Paper Monetaria

Journal of Economic Perspectives—Volume 11, Number 2—Spring 1997—Pages 97–116
Inflation Targeting: A New Framework

for Monetary Policy?
Ben S. Bernanke and Frederic S. Mishkin
T
he world's central bankers and their staffs meet regularly, in venues from
Basle to Washington, to share ideas and discuss common problems. Per-
haps these frequent meetings help explain why changes in the tactics and
strategy of monetary policymaking—such as the adoption of money growth targets
in the 1970s, the intensification of efforts to reduce inflation in the 1980s, and the
recent push for increased institutional independence for central banks—tend to
occur in many countries more or less simultaneously. Whatever their source, major
changes in the theory and practice of central banking are of great importance, for
both individual countries and the international economy. In this article, we discuss
a new strategy for monetary policy known as ''inflation targeting," which has
sparked much interest and debate among central bankers and monetary economists
in recent years. This approach is characterized, as the name suggests, by the an-
nouncement of official target ranges for the inflation rate at one or more horizons,
and by explicit acknowledgment that low and stable inflation is the overriding goal
of monetary policy. Other important features of inflation targeting include in-
creased communication with the public about the plans and objectives of the mon-
etary policymakers, and, in many cases, increased accountability of the central bank
for attaining those objectives.
• Ben S. Bernanke is Class of 1926 Professor of Economics and Public Affairs, Princeton
University, Princeton, New Jersey, and Research Associate of the National Bureau of Economic
Research, Cambridge, Massachusetts. Frederic S. Mishkin is Executive Vice President and
Director of Research at the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, New York, New York, and
Research Associate of the National Bureau of Economic Research, Cambridge, Massachusetts.
He is on leave from his position as the A. Barton Hepburn Professor of Economics and Finance,
Graduate School of Business, Columbia University, New York, New York.
98 Journal of Economic Perspectives
Inflation targeting in various forms has been adopted in recent years by a

