Hidden Voices: Re-examining the Conquest of the

Philippines

Jose Pascual
In 1565, Miguel Lopez de Legazpi conquered the Philippines and
established its capital in Manila. Spain would rule the Philippines
for over 333 years. The Spanish goals for colonizing the
Philippines were both economic and spiritual. Spain wanted to
find an alternative route to the Moluccas that would circumvent
the Portuguese. Also, the missionaries wanted to use the
Philippines to spread Christianity in Asia, especially China. Both
failed to materialize, but the Spanish presence in the Philippines
remained for over three centuries. Spain used colonization as part
of its nation-building agenda. The Philippines as a colony was a
financial burden to the Spanish Empire. On the other side,
economic reasons played a role in making the Philippines an
entrepot of Asian, American, and European trade. Goods from
different parts of the world became available, and Manila became
an intermediary of world trade.
This paper aims to illustrate the continuity and change that
occurred in the Philippines during the earlier stages of Spanish
colonization. In contrast to the idea that Spanish colonization in
the Philippines was a “benign” conquest compared to the Spanish
colonization of the Americas, I argue that the conquest of the
Philippines greatly impacted indigenous peoples of the
archipelago. The Spanish hegemony in the Philippines altered the
archipelago’s existing social, economic, and political structures.
Warfare and slavery expanded under Spanish rule, while women
and transgender men, lost power within Philippine society.
Finally, the Spanish colonization diminished indigenous voices.
The historiography of the Philippines in the Philippines is
limited compared to the plethora of resources written about the
conquest of Mexico and the Americas. Historians such as
Matthew Restall, Patricia Seed, and Susan Schroeder emphasize
how the Spaniards used indigenous people to subjugate empires
such as the Mexica. Recently, Philippine historians utilize
research in Latin America to illustrate how Spain ruled the
 Pascual 55
Philippines. Scholars of Philippine history have given attention to
the role of the principales in solidifying Spain’s reign in the
archipelago. They used Spanish documents such as petitions, list
of encomiendas, and letters to emphasize the native elites’
collaboration with Spain. In their analysis, they conclude that the
principales helped Spain due to their self-interest. The problem
with this research is that they only examine the motivations of the
elites during the earlier stages of conquest. What is being left out
are the conditions of ordinary people and how they responded to
Spanish colonization.
Historians in Philippine history have downplayed the
impact of colonization in the archipelago. John Leddy Phelan
(1959), a Latin-American historian at the University of
Wisconsin, examines the effects of colonization of the Philippines
in his seminal work The Hispanization of the Philippines. In his
monograph, Phelan compares the Philippines’ colonization with
Spanish colonies in the Americas, such as Mexico and Peru. He
argues that the conquest of the Philippines was benign compared
to the American colonies. Phelan claims that the demographic
decline experienced in the Americas did not occur in the
Philippines. He mentions that the abuses were less severe in the
Philippines. Because of its location, Spanish migration to the
Philippines was limited.1 The Crown used missionaries to pacify
the archipelago. Finally, Phelan stresses the importance of the
native elites in establishing the Spanish presence in the
Philippines. His view on the conquest became ingrained in
Philippine history scholarship.
Recent works have questioned Phelan’s views. Linda
Newson examines the demographic population of the Philippines
during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. She argues that
Philippine society suffered from demographic decline. External
conflicts and Spanish practices among the natives resulted in
abuses in the population. She also supports Southeast Asian
historian Anthony Reid that the European arrival in Southeast

1
John Leddy Phelan, The Hispanization of the Philippines: Spanish Aims and
Filipino Responses, 1565-1700, (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press,
1959), 154.
56 Perspectives
Asia in the 1500s intensified warfare in the region.2 Spain also
benefitted from the existing slave trade in the region. Tatiana
Seijas investigates the extent of the trans-Pacific slave trade in her
work. Until the abolition of the Asian slave trade in 1679,
thousands of slaves from the Philippines were sold to Mexico and
other parts of America.

Pre-Hispanic Societies in the Philippines

The Philippines before the
sixteenth century were composed of
diverse nomadic and sedentary
groups. For example, Negrillos
(Figure 1) and Zambales (Figure 2)
were hunter-gather communities that
lived in forested mountains in the
Philippines. On the other hand, the
Bisayans and the Tagalogs were
sedentary, low-lying polities. These
small chiefdoms practiced different
customs and cultures. Between the
Figure 1, Negrillos. The tenth and sixteenth centuries,
Boxer Codex. chiefdoms participated in maritime
trade and
raiding expeditions. According to
Laura Lee Junker, native elites
showcased their authority by
displaying prestigious goods. Mat-
erials such as gold and Chinese
porcelain emphasized social status
among native elites. Junker argues
that prestige goods became essential
to the trade and politics of different
chiefdoms in the Philippines. The
luxury goods also showed that these
groups communicated to other Figure 2, Zambales. The
Boxer Codex.

