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 ANTINDIAN MODIFICATION OF THE
THEMATIC APPERCEPTIONTEST
( r .A.T .)

I
tI
F.
ffih a furcnud

By
Dr. LEOPOLD.BELLAK, M.D.
 Freud to whom we owe the discovery of the "IJnconscious" and the free-
associationmethod by which later on he attempted to study the inner life of
the individual. Freud's discovery of psychoanalysisbecame the basis of oll
projective methods, and his realization of the importance of studying the rela-
tionship betweenthe therapist and the subjectled ultimately to the development'
of the Projective Techniqueswhich is a device for studying the inner life of an
individual through their behaviour manifestation. The way in which Jung in
1904 utihzed the free-associationmethod, foreshadowedthe finalization of the
ProjectiveTechniquesas developedby Rorschachinto a strictly scientificmethod.
Another line of development was the ThenoaticApperception Test of Murray
which was anticipated in the picture reaction cards of Stanly Hall and Brittain.
The Thematic Apperception Test appearedin 1935as the outcome of the clinical
researches of Murray and Morgan. Murray's book on personalitycame out in
1939,in which he developedthis form.of ProjectiveTechniquefor the study of
personality(11).The term projectionwas used by Freud in i894, who, in his
paper on 'Anxiety Neurosis', stated that the psychedevelopedthe neurosisof
an-lretl'rvhenit tbund itself unable to master excitation (sexual)arising endo-
genously.It had then to act as if it had projected this excitation into the outer
rvorld (2). The best example of it is again given by Freud in his paper on De-
mentia Paranoia.In 1911u'hile anal-vsing the mechanismof paranoia,Freud
arzued that "The mechanismof s1-mptomformation in paranoia requiresthat
internal perceptions or feelings. shall be replaced b)' external perceptions"
Consequentlythe proposition 'I hate him' becomestransformed by Projection
into another one. He hates (persecutes)me, which will justify me, in hating
him; and thus the unconsciousfeeling, which is in fact the motive force, makes
it* appearance,as:though it were the consequenceof an external perception.
'I do not love him, I hate him, becausehe p€rsecutesme' (4).
In both the papers, projection was used mainly in the senseof defense
mechanism.Besidesthis concept,in many of his writings, thc broader aspect
of projection was emphasized.His elaboration of the meaning of the term
cannot be better expressedthan in his.own words as he said in Totem and
Taboo that Projection is not speciallycreated for the purpose of defense,it
also comes into being where there are no conflicts. The projection of inner
perceptionsto the outside is a primitive mechanism,which, for instancealso
influencesour sense-percep'tio'ns, so that it normally has the greatestshare,
in shaping our outer world. Under cotrditions that have not yet been sufficiently
determined,eveninner perceptionsof ideationaland emotionalprocesses are
projectedoutwardly, like senseperceptions,and are usedto shapethe outer
world, whereasthey oughtto remainin the inner world (5). Dr. LeopoldBellak
has advancedthe conceptof 'ApperceptiveDistortion'. This idea of Appercep-
tive Distortion is basedon the Freudianconception'that memoriesof percepts
influenceperceptionof contemporarystimuli' (1). Bellak is of opinion that the
presentinterpretationand perceptionof parentalfiguresin TAT is influenced
by the subject'spastmemoryof his own parentalfigures.He hasfurther stated
that it was revealedto him during his experimentsthat the behaviourof the
experimentercan bring out sentimentsthat originally wereprobablyrelatedto
the father figure. While thesesentimentshad a demonstrablebut overall in-
fluenceon the perceptionof stimuli, individual differenceswere maintained
accordingto the geneticallydeterminedpersonality.It seems,then,that percept
memoriesinfluencethe perceptionof contemporarystimuli and not only for the
narrowly defined purposeof defense,as stated in the original definifisn qg
projection.lVe are compelledto assumethat all presentperceptionis influenced
by past perception,and that, indeed,the nature of the perceptionsand their
inter-actionwith eachother constitutethe field of psychologyof personality.
Ego psychologyhasnot only playeda predominantrole in psycho-analysis
but alsoin the field of projectivetechniquesby helpingin producingimaginative
responses.
Productionsof imaginativeresponses in ProjectiveTest situationsdepend
solelyon the conceptof natureand functionsof the ego,partfoularlyfrom the
standpoint of ego strength.
Another important aspectis autisticperceptionwhich is stressedby many
writers. The 'autistic' projectionsare those which are strongly influencedby
the needsof an individualand to be consistentwith the needsthe figuralaspects
of the perceivedobjectsare modified. Murphy wrote 'so whereverour needs
differ we literally seedifferently' (3).
TVeneednot go furtherinto theintricaciesof all thesepointsdiscussedabove.
It appearsto me that it will be bestto acceptthe projectionboth in the sense
of defensemechanismas also in the wider connotations.
Thoughthe tenn 'Projection'has beenin usefor a long time, the expres-
sion'ProjectiveTechnique'firstmadeits appearancein a paperby L. K. Frank
(6). It really meansthe inclusion of a seriesof psychologicalmechanisms
through which free responseto, more or less,unstructuredor semi-structured
stimuli are noted.
 .A.reaof Application of the Test
Broadly speaking,the projective tests have been appliedmainly on three
areas: viz. (1) the psychopathological(2) the genetic and (3) the cultural.
(1) In the area of psychopathology,the technique was first developedand is
most widely used both for the purposeof psychodiagnosis and therapy. (2) In
the genetic,or developmentalarca the techniquehas been used to study the
developmentof personalitystructure of the individual. (3) In the cultural area,
the technique has been applied in studying the developmentand growth of
personality structure of different ethnic groups.

