H L M H
Telecommunication H L M H
Table 13.2 Levels of generating innovation in MIT campus

Space/Building Campus/Immediate context Campus/city
Building 20 Kendall square MIT/Cambridge
Source: Author
13.5.1 Space/Building Scale
Some of MIT buildings have been ranked as creative environments of all time;
inspite of their simple shapes and unimpressive ambiance. For example, the old,
outdated looking Building 20 was referred to as “the magical incubator.” (Lehrer
2012) (see Fig. 13.6).
These buildings are an unplanned ingredient for developing innovation-driving
spaces:
• Theme-based entities or clusters to foster teamwork spirit, a problem solver
building should replace disciple/department based unit;
• The horizontal setting of space planning provides more chances for collabora-
tion than vertical buildings. As the vertical layout with small floors limits research
Fig. 13.6 Building 20, MIT Campus, Cambridge (www.mit.edu)
variety on each level. Thus, Chance meetings in an elevator tend to terminate in

the lobby, whereas chance meetings in a corridor managed to lead to technical
discussions.” The urban theorist Jane Jacobs described such incidental conversa-
tions as “knowledge spillovers.” (Lehrer 2012);
• Temporariness: Building 20, for instance, was planned to be occupied for few
years. This sense of temporariness encouraged researchers to manipulate the
building’s walls, floors and roofs to fit their needs;
• Transparency: visual connection to support the idea that one has the freedom to
make one’s decisions—that is, within the realm for which one is responsible—
but also to influence the decisions of others seen through the glass walls;
• Shared spaces: In the less-formal setting of a comfortable couch or a coffee bar,
the company benefits from the chance conversations, sharing of ideas, and over-
all interaction that was far less likely to have taken place with the old, closed
space configuration;
• Possibility: Organizations need space where things can happen, where it is pos-
sible for the unexpected to unfold. It is in the less formal, open spaces where the
chance encounters that are so essential to the innovation process can take place;
• Flexible communication modes: despite its chaotic behavior, innovative spaces
should provide ample flexibility for exploiting the three modes of communica-
tion: coordination, information, and inspiration; either within different spaces or

in one room, and;
• Physical proximity: regardless how is the organizational structure of the institu-
tion, physical proximity between talented innovators from different-even
contradicting-disciplines, such as engineers and artists are mandatory for more
innovativeness.
13.5.2 Campus/Immediate Urban Context-Kendall Square
The new development of Kendall Square initiatives is an ideal example of Building

a collaborative leadership network within campus, block or district scale (innova-
tion districts) (Coleman et al. 2012).
For decades this square acted as colossal parking space for MIT Campus with
under mark use. After 7 years of active community dialogue, finally, Kendall Square
Initiative was approved by the city council in 2016. The plan to alter the old surface
parking spaces with a vibrant mixed-use district featuring six new buildings of
research, retail, academic and residential uses.
The Kendall Square Association has described This corridor as “the densest
square mile of innovation on the planet” (Hoban 2011).
In general, some lessons can be learned from the substantial transition of Kendall
Square for the plan of developing the immediate context of MIT Campus:
• Centers of gravity: building design can promote collaboration by rearranging
space and flow so that the activities of individuals and groups unfold dynami-
cally. One of the proper techniques is to centralize social spaces to urge people
within varies, groups and teams, to travel to them; this would have a profound
influence on traffic patterns and on the possibility, that people/groups who rarely
communicate might run into each other and interact;
• Setting a vision for growth: by providing actionable guidance for how an inno-
vation district should grow and develop in the short-, medium- and long-term
along economic, physical and social dimensions. (Katz and Wagner 2014), and;
• Pursuing talent and technology: given that educated and skilled workers and
sophisticated infrastructure and systems are the twin drivers of innovation.
13.5.3 City Scale
Regarding the relationship between the campus and the city, MIT was founded a
century and a half ago to serve the technological needs of the industrial age, it has
managed to transform itself into an incubator for the digital age. This kind of dra-
matic self-reinvention is almost unheard of for a major university. (Vogel 2012)
Thus, the open campus setting transformed the university to be an “Innovation

spinoff” hub the city of Cambridge, Thrilling the ecosystem of innovation to spread
all around the city. Two learned lessons can summarize the MIT/Cambridge’s
dichotomy:
• Promoting inclusive growth by using the city’s innovation districts as a plat-
form to regenerate adjoining distressed neighborhoods as well as creating educa-
tional, employment and other opportunities for low-income residents of the city.
(Katz and Wagner 2014), and;
• Integrating arts & culture combinations in facility centric (arenas, cultural
centers, incubator space or creative district), people oriented (supporting art cen-
ters, creating cooperative marketing opportunities, commissioning artworks,
program-based (gardening, mural making, public art displaying, local art festi-
vals, exhibitions or plays (Zundel 2013).
13.6 A
Practical Framework: Multidimensional Design
Criteria for Innovative Environments
The outcome of a prior research by the author (Abdelaal 2016) strongly support the
findings of case study and research literature in earlier sections.
Both studies recommend that the measurement of campus’s innovation capacity
should not be limited to one scale (city, campus, building) or one scope (architec-
tural style, space planning, organization,..). It should be perceived within multi-
layered and real-time design criteria. (see Fig. 13.7)
The proposed criteria reflect the new paradigm shift of the knowledge-based
networked economy to guide innovation policies and illuminate the uncertainties.
The architecturally based indicators can be roughly categorized into four interweav-
ing ‘pillars,’ progressively becoming more complex and meaningful as illustrated in
Table 13.3 (Abdelaal 2016).
13.6.1 Spatial Parameters
The physical structure and the layout of the facilities in which the work is per-
formed, bring us into the realm of architecture. There are eight spatial indicators to
measure the capacity of the city, the district, the building and the individual space to
host innovation effectively. The mentioned signs include:
• Compliance (Availability of supporting facilities);
• The frequency of collaboration;
• Flexibility (Alone & Together) (Steelcase 2016);
• Reflection of culture and brand (Showcase & Workspace);
Fig. 13.7 The parameters of innovation ecosystem metric within different environments (Abdelaal
2016)
• Inspiration/challenging (Risky & Safe) (Coleman et al. 2012);