number of industrialized countries, including Canada, the United Kingdom, New
Zealand, Sweden, Australia, Finland, Spain and Israel.1 Table 1 offers some details
about the specific plans in each country. There are also important elements of
inflation targeting, as we discuss below, in the long-standing and well-regarded mon-
etary policy approaches of Germany and Switzerland. In the United States, inflation
targeting has been advocated by some influential policymakers, and Senator Connie
Mack (R-Fla.) has introduced a bill that, if passed, would establish price stability as
the primary goal of monetary policy [S.R. 1266, 104th Cong. 1st sess.]. Finally, the
Maastricht treaty mandates price stability as the primary objective of the European
Central Bank, and it seems likely—if European monetary union in fact
occurs—that the ECB would incorporate major elements of the inflation targeting
approach in its procedures (Issing, 1996).
We begin our discussion of inflation targeting with some details of how this
approach has been implemented in practice. We focus on the practice of inflation
targeting, rather than the theory, because we believe that the rhetoric associated
with inflation targeting is often misleading. In particular, we will argue that actual
experience with this approach shows that inflation targeting does not represent an
ironclad policy rule, as some writers on the subject and even some advocates of this
approach seem to assume. Instead, inflation targeting is better understood as a
policy framework, whose major advantage is increased transparency and coherence
of policy, and in which fairly flexible, even "discretionary" monetary policy actions
can be accommodated. 2 We next discuss in more detail why viewing inflation tar-
geting as a framework, rather than a rule, blunts some of the arguments that have
been made against it and in general enhances the appeal of this approach. This is
not to say that valid questions do not remain about this strategy for monetary policy;
in the final portion of the paper we discuss some important additional issues and
draw conclusions about the usefulness of the inflation targeting framework.
Inflation Targeting in Practice
Although every country that has adopted inflation targeting has customized
the approach in various ways, certain empirical generalizations about this strategy
can be made.
The hallmark of inflation targeting is the announcement by the government,
the central bank, or some combination of the two that in the future the central
bank will strive to hold inflation at or near some numerically specified level. As can
be seen in Table 1, inflation targets are more often than not specified as ranges—
1
Detailed analyses of experiences with inflation targeting can be found in Goodhart and Vinals (1994),
Leiderman and Svensson (1995), Haldane (1995) and McCallum (1996), among others.
2
King (1996) adopts a similar view.
Ben S. Bernanke and Frederic S. Mishkin 99
Table 1
Operational Aspects of Inflation Targets
for example, 1–3 percent—rather than single numbers, and they are typically es-
tablished for multiple horizons ranging from one to four years. However, there are
exceptions to both observations; indeed, Germany, with the longest experience with
inflation-focused monetary policy, specifies its implicit inflation target as a point
and only for a one-year horizon. Initial announcements of inflation targeting gen-
erally allow for a gradual transition from the current level of inflation to a desired
steady-state level, usually the level deemed consistent with price stability. "Price
stability" never in practice means literally zero inflation, however, but usually some-
thing closer to a 2 percent annual rate of price change, for reasons we discuss later.
There is a lively debate over whether targeting should be of the inflation rate
per se or of the price level. Of course, a targeted price level need not remain
constant indefinitely, but could be allowed to drift upward in a predetermined way
over time (Goodhart and Vinals, 1994; Svensson, 1996). The relative disadvantage
of targeting the inflation rate is that unanticipated shocks to the price level may be
treated as bygones and never offset; as a result, forecasts of the price level at long
horizons might have a large variance under inflation targeting, which presumably
impedes private-sector planning.3 On the other hand, strict price-level targeting
requires that overshoots or undershoots of the target be fully made up, which re-
duces the variance of long-run forecasts of prices but could impart significantly
more volatility into monetary policy in the short run.4 In practice, central banks
tend to compensate partially for target misses, particularly at shorter horizons.
Associated with the announcement of inflation targets there is usually some
statement to the effect that control of inflation is the "primary" or "overriding"
goal of monetary policy and that the central bank will be held accountable for
meeting the inflation targets. For example, Section 8 of the Reserve Bank of New
Zealand Act of 1989 assigns the central bank the statutory responsibility "to for-
mulate and implement monetary policy directed to the economic objective of
achieving and maintaining stability in the general level of prices," with no mention
of competing goals. Section 9 of the act requires the Minister of Finance and the
Governor of the Reserve Bank to negotiate and make public a Policy Targets Agree-
ment (PTA), setting out specific inflation targets. In other countries, such as Swit-
zerland, Canada and the United Kingdom, the inflation goal is embodied in public
statements by the central bank rather than mandated by law.
The rationale for treating inflation as the primary goal of monetary policy is
clearly strongest when medium- to long-term horizons are considered, as most econ-
omists agree that monetary policy can affect real quantities, such as output and
employment, only in the short run. Of course, some economists of new classical or
monetarist persuasions might claim that inflation should be the sole concern of
monetary policy in the short run as well, arguing that using monetary policy for
short-run stabilization of the real economy is undesirable, infeasible, or both. How-
ever, in practice no central bank has of yet completely forsworn the use of monetary
policy for short-run stabilization, and so the phraseology "primary" or "overriding"
must be taken to refer to the longer term.
The degree to which the central bank is held formally accountable for inflation
outcomes varies considerably. The New Zealand law links the tenure of the governor
of the Reserve Bank to the achieving of the inflation targets, and thus comes closest
to providing an explicit "incentive contract," as proposed by Persson and Tabellini
(1993) and Walsh (1995).5 In other countries, no explicit sanctions on the central
bank for missing the target are given; presumably, however, missing the target badly
would impose implicit institutional or personal costs in terms of lost reputation or
prestige. It is rather early in many of the inflation-targeting experiments to judge
3
Technically, ensuring only that the inflation rate is stationary may leave a unit root in the price level,
so that the forecast variance of the price level grows without bound. This problem is analogous to the
issue of "base drift" in the literature on money-growth targeting.
4
However, Svensson (1996) gives examples in which price-level targeting actually reduces the volatility
of output.
5
Svensson (1997b) relates inflation targeting to the contracting approach.
Inflation Targeting: A New Framework for Monetary Policy? 101
the extent to which the prospective penalties for missing announced targets will
constrain central bank behavior.
Despite the language referring to inflation control as the primary objective of
monetary policy, as we have said, inflation-targeting central banks always make room
for short-run stabilization objectives, particularly with respect to output and
exchange rates.6 This accommodation of short-run stabilization goals is accom-
plished through several means. First, the price index on which the official inflation
targets are based is often denned to exclude or down-weight the effects of "supply
shocks;" for example, the officially targeted price index may exclude some com-
bination of food and energy prices, indirect tax changes, terms-of-trade shocks, and
the direct effects of interest rate changes on the index (for example, through im-
puted rental costs). Second, as already noted, inflation targets are typically specified
as a range; the use of ranges generally reflect not only uncertainty about the link
between policy levers and inflation outcomes but is also intended to allow the cen-
tral bank some flexibility in the short run. Third, short-term inflation targets can
and have been adjusted to accommodate supply shocks or other exogenous changes
in the inflation rate outside the central bank's control. A model here is the Deutsche
Bundesbank's practice of stating its short-term (one-year) inflation projection as
the level of "unavoidable inflation." In the aftermath of the 1979 oil shock, for
example, the Bundesbank announced the "unavoidable" inflation rate to be
4 percent, then moved its target gradually down to 2 percent over a six-year period.
In other cases, the central bank or government makes explicit an "escape clause,"
which permits the inflation target to be suspended or modified in the face of certain
adverse economic developments.
In making inflation, a goal variable, the focus of monetary policy, the inflation-
targeting strategy in most cases significantly reduces the role of formal intermediate
targets, such as the exchange rate or money growth. To the extent that intermediate
targets are used, it is emphasized that the inflation goal takes precedence in case
of conflict. Unconditional commitment to an intermediate target is of course in-
consistent with inflation targeting (except in the unusual case that the intermediate
target effectively summarizes all current information about inflation at the forecast
horizon). The fact that in most countries the relation between intermediate targets,
such as money growth, and the central bank's goal variables has proven to be rel-
atively unreliable—the so-called "velocity instability" problem—is a major moti-
vation for dropping formal intermediate targets and instead attempting to target
the goal variable directly.
On the other hand, since targeting inflation directly requires that the central
bank form forecasts of the likely path of prices, close attention is typically paid to
a variety of indicators that have shown predictive power for inflation in the past.
For example, as an aid to inflation forecasting, monetary policymakers in Canada
6
Another short-run objective that is almost always retained by inflation-targeting central banks is the
maintenance of financial stability. For example, see Mishkin (forthcoming).
and Sweden make use of a ''monetary conditions index," a weighted combination