2
Linda A. Newson, Conquest and Pestilence in the Early Spanish Philippines,
(Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2009), 9.
 Pascual 57
Southeast Asia people based on maritime trade.3
Pre-Hispanic Philippine chiefdoms had social hierarchies.
The Boxer Codex shows that the Bisayans and the Tagalogs had a
political system based on social class. Pre-Hispanic Bisayas and
Tagalog societies were divided into three groups. The head of the
community is called a datu. The second group is called a timawa,
and the bottom of the social structure was called alipin.4 In
Tagalog society, slaves were divided into two distinctions:
namamahay and sa gigilid.5 In the Tagalog language, namamahay
means someone who is sharing a house, or a household servant.
On the other hand, sa gigilid were slaves owned by a master in
which their rights were more limited than a namamahay.
William Henry Scott uses Spanish accounts to figure out
the political structure of the Philippines before the Spanish
conquest. He concludes that there was no centralized political
power in the Philippines. The datu holds the authority in the
chiefdom called barangay. He settled disputes in his community
as well as maintain judicial authority. He also waged war and
redistributed goods to his domain. In contrast to European rulers,
which emphasized control through land acquisition, the datu’s
power resided on his victories in battle and his number of slaves.
The second group is called timawa. They helped the datu in
raiding expeditions and war. Lastly, the oripun was the lowest
class in Philippine chiefdoms because of indebtedness. They
planted the fields, oarsmen in ships and built houses for the upper
classes.6 A person can become a slave either through birth,
warfare, crime, or indebtedness.7

3
Laura Lee Junker, Raiding, Trading, and Feasting, (Honolulu: University of
Hawaii Press, 1999), 374-376.
4
The Boxer Codex: transcription and translation of an illustrated late
sixteenth-century Spanish manuscript concerning the geography, ethnography
and history of the Pacific, South-East Asia and East Asia . edited by George
Bryan Souza and Jeffrey S. Turley, transcribed and translated by Jeffrey S.
Turley, (Leiden: Brill, 2016), 41.
5
Boxer Codex, 99.
6
William Henry Scott, Barangay: Sixteenth-Century Philippine Culture and
Society, (Manila: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1997), 130-134.
7
Anthony Reid, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce, 1450-1680, (New
Haven: Yale University Press, 1988), 131.
58 Perspectives
Warfare was prevalent in the Philippines before the
arrival of the Spaniards. Scott argues that war was essential
because natural resources were abundant in the region while at the
same time, there was a shortage of human resources. Because of
this situation, the role of the datu is to extract human resources
through raiding and slave-capturing.8 Anthony states that the
elites’ control of human resources was essential in Southeast
Asian polities. Rather than land acquisition, leaders waged wars
to seize people.9 Warfare also created a patron-client relationship
among different chiefdoms.10 When Spain arrived in the
Philippines, they described how warlike the inhabitants were. The
Boxer Codex describes the nature of the chiefdoms:

These Visayans fight many wars amongst

themselves. Before the Spaniards came to their
land, it was rare for a village to be at peace with
its neighbors. Neighboring villages would kill
and plunder each other with great cruelty,
committing a thousand treacheries; they were
keen experts at this. They would make slaves of
each other and fail to keep their word or honor
their promises.11

For many indigenous peoples of the

Philippines, warfare was a prestigious
action. People who participated in
wars were famously acclaimed and
rewarded. For example, the Boxer
Codex describes how the Tagalogs
valued bravery in battle: “in this land,
there are some men whom the Indians
call bayani, because of their prestige
Figure 3, Visayans. The or dignity.”12 Also, slaves can rise to
Boxer Codex. the social structure through their

8
Scott, 153.
9
Reid, 122
10
Reid, 129.
11
The Boxer Codex 344-345.
12
Boxer Codex, 382.
 Pascual 59
prowess in battle. The Boxer Codex says that “if a slave on board
has proven his courage, the chief seats him with the free Indios,
and this is considered a great honor.”13
The Philippine society before the arrival of the Spaniards
was patriarchal. However, examining early Filipinos’ religious
practices through Spanish documents reveals that women and
homosexuality played an essential role in early religion. This
passage from the Boxer Codex is an example of the spiritual
practices of the Tagalogs:

All of these is administered by a male priest

dressed in female garb. They call him bayog or
bayoguin...Ordinarily the male priests dress in
women’s clothes, and their manner comes across
as so coquettish and swishy. They are so
effeminate that one who did not know them
would believe that they were women. Almost all
are impotent for the reproductive act, and thus
they marry other males and sleep with them as if
they were man and wife who have carnal
knowledge of each other. Definitely these men
are sodomites... (There is another kind that they
call catolonan whose function is proper to the
priestesses, but neither the male priests not the
priestesses have such authority as those priests
who go about dressed in women’s clothes.
Finally, neither one nor the other is a sorcerer, and
when they perform, whatever witchcraft or
deceits, it is for the purpose of emptying the
pockets of ignorant people.14

The role of the bayog shows that transgender men were more
accepted in early Filipino society. These bayog were important in
religious functions within the community. Their position in
animistic religion indicates that they were revered and respected
within the community.

13
Boxer Codex, 384.
14
Boxer Codex, 81,83.
60 Perspectives
The Bisayan allowed women and transgender males in
religious positions. In the text concerning the Bisayan’s spiritual
practices, the anonymous author says that:

They call this in their tongue maganito, and this

can be done by men and women, and those who
do it are called baylanes if they are men, and
baysanas if they are women, who among us are
known as witches or enchantresses, and among
the heathen are the Roman priests and priestesses.
They invoke their gods---or better still, their
devils---with certain superstitious words and
gestures they have, and using their own hands and
a lance, they kill a pig. Cutting its head off its
head, they set it apart from the rest of the meat,
and no one present touches it except for the priest
performing the sacrifice or maganito, as they call
it.15

Although the terms were different, the functions of women and

transgender men in both the Bisayans and the Tagalogs were
similar. In examining this paragraph, the priests and priestesses
were doing some form of divination.
Islam was spreading in the Philippines due to maritime
commerce in Southeast Asia. In 1380, a mosque was built on the
island of Jolo in the present-day Philippines.16 In two hundred
years, Islam was practiced in the southern portion of the Philippine
archipelago. The islands of Mindanao and Sulu became part of the
Islamic world. Before the Spaniards came to the Philippines, Islam
was converting the islands of Luzon.17 Although Islam was known
in the archipelago, the conversion of the natives to Islam was in
its infancy. An analysis of Spanish accounts suggests that the
inhabitants of the Philippines did not practice conventional forms

15
Boxer Codex, 35, 37.
16
Edgardo Angara and Carlos Madrid, The World of Manila-Acapulco
Galleons: Global and Human Context (Quezon City: Vibal, 2019), 107.
17
Tatiana Seijas, Asian Slaves in Colonial Mexico: From Chinos to Indians,
(New York: Cambridge University Press, 2014), 61.
 Pascual 61
of Islam on the islands of Luzon.18 The conversion of the natives
to Islam was in its infancy. It shows that during the arrival of the
Spaniards to the Philippines, Islam was spreading in the
archipelago. The religion more likely came from Borneo, which
at this time was a Muslim Kingdom. The trade relationships
between the Tagalog and Bornean allowed Islam to influence
Tagalog culture. It is possible to assume that the conversion of the
natives to Islam was for economic reasons. The natives adopted
Islam, although animistic traditions still exist.

Spanish Conquest and the Elite Responses

After Spain established control of the Philippines, the
Spaniards altered the existing political structure. The indigenous
inhabitants were placed into missions, which later converted into
towns. Spanish authorities removed the datu as the head of the
local polity and replaced it with the position of alcaldes and
gobernadorcillos. These positions were chosen via elections
rather than birthright. Although Spain introduced elections, the
indigenous leaders that had power in the community did not
change. These new positions of power were solely reserved for the
datu and the upper classes. Each election year, leadership rotated
among upper families. Slaves cannot run for these titles. 19
Spain also introduced new forms of labor aimed at
solidifying its hegemony over the archipelago. The Spaniards
imposed a new labor structure called the repartimiento and the
bandala system. In repartimiento, the Indios were required to give
their labor to the Spanish authority. The indigenous people served
as laborers in shipbuilding and other Spanish projects in the
Philippines, such as fortifications. In the bandala system, it was a
requirement for the indigenous people to provide some of their
agricultural products to the Spaniards. Although the tribute
recipients changed from indigenous elites to the Spaniards, the
tribute structure, and the idea of labor due to indebtedness
remained. 20 According to Stephanie Mawson, these exploitative