Utility of the Test

The TAT is proved to be useful in any study of personality,interpreta-
tion of behaviour disordersand neurosesand psychosesand can be used as a
short therapy method of personalityand diagnosisof community problemsin
varied cultural areas.
As definedby Murray (12), the TAT is a methoi of revealingto the trained
interpreter some of the dominant drives, emotions, sentiments,complexes
and conflicts of personality.He explainsthat the object of the test is to make
the subjectproject through the medium of thesecardshis own underlyingneeds
and phantasies.A critical situation is to be portrayed in each picture which
must be such as to bring out phantasy associatedwith it. Further, the cards
should be comprehensive,and each should depict a person rvith whom the
subjectcan clearly identify himself (12).
The test is unstructuredand revealedby indirect methodsof enquiry to a
trained interpreter who has enough sensitivity and empathy. This is a very
sensitiveinstrument and can best be applied and interpretedby a trained inter-
preter with a thorough knowledgeof the cultural backgroundand the clinical
techniques.This instrument is speciallyvalued becauseit can bring out the
underlying motive, and inhibited tendencieswhieh the respondent do not
admit, or cannot admit becauseof the psychologicalblock.

The Influenceof Cultural Variables and Need for Adaptation

The Thematic Apperception Test, which is widely used in Europe and
America, has beenone of the most important devicesfor studyingthe structure
of personality.It is, however,not culture-freeto the samedegreeas the Rors-
chach, but is based on the cultural pattern of Europe and America. To use
this important instrument with people whose social values are oriented from
another angle,it would seemnecessaryto adapt,or modify it, to make it appli-
cable to new conditions.
 This was attempted by c. E. Thornpson (14) for Negro studentsin the
United States,as he found from clinical experiencesthat they failed to identify
fully with lwhite' stimulus figures. Korchin, Mitchell and Meltzotr (9) have,
however, questionedthe validity of Thompson's arguments,based on results
obtained from small samplesof SouthernNegroesand not corroboratedwhen
larger samplesof Negro and white populations in Philadelphiawere tested.
They were of opinion that the substitution of figures closely resembling their
own group was likely not to elicit fuller response,but to reduce ambiguity,
which is very important for revealingthe basic factors of personalityin.the
TAT. There seemsto be someforce in the criticism, and there can be no doubt
that the universal character of the TAT figures should not be lost on any
account.On the other hand, it should not be forgotten that if the human figures
and situationsused differ from those of daily life, they are not likely to evoke
adequateresponses,as measuredby length of stories, (the criterion usedby
Thompson) or by their contents.This difficulty did not arise with the Negro
sample of Philadelphia,the constituentsof which, after all, live in the same
cuitural climate aStheir white neighbours.Granting, therefore,thb justification
for the criticism of the Thompson TAT, it is clearly not applicableto people
who have different social patterns and whose life situations are slantedfrom
another angle.This was also the view taken by the U.S. Officeof Indian Affairs
and the Committee on Human Developmentof the University of Chicago in
their joint research on Indian Education, when the TAT was to.bc,,eppl#d to
childrenof six Indian communities(8).
They found that the TAT, representinga different cultural milieu, was not
applicable to them, as easy identification with these test materials was im-
possible.Accordingly a set of 12 new cards drawn by an Indian artist atnd
representingthe domain of their experiencewas substitutedfor the TAT (8).
It has also beenemphasized that modificationdoes not imply the mere
substitution of a few environmentaldetails or particular human and animal
figures.The two basic necessities are: that it should be closerto the original
test, viz, the symbolic values of each situation should be retained otherwise
the value of the test will be reducedand that appropriatechangesshould be
consideredessentialjn order to fulfil the needsof the particularcultural group
for which the testis meant.
In the presentadaptation,therefore,the specialfeaturesof the Indian
socialsituationsand the environmental needswhich do not havecounterparts
in the originalTAT requiredto be supplemcnted by introducingnew cardsto
meetthe requirements of its cultr.rral
milieu keepingthe new drawingsas close
-