of the exchange rate and the short-term interest rate, in conjunction with other
standard indicators such as money and credit aggregates, commodity prices, capac-
ity utilization and wage developments.7
In most inflation-targeting regimes, the central bank publishes regular, de-
tailed assessments of the inflation situation, including current forecasts of inflation
and discussions of the policy response that is needed to keep inflation on track. A
good example is the Bank of England's Inflation Report, published quarterly, which
contains detailed analyses of factors likely to affect the inflation rate as well as
probabilistic forecasts of inflation, assuming no change in interest rates. The central
banks of Canada and Sweden release similar documents, and the Reserve Bank of
New Zealand is required to issue a policy statement at least every six months. As we
discuss further below, the use of such reports reflects a key objective of inflation
targeting, which is improved communication with the public about monetary policy,
its goals and, in particular, the long-run implications of current policy actions.
The adoption of inflation targeting is often linked with changes in the laws or
administrative arrangements associated with the central bank. Typically, reforms
are in the direction of increased independence for the central bank, particularly
in respect to its choice of instrument settings.8 This seems to be a logical conse-
quence of making price stability the overriding goal of policy, since the central
bank is the best place to make the technical decisions necessary to achieve price
stability and to make judgments about whether the pursuit of other objectives is
consistent with this goal. Exceptions to this observation are the United Kingdom
and, to a lesser extent, Canada, where despite the commitment to inflation target-
ing, the government, rather than the central bank, retains the final control over
monetary policy. However, even in the British case the adoption of inflation tar-
geting seems to have increased the relative influence of the central bank, as the
Inflation Report and the timely publication of the minutes of the monthly meeting
between the Governor and the Chancellor of the Exchequer provide an indepen-
dent forum for the bank to express its views; in effect, the government must ration-
alize for the public any deviations of its policies from those recommended by the
bank.
Most or all of the characteristics of inflation targeting described in this section
7
Users of the monetary conditions index would probably argue that treating the MCI simply as a fore-
casting variable is oversimple; they tend to view the MCI more specifically as a measure of how overall
monetary conditions are affecting aggregate demand and thus as a potential guide to policy actions. See
Freedman (1994) for further discussion.
8
Debelle and Fischer (1994) make the useful distinction between goal independence and instrument
independence for the central bank. Goal independence implies the unilateral ability of the central bank
to set its inflation targets and other goals, while instrument independence means that, although goals
may be set by the government or by the government in consultation with the central bank, the central
bank is solely responsible for choosing the instrument settings (for example, the level of short-term
interest rates) necessary to achieve those goals. Instrument independence would seem to be the form
of independence that maximizes central bank accountability and minimizes opportunistic political in-
terference, while still leaving the ultimate goals of policy to be determined by democratic processes.
apply to countries adopting this approach within the last eight years or so; as noted
in the introduction, these include Canada, the United Kingdom, New Zealand,
Sweden, Australia, Finland, Spain and Israel. Germany and Switzerland, which have
conducted inflation-focused monetary policies since the mid-1970s, are better
viewed as "hybrid" cases, which meet some but not all of the above criteria. These
two countries differ from the " p u r e " inflation targeters primarily in their greater
focus on money growth as an intermediate target, and indeed, the Bundesbank has
emphasized the superiority (in their view) of money targeting as a means of insuring
monetary discipline and transparency (for example, Deutsche Bundesbank, 1995,
pp. 67–8). In fact, many observers (including ourselves) would argue that the dis-
tinction between inflation and money targeting is overstated and that monetary
policies in both countries are driven in the medium and long term primarily by
inflation goals. For example, the Bundesbank's money growth targets are derived,
using the quantity equation, to be consistent with an annual inflation target, given
projections of the growth of potential output and of possible changes in the velocity
of money. This inflation target, in turn, has been brought down steadily over time
and has remained at 2 percent—the level deemed consistent by the Bundesbank
with price stability—since 1986. Further, the Bundesbank has shown itself quite
willing to miss its money targets when pursuing these targets threatens to conflict
with the control of inflation (von Hagen, 1995; Bernanke and Mihov, 1997).
All in all, the philosophy guiding German and Swiss monetary policies seems
relatively consistent with the one motivating the self-declared inflation targeters.
The main practical difference between the two sets of countries is that the Germans
and Swiss believe that the velocity of money has been relatively more stable in their
countries, and so they view money-growth targeting as a useful tool for implement-
ing their inflation objectives. It is also true that Germany and Switzerland have been
less explicit in stating their inflation targets; neither central bank publishes a reg-
ular inflation report per se. But this distinction seems relatively unimportant; infla-
tion developments receive prominent attention in the regular publications of both
banks. Moreover, there may be less need for public declarations given the long-
standing commitment of the Bundesbank and Swiss National Bank—and the pop-
ular support for that commitment—to price stability. The examples of Germany
and Switzerland are important because, unlike the other countries mentioned,
these two countries have been following their monetary policy strategies fairly con-
sistently for more than two decades, rather than for only a few years; thus, their
experiences may provide researchers attempting to assess the value of inflation-
focused monetary policy with useful information.
A Framework, Not a Rule
The motivations for an inflation-targeting approach have been varied. In a