18
Seijas, 61.
19
Stephanie Mawson, “Philippine Indios in the Service of Empire: Indigenous
Soldiers and Contingent Loyalty, 1600-1700” in Ethnohistory 63, no.2 (2016),
393.
20
Mawson, 398-399.
62 Perspectives
methods used against the lower classes led the latter to join the
military. The lower levels wanted to avoid tribute via enlisting in
the army or using military service to pay for their indebtedness.21
The Spaniards also utilized native troops in their
consolidation of the Philippines. The conquest of Mexico
highlights the importance of indigenous soldiers, and the
Spaniards used their expertise that they learned in Mexico when
they arrived in the Philippines. Since Magellan’s landing in the
Philippines, indigenous soldiers were instrumental in Spanish
objectives in the Philippines. In Antonio Pigafetta’s account of
Magellan’s expedition, the natives were crucial in finding
territories and information about the inhabitants living in the
region. He narrated that when they arrived in Cebu, they allied
with native indigenous leaders. Initially, natives were hesitant to
join with Spaniards. For example, Rajah Humabon asked for
tribute. Magellan denied Humabon’s request. One of Magellan’s
crew mentioned to Humabon that the King of Spain was more
powerful than the King of Portugal, whose troops just sacked the
island of Moluccas. Because of that threat, Humabon allied
himself with Magellan and both initiated a blood pact.22 Magellan
decided to impose Spanish might to allow the natives to side with
him. Through the conquest of the Americas, Spain knew that a
successful conquest must include alliances with native peoples.
Humabon might have succumbed to Spanish power, but he used
this alliance to solidify his rule. After their pact, Magellan and
Humabon attacked Mactan, a rival chiefdom, but unfortunately,
Magellan was killed in the ensuing battle.
Alliances between Spain and indigenous elites led to
Spanish domination in the Philippines. Spain under Miguel Lopez
de Legazpi conquered the Philippines in 1565 and established the
capital in Manila, which became the entrepôt of the Galleon trade.
Spain used native troops to solidify their presence in the
archipelago. Most of the soldiers that the Spaniards used came

21
Mawson, 385, 402.
22
Antonio Pigafetta. The First Voyage Around the World (1519-1522) : An
Account of Magellan’s Expedition. trans. T.J. Cashey, Jr.. (New York: Marsilio
Publishers, 1995), 43-45.
 Pascual 63
from the region of Pampanga.23 Having a large population and rich
agriculture, Pampanga was one of the wealthiest provinces in the
Philippines. The region was close to Manila, which supplied
agricultural products that were vital for Manila’s survival.
Although the people of Pampanga initially fought the Spanish
forces, Pampanga became one of the first provinces to be pacified
by Spain. The people of Pampanga became instrumental in
Spain’s conquest of the Philippine archipelago. The Spaniards
used the Pampanga soldiers to subjugate other territories in the
Philippines. In his letter to the king with regards to the conquest
of Cambales, captain-general Gomez Perez Dasmarinas said that:

Under each captain was a troop of twenty Spanish

soldiers and five or six hundred Indians--
Pampangos, who were willing to go to war, and
gave much assistance because of the damages
received by them from the Cambales. They
approached that country, which had never before
been entered, by six routes; and although they
were troubled by the roughness of the roads and
the large brambles, they hid themselves and
destroyed all the food and the crops which were
either harvested or growing. In that region those
whom they killed and took captive amount, men
and women, to more than two thousand five
hundred; and from the men taken the captains and
soldiers gave me about four hundred Cambales.24

The Pampangan soldiers were vital in annexing the territory to the

Spanish dominion. In this expedition, Pampanga troops greatly
outnumbered Spanish soldiers. The Spaniards used the
Pampangan’s knowledge of the terrain and their existing hatred
towards the people of Zambales to Spain’s advantage. The