• Social connectivity (internal/external). (Augustin and Coleman 2012);
• Continuation (Designed & Undefined), and;
• Comfort.
13.6.2 Organizational Parameters
Seemingly, the structure of the formal organization governs the technical communi-
cation process among teams and groups within the same organization and other
supporting/competing organizations. In the previous section, this study proposed a
developed model for “the matrix” model by increasing the layers of interaction and
mentoring within and around work environments. Based on the proposed mode in
section two of this paper, the attributes of measuring organizational success may
include the followings:
• The efficiency of communication center of gravity;
• Quality and productivity of knowledge drivers (technical departments), and;
• Quality and productivity of market drivers (project-teams).
Table 13.3 Multidimensional metric for evaluating the innovation capacity spaces
Immediate Building/ Individual/

PARAMETERS City-Scale Urban Con-Campus- Group-
text Scale Scale
Compliance (Availability of Supporting fa-
1 2 5 3X
cilities)
Frequency of collaboration
1 3 5 4
(3 types of communication)
Flexibility - 2 5 4
B. Organizational In- A. Spatial Indicators
Reflection of culture and brand(contextual) 3 3 5 3

Inspiration/challenging (hard-working tool) 3 4 5 2
social connectivity (internal/external) 2 3 4 5
Continuation 3 4 5 2
Comfort 2 3 5 3
Efficiency of communication center of grav-
1 1 3 5
ity
Quality of knowledge-driven departments 1 1 3 4
Productivity of departments (quantitative) 1 1 3 4
dicators
Quality of market-driven project teams 1 1 3 4

Productivity of project teams (quantitative) 1 1 3 4
The cultural diversity of local community 3 4 3 2
The average educational level of residences
(% of college and post-graduate degrees 2 3 4 5
holders)
D. Technological C. Socio-Cultural Indicators
% of creative class of total population 2 3 4 5

Density of Public art within lively
3 4 5 1
streets/spots
Number of annual Art and culture activities
(conferences, festivals, exhibitions, shows, 4 3 3 2
concerts.)
Availability of art and culture assets (enter-
5 5 3 1
tainment, education, personal development)
Infrastructure Indi-
Availability of latest technology 3 4 5 5

Research and development expenditure (% of
2 3 4 3
GDP)
Telecommunication capacity 3 3 4 5
cators
Capacity of Transportation infrastructure 4 4 1 1
Scale from 1 to 5 (1 = Poor, 2 = Low, 3 = Average, 4 = Mostly, 5 = High

Source: Author
13.6.3 Socio-cultural Parameters
The cultures that continually produce innovation have visionary leadership, organi-
zational commitment to breakthrough thinking and a place that support the work of
innovation (Fedorowicz 2001). Moreover, socio-cultural shared norms and interests
create a simple organizational structure within and between individuals, groups,
companies, and regions. This bond which develops among any set of people work-
ing in the same part of an organization or proximity of one another can act as a
charger for innovation. The quality and concreteness of these socio-cultural attri-
butes can be measured by:
• The cultural diversity of local community (Hospers 2006);
• The average educational level of residences. (Micek 2016);
• Percentage of the creative class in the total population (Florida 2004);
• The density of Public art within lively streets/spots;
• Some Art and culture activities annually (conferences, festivals, exhibitions,
shows, concerts...) (David 2011), and;
• Availability of art and cultural assets (entertainment, education, personal
development).
13.6.4 Technological Infrastructure Parameters
The dispersion of knowledge has been greatly aided by the ability to communicate
information and knowledge via the Internet and by other rapid means. However,
these technological tools do not themselves resolve the challenges of managing the
innovation process. Thus, technological readiness is densely notable in many
nations, regions, and cities around the globe; regardless the economic level of devel-
opment of these communities. The following indicators represent the most influen-
tial factors that affect attracting talented innovators worldwide: Availability of
latest technology (products & services), Research and development expendi-
ture (% of GDP), Telecommunication capacity, Capacity of Transportation
infrastructure.
Finally, Table 13.3 summarises the connection of the mentioned above criteria
with the four different dimensions of perceiving the relationship between the uni-
versity campus and the city in a matrix format. Whereas, this relation is scaled from
1 to 5 (1 least relevant up to 5 most relevant).
13.7 Conclusion
The primary interest of this chapter is answering the common question by policy-
makers and stackholders: is there an excellent reference or guideline for designing
a thriving university campus within a spot of our world for the next century?
Answering this question requires a multidisciplinary research effort that com-
bines various approaches and scales: regional innovation systems, urban settings of
innovative cities, the psychology of change and the characteristics of innovative
spaces.
Apparently, the research tackled in this chapter, concluded that innovation as a
process, target, and organizational model has never been linear. Along with history,
it kept on evolving as an organic entity. However, this organic evolution continued
in growing through a consistent pattern that can be detected, tracked and mapped.
More important, this mapping resulted in proposing a multidimensional frame-
work for developing an innovative community.
Also, the research concluded that the readiness of innovation varies dramatically
from case to another. What fits a particular type of innovative industry within a spe-
cific context may not apply to others. The research set a matrix of horizontal param-
eters affects innovativeness in different scales (city/region, District/community,
Building/Campus and individual/group space).
Still, further justification and testing should take place to enhance the outcomes
of the proposed metric. In further research, the findings of this metrics will be
aligned with other qualitative and quantitative results for a group of case studies.
Some of the most significant cases to be examined are the Crane Building, North
Philadelphia. This building is located within a unique, innovative context in
Philadelphia’s University City (science center). Also, Googolplex is one of the most
successful campus-like cases that need to be tested in this metric.
For the less developed and developing regions, such as Egypt and the Arab
World, although they might host a set of promising innovative institutions within
new cities, such as the Smart Village and Nile University campuses in Egypt and
KAUST campus in Saudi Arabia.
However, this study indicates that the development should be comprehensive at
all mentioned scales. It is almost impossible to achieve any progress in constructing
an innovation driven environment without tangible political, socio-economical and
institutional amendments. The pillars of innovative spaces all over the world are
mainly consolidated by a serious political willingness by the decision makes at the
four levels of innovation: the city, the urban district, the building and the
institution.
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Chapter 14
Approaches and Factors Affecting Healing
Environment in Health Care Facilities
for New Cities
Laila M. Khodeir and Tasneem Gamal
Abstract Design facilities for new cities is a mission with a responsibility towards
both human resources and advancing the quality of life in these cities. Healthcare
facilities (HCF), in particular, are regarded as a necessity in a rapidly developing
world of new communities and cities. The main target of (HCF) is healing; failing
to achieve this target is a crucial predicament that needs to be investigated. To attain
healing, a design that cares about the welfare of occupants must be provided. To
successfully create an effective healing environment, public participation of occu-
pants, specifically cancer children, is required to accommodate their psychological,
physiological and emotional needs- or needs that are necessary for their healing and
recovery. According to the International Agency for Research on Cancer (IARC), an
increase from 14.1 million to 21.7 million new cancer cases from 2012 to 2030
respectively is estimated. Three times increase in cancer incidents relative to the
year 2013 was estimated in Egypt. Therefore, healing design approaches for the
physical environment of such facilities play a major role in patients’ well-being and
health. The objective of this article is to identify the basic approaches and factors
affecting healing environments in existing health care facilities through literature
review and the analysis of case studies. The utmost aim is to deduce lessons learned
in order to assist in creating HCF that are adaptable and suitable for the future. The
study concluded a number of guideline criteria for the design of efficient health care
facilities that are user-friendly and that would fit within new cities.
Keywords Healing interior design · Health care facilities · Cancer · Pediatric ·