as possibleto the original. A parallel situation was noticed by me in

the case
of the Abor tribes of the North Eastern Frontiers of India, among
who.mthe
role of authority in a group situation was found to be far more imfortant
than
a single cedipussituation. Likewise, sex aggression,triangular siiuations
and
family life were oriented from anglesto which the Indian TAT had hardly
any
application. For them, consequently,an entirely different set of
stimulus
figureshad to be designed.Similarly, while Indian thougtrt and religious
values
have deeply penetratedTibet, the cards drawn for Tibetan use by irince peter
of Greeceon the exactmodel of my Indian picturesseemto be of dubious
value,
for, with respectto the Tibetan social systsm,e.g. polyandry, the
divergence
from India is very great.rt remains to be rc.tr, *h.ir his results aqe
analysed,
how far, the Tibetans have respondedto stimulus figures according
to Indian
pattern. rn the caseof India, while, in some respects,such as, j-oint
the family
and wide field of religious phantasy,there are no real counterparti
in
Euro-American society, there is also a considerablearea presenting -oJe*
allied pro-
blems and real comparability in the European ans Indian systemi.
Here, the
subject'sidentification with western images is po.sible, given an
appropriate
Indian setting to the pictures.
But it has been observedin many occasionsthat the figures
which are
distanffio} o1:': own ethnic group are able to elicit covert
repressedfeelings
more readiiy. This hypothesiswas used by me in two brief research
projects
undertakenin the U.S.A. in 1958.One was among the adolescentgirls
(patients)
of the Hillside Hospital, Long Island, New york and the
othei *u, u*ong
the CherokeeIndians of North Carolina. Among the
Cherokeesthe test was
administeredon both the adorescentand the aautt age groups.
As an instru-
gtent in theseresearqhes I used six cards from Murray's original set and six of
my Indian version of TAT.
when, after severalmonths of work, the inadequacyof the original
TAT
for Indian subjectshad becomeapparent,stepswere taken to
evolvea standard
set of picturesfor work in India. In devisingsuch cards,the criteria
of ambiguity
and generalizecl structureof the pictureshave beencarefully retained,to reveal
the full range of emotionsas well as the possiblesolutions problems
of in the
subjects'minds. In attempt to adapt the TAT for Indian use, great care
_the
was taken to considerthesefactors, yet every effiortwas made
t" i;p ;;h;
original card as far as possible,utrd r,o innovations were introduced
unless
they,were found absolutelyessentialfor effectiveuse of the
tesi under Indian
conoltlons.
The Modified TAT
f:-tping,these-objects in mind th-ecategoriesof differencebetweenthe
turopean
---- and the Indian have first to be defi"ned.
 In certain respects,as has been mentioned, Indian sociatrsituations do
not have counterparts in Euro-American society as portrayed in the original
Murray Cards; note especiallythe joint family systemand religious phantasy.
About other problems,such as the edipus situation, aggression,the triangle,
sex aggression,depression,ambition, etc. there is no basic differencebetween
the situations in the original and the Indian, although they are revealedthrough
diffeient social media. ,Pictures reconstructed at first from imagination and
published in illustrated journals turned out to be lifelessand stereotyped,and
could not evoke empathy, or form a proper basis of identification for the
respondents' feelings and needs. As a consequence,photographs from life
modelswere substituted.Thesephotographsbrought out gesturesand postures
to suit the purposesof the tests. They were not, however, exactly copied in
the drawings, but were modified from projections through the epidiascopein
such a manner that the figures,dresses,modes-of coiffure, etc. were not too
close to the people, but were more of a genera\tzednature. Seventeencards
were drawn and tested on a small sampleand with the experiencegained, 15
cards were selectedand given to 260 individuals of rural and industrial areas
in South Bengal. Out of these 15 cards, 14 were finally chosen.Among these'
are cards II and VIII to' represent especially the joint family and religious
phantasy not found in the original TAT. The importance of the'role of r-eligioa-
in both Europeanand Indian life is undoubted,but in the latter thereis a special
emdg l&aatasY=,,!+-,-$!4.94t}'s.
feature,,.which.is -{lo+,€e:pre.r =lee*..elge.ryh.ge,.
