SUBSISTENCE-ORIENTED CORN PRODUCTION

IN CEBU: CONTRASTING LOCAL KNOWLEDGE

AND DEVELOPMENT PERSPECTIVES

Zona Hildegarde S. Amper

Abigail R. Eugenio
Punky May Bacon
Benjie Bonita

This paper focuses on the agricultural environment with corn as

primary crop in Bogo and Dumajug towns in Cebu, and on
perceptions of peasant-farmers engaged in corn production, including
their motivations, the corn varieties preferred, and consumption and
utilization practices. The study finds that corn is valued as the staple
food, and as such is embedded in the lifestyle and world views of
these rural households. Members of households perform specific roles
in the various processes of corn production, consumption and
utilization. Corn is not primarily produced as a commodity to be sold
for profit but as a subsistence crop to ensure food security for the
household for an entire year. Thus, native corn varieties are preferred
over the more recently introduced high-yielding varieties because they
can be depended on for a steady supply of grain for household
consumption. These findings are contrasted with the assumptions of
the government’s agricultural program for corn. The peasant
worldview is sometimes misconstrued by government planners and
program implementers as ‘traditional thinking and refusal to adapt to
modern ways’ of agricultural production. But for these peasant
households in rural Cebu, planting corn is a strategy to ensure
households’ staple food needs, rather than a source of cash.

Keywords: Corn production, farming systems research, local

knowledge, peasants’ perspectives

Aghamtao, 2018, Volume 26:75-93

76 Subsistence-oriented corn production in Cebu

Introduction

Of the Philippines’ main agricultural crops, corn is considered the second

most important next to rice (followed by coconut, bananas and other fruits,
sugarcane, tobacco and abaca). Corn is also the primary source of feed for
poultry and livestock producers. Harvests of the traditional white corn
varieties are mostly retained for domestic consumption as well as animal
feed. There are roughly 1.8 million corn farmers in the whole country, many
of whom are smallholders dependent totally on rainfall for production
(Gerpacio et al. 2004).
Anthropology has contributed much to farming systems research,
providing cultural analysis of farming production systems especially from the
perspective of the farmers themselves. This has linked technocrats with the
practitioners to come up with a synthesis of programs that are grounded on
farmers' experiences but are also informed by technical expertise in terms of
other aspects of agricultural production (Norman 2002). Our study compares
technical government agriculture development programs and local
knowledge and practices on corn production. It seeks to determine Cebuano
peasants’ perspectives on corn, as well as their motivations and current
practices relating to corn production, corn varieties, and corn consumption
and utilization, as contrasted with government agricultural program
objectives, implementation and outputs. Many government agricultural
programs are planned at the national level and implemented at the local level,
and sometimes are not congruent with or applicable to the situation in
specific farming communities.
Cebu is one of the few provinces in the Philippines where corn is a major
staple crop. This may be due to the type of soil as well as the lack of
irrigation in agricultural areas in the province, making it not suitable for rice
production. In fact Cebu produces more corn than rice, and it is the top-
producer of corn in Central Visayas. Data from the Bureau of Agricultural
Statistics (BAS) (2012) show that in Central Visayas, Cebu has the biggest
area planted to corn (55.2% of total area or 113,892 hectares out of the total
206,270 hectares planted to corn in the entire region). In terms of corn
production, Cebu also leads (at 90,518 metric tons out of the total production
of 172,138 metric tons in Region VII, representing 52.6% of entire
production).
Amper et al. 77

Local corn production in Cebu compares with other Third World

countries1 wherein non-mechanized methods are used and corn is grown in
small-scale family farms (Tanchuling 2007). This situation reflects what
Tadem (2018) refers to as a form of peasant moral economy largely based on
subsistence needs characterized by a limited area for cultivation, low
productivity, high production and transportation costs, low market prices, a
scant surplus, and traditional modes of production. Tadem (2018) contends,
based on field research in various communities in Luzon, that household-
based peasant societies still persist in the Philippines despite changes in
specific aspects of the economy, social relations, and political structures.
This study likewise underlines the peasant world view in local contexts.
However, there is a dearth of studies on peasants’2 perceptions, actions and
decisions as regards corn production in Cebu. Studies on corn production
have been done by government agencies and related institutions, mostly