New cities
L. M. Khodeir (*) · T. Gamal

Associate Professor of Architecture, Department of Architecture, Ain Shams University,
The British University in Egypt, Cairo, Egypt
e-mail: Laila.khodeir@bue.edu.eg; tasneem.gamal@bue.edu.eg

258 L. M. Khodeir and T. Gamal
14.1 Introduction
Each New Situation Requires a New Architecture. (Nouvel 2017)
Design facilities for new cities is a mission that bears a responsibility towards
both human resources and advancing the quality of life. Architects and engineers
are among other professionals who have a great responsibility in preserving human
resources while advancing the quality of life for people. New cities pose great
challenges; with the exceeding vitality of the quality of life; the great advances in
technology; as well as the stressful lifestyle many people experience nowadays.
In Egypt, a proposed Vision “2030” aimed at developing and progressing the old
Egypt to a new Egypt characterized by an innovative and knowledge-based society.
The purpose is to improve Egyptians’ life quality and achieve sustainable
development by possessing a balanced, diversified and competitive economy
depending on knowledge and innovation, having a balanced ecological collaborative
system, based on social justice and community participation. Egypt is categorized
among the top 30 countries in the global competitive indicator based on its innovation
and determination and also on its 60% youth population. (Egypt Economic
Development Conference 2015).
The strategic visions of 2030 for health care development aims that all Egyptians
should enjoy a healthy, safe and secure life through an integrated, accessible, high
quality and universal healthcare system capable of improving health conditions
through early intervention, and preventive coverage, ensuring protection for the
vulnerable and achieving satisfaction for citizens and health sector employees. This
will lead to prosperity, welfare, happiness, as well as social and economic
development, which will qualify Egypt to become a leader in the field of healthcare
services and research in the Arab World and Africa. One of the main objectives of
the SDS in health pillar is the improvement of the health of citizens within a
framework of justice and equity. This means to study all factors affecting the health
of Egyptians including social factors, sector resources, general awareness and
lifestyle. (Ministry of Planning, Monitoring and Administrative Reform 2016).
In general, Health Care Facilities (HCF) are places were provision of healthcare,
maintenance of health, or its restoration takes place. Such facilities include small
clinics, doctors’ offices, care centers, hospitals, trauma centers, etc. HCF, in
particular, are considered a necessity in a rapidly developing world of new
communities and cities. This is due to increased rate of population growth, emerging
illnesses, psychological conditions, and longer life expectancy of citizens. In Egypt
alone, the population is estimated to grow to 92 million people by 2020. Thus,
Health Care facilities are a major concern in this generation (Ministry of Health and
Population 2003). New Cairo Capital, East of downtown Cairo will be a hub of
270-square-mile occupying 21 new residential districts suitable to house 5 million
persons. New Cairo Capital, as a new city will have over 600 medical facilities
alone highlighting the importance of efficient healthcare facilities giving identity to
the city (Garfield 2017). Health Care is a crucial contributor to a developed economy.
It is worth mentioning that an NXT 2020 prototype for single-inpatient room has
14 Approaches and Factors Affecting Healing Environment in Health Care Facilities… 259
been established to fulfill needs and wants of patients and staff in the new
communities. It was specifically tailored to meet technical international
advancements in the field of medicine and medical services alongside the social and
psychological needs of people.
Healing environment in health care facilities, represent the physical setting
which supports mainly patients and their families in coping with the imposed
stresses and undesirable psychosocial effects due to hospitalization, illness, medical
visits and even bereavement at times. This in return promotes occupants’ health:
occupants of temporary stay as patients and their families as well as the staff
working there on a regular basis. Spaces, design elements, materials, noise and
social aspects induced by design are all examples of factors impacting the Healing
Environment (White 2006).
14.2 Pediatric Cancer Care Facilities
According to The American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP), “Pediatrics is the spe-