23
Borao Mateo Borao Mateo, José Eugenio. "Contextualizing the Pampangos
(and Gagayano) Soldiers in the Spanish Fortress in Taiwan (1626-1642)."
Anuario De Estudios Americanos 70, no. 2 (2013): 581-605, 587.
24
“Opinions of the religious communities on the war with the Zambales” in
The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898. Edited by Emma Helen Blair and James A.
Robertson. Vol. VIII. (Cleveland: The Arthur H. Clark, 1903), 225.
64 Perspectives
Pampanga soldiers appeared to be conquerors in this expedition,
destroying their enemy’s properties and taking captives. The
Spanish authorities justified this action. In the Augustinian
opinion of the war in Zambales, they wrote that “slaves captured
in the war might be apportioned to them; and in virtue of this
compact they will not commit the cruelties and murders to be
apprehended from them.”25 The previous conflict between the
Pampanga and Zambales peoples were used by Spanish
authorities to justify conquest. The Spaniards succeeded in using
previous conflicts among native groups to subjugate the native
population.
Pampangan soldiers were also instrumental in quelling
rebellions. For example, Miguel Rodriguez de Maldonado wrote
to Seville about the Sangley uprising in Manila in 1603, in which
Spanish authorities attacked a Chinese community near Manila.
Spanish authorities used Pampanga soldiers to suppress the
rebellion.26 It is evident that Pampangan troops participated in this
massacre to plunder the riches in the Parian. Although there was
no written account of animosity between the two groups, the pre-
Hispanic practice of prestige goods must be a catalyst for the
Pampangans to participate in this event. The Pampanga soldiers
helped the Spaniards in subduing the Chinese in Manila. Aside
from killing the Chinese, they looted the Parian and took over
valuable materials such as silk and expensive materials. The
Pampanga soldiers’ motivation was not just to help the Spaniards,
but also to enhance their self-interest. The Spanish authorities
gladly appreciated their actions. After the rebellion, the Pampanga
troops were “showered a thousand compliments on all the
Pampanga captains for their good service” and that they “offered
their persons, lives, and possessions to the service of his
Majesty.”27
Scholars have written about the role of Pampanga elites
in creating Spanish authority in the Philippines. John Larkin and
Nicholas Cushner (1978) examine land distribution in the early

25
“Opinions”, 206.
26
Pedro De Acuna, “The Sangley Insurrection” in The Philippine Islands,
1493–1898. Edited by Emma Helen Blair and James A. Robertson. Vol. XII.
(Cleveland: The Arthur H. Clark Company. 1903), 128-129.
27
De Acuna, 134.
 Pascual 65
Spanish conquest phase. Much of the land grants were given to
Pampanga elites. Luciano Santiago (1990) lists people who
received an encomienda during the Spanish era. Half of the
recipients were Pampanga elites. Pampanga also provided
indigenous soldiers that protect Spanish possessions in Southeast
Asia. Jose Eugenio Bora Mateo (2013) examines the contribution
of Pampanga soldiers in securing Spanish hegemony. He points
out the importance of collaboration between Pampanga elites and
Spain. On the other hand, Stephanie Mawson (2016) highlights
debt peonage in establishing indigenous soldiers. She contends
that ordinary people participated in the Spanish army to avoid
abusive practices by native elites and Spain.
The natives’ support for the Spanish authority meant that
they would be rewarded for their services. Nicholas Cushner and
John Larkin analyze the Royal Land Grants distributed in the
Philippines between 1571 and 1626. It shows how the most
prominent estates were given Spanish authorities in the
archipelago, such as the captain-general of the Philippines. The
data suggests that the distribution of estate was given the most
during the rule of Santiago de Vera and Perez Dasmarinas, which
coincided with Spain’s highest conquest activity in the
Philippines. The remaining land grants were mainly given to
principales (native rulers). Also, the distribution of cabalitas was
disproportionately provided to the province of Pampanga.
Between 1571-1626, 7,168 cabalitas were given to native elites
of Pampanga. This amount of cabalitas given to Pampanga is
more than the other regions combined.28 One reason why the
Spanish favored the Pampangans was because of their support.
Pampanga was one of the first provinces that went under Spanish
control, and the Pampanga elites adopted Christianity and
accepted the Spanish tribute system.29 In the Spanish conquest of
the Philippines, the upper classes gained considerable power.
However, the conquest did not obliterate their influence within
their local community. Their participation in the Spanish conquest
also enhanced their material wealth by the new system of land

28
Nicholas P. Cushner, and John A. Larkin. "Royal Land Grants in the Colonial
Philippines (1571-1626): Implications for the Formation of a Social Elite." in
Philippine Studies 26, no. 1/2 (1978), 100-104.
29
Mawson, 386.
66 Perspectives
ownership. They become essential in making the conquest work
by becoming intermediaries between the Spanish control and the
natives.
Although the Pampangans were instrumental in
establishing Spanish hegemony, the province did suffer from
Spanish conquest. The imposition of the repartimiento and polo
hurt the province’s demographic population. In addition, Spain’s
constant battles with Moro armies in the south and the Dutch
forced Spain to use the natives to fortify their stronghold and fight
external enemies. As a result, many Pampangans object to Spain’s
treatment; some native soldiers became mercenaries and defected
to Spain’s enemies. For example, the Pampangan soldiers
stationed in Formosa (Taiwan) switched sides and fought for the
Dutch.30
Spanish abuses in Pampanga forced the Pampangans to
revolt against the colonizers. In 1660, the Pampangans under Don
Francisco Maniago led a rebellion against the Spanish. Maniago
believed that the Pampangans should become independent of
Spain. The province of Pangasinan followed the Pampangans in
fighting the Spanish. Unfortunately for Maniago, Governor-
General Marique de Lara allied himself with another Pampanga
chief named Don Juan Macapagal. With the combined forces of
Marique de Lara and Macapagal, the Maniago Revolt stopped the
people of Pampanga from removing Spanish power in their
province.31
Principales such as Macapagal were rewarded for their
actions. Sources from the Archivos General de Indias reveal that
Macapagal was given encomienda from the Crown. A petition
written by Marique de Lara to Madrid on March 7, 1667,
emphasizes the contribution of Don Juan Macapagal to the
Spanish cause. The letter includes Macapagal’s role in the
Maniago Revolt and his ancestors’ contribution to Spain. De Lara
mentioned in the letter that Macapagal has the “love, loyalty, and