1 Corn (maize) is a global commodity and a dietary staple for more than two hundred
million people worldwide (King 1992). In Kenya, maize is central to household food
security (STEPS Centre 2012). In Ethiopia, maize has the highest annual production
and productivity among all other cereal crops. It is mainly used as food and its
production, processing and utilization provide employment and income-generation
activities for a big percentage of the population (Twumasi-Afriyie et al. 2001).
Unlike in Africa where most of the corn grown is for human consumption, more than
half of the corn grown in the United States is used for animal feed (McCann 2005).
At present, the United States is the world’s largest producer of corn comprising
around 95% of total grain production (USDA 2006). But while corn production in
the US uses mechanized and industrialized methods, most of the corn-producing
underdeveloped countries produce and process corn by hand on small-scale family
farms, such as in Malawi where corn is consumed as a “stiff porridge” (Conrad
2010).
2
In peasant agricultural systems, the main economic actors are the persons who
make a living from and have a way of life intimately connected with the land, as they
produce agricultural crops primarily for subsistence (Redfield 1956; Firth 1950;
Wolf 1969). The common definition of the term “peasant” in cultural anthropology is
that they are cultivators whose primary means of livelihood is subsistence agriculture
centered in a rural community. However, this definition later expanded to consider
the relationship of rural villages and the state, the impact of macro-economic
processes, effects of modernization on rural communities, and internal differentiation
within peasant societies (Schüren 2003). As Harris (2005) points out, the importance
of peasants to anthropology is their representation of a special economic situation
wherein they are both in and out of the wider society and commodity markets. He
posits that peasants embody a dual economic orientation, providing for themselves as
well as for others at the same time. The term “peasant” thus evokes contradictory
representations and realities.
78 Subsistence-oriented corn production in Cebu

focused on technical as well as economic aspects (Tanchuling 2007,

Gerpacio et al. 2004). Yet Cebuanos in rural areas consider corn as their
staple, and the peasant or subsistence farmers consume more corn than rice.
In many areas of Cebu, corn cobs are dried, stored, and milled as needed for
immediate utilization. This underlines the subsistence nature of corn
production, as opposed to larger-scale yellow corn production in Luzon and
Mindanao which is mainly sold to mills producing feeds (Gerpacio et.al.
2004).
The importance of corn to Cebuanos is moreover reflected in two festivals
centering on corn in Cebu. One is the Sinanggiyaw festival of Dumanjug,
and the other is the Pintos festival in Bogo. The Sinanggiyaw, coined from
the terms “sinanggi” meaning ‘harvested corn’, and “sayaw” meaning
‘dance', is observed in Dumanjug every fourth of October. The Pintos
Festival in Bogo on the other hand, is celebrated during the last week of May.
The Sinanggiyaw, was celebrated starting in the year 2001 to coincide with
the town’s fiesta, however it was later replaced with the “Bisnok” festival in
2012 [celebrating "Bisayang manok” (Bisaya/native chicken) food distinct to
Dumanjug]. Bogo's Pintos Festival replaced the then Kuyayang festival
[heritage courtship dance festivity]. in the year 2011 to highlight its main
agricultural product which is corn. Both festivals highlight processes in corn
production. The Sinanggiyaw is centered on planting and harvesting, while
the Pintos festival focuses on an end food product called “pintos”, made of
ground corn and wrapped in corn husk. Our study was conducted in these
two towns, Dumanjug and Bogo, with the fact that the local government
units of these towns have recognized corn as an important product in their
locality to be honored with a festival focused on corn, serving as the criteria
for choosing these sites. In the course of data gathering, contrasting technical
and local knowledge in these two sites surfaced.
The study was conducted in 2014 to 2015, and utilized focus group
discussions (FGDs), in-depth interviews and field observation to gather
information on people’s awareness, perceptions and practices from their own
points of view. Secondary data from Dumajug and Bogo local governments,
as well as from the province of Cebu provide a general background of corn
production and consumption in these areas.
A total of sixteen (16) focus group discussions as regards corn and food
security were conducted, two—one for males and another for females of
productive ages—in each of the four barangays in the two municipalities.
The FGDs were participated in by 8 to 10 community members with similar
socio-economic backgrounds. In-depth interviews (IDI) were conducted with
Amper et al. 79