cialty of medical science concerned with the physical, mental and social health of
children from birth to young adulthood.” This encompasses age range from birth to
18 years old; this range exceeds to reach 21 years old in the U.S. and sometimes it is
limited to the completion of secondary education. Pediatric care has a broad range of
health services ranging from “preventive health care to the diagnosis” to treatment of
diseases, acute and chronic (American Academy of Pediatrics 2016). Cancer is a mis-
chievous, chronic disease that in many cases can be fatal. Psychologically coping
with cancer diagnosis and its rigorous treatments can be a burden to the patients, lead-
ing them to experience stress, anxiety, or even depression. This in return can affect
their recovery by reducing the effectiveness of cancer drugs on tumor cells, cause
immune suppression, increase rate of tumor growth, and increase tumor cell invasive-
ness (metastatic activity). Moreover, behavioral aspects arise due to stress during can-
cer treatment and even after survival and curing through the inability to cope with the
losses, discrimination and fears of reoccurrence of cancer tumors (Lawenda 2012).
Healthcare facilities target healing; failing to achieve their purpose is a crucial
predicament to be investigated. To attain healing, a design that cares about the
welfare of occupants must be provided. Environment can provoke occupants and
cause discomfort. Disregarding the healing environment aspect in health care
facilities does not allow them to efficiently serve their purpose. This in return affects
not only the society on level of welfare and productivity, but also affects health care
facilities as businesses with a deficit of managerial success. Therefore, interior
healing design and physical environment of such facilities play a major role in
users’ well-being and health (see Fig. 14.1).
Cancer, in specific, is a very sensitive illness that requires a special design for
healing (American Cancer Society 2016). Curing the illness is not enough, healing
the patient regarding their acceptance and adaption to the tedious illness and its
rigorous therapies is mandatory. Healing should be provided as an integral part in
Non-user-friendly Unpleasant Psychological Health problems

environment emotions for users disorders and complications
•Ex. Stress, • Deficient immune
depression, anxiety, systema
etc... • Slower post-surgery
wound-healing
• Other negative
impacts (Lawenda
2012)
Fig. 14.1 Impact of physical environment on user (Authors)
cancer curing process, and not as a detached therapy post curing. The essence of
Architecture or Interior Design is customer satisfaction. Yet, customer satisfaction
in its pure form is ironically not achieved in many cases and thus positive health
outcomes cannot be achieved with the deficient healthcare service provided by the
environment of the medical facility. Accordingly, Health Care Facilities cannot be
automatically termed as successful projects.
Whatever Good Things We Build End Up Building Us, Jim Rohn (2017).
The main objective of this research is to identify the basic approaches and factors
affecting healing environment in health care facilities through literature review and
the analysis to several case studies. The utmost aim is to deduce lessons in order to
assist in creating HCF that are suitable and adaptable to the needs of cities in the
future. The study concluded a number of guideline criteria for the design of efficient
health care facilities that are user-friendly and that would fit within new cities.
To achieve the objectives of this study, qualitative methods by means of literature
review and analysis of documented case studies in literature by various authors were
implemented. The literature review tackled the definition of Healing Environment;
the factors and approaches involved in creating healing environments; and the
scientific knowledge that relates healing environments to the roots of the problem of
stress. An online survey was conducted on children using ethnography approach
through different social media means to introduce the term ‘healing environment’
from the children’s perception to help in reaching the paper objective.
14.3 Introduction to Healing Environment
Despite the fact that the term healing environment is quite uncommon, relevant
assumptions can be made on its definition. Google Images search engine directly
present images involving greeneries and nature when healing environment is typed.
The literature sources that highlight the concept of healing interior design used for
this paper included different specialized categories, from general healthcare
facilities (HCF) to Post Occupancy Evaluation (POE) of cancer centers, all of which
dated from the year 2000 and later. In addition, some other sources of information
are dated from the 1900s which enrich the literature of this research allowing it to
36
21
% Presence
19
14
7
0 0
Post Paediatric HCF in Paediatric Paediatric Cancer General

Occupancy Cancer Egypt Cancer Wards Centers HCF
Evaluation Centers in Centers
Egypt
Scope of Literature
Fig. 14.2 Paper categorization of literature according to scope (Authors)
43
29
% Presence
14 14
2000-2003 2004-2006 2007-2009 2010-2012 2013-2014 2015-2016
Date Range (Years)
Fig. 14.3 Paper categorization of literature according to their dates (Authors)
be holistic and comprehensive. Figures 14.2 and 14.3 present literature analysis
through inclusion of authors of extant number of published papers, such as (Cullinan
and Wolf 2010; Galvin 2012; Geffen 2004; Ghazali et al. 2013; Harris et al. 2006;
Huisman et al. 2012; Kotzer et al. 2011; Larsen et al. 2013; Miller 2010; Sherman-
Bien et al. 2011; Wang et al. 2011; Woo and Lin 2016; Young 2013; Ziegier 2015).
Results show that approximately 7% of available literature targets healing interiors
of pediatric cancer centers, as most literature on healing environments of HCF were
carried out in years 2010–2012 (see Figs. 14.2 and 14.3) respectively.
14.4 The Concept of Healing Environment
The theoretical concept of healing environment focuses on three aspects, firstly: the
emergence of the concept of healing environments historically; secondly: emergence
of evidence-based design and its relation to healing environment, and thirdly: the
consequences of lack of application of healing environment.
14.4.1 Emergence of Healing Environment
According to Huisman et al. 2012, a healing environment is a place or a physical