number of cases, such as those of the United Kingdom and Sweden, the collapse
of an exchange rate peg led the monetary authorities to search for an alternative
"nominal anchor" for monetary policy, a way of reassuring the public that mone-
tary policy would remain disciplined. The demise of a fixed-exchange-rate regime
similarly motivated the adoption of a money-focused approach by Germany in the
mid-1970s. Some countries, such as Canada, came to inflation targeting after un-
successful attempts to use a money-targeting approach. For example, in the case of
Canada, by 1980 inflation was as high as it was in 1975 (10 percent per year) despite
adherence to monetary targets that led to lower money growth rates (Howitt, 1993).
In other cases, countries that by tight monetary policies had succeeded in reducing
their core rate of inflation adopted inflation targeting as an institutional means of
locking in their inflation gains.
Developments in macroeconomic theory also played some role in the growing
popularity of the inflation targeting approach. These familiar developments in-
cluded reduced confidence in activist, countercyclical monetary policy; the wide-
spread acceptance of the view that there is no long-run tradeoff between output
(or unemployment) and inflation, so that monetary policy affects only prices in the
long run; theoretical arguments for the value of precommitment and credibility in
monetary policy (Kydland and Prescott, 1977; Calvo, 1978; Barro and Gordon,
1983); and an increasing acceptance of the proposition that low inflation promotes
long-run economic growth and efficiency.
Unfortunately, the interpretation of inflation targeting in terms of some long-
standing debates in monetary economics has also been the source of confusion.
For many years the principal debate about the best approach for monetary policy
was framed as an opposition between two polar strategies, termed "rules" and
"discretion." Advocates of rules—such as the fixed rule for money growth pro-
posed by Milton Friedman, or a gold standard—argued that "tying the hands" of
policymakers will prevent the monetary authorities from implementing counter-
productive attempts at short-run stabilization and will thus eliminate the inflation-
ary bias inherent in discretionary monetary policy. Supporters of discretionary
policymaking—under which the central bank is left free to "do the right thing" as
economic conditions evolve—stress the inability of ironclad rules to deal with un-
foreseen shocks or changes in the structure of the economy.
For various reasons, including the rhetoric of some of its proponents, inflation
targeting is sometimes interpreted as falling on the "rule" side of this traditional
dichotomy (for example, Friedman and Kuttner, 1996). We view this characteriza-
tion of inflation targeting as a mistake; indeed, we would go farther and say that
the traditional dichotomy of monetary policy strategies into rules and discretion is
itself misleading. In particular, some useful policy strategies are "rule-like," in that
by their forward-looking nature they constrain central banks from systematically
engaging in policies with undesirable long-run consequences; but which also allow
some discretion for dealing with unforeseen or unusual circumstances. These hy-
brid or intermediate approaches may be said to subject the central bank to "con-
strained discretion." We argue below that inflation targeting should be viewed in
this way, rather than as a rigid policy rule.
If inflation targeting is interpreted as a rule in the classic Friedman sense, then
it would have to be conceded that this approach is vulnerable to some important

criticisms. First, the idea that monetary policy has (essentially) no legitimate goals
besides inflation would find little support among central bankers, the public and
most monetary economists. Second, given that central banks do care about output,
employment, exchange rates and other variables besides inflation, treating inflation
targeting as a literal rule could lead to very poor economic outcomes. As Friedman
and Kuttner (1996) emphasize, much in the same way that money-growth targeting
in the United States was done in by unpredicted shocks to the velocity of money,
so an exclusive emphasis on inflation goals could lead to a highly unstable real
economy should there be significant supply shocks, such as large changes in the
price of oil.
Finally, critics of inflation targeting as a rule might well ask what is gained by
the loss of flexibility entailed by precommitting monetary policy in this way. The
academic literature on rules argues that tying the hands of policymakers will reduce
the inflation bias of discretionary policy and perhaps allow for less cosdy disinfla-
tions, as increased credibility leads inflation expectations to moderate more quickly.
However, critics of inflation targeting could point out that, although inflation-
targeting countries have generally achieved and maintained low rates of inflation,
little evidence supports the view that these reduced rates of inflation have been
obtained at a lower sacrifice of output and employment than disinflations pursued
under alternative regimes (at least so far). Even the Deutsche Bundesbank and the
Swiss National Bank, whose pursuit of low inflation over the last two decades has
presumably given the maximum credibility, have been able to achieve inflation
reductions only at high costs in lost output and employment (Debelle and Fischer,
1994; Posen, 1995). Nor is there evidence that the introduction of inflation targets
materially affects private-sector expectations of inflation, as revealed either by sur-
veys or by the level of long-term nominal interest rates. Inflation expectations have
come down, in most cases, only as inflation-targeting central banks have demon-
strated that they can deliver low inflation (Posen and Laubach, 1996).
These objections are certainly important, as far as they go. However, again,
they derive much of their force from the assumption that inflation targeting is to
be viewed as an ironclad rule. As we have said, we believe that interpreting inflation
targeting as a type of monetary policy rule is a fundamental mischaracterization of
this approach as it is actually practiced by contemporary central banks. First, at a technical
level, inflation targeting does not qualify as a policy rule in that it does not provide
simple and mechanical operational instructions to the central bank. Rather, the
inflation targeting approach enjoins the central bank to use its structural and judg-
mental models of the economy, in conjunction with all relevant information, to
determine the policy action most likely to achieve the inflation target, and then to
take that action. Unlike simple policy rules, inflation targeting never requires that
the central bank ignore information that bears on its achieving its objectives. Sec-
ond, and more importantly, inflation targeting as it is actually practiced contains a
considerable degree of what most economists would define as policy discretion.
Within the general constraints imposed by their medium- to long-term inflation
targets, central bankers have in practice left themselves considerable scope to re-
spond to current unemployment conditions, exchange rates and other short-run
developments.
The 1989 reform of the Reserve Bank of New Zealand, for example, is often
held up as an example of the rule-making impulse. It is important to note that New
Zealand is the most extreme of all the inflation-targeting countries in its use of
formal institutional constraints on policy. Even so, the New Zealand law does pro-
vide the central bank some discretion and flexibility; for example, the target infla-
tion series excludes movements in commodity prices; the target may be readjusted
if necessary in the judgment of the bank in response to supply or terms-of-trade
shocks; the inflation target is specified as a 3 percentage point range rather than
as a single number; and there is an explicit escape clause that permits amending
the target in the face of unexpected developments. In practice, inflation targeting
in New Zealand has been implemented even more flexibly. Inflation was brought
down to its current low level only gradually; and when inflation moved briefly above
the target range in 1996, the Parliament did not seriously consider its option of
replacing the governor of the central bank.
If inflation targeting is not a rule in the way this term is usually understood,
then what is it, and what good is it? We believe that it is most fruitful to think of
inflation targeting not as a rule, but as a framework for monetary policy within
which "constrained discretion" can be exercised. This framework has the potential
to serve two important functions: improving communication between policymakers
and the public, and providing increased discipline and accountability for monetary
policy.
In terms of communication, the announcement of inflation targets clarifies
the central bank's intentions for the markets and for the general public, reducing
uncertainty about the future course of inflation. (Of course, this assumes that the
announcements are believable and believed; more on this later.) Arguably, many
of the costs of inflation arise from its uncertainty or variability more than from its
level. Uncertain inflation complicates long-term saving and investment decisions,
exacerbates relative price volatility, and increases the riskiness of nominal financial
and wage contracts. Uncertainty about central bank intentions may also induce
volatility in financial markets—a common phenomenon in the United States, where
stock market analysts parse every sentence uttered by the Fed chairman in search
of hidden meanings. Inflation targets offer transparency of policy; they make ex-
plicit the central bank's policy intentions in a way that should improve private-sector
planning, enhance the possibility of public debate about the direction of monetary
policy, and increase central bank accountability. Transparency has been claimed as
a positive feature of other policy strategies, such as money-growth targeting, but we
doubt that concepts like the growth rates of particular money aggregates are nearly
so understandable to the general public as is the predicted rate of change of con-
sumer prices.
To see the practical advantage of policy transparency, consider the familiar
scenario in which an upcoming election or a slow economic recovery induces the
government to pressure the central bank to apply some short-run stimulus. In an