cards these aspectsof religion find no expres'Sion. Various attempts were made
to representthe Sivalinga(the Indian phallic symbol) and other characteristic
marks of currentHindu religion,but without success. Card VIII wasfinally drawn
to meet this need, and an ambiguouspicture of a dilapidated temple with a
female devoteewas preparedto make equally applicableto the main sections
of the Indian communitY.
In placeof Murray;s original card showinga boy with a violin, an Indian
boy was substitutedwith a Sitar or Tanpura (popular Indian stringedinstru-
tn""tg. The responsesevokedfrom Card I'are most valuable.As the areabeing
under acuteeconomicstresses since1941,they are largelypervadedwith anxiety
and frustration. This overriding influence'lofeconomic Strain is shown by many
stories indicating the Tanpura as the (a) main support of life, chiefly.o.t u phan-
tasy level; as (b) causingfrustration of personalambition; and as (c) a means
of consolation.The percentagesof individuals giving such responses are 33,22
and 9 respectively.Examplesare as follows:
. (a) Musical Instrunient as the main suppcrrt of life (Upper Caste Hindu
' Male, Case|to. 27).'Oncertheboy was well off, due to the teversesof
 fortune, however, he has now to depend on public charity. To hold a
beggrngbowl to eachand everypersonis thought to be damagrngto his
self respect.So he choosesa particular spot where,by his,music,he can
attract peoplg and thus find a meansof living.,
(6) Musical rnsftument causing frustration of personal ambition (Upper
Caste Hindu Female, Case No. 9). 'A boy was playing'a Tanpup
(stringed instrument). suddenly the string of the instrument broke.
Then he sat sadly wondering, with his hand to his cheek. possibly the
boy was very poor. He had a greatambition to play the Tanpura, but he
was so poor how could he buy a new one?'
(c) Musical rnstrurnent as a means of csn*olation (upper Caste Hindu
Female, case No. 18). 'The boy has taken the musical instrument to
give him consolation. He had once done something bad at home. For
this he, was scolded and beaten. This hurt him very much. He had a
Tanpura but no other companion. After being scoldedat home he went
to a certain place and sat there sorrowfully with his musical instrument.'
The story reveals also the tension against parental authority. Other
psychologicalfactors, however,are not entirely'absent.Representationof
the parents as protective, or domineering, or of ambivalencetowards the
mother, is present.Castration fear and blirrdnesssuggestingfear of punish-
ment by th.esgper E-g-o. alqo ojgur as symbolfzgdin the following stories.
(r/) (upper caste Hindu Male, case No. 25). ''Avery young orphan is sitting
sorrowfully and sadly wondering when he will gow up. perhapsthe boy
has no relatives. Since his childhood he was interestedin songsand he
has learnt a little music, so all the time he thinks, how he gror.rp
"uo broke.
and go out into the world. one day the string of the instrument
Then he was greatly worried. Since his childhood the musical instru-
ment was=hiscompanion. So glancing again and again at this instrument
he thinks-it is my life-long friend and so I shall grow by its help.,
(e) Insecurity, Loss of Parental-Love, Fear of castration (upper caste
Hindu Male, case No. 6). 'The boy was very poor but had a great ambi-
tion to play the Tanpura. His father in order to pleasehim bought a
Tanpura. The boy was beside himself with joy. After returning from
school each af,ternoonhe would sit and play happily. But euddenlyone
day, his dear instrument got broken. The grief thai overtook him isclear
before his eyes.' The ideal father has allowed him to haye the desired-
object, but the senseof guilt and fear of punishmentand castration seem
to be uppermost.
(/) (upper caste Hindu Female, case No. 7). 'The little boy is very fond
 of music. He also feels miserablebecausehis mother is dead. But he
cannot let his belov-edpossessiongo. The thing is a Tanpura. He is
lamentingthe loss of his mother. He could not seehis mother when she
died. He thought it was no use brooding over the past. Then with Tan-
pura near him, he thought, 'if I coul{. only seeher once'.
The responseindicatesambivalence,love, and hostility; feeling towards
the mother is transferredto the musicalinstrument.
(g) (Upper Caste Hindu Male, Case No. 24). :Trn" boy is very poor. He
makesone think that he must be a fine singer.I think, the boy is blind.
He has no companions,so he sits and thinks all sorts of things. To-day