two or more purposively selected elderly informants aged 80 years old and
above (one male and one female); and two adolescent informants aged 12 to
14 years old (one male and one female) for each of the four barangays in the
two municipalities to get perceptions of those in the dependent ages as
regards corn and changes over time.
With the prior verbal informed consent of the research participants, FGDs
and IDIs were audio-recorded. The researcher also kept and maintained field
notes containing field observations. Field observations were done on the
process of corn production, processing and consumption; as well as during
the corn festivals of each town. Photo documentation of specific practices in
corn production and consumption in the target communities provided a visual
presentation of field observation data substantiating the textual qualitative
data.
The study participants were smallholder peasant households engaged in
corn production and consumption. Identification of the specific barangays
and households to participate in the study was done in coordination with the
municipal agriculture offices of the local government unit. Selection criteria
for inclusion were the two highest and two lowest corn-producing barangays.
The Municipal corn coordinators of the Municipal Agriculture Offices and an
official of each barangay LGU were interviewed to provide an overview of
government programs and support services for corn farmers.
The texts and narratives in field notes were analyzed using thematic
analysis (coding the text based on identified themes). Like-coded data were
grouped together to determine recurring ideas, trends, similarities as well as
differences relating to geographical location, gender, age, occupation/
livelihood, among others. Distinct direct quotes were taken note of in line
with specific themes.

Corn farming in Dumanjug and Bogo

Background of study sites. Dumanjug is a third class municipality in the
southwestern portion of the province of Cebu located 73 kilometers from
Cebu City. It has 37 barangays and a total population of 46,754 based on the
2010 Census of Population and Housing. It has a land area of 8,544 hectares,
4,755 has. of which is devoted to agricultural production. After consultations
with the Municipal Agriculture Officer, we identified two barangays
considered the top corn producer in the municipality namely Brgy. Lawaan
and Brgy. Cogon. Another two barangays which have lower corn production
due to the terrain of the land were likewise included, namely Brgy. Balayg
80 Subsistence-oriented corn production in Cebu

Tiki and Brgy. Bullogan located in the upland portions of the municipality.
(See Map 1).
Bogo City on the other hand is a newly-chartered city located 101
kilometers north of Cebu City. It has 29 barangays and a total population
69,911 based on the 2010 census. It has a land area of 10,545 hectares and is
considered the center of agro-industrial trade and commerce in northern
Cebu. After consultations with the Corn Coordinator of the City Agriculture
Office, two barangays were identified to be included in the study since they
are the top corn-producing areas in the city, namely Brgy. Dakit and Brgy.
Cayang. The other two barangays identified to be included in the study
which had low corn production were Brgy. Siocon and Brgy. Marangog.
(See Map 2).

Map 1. Map of Dumanjug showing selected study sites

Land relations and class structure. In both Dumanjug and Bogo City,
peasant households on average cultivate farms of one hectare or less. Most
have a landholding of less than a hectare; others are “sa-op” (tenants). The
arrangement is referred to as “nana-op” (tenanting) or “giabangan ang yuta”
Amper et al. 81

(leasing of land). The tenant is allowed to plant crops on the land, the
landowner gets a share of the harvest. The common practice in both areas is
“tinulo”: one-third share to the landowner, and two-thirds to the tenant. Some
farmers have their own land and plant in their own area but if this is not
enough for their family’s consumption they become tenants in other
landholdings such as of landowners who no longer reside in the area or who
cannot till the land themselves. As farmer-informants said, “kana siguro di
na sila katikad mao na nga dawat nalang sila og bahin limpyo ba, di na
mahago” (‘maybe they can no longer till the land themselves, that is why
they just receive a share with no sweat at all').

Map 2. Map of Bogo City showing sampled barangays

Division of labor by gender and age. In terms of paid labor for specific
tasks on the farm, landowner-farmers as well as tenants may hire farm labor
for plowing the fields, weeding, harvesting and other tasks on the farm. The
usual arrangement for work rendered is payment in cash. However, for the
work of harvesting, the usual arrangement is payment in kind (corn).
Harvesting may also be done by groups. A number of people will help in
harvesting in exchange for a small share of the corn crop.
82 Subsistence-oriented corn production in Cebu

Most of the time, farm labor is provided by household members. During

land cultivation, males are responsible for plowing the field since it is
considered as needing more strength which men may possess. Some women
asserted that they too can plow a field, while others said that it was too
strenuous for them. A plow and a carabao are necessary in plain areas.
However, it is difficult to plow sloping lands, so farmers use the “marik” (a
farm tool with a flat end on one side and a pointed end on the other side) to
cultivate the soil. These are generally considered male tasks. The females in
the household take charge of planting the corn seeds and placing fertilizers in
the holes. Some children help in these tasks also. Farmers’ children who are
also students may help in the cornfield during weekends or after they are
dismissed from school every day. The younger ones however do not help in
fertilizer application since they do not know how to handle fertilizers,
especially the inorganic ones which need extra care to prevent contamination
of body parts or food items.