environment where positive health outcomes result from interaction between staff
and patients. In 2016 Woo added that healing environment is a holistic environment
which aids patient rehabilitation; this can be done by a variety of hardware and
software. Healing environments are considered ‘smart investments’ due to their
positive effects on patients’ health, reduction of stress levels of patients and staff,
better staff productivity, faster patient recovery and shorter stay in hospitals etc. In
the 1990s, the term evidence-based design was given to design solutions for HCF
which were based on scientific research and scientific reliable data. This has become
“the theoretical concept” of healing environments (Huisman et al. 2012).
14.4.2 Emergence of Evidence-Based Design
The emergence of Evidence-based design (EBD) in HCF started with Professor

Roger Ulrich’s experiment comparing the effect of natural scenery and a simple
brick wall on patients. The research results indicated that patients with tree views
had shorter post-operative stays after surgery. They also took fewer strong and
moderately strong medication, showed lower scores of postsurgical complications,
and had less negative comments from nurses. Ever since, physical environment
started getting academic attention and the creation of new spaces emerged, called
healing environments.
14.5 Consequences of Absence of Healing Environment
Huisman et al. 2012 emphasized that health is a broad term not only encompassing
physical wellbeing and mere absence of infirmity or disease, but also encompassing
social and mental wellbeing. Woo and Lin 2016 stated that health’s psychological
concept is defined as healing. Interior design can largely affect health of occupants
and is not a luxury. Sick Building Syndrome (SBS) is a syndrome of many
symptoms as dry skin, headache, lethargy, and symptoms related to mucous mem-
branes as irritation nose, throat, and eye all to which are related to indoor environ-
ments of buildings. Thus in Healthcare Facilities (HCF), indoor/interior environment
can have a large effect of health, wellbeing and recovery of occupants (Huisman
et al. 2012).
14.6 A
pproaches and Factors Affecting Healing Interior
Design in Healthcare Facilities
This section tackles both the generic approaches and factors of creating a healing
environment in healthcare facilities and pediatric cancer centers specifically.
Factors affecting Healing Environment in healthcare settings include a variety of
range, of which some are confirmed to be or are proved to be evidence-based design
and some are simple empirical data with low reliability. Only one source by Huisman
et al. 2012 measures the reliability of data due to its level of evidence contributing
to research. (see Fig. 14.4) and (Table 14.1) illustrate how healing environment was
approached differently, either by common EBD or by special, unique approaches.
This was based on the literature papers analyzed and previously mentioned in this
article.
Regarding cancer patients (including infusion patients), the most prominent,
important healing environment factors as Wang et al. 2011 conveyed are:
• Choice and Control
• Privacy and Social Support
• Positive Distractions
Fig. 14.4 Healing environment up-to-date approaches in literature (Authors)

Table 14.1 Generic healing environment factors of HCF

Healing
environment
approach Discussion/factors
AEDET & AEDET (Achieving Excellence Design Evaluation Kit):
aspect Character and innovation
Use and access
ASPECT (A Staff and Patient Environment Calibration toolkit):
Patients’ need of privacy
Viewing outside along around building
Dealing with nature and outdoor
Comfort and being able to control levels
Interior appearance of healthcare
Facilities provided
(Ghazali et al. 2013)
Multi- It mostly targeted social relations and psychology of users. The 7 healing
dimensional levels include:
approach Education and information
Connection with others
The body as garden
Emotional healing
The nature of mind
Life assessment
The nature of spirit
CAM therapies (massage, acupuncture, green tea drinking, etc...) can be
introduced as a physical environment related to the 7 healing levels (Geffen
2004).
Multi-sensory Its factors are scientifically evidenced by neurosciences. Acoustic, tactile,
design optical, and olfactory parameters are the parameters with guaranteed
effectiveness (Ziegier 2015).
Ethnography The root of ethnography is understanding how people we are trying to
approach understand and perceive events and actions that happen and how they feel
about them; thus, this allows one to see things from a new perspective and
target them in the best way possible. This approach was used to understand
patients’ experience in single and multi-bed rooms (Larsen et al. 2013).
(continued)
Healing
environment
approach Discussion/factors
Common EBD Users Building Performance
(Integrated system User Building system
Design by outcomes outcomes
Ulrich and Patients Materials No errors Safety and
Rutten) security
Family Space- Safety and Production
plan security support
Staff Interior Control Compliance
with laws
Services Privacy Energy and
sustainability
Site Comfort Adaptability
Skin Family Initial and
support operational
Structure Organization costs (Huisman
and et al. 2012)
functionality
Technical
support
Source: Authors
Despite research tackling the psychological aspect of occupants’ wellbeing or

wellness and the occupants’ needs regarding activities and wants, the provision of
the spaces suitable for such activities are not discussed; for example, a space for
doctors to discuss medical status of patients with families, etc. The crucial healing
environmental factors for pediatric cancer patients (see Fig. 14.5).
14.7 Analysis of Case Studies
The case studies analyzed were carefully chosen as they elaborate the most effective
impact factors in healing environment, art and daylight, in different, special
applications.
14.7.1 CARTI Cancer Center/Little Rock, Arkansas
The winning “Design Excellence Award – Gold” is a cancer care destination cen-
trally located providing comprehensive oncology care, and characterized by its spa-
like environment reflecting its rocky woodland landscape setting. The spa-like
Fig. 14.5 Key factors of healing environment in pediatric cancer centers (Authors)
Table 14.2 Healing environment factors in case 1