he cannot sing that is why he is so worried, what will he eat, if he is
unable to go out ?'
Murray's Card Il_representsthe single biological type of the European
family, but is inapplicableto the Indian extendedfamily. The original single
family situation envisagedby Murray had therefore, to be replacedby joint
family situations.The picture was re-drawnto include the family group consist-
ing of the grand-mother,father, mother, son (adult), daughter(adult), unidenti-
fied child, and the reactionsof the authority figuresto the meetingof the young
boy and the young girl. The grand-rqother'srole in the Indian joint family. being
very important has to be shown; and a child was introducedin the picture with
unidentifiedsex,the idea being to note siblingjealousyand rivalry.
(Edipus situations'havebeentaken into considerationas important factors,
as in the original set. These four situations are: father and son, mother and
daughter,mother and son, father and daughter.Though therBis basicsimilarity
with Murray's original situations,the iards weremodified and orientedfrom the
standpointof Indian socialpatterns.Card III, father and son drawingsbasedon
life models. Murray's Card VII wgre replacedby two cards with Indian figures
of father and son. The father has superior and authoritaribn role but shows
mixed feelings.Expressionsin both were made ambiguousas far as possible.
Card III, mother and daughter,Murray's o?iginalCard VII was replacedby two
Indian figures of mother and son and was modified in terms of Indian ethnic
type and social life.
Card No. IV, Murray's original Card No. VI was replacedby two Indian
figures of mother and son, and changeSwere made to show ambivalent attitude
betweenmother and son (basedon life models).
Some other problems dealt with are:
AggressionCard V-from the point of view of the study of frustration the
situation representedin the card is very important. This point was tested,many
sample drawings were made to test the situation and fi-rially Card V was drawn
10
in place of the original Card XVIII and constructedin an ambiguousmanner to
reveal more clearly the underlying mental attitude. This card elicited good res-
ponse and formed a suitable backgroundfor revealingsadisticor masochistic
reaction.
Triangle
At first it wasfound rather difficult to representthis situation. Severalcards
were drarvn, but all failed to elicit the proper type of reaction. Finally, Cards
VII and VII Addl. were drawn. In Indian society,the wife's resentmentagainst
the husband'sattachment to another woman, though not very outspoken is
not absent.At first Card VII Addl. was drawn to test this situation which held
more closelyto the original idea, but was found inadequate.It was necessaryto
reconstruct the secondcard, changedsomewhatfrom the original to portray
the specialsituation of a joint family involving'the presenceof a sister-inlaw
(elder brother's wife or husband'ssister)and also to revealthe senseof depriva-
tion of love and the jealousy of another woman seenin the usual triangular
situation. The cards which were drawn with more latent and ambiguousway
failed to elicit the proper type of reactionsand finally thesetwo pictures with
a bit more direct manifestationof situations were drawn. On analysisof the
results of the test it was revealedthat the appearanceand dress of the male
figures in both the pictures failed to evoke the proper type of emotional re-
actions among different goups of female respondents.fn view of this fact, the
male figures and their dresseswere changedin the present set. The changed
cards were testedamong a cross section of Indian population before its publi-
cation.
'Card IX-The original Card VIII could not be retained, as preliminary
testing showedthat it did not bring out proper responsesfrom the Indian sub-
jects. It was then replaced by two cards with Indian drawings whose figures
and conditions were basedon imagination. Ultimately one of thesetwo cards,
Card IX was found more suitable for "the purpose and retained. On analysis
of results, it was found that the male figure in the picture could not evoke the
proper type of emotional reactions among different groups of respondents.In
view of this fact, finally the male figure and the dresswere changedin the present
set.
Card X-The original card XIV was redrawn to suit an Indian scenewith
figures and dressesmade ambiguous.
Card XI-The original Blank Card XIV was retained.
The Order of Presentation
In applying the test I thought it prudent to profit by the lesson derived