Shifting household livelihood strategies. Some respondents stated that

children nowadays are not used to helping their parents full time in the farm
since they are busy with school work during weekdays, and with playing or
mingling with friends during weekends. Young people were described as
more into using their cellphones and computers rather than doing farm work,
although some still do help in the farm. Young people interviewed explained
that “wala man mi maanad ana” (‘we are not used to that type of work’),
some of their parents also said “dili mi gusto nga mapareha namo among
mga anak, eskuyla jud ang unahon” (‘we do not want our children to be like
us, thus we let them prioritize schooling’). This underlines how farming is
viewed in general – it is considered a lowly job; engaged in by those who
have not earned a college degree or have not found employment outside the
farm. This view may be the reason why some farmers’ children are not
knowledgeable in planting corn, how to apply fertilizer, and the kind of
fertilizer that is best for the corn. But according to young people interviewed,
they do help their parents in harvesting sometimes and in the task of
“paglubo” (detaching the kernels from the cob).
Sometimes, work exchanges are done—a farmer works in another’s field
in exchange for work done in his own field. Farmers’ organizations have
been organized by the municipal/city agriculture offices. These
organizations were meant to serve as the bridge to access government
agricultural development programs.
Amper et al. 83

To earn additional income to defray other household expenses for food,

schooling, and health needs, among others, household members engage in
paid labor in other farms, in construction sites, or around the neighborhood.
Some households also raise poultry, swine or livestock which they could sell
in times of dire necessity. Others plant easy-to-grow vegetables such as
horse radish, tomatoes, and eggplants for household consumption. They also
grow perennial crops such as bananas and coconut to supplement farm
income. Each household employs varying livelihood strategies to make ends
meet given the limitations posed by limited land area, changing climate, and
changing social relations. Those with larger landholdings of two or more
hectares tend to diversify their crops more than those with just a hectare or
less who tend to prioritize food crops, primarily corn.

Reasons and motivations for corn production

From the informants’ narratives, it is apparent that corn production has been
practiced for generations as this has provided subsistence to many peasant
households. Thus, the same land which their parents planted to corn in the
past, are still planted to corn until the present times. The knowledge on corn
production has been passed on from one generation to the next and has
allowed them to survive over the years. This is one reason why they are
engaged in corn production, which ‘has always been the means of making a
living here’ (“mao nama’y naandan nga panginabuhian dinhi”).
Farmers in Dumanjug and Bogo also prefer corn because it is not water-
intensive. Most of these peasant households largely rely on rain for their corn
fields. Their fields do not have irrigation systems that could sustain the water
needs of other crops. This is a major reason why they engage in corn
production rather than rice production. The limited water available for crops
is also a factor for the persistence of corn farming in Cebu despite the trend
at commercial and industrial agriculture in other parts of the country.
Meanwhile, there were also some corn farms that were left idle because those
in the younger generation no longer want to engage in farming due to other
work opportunities in the town centers or in the city. They see farming as a
non-lucrative venture which cannot provide enough income for survival.
The peasant households engage in corn production for their own
consumption rather than for the market. Corn is their staple food which
sustains them day in and day out, month after month, and year after year.
Growing their own food is the primary motivation behind planting corn,
which ensures that they will have the staple food to eat, even if they do not
84 Subsistence-oriented corn production in Cebu