inflation-targeting regime, the central bank would be able—indeed, would be
required—to make explicit that the short-run benefits of this policy (faster real
growth) may well be purchased at the price of medium- and long-term inflation.
These projections could then be debated by politicians, press and public, but at
least the issue of long-run inflation effects would be on the table, serving as an
explicit counterweight to the short-run benefits of monetary expansion. Making the
linkage of short-term policies and long-term consequences explicit would clarify
for the public what monetary policy can and cannot do.
Aggregate supply shocks, such as oil price shocks, present a thornier policy
problem. If a severe supply shock hits the economy, keeping medium-term
inflation close to the long-run target could well be very costly in terms of lost
output. However, in practice, a well-implemented inflation-targeting regime
need not strongly constrain the ability of the monetary authorities to respond
to a supply shock. Remember, the inflation target itself can be and typically is
defined to exclude at least the first-round effects of some important supply
shocks, such as changes in the prices of food and energy or in value-added
taxes; the use of target ranges for inflation gives additional flexibility. Escape
clauses, which permit the central bank to change its medium-term targets in
response to major developments, are another possibility. We have seen, for
example, that the Bundesbank's one-year inflation targets were often defined
by its view of how much inflation was "unavoidable," rather than by its long-
run objective of price stability. Thus, intermediate-run inflation targets can be
used to define a transition path by which the temporary inflation induced by
a supply shock is eliminated gradually over time. Relative to a purely discre-
tionary approach, the inflation-targeting framework should give the central
bank a better chance of convincing the public that the consequences of the
supply shock are only a one-time rise in the price level, rather than a perma-
nent increase in inflation. A relevant example occurred in Canada in 1991,
shortly after their implementation of inflation targeting, when a sharp increase
in indirect taxes caused a blip in the price level but had no apparent effect on
the underlying inflation rate.
The idea that inflation targeting requires an accounting of the long-run
implications of short-run "discretionary" actions is also central to the argument
that inflation targeting helps to discipline monetary policy. In practice, exactly
who needs disciplining may differ from country to country, depending on pol-
itics, institutional arrangements and personalities. In the macroeconomic liter-
ature on central bank credibility, it is the central bank that needs discipline,
because it is assumed to desire an unemployment rate lower than the natural
rate. This desire leads the monetary authority to try to "fool" the public with
surprise inflation, inducing producers (who confuse nominal and real price in-
creases) to increase output and employment above the natural rate. If the
public has rational expectations, however, it will anticipate the central bank's
actions, and producers will not be fooled, so that in equilibrium the economy
will suffer higher-than-optimal inflation with no benefits in terms of lower

unemployment.9
If a story along these lines describes the actual situation in a given economy,
then an inflation-targeting framework will not directly prevent the counterproduc-
tive attempts of the central bank to engage in excessive short-run stimulus. In this
respect, inflation targeting is inferior to an ironclad rule, if such could be imple-
mented. However, in contrast to the purely discretionary situation with no explicit
targets, under inflation targeting the central bank would be forced to calculate and
to publicize the implications of its short-run actions for expected inflation in the
long run (and again, these projections would be subject to scrutiny and debate).
To the extent that the central bank governors dislike admitting publicly that they
are off track with respect to their long-run inflation targets, the existence of this
framework would provide an additional incentive for the central bank to limit its
short-run opportunism.
Although the theoretical literature typically posits the central bank as the entity
who chooses to inflate opportunistically, we suspect that in most cases the executive
and legislative branches of the government have the greater incentive to engage in
such behavior, often because of approaching elections. Central bankers, in contrast,
tend to view themselves as defenders of the currency. This view may be the result
of intentional appointments of "tough" central bankers (for reasons described by
Rogoff, 1985), or it may just be that self-selection and socialization act to make
central bankers relatively hawkish on inflation. But in either case, the existence of
longer-term inflation targets can prove a useful device by which the central bank
can protect itself politically from overexpansionist pressures. In particular, by mak-
ing explicit the long-run, as well as the short-run, implications of overexpansionist
policies, the central bank may be better able to get the support it needs to resist
such policies. Our impression is that the Bank of England, for example, has on
occasion used numerical inflation targets in precisely this way.
Further Issues with Inflation Targeting
If viewed as a framework rather than as a rule, inflation targeting can confer