Healing environment factors Case study application
Privacy and Family support Curved structures, especially in lobby
social support Communal meeting spaces
Staff/technical Ample daylight levels
support Communal meeting spaces
Privacy Infusion chairs not facing one another for privacy
Patient support Ample daylight levels
Private and communal meeting spaces
Nature incorporation and great views provided to
“downtown Little Rock” and surrounding mountains by the
North and South glass facades.
Positive Visual aspects on wall with faded lights and calming colors
distractions incorporating numbers as steps of healing with happy,
inspiring quotes. For instance, number 2: Hope, and
number 4: Heal etc.…
Choice/control Choice/control –
and comfort Comfort Has curved, spacious, relaxing visual interior
Uplifting and calm environment supporting the cancer
support program
Safety and Safety –
security Organization and Cladding is local limestone- sustainable and provides
functionality landmark from main road for the HCF
Easy way-finding and navigation by large font writings on
wall for departments, rooms etc.
No errors Ample daylight levels
Source: Authors
environment supports and restores health of patients, families and staff. Polk Stanley
Wilcox Architects were associate architects for the CARTI Cancer Center project
that was completed in year 2015. (Table 14.2) illustrates the healing environment of
CARTI Cancer Center.
14.7.2 Children’s Hospital Concept (Pediatric Hospital)
The basis of the concept of pediatric healthcare presented in Children’s Hospital

Concept is comprised in its valuing of children and trying to create a welcoming,
engaging environment that enhances child imagination, not losing sight of
functionality of healthcare and the medical innovations. This case study is quite
unique with respect to its given attention to details and psychology of children along
their experience at every stage in the hospital. Positive distractions supporting
patients and choice/control factors were highlighted in the hospital’s concept. This
is a successful example of design according to ethnographic approach in healing
interior design. Healing environment factors are illustrated in (Table 14.3)
(Cloudberry Studio 2017).
Table 14.3 Healing environment factors in case 2
Healing environment factors Case study application
Privacy and Family support “The Healing Tree” which is the star attraction of the
social support healthcare lobby when first accessed
Has curved interiors for family-friendly space rather than
sterile interiors.
Staff/technical Ample daylight levels and calming interiors
support
Privacy –
Patient support Due to hallways being a typical place of high anxiety when
children move from their room’s security to carry out tests or
procedures, this healthcare concept integrated sensors in
hallways that react to a child’s presence and thus sets off “an
interactive light display, surrounding the patient in a cascade
of leaves on the walls, floors, and ceilings.”
“The Healing Tree” has a hide-away part and a musical
instrument part. It also features a variety of animals and
flowers. A winking owl appears if the tree is touched in the
right time.
In the healing tree lobby, the “sky” above can change its theme
and lighting from cheerful, bright day to a calming, serene
night aided by nearby, glowing “leaves” with LED lights.
Lobby has columns with a design inspired from trees to
extend the natural setting
Positive
distractions
Choice/ Choice/control Provision of a variety of seating options inkling long play
control and tables that help keep active children engaged.
comfort Custom LED lighting in in-patient rooms allows children to
choose the color of their room.
Personalized interactive moments in places like hallways and
rooms where children spend most of their time to allow the
children to engage in space, as if to say, “welcome, don’t
worry, here’s something fun.”
Children confined to beds have advantage of specialty
technology that allows them “to control in-room entertainment
systems without a remote control.” Simply, a voice prompt or
hand gesture can summon a nurse from high-concept, near nurse
stations, turn the room color, pause or play a video game, etc…
In the healing garden provided, an arts and crafts space
integrated with creative picnic areas allows the creation of
engaging and playful spaces bringing “children’s camp
experience to a children’s hospital”
The healing garden has a central maze for kids to wander
Comfort Has curved, smooth, relaxing visual interiors with nature-
inspired themes
Healing garden for both play and rejuvenation for all users
Safety and Safety –
security Organization Circling the lobby is a pathway integrating “state of the art
and information boards” which are programmed in the back wall
functionality from the reception desk.
No errors Ample daylight levels (Cloudberry Studio 2017)
Source: Authors
14.8 Discussion
“My passion and great enjoyment for architecture, and the reason the older I get the
more I enjoy it, is because I believe we – architects – can affect the quality of life of
the people.” (Rogers 2017).
The objective of this research is to identify the basic approaches and factors affect-
ing healing environment in health care facilities through literature review and reported/
documented case studies. This paper provides factors of healing environment affect-
ing pediatric cancer patients; nonetheless provides different approaches to healing
environment creating potential for innovation and potential for further research.
The study concluded a number of guidelines or criteria for the design of efficient
health care facilities that are user-friendly and that would fit within new cities.
14.8.1 D
esigning Healing Environments for Pediatric Cancer
Centers
“A lot of society tries to put people with disabilities into one cube, and when you
think about it, many, many people have different types of disabilities, and you can-
not put a code that applies to towards everyone – generally, they can be guidelines,
but in the long run, interior designers and architects need more education on the
subject.” (Perlman 2017).
Design findings focused on the most impacting sub-factors retrieved from literature
review and documented/published study analysis: artwork and daylight. The deduced
design findings are based on critical analysis of literature sources already discussed;
they were specifically suggested for a double-inpatient room for cancer children. The
room chosen for cancer children is a multi-bed inpatient room for two patients enabling
social interaction, yet avoiding complications and problems associated with large
number of patients occupying a room, regarding both user satisfaction and infection
control. Artwork is incorporated in a number of spaces to positively attract children
and aid them in healing. Daylight is allowed to flood in the room and is enhanced by
numerous design approaches. The foundation pillars of design concept are patient
healing, family support, accident reduction, infection control, and work performance
enhancement (see Fig. 14.6). This chapter focuses on the ‘Patient Healing’ pillar as it
encompasses the two main impacting sub-factors, artwork and daylight.
Fig. 14.6 Foundation pillars of design concept of double-inpatient room for cancer children
(Authors)
Fig. 14.7 Shades and tints of cool-down Pink (Authors)
14.8.2 Patient Healing
“The art of medicine consists in amusing the patient while nature cures the disease.”
(Voltaire 2017).
‘Patient healing’ pillar highlights that the patient is a child and thus is based on
ethnography approach. It encompasses the following healing sub-factors: privacy,
patient support, positive distractions, choice/control, and comfort. The ‘patient
healing’ constitutes guidelines for artwork, daylight, interactive amenities, and
social interaction.
(a) Artwork
• Children prefer nature imageries incorporating another feature of positive
connotation (whether it is a man-made object of high importance to children
as balloons and toys, or smiling or happy faces of real or animated characters
or objects). Balloons, in particular, mean a lot to children and make them
joyful. Literature approved this finding; however, it highlighted that children
of age five to seven years old specifically prefer child art. On the other hand,
case studies did not provide solid evidence for artwork presence except in
mere presence as wall art patterns and colors;
• Ceiling art is a good option for healing as approved by both literature and
case studies, and;
• Personalizing space for each patient with their own art work aids healing.
This aspect was not tackled intensively in literature; however, some case
studies had this as a main design concept for child healing.
(b) Daylight
• Light tints of pastel colors are preferred for better daylight reflectivity. Cool
down pink is the most appropriate hue to reduce aggressive behavior and
anxiety of children that builds with their illness. Different cool-down pink
tints and shades (see Fig. 14.7) respectively. Few literature sources
extensively exploited the effect of cool-down pink color shade on cancer
patients while case studies lacked the application of research findings, and;
• Window curtains help control daylight admission in rooms. Both literature
and documented case studies conveyed the importance of controlling
daylight admission through multi-layered curtains and different features in
their design.
(c) Interactive Amenities