11
 t-

from my experiencewith the Rorschachthat strict adherenqeto a time limit is

likely to defeat the very purpose of the test, as Indians of rural areas are not
accustomedto work within strictly specifiedtimes. Some relaxation on this
accountwas necessary.It was also thought advisablenot to begin immediately
with the test, as the initial resistanceof the subjectto such a novel thing had
first to be resolved.Investigationwas thereforestartedwith a set of direct ques-
tionnaires on social life, which was not difficult for them to understand,after
which, when the subjectshad become sor4ewhatused to testing, the TAT was
applied.
The first two cards, Card I (Figure 1) and Card II (Figure 2), were pre-
sentedin the order glven by Murray and the rest were presentedin a somewhat
changedotder, namely Card III (Figure 3); Card IIJ (Figure 4); Card IV (Figure
5); Card IV (Figure 6); Card V (Figure 7); Card VI (Figure 8); Card VII (Figure
9i; Card VIII (Figure 10); Card IX (Figure 11); Card X (Figure 12); Blank
Card (not illustrated); Card VII Addl. (Figure 14).

Procedure
- After the selectionof final seriesof cards, the cards were presentedin the
following order to the respondents,one by one. The respondents were asked
to invent stories on the spur of the moment on each picture. The respondents
wereaskedtogivethe storieswitha beginning,middle and an end. As the pictures
are presentedas a test of imagination, respondentsidentify with the invented
characters and forget about the self. Thus the respondentsunwares give out
the inner conflictsand motivationsof their mind through the imaginativefigures
in the pictures which otherwisethey are reluctant to confessin responseto a
direct question.The responsesamount to X-Ray picturesof their inner selves.
After the secondworld war, much stresshas beenlaid on,the useof clinical
psychology, and projective tests were being applied in many spheres,both
ioi Oiug"ostic and therapeutic purposes.During this period, it was felt that
it was essentialto apply the tests of reliability and validity to them like the
psychometrictests of ability, achievementand intelligence.Sincethen the quan-
iitutiur and qualitative aspects of the scores of the projectivetests are being
analysedfullywhich has made them more usablefor the purposeof clinical and
cultural studies.

'The Samplet
These 14 cards were applied to the upper and the lower sectionsof the
Hindu community, and to the Muslims. Eaoh group differs in respect of educa-
tional and social background, economic status and religious and ethical ideals,
tz
 so as to provide a cross-sectionof Indian society in general. The educational
backgroundsof the three groups can be briefly summarizedas follows:
Considering the community as a whole, out of 260 individuals tested 30.4
percent were illiterate; 8'1 percent could just read or write, 38.2 percent had
primary education, 24'3 percenthad secondaryeducation. Of these43.1percent
werestudents,17 percentwerevariouslyoccupied.,12percentwere unernployed
and 17'2 percent of women engagedonly in householdwork. When the figures
were analysedaocordingto economic status,the resultswere as follows:
Uppnn Clsrn Hluou: Out of 95 individuals tested 5'3 per cent could only
read and write, 49'5 percenthad primary education, 45'2psrcenthad secondary
education.
Lownn C.Asrr Hnpu: Out of 57 individuals 40'0 percent were illiterate,
10'5 percent could just read and write, 36.8 irercent read up to the primary
standard and 11'5 percent read up to the school Final standard.
Musrnus: Out of 108Muslims, 51'9percentwereilliterate,g.3percentcould
just read and write, 24'7 percenthad receivedprimar., educationand only 14.8
percent had read up to the School Final standard.
Results
The adapted version of the TAT was applied in the manner described
above.
Altogether 3,300 stories were collected which were analysed separately
accoiding to'their content and form and grouped under 15 heads.In ierms of
the storiesgiven,the respondentswere divided into six classes.
l. Mere descriptione.g. atree, a man etc.without anyattempt at association\
or action.
2. Description in terms of action, but failing to attach any affective ele-
ment, or referenceto family relationship, e.g. a man is sitting, or a farmer is
ploughingetc.
3. Descriptionsincluding elementsof kinship, such as "a mother is sitting
with the childo',etc.
4. Referenceto affectiveelementsbut not to kinship. "'J, ,:-;,
5. Referenceboth to kinship and to affectiveelements,suih as i:The mother
and the son are standing; mother is worried about the son's health" etc.
6. Reference to kinship, affect and warmth, with complicated types of
plots.
Taken as a whole, the responseswere formEd to reveal quite satisfactorily
.the inner drives and repressedwishes of the individuals, as well as, fear and
anxiety which were Ingulding their behaviour patterns and pressqlements.