some important advantages. It provides a nominal anchor for policy and the econ-
omy. By communicating the central bank's objectives and views, it increases the
transparency of monetary policy. It has the potential to provide increased discipline
and accountability for policymakers. Importantly, it may be able to achieve all this
without entirely giving up the benefits of discretionary policies in the short run.
These optimistic conclusions notwithstanding, important questions and controver-
9
McCallum (1997) argues that the central bank can simply choose not to behave myopically, and the
public's expectations will come to reflect this more farsighted behavior. He also points out, however,
that to the extent time inconsistency is a problem, it will affect the government as well as the central
bank; we agree, as we discuss below.
sies remain around inflation targeting, even when interpreted in the way that we
prefer. Let us consider a few of these.
Which Inflation Measure? What Target Value?

A critical aspect of the design of an inflation-targeting regime is the definition
of the price series to be used in the inflation target. The series needs to be consid-
ered accurate, timely and readily understood by the public, but may also need to
allow for individual price shocks or one-time shifts that do not affect trend inflation,
which is what monetary policy should influence. As Table 1 indicates, all inflation-
targeting countries have chosen some variant of the consumer price index (CPI)
as their target series. However, this choice is not typically the "headline" CPI figure,
but an index that excludes some components or focuses on "core" inflation;
clearly, it is incumbent on the central bank to explain its choice of index and to
help the public understand its relation to the headline index.
In all inflation-targeting regimes, the inflation objective has been set at a low
number, 4 percent or less. Is this the ideal range for the inflation target? Or would
a somewhat higher range for inflation, which might involve lower initial output cost
to attain, be acceptable?
Obtaining direct empirical confirmation of a link between inflation and eco-
nomic performance is very difficult. Inflation is, after all, an endogenous variable;
and so we rarely if ever see variation in inflation that is not associated with some
third factor, such as supply shocks or political instability, which would plausibly
affect other elements of economic performance as well.10 As a result, economists'
views on the subject have been based largely on prior arguments, intuition and
indirect evidence. That conceded, it is nevertheless clear that the professional con-
sensus, which at one time did not ascribe substantial costs to moderate inflation,
has over the past few decades begun to take the costs of inflation more seriously.
For example, Feldstein (1996) has emphasized the importance of inflation-induced
inefficiencies, via the tax code, on capital formation. Fischer (1993) and others
have provided some evidence that macroeconomic stability, including control of
inflation, is an important precondition for economic growth. Shiller's (1996) opin-
ion surveys of public attitudes about inflation, while confirming economists' sus-
picions that the public is confused about even the definition of inflation, also show
that people believe inflation to be highly uneven in its distributional impacts and
hence corrosive of the social compact. A strengthening preference for low inflation
is quite visible in policy circles, perhaps most strikingly in the tough limits on infla-
tion imposed by the Maastricht treaty on countries that want to join the European
currency union.
Given the growing consensus that the long-term goal of monetary policy
should be a low inflation rate, there remains the question of how low it should
10
Studies that attempt to overcome these problems include Lebow, Roberts and Stockton (1992) and
Barro (1995).
be. It seems clear that an inflation target of zero or near zero is not desirable,
for several reasons. First, much recent research suggests that official CPI infla-
tion rates tend to overstate the true rate of inflation, due to various problems
such as substitution bias in the fixed-weight index and failure to account ade-
quately for quality change. Studies for the United States have estimated this
overstatement of inflation to be in the range of 0.5 to 2.0 percentage points per
year.11 Thus, as a practical matter, even if the central bank chooses to pursue a
zero rate of true inflation, the target for the measured inflation rate should be
greater than zero.
Putting aside measurement issues, there are other risks of setting the inflation
target too low. In a much discussed recent article, Akerlof, Dickens and Perry (1996)
point out that if nominal wages are rigid downward (a possibility that they argue is
consistent with the evidence), then reductions in real wages can occur only through
inflation in the general price level. Very low inflation therefore effectively reduces
real-wage flexibility and hence may worsen the allocative efficiency of the labor
market; indeed, the authors perform simulations suggesting that inflation rates near
zero would permanendy increase the natural rate of unemployment. 12 Another
danger of setting the inflation target too low is that there is a greater chance that
the economy will be tipped into deflation, with the true price level actually falling—
as may have happened during the recent recession in Japan. As pointed out in the
literature on financial crises, persistent deflation—particularly if unanticipated—
can create serious problems for the financial system, interfering with its normal
functioning and precipitating an economic contraction (Bernanke and James,
1991; Mishkin, 1991).
These risks suggest that the inflation target, even when corrected for mea-
surement error, should be set above zero, as has been the practice of all inflation-
targeting countries to date. Indeed, a potentially important advantage of infla-
tion targeting is that it provides not only a ceiling for the inflation rate, but also
a floor. Inflation targeting thus acts to attenuate the effects of negative, as well
as positive, shocks to aggregate demand. An interesting historical example is
that of Sweden in the 1930s, which adopted a "norm of price stabilization" after
leaving the gold standard in 1931. As a result, Sweden did not undergo the
devastating deflation experienced by other countries during the Great Depres-
sion (Jonung, 1979).
11
This bias was the subject of an official report to the Senate Finance Committee, the so-called Boskin
report (Boskin et al., 1996). See also Moulton (1996) and Shapiro and Wilcox (1997).
12
The force of this argument should not be overstated. First, the inflation rates which Akerlof, Dickens
and Perry (1996) argue would significantly affect the natural rate of unemployment are really quite low,
for example, measured rates (as opposed to "true" rates) of inflation of 2 percent per annum or less.
Second, their simulation studies do not take into account forces that may work in the opposite direction:
for example, Groshen and Schweitzer (1996) point out that high and variable inflation rates may increase
the "noise" in relative wages, reducing the efficiency of the process by which workers are allocated across
industries and occupations; thus higher inflation can represent sand as well as grease in the wheels of
the labor market.
Is Inflation Sufficiently Predictable and Controllable to be "Targeted"?