• Television and Wi-Fi should be provided, and;
• Medical equipment that may be intimidating to children should be installed
in the headwall of bed out of sight of patients, or covered. This takes into
account the children’s sensitivity. Literature review and case studies
supported this finding.
(d) Social Interaction
• A double-bed inpatient room choice is preferred as cancer children crave for
social interaction, making friends, and do not like being alone. Literature
approved this finding while documented case studies lacked the application
of research findings.
14.8.3 Establishing HCF in New Cities
“Architecture is measured against the past; you build in the future, and you try to imagine
the future.” (Rogers 2017).
Design of facilities for new cities is a responsibility towards both human

resources and advancing quality of life. Healthcare facilities (HCF), in particular,
are necessities in a rapidly developing world of new communities and cities. The
objective of this research was to identify the basic approaches and factors affecting
healing environment in existing health care facilities through literature review and
analysis of documented case studies. The utmost aim was to extract lessons learned
in the form of findings or guidelines in order to assist in creating HCF that are
adapted for the future. Healing environment highlights achieving good quality of
life by promoting wellbeing and health; which are crucial elements in design of new
cities. In light of promoting wellbeing and health, art and daylight are two factors of
essential contribution.
Arts along culture strategies aid enhancing and revealing the city’s underlying
identity in light of its value, unique meaning, and character — of the physical and
social form of a community. This identity is reflected through the community’s
character or sense of place. The community’s sense of place is a dynamic concept
that requires new cities to be dynamic and flexible which can be achieved through
applying healing environment factors as art. Art can be integrated in new cities by
depicting Egyptian culture in streets and projects enhancing sense of place and
belonging to cities (Hodgson 2011). According to (Schoof 2017), daylight is a
crucial contributor to brighter and happy cities promoting wellbeing of the
community. Both arts and daylight can be utilized to achieve Charles Montgomery’s
vision of a happy city. Cities can shape society’s behavior and the way it thinks
(Montgomery 2013). In light of that, integrating healing environment in cities (from
interior scale to city scale) can promote wellbeing and happiness od new cities.
Following those design findings will help establish new, sustainable, advanced
cities that care about the environment and the quality of life of people in the
environment as all the facilities perform their functions efficiently working hand in
hand with SDS 2030 vision for Egypt. Those design guidelines allow healing
interior design to take its share in new communities that need it and they help
empower cancer children in their fight against cancer. New cities are not just roads,
buildings and empty spaces; new cities are interior spaces, quality of life and
communities. New cities are a revolution of thinking as to how Engineering and
Architecture can help heal and create life along medicine.
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New Cities and Community Extensions in Egypt and The Middle East

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New Cities and Community Extensions in Egypt and The Middle East

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Sahar Attia · Zeinab Shafik

New Cities and Community

ISBN 978-3-319-77874-7 ISBN 978-3-319-77875-4 (eBook)

Library of Congress Control Number: 2018943290

© Springer International Publishing AG, part of Springer Nature 2019

Printed on acid-free paper

The Department of Architecture at the Faculty of Engineering in Cairo University

In this publication, 26 esteemed authors innovatively contributed in producing 14