have money. Every cropping season the aim is to harvest enough corn for
consumption until the next harvest.
Corn is stored and milled according to the consumption needs of the
household. Milled corn cannot be stored for long, but corn still on the cob
can be stored for long periods. The household estimates the consumption
necessary in a month so that that would be the amount of corn milled for the
period. The harvest for each cropping season is budgeted over the number of
months before the next harvest to ensure that the household has have a steady
supply of corn grain until they are able to harvest a new crop. Thus, food
security is the primary reason for small peasant households to engage in corn
production. As they said, “magtanom jud mig mais kay para sigurado na
ang pamugas, panud-an nalang ang kulang” (‘we really plant corn so that we
are sure we have our staple, all we lack is the viand’).
Corn is the preferred staple food among peasant households in both
Dumanjug and Bogo City. If given the choice on whether to eat corn or rice,
they said they would always prefer corn. According to most of the research
participants, corn satisfies their hunger and provides them enough strength
every day to do work on the farm. “Mas lig-on og busog ang mais, dili ka
dali gutmon” (‘corn is more filling and you won’t feel hungry right away’).
Participants stated that they are used to eating corn, as this is what they have
consumed since they were still children.
They consider the land as the giver of life as it is the primary means by
which they could provide food for their households’ needs. This is the
reason why they do not leave the land idle. They also said that their land has
been given by God to them and thus, they should use it to produce food in
order for them to survive.
The notion of food security surfaced upon asking regarding farmers’
reasons and motivations for corn farming. The common response on why
they continue to grow corn despite environmental changes and low
productivity was because it ensured that they had food on their table for the
succeeding months after harvest, even if sometimes it could not suffice until
the next harvest. Farmers emphasized that having food from their corn
harvest is better than having money from cash crops that would just
disappear in a few days.
Despite the propagation of cash crops by government agencies and the
emphasis on using new open-pollinated varieties of corn for commercial
purposes, farmers in these municipalities insist on their traditional varieties
since these have already been tried and tested through time. They say that
Amper et al. 85

some of their neighbors with larger landholdings tried the new varieties
introduced by the government, but these were easily infested with weevils,
affecting storage life. Cash crops are okay with them as long as it does not
take up a big percentage of their land, which has to be devoted more to corn
production. Thus, the farmers usually plant banana or coconut at the sides of
their corn farms as these would not take up too much space.

Preferred corn varieties

From the informants’ narratives, the most commonly grown corn varieties
both in Dumanjug and Bogo City are the native kinds, locally termed
“tinigib”,“minantika”, “bisaya”, and “karaan”. These types of corn have
been planted over generations, and were used by their ancestors (“sa amo pa
ning katigulangan”).
Such varieties are also preferred because they can be stored for a longer
period of time or until the next harvest. The native or local corn varieties
moreover may be stored without being infested with weevils.
Tinigib” in particular is considered important for household consumption
as their staple. According to the farmers interviewed this corn variety is
easy to plant and grows fast without much attention. It can be harvested
within a short period of time. Within two months, you can already harvest
young corn for direct consumption either boiled or grilled; when it reaches
three months, the corn is already dry, ready to be harvested for staple
consumption. Based on the farmers’ description of its physical appearance,
tinigib has small seeds and small cobs, but when the corn seeds undergo
grinding it can produce more corn grits compared to the hybrid variety.
In sum, hybrid and open-pollinated varieties (OPV)3 are considered by
majority of the peasant households as impractical to grow on their farms,
which are largely for subsistence, and not commercial production. Cebuano
peasant households prefer to plant native corn varieties since (1) they do not
need a lot of fertilizers; (2) they are more pest-resistant; (3) they can be
stored for longer periods; and (4) they yield more corn kernels and corn grits
when milled.

3
OPV are the corn varieties being introduced by the Department of Agriculture to
the farmers. Based on agricultural descriptions, these seeds are those, which, if
properly isolated from other varieties of the same plant species, will produce seeds
that are genetically “true to type.”
86 Subsistence-oriented corn production in Cebu

It was said that 'no amount of convincing from government agricultural

technicians’ can make them shift to hybrid or OPV. Some farmers have tried
growing these seeds but after one try, they returned to planting the native
varieties because growing hybrid or OPV entails more capital for fertilizers
and pesticides. Moreover, these varieties cannot be stored for long periods,
thus the household runs out of corn grits for consumption and they need to
buy from the market. Thus only those with bigger landholdings were willing
to plant hybrid or OPV; they could plant local corn for consumption and
hybrid or OPV corn for commercial selling. While most of those owning
only a hectare or less would prioritize corn production for household
consumption given the limited area that they cultivate. Although there are
potential buyers for their corn harvest, peasant households prefer to store the
corn they produce for their household's consumption.
Decisions on what corn varieties to plant are also based on the taste of the
product. According to our farmer-informants, the local corn varieties taste
better. They are moreover considered more nutritious than milled hybrid and
OPV. Examples of OPVs are “Yellow corn” which is largely for animal
feeds and thus needs to be sold, not stored for household consumption.
Another is “Sweet corn” largely sold as young corn for entrepreneurs selling
steamed, boiled or grilled corn on the cob.