30
Mawson, 381.
31
“Insurrections by Filipinos in the seventeenth century (1621-83)” The
Philippine Islands, 1493–1898. Edited by Emma Helen Blair and James A.
Robertson. Vol. XXXVIII (Cleveland: The Arthur H. Clark Company, 1903).
 Pascual 67
fidelity which he has served His Majesty.”32 As compensation, De
Lara asked the Crown to be given Macapagal an encomienda
worth 1000 ducats. In another letter, the Crown granted
Macapagal’s wish. Authorities in Madrid gave Macapagal an
encomienda, albeit a much-reduced price of 500 ducats.33
Principales’ petition to the Crown shows that the former
helped the Spaniards solidify their stronghold in the Philippines.
These documents illustrate how principales participated in
stopping rebellions and ending internal and external threats to
Spanish authority. It also highlights how Spain granted the
principales’ desire for wealth and property. Individuals such as
Don Juan Macapagal did benefit from Spanish rule in the
Philippines. These documents clearly shows that principales such
as Macapagal helped Spain for their self-interest.
While it was evident that the principales benefitted from
the Spanish conquest, some scholars would argue whether whose
voices are included in these documents. Spanish authorities wrote
all the petitions in the archives in the Philippines. In the petition
of Don Juan Macapagal, it is clear the motivations of Marique de
Lara on why Macapagal should be given an encomienda because
Marique de Lara was indebted to Macapagal; his reasons are much
clearer in the document. While Macapagal asked the governor-
general of his reward, it is unsure whether he had other
motivations to help Spanish interest. In the Spanish account that
narrates the Maniago Revolt, the author mentions that
Macapagal’s family was given “protection” by Spanish authorities
in Manila.34 It is possible that Macapagal’s family was given
safety, yet it could be possible that his family was taken hostage
so that Don Macapagal would collaborate with Spain. If
Macapagal betrayed Spanish authorities, his family would be in
danger. Macapagal might have supported Spain because of self-
interest, but it is also possible that his collaboration with Spain
was an act of survival for himself and his family. Unfortunately,

32
Petición de Juan Macapagal para que se le 67ension encomienda. 1667-03-
07. FILIPINAS,43,N.27 Archivos General de Indias. Seville, Spain.
33
Concesión de 67ension a Juan de Macapagal. June 1, 667.
FILIPINAS,348,L.5,F.76R-78V Archivos General de Indias. Seville, Spain.
34
Blair and Robertson, The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898, 38.
68 Perspectives
documents written by natives were not available for historians to
analyze and examine.
When the Spaniards arrived in the Philippines, they
utilized their methods of conquest in the Americas. They used
indigenous soldiers to conquer the different chiefdoms in the
Philippines. Although the natives collaborated with Spain,
external conflicts took a toll on the native population. Spanish
abuses led to revolts in Pampanga and other provinces of the
Philippines. Spanish and native forces successfully stopped the
rebellions. Document archives reveal that native collaborators
received land grants from Spain. The native elites supported
Spanish authorities because they kept their stature in their
community. In the case of native elites, Spanish conquest had little
impact on their authority within their territories. While the elites
had to reply with Spain’s demands, they also benefitted from
Spanish collaboration. Spanish colonization also gave the elites
new avenues to enhance their wealth.