It has been noted by several authors that inflation is very difficult to predict
accurately, particularly at both very short and very long horizons (Cecchetti, 1995).
This lack of predictability poses two important problems for the inflation targeting
strategy. The first is strictly operational: given the long lags between monetary policy
actions and the inflation response, low predictability suggests that accurate target-
ing of inflation could be extremely difficult. The second issue has to do with the
central bank's credibility: if inflation is largely unpredictable, and hence not finely
controllable, then it will be difficult to judge whether the central bank has made
its best effort to hit the inflation targets. For example, the central bank could always
argue that wide misses were the result of bad luck, not bad faith; since central bank
forecasts of inflation contain substantial judgmental components, such claims
would be difficult to disprove. This possible escape hatch for the central bank weak-
ens the argument that inflation targeting increases accountability of monetary pol-
icy and suggests that building up credibility for its inflation-targeting framework
could be a long and arduous process.
While we agree that inflation targeting is less effective, the less predictable or
controllable is the inflation rate, several observations should be made. First, statis-
tical measures of predictability are themselves likely to be sensitive to the monetary
policy regime in place. Inflation was no doubt difficult to predict during the 1970s,
when monetary policymakers tried to deal with oil price shocks and other stagfla-
tionary pressures without a coherent, clearly articulated framework. In contrast, the
stability of the inflation rate in the United States and other industrialized countries
since the mid-1980s, a period during which the maintenance of low and steady
inflation has received much greater weight in central bank decision making, sug-
gests that inflation will be easier to predict in the future.
Second, the relative unpredictability of goal variables is not in itself an argu-
ment for the use of intermediate targets in the conduct of monetary policy. As
Svensson (1997a) points out, from an optimal control perspective, the best possible
intermediate target is the current forecast of the goal variable itself—in this context,
inflation. Using an intermediate target such as money growth is acceptable in an
optimal control framework only if the intermediate target contains all information
relevant to forecasting the goal variable; in this extreme case, using the intermediate
target is equivalent to targeting the forecast of the goal variable. However, if any
variable other than the intermediate target contains marginal information about
the future values of the goal variable, then targeting the inflation forecast strictly
dominates using any single intermediate target. Thus, from a strictly operational
point of view, while it is unfortunate if the goal variable is hard to predict or to
control, no improvement is available by using an intermediate target.13
13
In characterizing the forecast of inflation as the intermediate target, Svensson (1997a) is careful to
define "forecast" to mean the forecast derived internally by the central bank using its structural model
of the economy. An intriguing alternative would be to try to "target" private-sector forecasts of inflation,
that is, set short-run policy instruments so that private-sector forecasts of inflation equal the announced
When the credibility of the central bank is at issue, the problem of whether to
target inflation directly or to rely on an intermediate target becomes more complex.
By Svensson's argument, use of the intermediate target must increase the variance
of the goal variable, which is a cost of the intermediate targeting approach; the
benefit, however, is that by hitting its announced target for the intermediate vari-
able, the central bank can demonstrate the seriousness of its intentions to the public
more quickly and reliably (Cukierman, 1995; Laubach, 1996). If credibility building
is an important objective of the central bank, and if there exists an intermediate
target variable—such as a monetary aggregate—that is well controlled by the cen-
tral bank, observed and understood by the public and the financial markets, and
strongly and reliably related to the ultimate goal variable, then targeting the inter-
mediate variable may be the preferred strategy. All of these are big "ifs," particu-
larly the last one. However, this analysis may help to explain the continued use of
money-growth targets by Germany and Switzerland, where financial institutions and
hence velocity have evolved rather slowly, while countries such as the United King-
dom, with a history of unstable velocity, have opted for targeting inflation directly.
Is Inflation the Right Goal Variable for Monetary Policy?

