The First Phase (The Moderate Phase) : Pre 1789 and 1789-1792
The First Phase (The Moderate Phase) : Pre 1789 and 1789-1792
THE FIRST PHASE (THE MODERATE PHASE): PRE 1789 AND 1789-1792
This Phase includes eight events:
The First Estate General
Tennis Court Oath
Founding of the National Assembly
Storming the Bastille
The Great Fear
Declaration of Rights of Man and Citizens
Legislative Assembly was formed
France Declares War on Austria
1) ON9489/2022/23
How far do you agree that the failure of the Estates General was caused by Louis XVI?
AGREE: Indicative content Louis XVI failed to give a clear lead to the Estates General. For example, the
cahiers, a list of grievances sent to the Estates General to inform its discussions, had had no input from
the royal government. This meant that, at times, the solutions they suggested were contradictory. Louis
XVI’s approach created disillusionment with the king, and, thereby, the whole procedure of the Estates
General. The voting bias of the Estates General, which discriminated against the Third Estate, was not
dealt with by Louis XVI. This created an impasse, as the Third Estate began to discuss separately the
organisation of the legislature. The failure to reconcile the three Estates by the king led to the creation
of the National Assembly. Louis XVI sought to restore the order of the Estates General by ordering the
hall where the National Assembly met to be closed and guarded by royal troops. This reinforced the
changes to the Estates General as the new National Assembly swore not to disband until they had
settled the constitution of France (the Tennis Court Oath).
DISAGREE: This argument can be challenged. The last calling of the Estates General had been in 1614.
This meant that there was no clear notion of how the newly convened Estates General should proceed.
This lack of clarity was seen in the issue of voting – by Estate or by head? The cahiers seemed to promise
a way to deal with the issues facing the kingdom. Undoubtedly, this raised expectations which the
Estates General could never meet. The problem faced by France in 1789 required a complete overhaul
of the Ancien Régime. Therefore, it is questionable just how effective such a seemingly disregarded
institution of the Ancien Régime could be in restoring the system.
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2) MJ9489/2021/23
‘Louis XVI brought about his own downfall’. How far do you agree with this view?
AGREE: Arguments to support the view could be as follows. Louis XVI’s lack of a royal policy for the
drawing up of the cahiers allowed expectations to be raised that the Estates General was going to
bring about an overhaul of the political system, which was not what was planned when it was called
by the government. This would mean the deputies would need careful management. However, Louis
XVI showed little political nous. For example, in June in 1789 he tried to prevent the Third Estate
from meeting as the National Assembly which led to the Tennis Court Oath’s declaration that
deputies would not leave until a constitution was created. Louis XVI displayed an inconsistent
attitude towards developments after 1789. For example, opposition to and then acceptance of the
Civil Constitution of the Clergy (1790). This sense of a lack of commitment to the political
developments taking place in France seemed to be confirmed by his flight to Varennes in 1791. He
began to be seen as a traitor to France, not as the king of France. The discovery in the Tuileries
Palace of secret correspondence (1792) appeared to show Louis XVI was fostering
counterrevolution. Thus, Robespierre was able to argue, during the debates on what should be done
with the king, that the Revolution would never be stable whilst Louis was alive. On 21 January 1793
Louis XVI was executed.
DISAGREE: The view can be challenged. The series of poor harvests, beyond the king’s control, and
rising prices created a febrile political atmosphere, and engendered a desire for change with the
determination to use extreme methods, if needed, to achieve this. Enlightenment ideas and the
success of the American Revolution had created the belief amongst many in France that their
political system was outdated and had to change. The impact of war, such as social and economic
disruption, from 1792 led this desire to take on an increasingly radical form. The Jacobins, who were
the first party to call for the execution of the king, began to grow in political influence. Amidst the
increasing loss of life due to war and civil disorder, plus seeming economic collapse, the removal of
the king no longer appeared unthinkable
3) MJ9489/2022/21
Explain why Louis XVI issued the edict of 24 January 1789, summoning the Estates General.
The king and his ministers had failed to find solutions to the range of problems that the Ancien Régime
faced, in particular financial issues.
The efforts of other institutions had proved to be no better. The Paris Parlement and Assembly of
Notables failed to provide answers.
There was severe economic distress in the country which was leading to social disorder (e.g., the Day
of Tiles in Grenoble, 1788).
The inability to provide solutions created a crisis of confidence amongst the money markets in the
French government’s financial stability and credit was becoming more and more problematic to obtain.
It was felt that the Estates General would provide the means to create new taxes and other changes to
fix what was wrong with the system
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4) MJ9489/2022/22
How far was the passing of the August Decrees in 1789 caused by ideas of the Enlightenment?
AGREE: The abolition of feudalism, other privileges of the nobility and tithes gathered by the Church
point, clearly, to the influence of the Enlightenment. It placed emphasis on the rational in the running of
society and disapproved of the accretion of rights for a select few, sanctioned by custom alone.
Aristocratic proponents of the Decrees such as the Duc D’Aigullion had seen service in America in the
1770s and, undoubtedly, were driven by Enlightenment ideas. The August Decrees created a
fundamental change to the Ancien Régime. The domination and privilege of the few were stripped away
and seemed to herald a society based on the individual, equality, and merit. These ideas were in accord
with the Enlightenment. The abolition of the tithe halved the income of the Church. Thus, the influence
of the Church would be lessened, something advocates of the Enlightenment strongly favoured.
DISAGREE: The view can be challenged. The August Decrees were issued because of the pressure of
immediate events. They were designed to restore calm in the country, following the storming of the
Bastille (July 14 1789) turmoil was created, which spread from Paris to the countryside. This was known
as the ‘Great Fear’ and saw noble families attacked and property destroyed. This frightened the property
owners of the National Constituent Assembly, as the attacks on property were made, often, irrespective
of whether they were noble owned. They had no means available, however, to restore order by force.