1 Al Alamein New City, a Sustainability Battle to Win........................... 1

9 So It’s Always a Chance: Community-Led Solutions to

Doaa Abdelaal College of Architecture and Design, Effat University, Jeddah,

Asmaa Ibrahim Department of Architecture, Faculty of Engineering, Cairo

Zeinab Shafik Professor of Architecture, Cairo University; Affiliate Professor at

c­ oncerns. Coordinator of several International Architectural Competition: “Grand

Asmaa Ibrahim is an Associate Professor at the Faculty of Engineering, Cairo

© Springer International Publishing AG, part of Springer Nature 2019 1

Keywords Al-Alamein · Integrated master plan · Sustainable urbanism · Public

1.2 ANC Vision Within Its Regional Context

Fig. 1.1 Administrative regional context of ANC (Author)

1.3 Sustainable Development Strategy (SDS) in ANC

Fig. 1.2 ANC vision, and objectives (Author)

natural environment is another major challenge to consider. The author suggests

green industries, agricultural hinterland, education, and research oriented eco-

• Measures should be taken to optimize the use of underground water, by ensur-

1.4 Development Drivers for ANC

AL Alamein’s economic development framework involves integrated key sectors

Table 1.1 The expected Description Total in 2052

1.5 The Master Plan

(a) The planning concept:

Fig. 1.5 Sustainable neighborhood theoretical concept (Author)

Sustainability at the level of the neighborhood is achieved by using blocks that

Fig. 1.6 The grid and the module (AC 2017)

Fig. 1.7 The master plan (AC 2017)

1.6 Role of Public Spaces in Achieving Sustainability

Fig. 1.10 The beach promenade (AC 2017)

Abstract As rapid urbanization continues to transform the landscape of the cities

Keywords AL-Alamein · Productive cities · Spatial planning · Urban layouts ·

© Springer International Publishing AG, part of Springer Nature 2019 19

2.2 Productive and Spatial Analysis in NUC

2.2.1 Theoretical/Practical Background for Sustainability

Sustainable urbanization implies a process that is economically productive, socially

2.2.2 Linkage to Comprehensive Development Methodology

2.3 Value Chains and Supply Chains

2.3.1 Market Demand and Value Chains

2.3.2 Spatial Dimension and Supply Chains

2.3.3 Economic Efficiency and Planning

As demonstrated above, the efficiency in flow of production factors and information

2.4 Urban Layout and Productivity

Despite a commonly held conception of interdependence between urban planning

2.4.1 Interpretation of Urban Layout and Productivity

2.4.2 Connectivity and Main Components of the City

In broader economic terms, connectivity of a city is generally defined by how cen-

2.5 Egypt Case Background NUC Development

The Egyptian New Urban Communities (NUC) development experience started in

2.5.1 The Three Generations of New Egyptian Cities

2.5.2 Economic and Urban Role of New Cities

urbanization of Egypt. Since those cities were supposed to serve as a development

2.5.3 NUC Impact on Urban Development

2.6 Al-Alamein Urban Development and Planning

1 Al Alamein New City, a Sustainability Battle to Win........................... 1

9 So It’s Always a Chance: Community-Led Solutions to

c oncerns. Coordinator of several International Architectural Competition: “Grand

1.2 ANC Vision Within Its Regional Context

1.3 Sustainable Development Strategy (SDS) in ANC

1.4 Development Drivers for ANC

1.5 The Master Plan

1.6 Role of Public Spaces in Achieving Sustainability

2.2 Productive and Spatial Analysis in NUC

2.2.1 Theoretical/Practical Background for Sustainability

2.2.2 Linkage to Comprehensive Development Methodology

2.3 Value Chains and Supply Chains

2.3.1 Market Demand and Value Chains

2.3.2 Spatial Dimension and Supply Chains

2.3.3 Economic Efficiency and Planning

2.4 Urban Layout and Productivity

2.4.1 Interpretation of Urban Layout and Productivity

2.4.2 Connectivity and Main Components of the City

2.5 Egypt Case Background NUC Development

2.5.1 The Three Generations of New Egyptian Cities

2.5.2 Economic and Urban Role of New Cities

2.5.3 NUC Impact on Urban Development

2.6 Al-Alamein Urban Development and Planning

2.6.1 Integration with City Region

2.6.2 Spatial Dimension and Supply Chains

2.6.3 Development and Economic Engines

3.1 The Start

3.2 The New Land

3.2.1 NEOM Location

3.2.2 Neighboring Countries

3.2.3 Natural Recourses in the Site

3.2.5 NEOM Community

3.2.5.1 Saudi’s Community

3.2.5.2 Robotics and Future Technologies

3.2.5.3 Creative Population

3.2.5.4 NEOM Lifestyle

3.2.5.5 New Technology

3.3 NEOM Image Branding

3.4 Economic Situation

3.5 The Power of Religion

3.6 The Role Models

3.7 Conclusive Remarks

3.8 Research Limitations

4.4 King Abdullah Economic City Formation

King Abdullah Economic City is formed to be the greatest enabler of socio-

4.5 KAEC Key Challenges and Role of Stakeholder

4.5.2 Creating Balance Between Public and Private Sector

4.5.3 KAEC Remote Place and the Creation of Social Basis

4.6 KAEC: City of Investment

4.7 Conclusion and Recommendations

5.2 The Impact of Public Transit on Land Value

5.2.1 The Economic Impacts of Public Transit on Land Value

5.2.2 The Evidence of Land Value Increment

5.3 Land Value Capture Mechanism

5.3.1 LVC Definition and History

5.3.2 LVC Mechanism Methods

5.3.2.1 Land Value Tax (LVT)

5.3.2.2 Tax Increment Financing (TIF)

5.3.2.3 Special Assessments (SA)

5.3.2.4 Transportation Utility Fees (TUF)

5.3.2.5 Development Impact Fees (DIF)