Religious Impact of Spanish Colonization

One of the long-lasting legacies of the Spanish conquest
in the Philippines is Christianity. When the Spaniards arrived in
the Philippines, they wrote about the customs and practices of the
people they encountered. One of those early Spanish writers was
Pedro Chirino, a Jesuit missionary who in 1604 published
Relacion de las Islas Filipinas. In his book, he described his
evangelization and the progress that the Jesuits accomplished.
Although he sometimes referred to the natives as “heathens,” he
wrote positive comments to the natives, especially the Tagalog
tribe (in his book, he called them Tagalos). He said that “they have
their politeness and good breeding, especially the Tagalos [sic],
who are very civil and courteous in word and action.”35 Regarding
their language, he stated that “it was the Tagal which most pleased
me and which I most admired...I found in this language four
qualities of the four greatest languages of the world, Hebrew,
Greek, Latin, and Spanish.”

35
Pedro Chirino. “Relacion de las Islas Filipinas” in The Philippine Islands,
1493-1898. Edited by Emma Blair and James A. Robertson. Vol.XII, 1601-
1604. Cleveland: The Arthur H. Clark Company. 1903.
 Pascual 69
Nonetheless, Pedro Chirino, like other Spaniards that
came before him, detest the natives’ religion, labeling it as
“Devil.” He mentioned the natives’ worship of idols, their
priestesses, and their sacrifices and superstitions. He believed that
they were “blinded by their ignorance, love and prize these things
of darkness, and cannot open their eyes to any light beyond.”
Chirino and his Jesuits ordered to destroy the idols. This
representation of the native’s religion was similar to non-
missionaries. For example, Antonio de Morga, a Spanish lawyer
said that:

In the matter of their religion, they proceeded

more barbarously and with greater blindness than
in all the rest; because in addition to being
gentiles, and having no knowledge whatever of
the true God, neither did they cast about in their
minds to discover Him by the way of reason, nor
did they fix their thoughts on any. The devil
deceived then in general with a thousand errors
and blindness.36

Chirino’s and de Morga’s accounts were like other explorers and

missionaries who went to the Philippines during the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries. They described the natives that they met,
their physical characteristics and their material wealth, as well as
the languages and customs of the natives. This detailed account of
the natives shows the Spaniards’ curiosity towards their subjects.
Because all of them are Catholics, their perception of other
religions as the work of “devil” is quite apparent in all accounts
about the customs of the early Filipinos. The Spaniards denigrate
the natives’ religious practices, priestesses, beliefs, and morals,
especially those involving chastity and women’s purity. Although
these accounts were trying to show their subjects’ nature, their
works show more the characteristics and ideologies of the
Spaniards that were writing these accounts. In general, they were

36
Antonio De Morgan and Henry E. J. Stanley, The Philippine Islands,
Moluccas, Siam, Cambodia, Japan and China at the Close of the Sixteenth
Century. Works Issued by the Hakluyt Society, (Farnham, England: Ashgate,
2010), 305.
70 Perspectives
interested in the native’s way of life. Unfortunately, when Spanish
chroniclers saw customs that were different from Spanish beliefs,
they resorted to the demonization of indigenous practices. For
example, they described in detail the clothing and the jewelry that
the native tribes wear. The Spaniards were also interested in the
languages of the people that they countered. Despite their interest
in the native material wealth, the Spaniards believed that they
should spread Christianity. In the latter, evangelization was a
“spiritual conquest.” They were interested in the language and
religion of the natives because by learning them, the Spaniards can
propagate their faith.
On the other hand, the Tagalog religion resembled the
Christian faith that the Spaniards practiced. The Tagalogs were
different from the other tribes because they believed in one god in
which the Tagalogs called Bathala. The Tagalogs knew that he
created all things, although they did not know how he was created
nor where he resided. The Tagalogs also believed in the soul and
that after a person died, its soul would go to a place called
Casanaan. The Tagalogs also had a priestly class. They were
effeminate men dressed in women’s clothing and were called
bayog while the older women were called katulungan. They also
had intercessors called anitos which the katulungans prayed for
assistance.37 One possibility why they had this belief is because
they had interactions with Muslims from Borneo. The anonymous
author mistakenly called them Moros because the author thought
they were Muslims. After all, they followed Islamic customs, such
as refraining from eating pork and the practice of circumcision.
The author assumed that the Tagalog beliefs were different to the
other tribes “because they have greater light of reason and their
capacity are quicker and sharper.”38
The religious practices of the Tagalogs and the Spaniards
have similarities. Both groups believed in one deity. They also
believe in the duality of humans and the existence of a place in the
afterlife. Although the Tagalogs do not have worship, they have a
religious hierarchy that the Spaniards would understand. Finally,
the idea of anito resembles the Catholic belief in saints. Reading
these sources not only illuminates scholars of the customs and