The consensus that monetary policy is neutral in the long run restricts the set
of feasible long-run goal variables for monetary policy, but inflation is not the only
possibility. Notably, a number of economists have proposed that central banks
should target the growth rate of nominal GDP rather than inflation (Taylor, 1985;
Hall and Mankiw, 1994). Nominal GDP growth, which can be thought of as
"velocity-corrected" money growth (that is, if velocity were constant, nominal GDP
growth and money growth would be equal, by definition), has the advantage that
it does put some weight on output as well as prices. Under a nominal GDP target,
a decline in projected real output growth would automatically imply an increase in
the central bank's inflation target, which would tend to be stabilizing.14 Also, Cec-
chetti (1995) has presented simulations that suggest that policies directed to sta-
bilizing nominal GDP growth may be more likely to produce good economic out-
comes, given the difficulty of predicting and controlling inflation.
Nominal GDP targeting is a reasonable alternative to inflation targeting,
and one that is generally consistent with the overall strategy for monetary policy
discussed in this article. However, we have three reasons for mildly preferring
target. Unfortunately, as shown by Woodford (1994) and Bernanke and Woodford (1996), such a policy
is usually not consistent with the existence of a unique rational expectations equilibrium. However,
Bernanke and Woodford also show that, while targeting private-sector forecasts is not a good idea, private-
sector forecasts can typically be combined with the central bank's own information to improve the
efficiency of its operating procedure. Further, private-sector forecasts that the public observes to be close
to the central bank's official targets may help to provide some validation of the bank's internal procedures
for forecasting and controlling inflation.
14
Hall and Mankiw (1994) point out, however, that the equal weighting of real output growth and
inflation implied by a nominal GDP targeting is not necessarily the optimal one; in general, the relative
weight put on the two goal variables should reflect social preferences.
inflation targets to nominal GDP targets. First, information on prices is more

timely and frequently received than data on nominal GDP (and could be made
even more so), a practical consideration that offsets some of the theoretical
appeal of the nominal GDP target. Although collection of data on nominal GDP
could also be improved, measurement of nominal GDP involves data on current
quantities as well as current prices and thus is probably intrinsically more diffi-
cult to accomplish in a timely fashion. Second, given the various escape clauses
and provisions for short-run flexibility built into the inflation-targeting ap-
proach, we doubt that there is much practical difference in the degree to which
inflation targeting and nominal GDP targeting would allow accommodation of
short-run stabilization objectives. Finally, and perhaps most important, it seems
likely that the concept of inflation is better understood by the public than is the
concept of nominal GDP, which could easily be confused with real GDP. If this
is so, the objectives of communication and transparency would be better served
by the use of an inflation target. As a matter of revealed preference, all central
banks that have thus far adopted this general framework have chosen to target
inflation rather than nominal GDP.
If It's Not Broke, Why Fix It?

Friedman and Kuttner (1996) decry the tendency of economists to want to
impose restrictions and rules on central bank policymaking. They survey the prob-
lems with policy rules in the past, notably the failure of money-growth targeting to
become a reliable policy framework in the United States, and they correctly point
out that U.S. monetary policy has performed quite well in the recent past without
the benefit of a formal rule or framework. Why, they ask, should we change some-
thing that is working well, especially given our inability to know what types of chal-
lenges will confront monetary policy in the future?
We would respond that a major reason for the success of the Volcker-
Greenspan Fed is that it has employed a policymaking philosophy, or framework,
which is de facto very similar to inflation targeting. In particular, the Fed has ex-
pressed a strong policy preference for low, steady inflation, and debates about short-
run stabilization policies have prominently featured consideration of the long-term
inflation implications of current Fed actions.
To take the next step and to formalize this framework would have several
advantages. It would increase the transparency of the Fed's decision-making pro-
cess, allowing more public debate and discussion of the Fed's strategy and tactics
and, perhaps, reducing the financial and economic uncertainty associated with the
Fed's current procedures. It would create an institutional commitment to the cur-
rent approach that would be less dependent on a single individual's philosophy
and might thus be expected to survive when, inevitably, new leadership takes over
at the Fed. Finally, inflation targeting will be easiest to implement in a situation,
like the current one, in which inflation is already low and the basic approach has
been made familiar to the public and the markets. By adopting this approach now
when it is relatively easy politically, we could ensure that the new procedures will
be in place to provide guidance when the next difficult decisions about monetary
policy have to be made.
Conclusion
It is too early to offer a final judgment on whether inflation targeting will prove
to be a fad or a trend. However, our preliminary assessment is that this approach—
when construed as a framework for making monetary policy, rather than as a rigid
rule—has a number of advantages, including more transparent and coherent pol-
icymaking, increased accountability, and greater attention to long-run considera-
tions in day-to-day policy debates and decisions.
• We thank Alan Blinder, Brad De Long, Mervyn King, Don Kohn, Alan Krueger, Ben-
nett McCallum, Michael Peytrignet, Adam Posen, Georg Rich, Julio Rotemberg, Lars
Svensson and Timothy Taylorfor their helpful comments. Any opinions expressed are those
of the authors and not those of Princeton University, Columbia University, the National
Bureau of Economic Research, the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, or the Federal Reserve
System.
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Journal of Economic Perspectives—Volume 11, Number 2—Spring 1997—Pages 97–116

Inflation Targeting: A New Framework

Ben S. Bernanke and Frederic S. Mishkin

Inflation targeting in various forms has been adopted in recent years by a

Inflation Targeting in Practice

and Sweden make use of a ''monetary conditions index," a weighted combination

A Framework, Not a Rule

The motivations for an inflation-targeting approach have been varied. In a

it would have to be conceded that this approach is vulnerable to some important

government to pressure the central bank to apply some short-run stimulus. In an

will suffer higher-than-optimal inflation with no benefits in terms of lower

Further Issues with Inflation Targeting

If viewed as a framework rather than as a rule, inflation targeting can confer

Which Inflation Measure? What Target Value?

Is Inflation Sufficiently Predictable and Controllable to be "Targeted"?

Is Inflation the Right Goal Variable for Monetary Policy?

inflation targets to nominal GDP targets. First, information on prices is more

If It's Not Broke, Why Fix It?

Evaluation," NBER Macroeconomics Annual, forth- Targeting do to the Business Cycle?" In

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