Corn consumption and utilization

As practiced by peasant households in Dumanjug and Bogo City corn is
primarily harvested after 90 days when it is already mature and hard. This is
for milling into corn grits to be cooked as staple food of the household. The
harvested corn ears are then dried under the sun so that the kernels could be
easily detached from the cob when they prepare the corn for milling. The
dried ears of corn are placed in a “kamalig” or storage room which is either
part of the house or a separate structure. The entire harvest could not be
milled into corn grits altogether since it would lessen its storage life. Thus,
what they do is they store the ears of corn. Before milling, the corn kernels
are separated from the cob through the process called “lubo". The household
just estimates the amount of corn to be milled enough to sustain their
consumption needs for a month. Then for the next month, they again have
some corn milled into grits for consumption. If ever they run out of corn
before the next harvest, they will have to buy corn grits for household
consumption. That is why they really estimate the amount of corn to be
milled for a given period so that their stock would not be depleted up to the
next harvest. As they said, ‘we are sure that we have corn grits, all we lack is
Amper et al. 87

the viand to go with it’ (“sigurado na man nga naa mi bugas mais, sud-an
nalang ang kulang”).
The corn kernels are milled either through traditional (manually) or
‘modern’ (by machine) ways. Nowadays, farmers prefer to have their corn
milled using the mechanical process in corn mills for convenience. But in
the past each peasant household owned a corn grinder made of either stone or
wood. The milling process produces three outputs, namely, “bugas mais”
(corn grits or grains), “tiktik” or “binlod” (corn meal), and “tahop” (corn
bran). There are different sizes of corn grits: 12, 14 and 16 (12 is biggest and
16 is smallest). Our data showed that in Dumanjug, the preferred grain size
is #16, while in Bogo the preferred grain size is #14. As a daily staple, corn
grits are boiled with water to produce a hard porridge (“kan-on nga mais”),
which is eaten with vegetables, fish or other viands. This is what people
consume in three meals a day. Tiktik or binlod which is smaller than the #16
is used to cook soft porridge, and sweet snack foods such as pintos and the
like. Tahop is considered a byproduct of the milling process; it is used as
animal feed for swine and other farm animals. The payment for milling
services may be either in cash or in kind [in corn]. Owners of mills
accumulate a significant volume of corn for selling as a number of farmers
have their corn milled in these facilities.
The “pakaw” or empty corn cobs are utilized by the households as fuel for
cooking in supplement to the use of firewood.4 The “pakpak” or corn peels
are also animal feeds for cows, carabaos and other farm animals. The dry
corn stalks are left to rot on the ground and serve as organic fertilizer. In
short, nothing goes to waste— corn products and by-products have their
respective uses for the peasant households.
Given the limited volume of these products, marketing these outside their
immediate communities were not seen as lucrative enough. As their products
are mostly used and consumed within the household or within a limited range
in their respective communities, they have to engage in other income-
generating or production activities in order to provide for their protein and
other needs. This is why some corn farmers engage in construction work
between planting and harvesting in order to earn income for “panud-an”
(viand) and other household needs. The female members of corn producing

4 Jokingly, some respondents said that they also use these rough cobs for cleaning
their anus after defecating.
88 Subsistence-oriented corn production in Cebu

households, sometimes engage in paid domestic work in the town center or

the city to contribute to their household income.

The government’s Agri-Pinoy Corn Program

“Dali ra bukbokon ang hybrid, dili matinir”. “Mas maayo ang tinigib
kay karaan man gud to siya nga variety unya mas gahi to.”
('Hybrid varieties easily get infested with weevils, so it cannot be
stored for long.’ ‘Native varieties are better because they have been
used for ages, and they are harder.')