37
Boxer Codex, 372-374.
38
Boxer Codex, 357.
 Pascual 71
beliefs of the native people of the Philippines during the sixteenth
century, but it also sheds light on the Spaniards’ worldview and
their notion of civilization. The Spaniards’ idea of civilization was
tied to Christianity. Because the Tagalogs’ beliefs closely
resemble the Catholic doctrine, the Spaniards think highly of the
Tagalog tribe compared to the other tribes of the Philippines.
Because of the similarities between Catholicism and animistic
practices in the Philippines, conversion to Christianity was
successful.
The introduction of Christianity diminished the role of
women and transgender in Philippine societies. Many people that
came to the Philippines were religious priests. Early accounts of
the archipelago were written by religious people, such as Loarca,
Plasencia, and Chirino. Therefore, it is not surprising that their
depiction of priestesses and transgender priests was negative. The
role of the priest and priestesses or early Filipino religion
endangered the part of Catholic priests in the archipelago. Their
status also was an antithesis of Catholic priests, which were
composed of men. For Christianity to survive and thrive in the
Philippines, the role of the priests and priestesses in early Filipino
religion must be eradicated. According to Carolyn Brewer, it was
necessary for them “to lose their privileged status in the spiritual
sphere.”39
The success of Christianity in the Philippines destroys the
status of women and transgender in Filipino society. The Boxer
Codex and other Spanish sources illustrate that women and
transgender in the pre-Hispanic Philippines have essential
religious functions and were important in their group. These
sources also show that the men that wrote these texts eliminate
women and transgender voice. The bayog and the catalonan could
not speak for themselves. They have no agency in these texts.
While most of the Philippine archipelago was pacified
under Spanish control, the southern part of the Philippines became
a Muslim stronghold. From 1570, Spain established expeditions
to subjugate the kingdoms of Mindanao. Although they achieved
initial success, the Spaniards failed to consolidate the territory

39
Carolyn Brewer, Holy Confrontation: Religion, Gender, and Sexuality in the
Philippines, 1521-1685, (Manila: Institute of Women’s Studies, St. Scholastica
College, 2001),xviii.
72 Perspectives
under Spanish control. Between 1599-1630, wars were fought
between Spain and the kingdom of Maguindanao under Sultan
Kudarat. In 1637, General Corcuera sacked Kudarat’s kingdom,
burning mosques and destroying properties. Kudarat escaped, and
he continued to fight the Spaniards until his death.40
The natives of the Philippines participated in these
expeditions against the people of Mindanao. As a result, the
Spaniards consolidated the multiple barangays and united them
under the Spanish domination. In return, the alliance between the
natives and the Spaniards became the start of what Ethan Hawkley
calls a “Philippine Reconquista.” According to him, this
Reconquista was not a continuation of the Spanish Reconquista,
but a conflict modeled under the politics in Southeast Asia. 41
The Spaniards also preserved the practice of slavery in the
archipelago. Although Spain abolished slavery in the colonies, the
Spaniards justified slavery for religious reasons. Spain argued that
many of the captives were Muslims. Francisco de Vitoria, one of
the prominent Spanish theologians in the sixteenth century,
argued that Muslims could be used as slaves because he believed
that they reject Christianity. He said that it “would never be able
to offer satisfaction for all the injuries done to Christians,
consequently, and without a doubt, it is lawful to capture and
enslave the children and women of the Saracens.” For him, slavery
was a form of punishment.42 Even though Spain justified the
continuation of slavery as a religious endeavor, many of the slaves
that were sent to the Americas were indigenous Filipinos.

Conclusion
The arrival of Spain in the Philippines had a profound
effect on the region. Spanish domination of the archipelago
combined the multiple chiefdoms into one unified country.
Historical evidence shows that Spain’s consolidation of power in
the Philippines resulted from the cooperation between Spanish
and indigenous peoples. Although some natives collaborated with

40
Ethan Hawkley. 2014. Reviving the Reconquista in Southeast Asia: Moros
and the Making of the Philippines, 1565–1662. Journal of World History 25
(2–3): 285–310, 302.
41
Hawkley, 304-309.
42
Seijas, 37-38.
 Pascual 73
the Spaniards, the conquest of the Philippines gravely impacted
the indigenous communities. Finally, Spanish chroniclers in the
Philippines allowed the colonizers to write the Philippines’ history
and limit the voices of the natives.
Despite the increased scholarship about the Philippines
during the Spanish period, indigenous voices need to be included.
Non-literary sources such as oral history and folk history can be
used in showing native perspectives. Ecclesiastical and municipal
records can be incorporated in order to analyze Philippine
societies during the Spanish period. Finally, archives in the
Philippines must be digitalized so that other historians could
examine native texts.