13

:
 The incidents and the depth of these hidden forces were found to differ
in the various groups accordingto their educationaland social backgrounds.
Storieswith affect were given mostly by the upper caste Hindus and Muslims
and very little by the lower casteHindus. Storieswith imagination,including
abstracttypes of imagination,dramatic situations,humour and problem solving
attitudes,were founcl much more among the upper casteHindus than among
the-othertwo groups.In Table I are giventhe contentsof the responseof the
total group.

TABLE I
Averagesof Words, Lines, and Time Taken by the 260 Indivirluals
Caste Words Lines Minutes Taken
All Castes 649.4 60.7 105.1
Upper Caste 1 ,1 1 0.9 99.2 189'6
Lower Caste 487.3 47.4 69.4
Muslims 329.1 33.7 49'6
The-averageof words, lines and time taken for the group on the total numberof
cards are 649'4,60'7,and 105'1respectivelyfor the three categories. When the
groupsare compared,it is found that the figuresfor the Lower CasteHindus
are higherthan thosefor the Muslims,but much lower than thoseof the Upper
CasteHindus. The scoresfor the Muslimsare not far from thoseof the Lower
Caste Hindus. With regard to lines, the averagesof the Lower Caste Hindus,
and the Muslims are similar comparedto the Upper CasteHindus. However,
the differencesare extremelymarked.Similarly,with regardto line, the Upper
CasteHindus took nearlythreetimesas long as the rest.Lower CasteHindus
and Muslims usedvery little thought or judgment.Quick responses were given
without much considerationand imagination,revealingvery little of what the
pictureswereexpectedto evoke,while Upper Caste Hindusgave considerable
thought and judgmentto the task.Static,or meredescriptivetypesof responses
weregivenmostlyby the Muslims,illiteratemalesand females.Next to Mtrslims
cametheanswers of the LowerCasteHindus.Among the Upper CasteHindus,
however,static responseswere almost absent; when they resortedto simple
descriptions,it was definitely with the idea of statingtheir actual feelings
aboutlove and sex.
Discussion
T h e l a ck o f ri ch n e ss
of pr oductionto imagination
am ongthe Lower C as te
H i n d u sa n d Mu sl i msd o not appearto be due to lack of identification.El en
when mentionwas made of a searchfor friendsand relationsin the cards.no

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 imaginativetheme was given. The situation can be cornparedwith the
lighly
finding of William Henry in a review of 63 Oraibi records. The records were
short and sketchyand lacking in imaginativedetails.On the basisof previous
researchhe alsothoughtthat therewould be little valuein studyingtheserecords
for individual personality.As Murray (12) has remarked,the averagestory for
lO-yearold children is one of 140 words, and a group of storiesfrom non-
psychoticadults averaginglessthan 140words per story usuallyindicates. lack
of rapport and co-operation,lack of self-rnvolvement. As a rule, they are not
worth sco+ing.For the purpose of exploring this hypothesisthese materials
were subjecteclto individual analysiswhich proved to be of value. Similarly,
when the recordsfrom the Lower CasteHindus and the Muslimswere studied,
they revealedusefulinformatioirabout the personalitywhich wds corroborated
by life history materials.
The Rorschachresponsesof thesesubjectswere likewiseconglrent with
the TAT. The modificationof the TAT describedin this paper may therefore
be taken as an adequateand suitabletest fol Indian subjectsand it fulfils the
purposefor which it has beendesigned.
In conclusion,I wish to expressmy indebtedness to iate Dr. B.'s. Guha,
J)irector, Departmentof Anthropology,for the keen interesttaken bv him in
this research. ,

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