Open pollinated corn varieties have been propagated and promoted by

government over the years through various agricultural programs
implemented by the Department of Agriculture through the Municipal or City
Agriculture Offices. The Agri-Pinoy Corn Program “aims to increase
production of quality corn and also cassava for human consumption, feeds
and industrial uses, as well as empower the farmers and increase their
income, thereby improving their quality of life. Its overall strategy is to fast
track expansion of hybrid corn, cassava and other feed crops.5
According to key informants from the Municipal Agriculture Offices, the
corn program is a national program and the central office of the Department
of Agriculture takes charge of its implementation in the various
municipalities and provinces in the country, through the local agricultural
offices. They narrated that the usual process is to convince one or more
farmers to adopt the introduced variety and plant it on their farm. This is
what they call a ‘demonstration farm'. The variety is planted complete with
the prescribed fertilizers and pesticides. They also mobilize local farmers’
organizations to take part in the demo farm so that they could see for
themselves the advantage of using these open-pollinated varieties. The next
step is to convince other farmers to do the same in their respective farms.
However, adoption by farmers in Cebu of these varieties has turned out to be
quite low due to the high input requirements of the OPVs and their low
resistance to pests, both during production and storage.
Research participants used the term “hybrid” to refer to the varieties of
corn being promoted by government and which they described as bigger in
terms of cob and kernel sizes. The different “hybrid” varieties mentioned

5
“(T)o achieve food and feed self-sufficiency, enhance the competitiveness of the
domestic livestock and poultry sectors through cheaper feed inputs as well as
generate jobs in rural communities.” (Department of Agriculture website)
Amper et al. 89

include “var. 4”, “var. 6”, “var. 10”, “yellow corn”, and “sweet corn”. These
varieties have the tendency to have big cobs that are not necessarily full of
kernels. Often the kernels do not fully develop and thus, cannot produce a lot
of corn grits when milled. Furthermore, according to the farmer-informants,
these varieties cannot be stored for long. They easily get molds or infested
with weevils.
Farmers who have tried planting such varieties also said that it also took a
longer time to grow these types of corn before they could be harvested.
Hybrid corn takes around 105 to 110 days or 15 to 20 days longer than the
native varieties. If the objective of planting corn is for selling it immediately
after harvest, then the hybrid varieties bring in more cash for the household.
However, since most peasant households produce corn for their own
consumption, planting hybrid varieties is impractical since these cannot be
stored for a long time. Because of this, the hybrid varieties need to be milled
right after harvest and sold rather than stored for future consumption.
There are some peasant-households, specifically those with larger
landholdings, who have ventured into planting hybrid and open-pollinated
varieties of corn on their fields. These farmers have been trained under the
Farmer Scientist Training Program of the Department of Agriculture. They
are also recipients of corn production package programs from the municipal
agriculture office including provision of seeds and fertilizers. They assert
that hybrid corn has provided them with larger incomes from selling their
produce. They also assert that they have had higher yields compared to when
they were using native corn varieties. However, these peasant households
are more the exception than the rule in both Dumanjug and Bogo City. Some
farmer adopters said that indeed they earned large amounts from selling
hybrid corn, but they also entailed more expenses for fertilizers and
pesticides. Without these inputs, the hybrid varieties tend to have
underdeveloped kernels. Thus, if the purpose of corn production for farmers
is for household consumption, then planting hybrid varieties which require
more inputs and have a shorter storage life would not be a welcome idea.
“unsaon man nimo ang halin sa mais kung wala kay bugas,
mahurot ra nang kwarta unya wa na moy makaon”
(‘what will you do with the income from selling corn while you
do not have corn grains, the money will easily be spent and then
you won’t have anything to eat anymore’).

Government programs promoting hybrid and open pollinated varieties are

often unsuccessful in convincing peasant households to shift to these so-
90 Subsistence-oriented corn production in Cebu

called “better” varieties. According to personnel from the municipal and city
agriculture offices, these varieties have larger cobs and larger kernels and
could fetch a higher price when sold in the market.
Since corn production is largely dependent on rainfall patterns, changes in
climate drastically affect cropping seasons as well as harvests. Natural
hazards such as typhoons, floods as well as drought and dry spells
periodically affect their corn crops. During the FGDs, farmer-participants
lamented that “di na man mutultul ang ulan og unsang bulana, lahi na man
karon, di na magpareha kung kanus-a muulan, mao nga maapektahan
among pagpamugas” (‘rainfall patterns have changed, it no longer rains
when it normally should, that’s why it affects our cropping patterns’). Aside
from changing rainfall patterns, extreme weather conditions have been
experienced recently. Peasant households in Dumanjug narrated devastating
effects of flash floods on their crops during typhoon Seniang in December
2014. Due to delayed planting because of delayed onset of rain in August,
some households had not yet harvested their corn crop when the typhoon
occurred. They were able to salvage some of the corn crop since it was
already somewhat ready for harvest at that time. The El Niño phenomenon
bringing about long dry spells has also affected their corn crops. In fact,
Cebu was declared under a state of calamity in 2015 as agricultural crops
including corn suffered the effects of drought. The peasants in Bogo narrated
the effects of supertyphoon Yolanda (international name Haiyan) in 2013 on
their crops (including coconuts, banana, and other crops) severely affected
their stocks of corn which were meant to last until the next harvest in April.
As perceived by majority of peasant-households in the two sites, the
government lacks action in agriculture. In response to the devastation
brought about by Haiyan, government was concentrating on infrastructure as
well as dole-outs to affected households. The government was unable to
provide necessary agricultural support services for farmers even after huge
calamities brought about by supertyphoon Yolanda devastated farmlands in
Bogo City; as well as flash floods from the typhoon Seniang in Dumanjug.
The Municipal/City Agriculture Offices, for their part, lament their
devolution to the local government units which seldom prioritizes
agricultural development programs. National agricultural programs are very
limited in scope and coverage.

Conclusion
Corn production is largely considered as a source of food rather than cash in
Cebuano peasant households. This is the product of adaptation to certain
Amper et al. 91

conditions such as water availability, land ownership, terrain, soil type, and
climate. The native corn varieties planted, timing of cropping seasons, as
well as social arrangements in production, consumption and utilization have
enabled survival given the limitations of their natural and social
environments. For cash, these peasant households turn to other sources such
as livestock raising and wage labor on-farm or off-farm.
This paper has tried to point out contrasting perspectives reflected in
government agriculture development programs in relation to local knowledge
and practices on corn production in Cebu, where corn is considered the
staple. Generally, these government programs are perceived as “modern”
and “advanced”; while local peasants' practices on corn production are
tagged as “backward” and “traditional” and have been disregarded in the
planning of such government programs.
The local world view has been passed on from one generation to the next
over the years. However, worldviews propagated by formal schooling, mass
media as well as government implementers have slowly exerted a big
influence on rural peasant households over time especially among the young
people. Parents no longer want their children to follow in their footsteps as
farmers cultivating the soil, they would rather send them to school, and earn
a degree which would enable them to look for money-earning work in the
city, or abroad. Mass media has succeeded in ensuring a consumerist culture
based on the market economy. Furthermore, agricultural development
programs implemented by the government emphasize commercial
agricultural production rather than food security.
Despite such intervening factors affecting worldviews and values, corn
production and consumption among rural peasant households has persisted
largely due to the fact that it is well-embedded in an important aspect of life–
their staple food. Food security is a foremost consideration in this case.
Government agricultural programs need to be responsive to this worldview
rather than try to change it or operate based on a commoditized view of corn.

__________________
Acknowledgements
This study was made possible through funding support from the Philippine
Higher Education Research Network (PHERNet) of the Commission on Higher
Education (CHED) of the Philippines, in coordination with the University of
San Carlos Office of Research. Acknowledgement is also given to the local
government units and people’s organizations in Barangays Cogon, Lawaan,
92 Subsistence-oriented corn production in Cebu
Bullogan and Balay’g Tiki in the municipality of Dumanjug, Cebu; and in
Barangays Dakit, Cayang, Siocon and Marangog in the city of Bogo, Cebu, for
their cooperation and participation in the conduct of this study. We are also
grateful to the local government units of Dumanjug and Bogo City through
their respective Municipal/City Agriculture Offices, special mention to Luz
Amador, MAO of Dumanjug and to Emelia Alburo, Corn Coordinator of Bogo
City. Thanks are also due to the members of the research team—Andrew John
Fernandez, Dove Villardo, Aldwin Joseph Empaces, Punky May Bacon,
Abigail Eugenio and Benjie Bonita— who were involved in field work as well
as transcription and coding of qualitative data from focus group discussions
and in-depth interviews.

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_________________________
Zona Hildegarde S. Amper is Full Professor of Anthropology at the
University of San Carlos, Cebu City and Research Associate at the Center
for Social Research and Education (CSRE) also at USC.
Email: zonaamper@yahoo.com, zhsamper@usc.edu.ph

Abigail R. Eugenio, Punky May Bacon, and Benjie Bonita are graduates of
AB Anthropology and AB Sociology at the University of San Carlos and are
Research Assistants for this particular study, as well as other research
conducted under the auspices of the Center for Social Research and
Education (CSRE) of USC