Against this background members of the Breton Club felt that only a grand gesture such as completely
transforming the nation’s social organisation would calm the peasants and restore order. This
heightened atmosphere, it has been suggested, led deputies to go further in their proposals than,
perhaps, they first intended. Candidates might offer a definition of what constituted Enlightenment
ideas and organise their response accordingly. This is perfectly acceptable.
5) MJ9489/2022/23
Explain why the Assembly of Notables met in 1787.
There was an urgent need to deal with the precarious state of France’s finances. The deficit stood at
112m livres, a quarter of expected income and nearly half of annual revenue was absorbed by debt
service. Government credit was exhausted, and the country faced bankruptcy.
Economies in government and court expenditure were popular, but would save only about 30%, at the
most, of total expenses.
The problem for the government was to increase revenue without attacking the fiscal privileges of the
clergy and nobility. This, however, was impossible as indirect taxes on consumer goods were insufficient.
This meant that the fiscal exemptions of the First and Second Estates would have to be addressed.
Calonne, Controller-General of Finances since 1783, believed the solution lay with the calling of an
Assembly of Notables. It was assumed that, as all the members were royal nominees, they would agree
to rubber-stamp Calonne’s plan for a new graduated land tax.
This public show of backing from the leading men of the country for Calonne’s plan would result in
further loans being available.
6) FM9489/2022/22
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• Necker’s publication of the first ever public balance sheet of the French monarchy’s finances (Le
Compte Rendu au Roi) provoked controversy at court and undermined his position in government.
• Conservatives at the court, such as the Comte de Vergennes (Foreign Minister), were appalled at the
publication. They believed that the king’s subjects had neither the need nor the right to know the state
of the kingdom’s finances. Such public airing of government issues was fine for a country such as Britain,
but it was not the French way.
• Critics of Necker claimed that revenue (annual surplus of 12m livres, based on 264m livres revenue set
against 252m livres expenses) was over-estimated and expenses such as the cost of war in America were
omitted. Necker was deliberately misleading the king and the country.
• It was claimed that the aim was not to provide a true account of the kingdom’s accounts but to bolster
Necker’s own position against his rivals at court, who questioned how long loans alone could sustain
finances. His request, following publication, to be admitted to the king’s innermost council, despite
being Swiss and a Protestant, seemed to show he was interested only in his advancement. On the advice
of Maurepas and de Vergennes, who both threatened to resign if their advice was ignored, Louis XVI
refused Necker’s request. Necker resigned
7) MJ9489/2021/21
Explain why the Estates General was not able to deal with the issues France faced.
• Procedure: There was uncertainty because the previous meeting of the institution had been in 1614.
Therefore, no one was sure how it should proceed. It was agreed that the Estates General represented
three groups: clergy, nobility, and others. However, there were serious differences about voting,
including how decisions should be made.
• Over optimistic: The cahiers raised expectations in the country and amongst the deputies that the
Estates General would bring about a fundamental overhaul of France. However, as an institution of the
Ancien Regime it could never meet these expectations.
• Lack of guidance: Finance was a major issue facing France, but the cahiers (lists of grievances sent to
the Estates General) were contradictory in the solutions they proposed, as there had been no royal
direction in their production, and this fed through to the early debates.
• Frustration with the king created new issues: Louis XVI sought to keep the Estates General’s voting bias
which discriminated against the Third Estate. In response it challenged the king’s power when it voted to
call itself the National Assembly and claimed it had the right to decide on matters of taxation. This had
never been a reason for the calling of the Estates General.
• The king’s bad faith: Whilst the new National Assembly was becoming more strident, the fear grew,
which was not unfounded, that Louis XVI was seeking to deploy additional troops in Paris to restore his
authority. This led to disorder, e.g., the storming of the Bastille. The end of the Estates General had
come a little earlier (9th. July) when the National Constituent Assembly was formed. Using the Estates
General, an old institution of the Ancien Regime, had shown that the issues France faced could only be
dealt with by new institutions based on new ideas.
1. ON9489/2022/22
Explain why the insurrection of 10 August 1792 happened.
• After Louis XVI’s failed attempt to flee France in June 1791 support for the monarchy began to fall
markedly. The attempted escape was a threat to what the revolution had so far achieved.
• The outbreak of war in April 1792 increased the fear of traitors and counter-revolutionaries. The
French army was weakened by unreliable officers and undisciplined recruits. Therefore, the army had to
rely, more and more, on volunteers from the urban working populations. This meant the sans culottes
demanded an increased voice in decision making.
• Economic considerations further influenced their actions. The 1791 harvest had been mediocre and
grain prices rose. In 1792, there was a demand to halt the free trade in grain and for prices to be fixed by
law. The sans culottes saw rising grain prices as a counter-revolutionary design to starve them into
surrender.
• The Brunswick Manifesto, July 1792, added to the mix of fear and tension in Paris. It threatened the
people of Paris with retribution if any harm befell the king.
• This led to a growing demand for the dethronement of the king, and the Legislative Assembly (LA)
agreed to debate the question on the 9 August. However, the LA’s decision not to indict Lafayette, now
seen as an enemy of the revolution, convinced many that there would be no decision made about
dethronement. In the early hours of 10 August the sounding of the tocsin, the call to insurrection since
the journées of 1789, marked the start of the seizure of power.
2. MJ9489/2022/22
Explain why the September Massacres of 1792 happened
After the events of August 10 1792 power no longer lay with the Legislative Assembly but with the
new, more radical Paris Commune.
The over-riding wish of the Commune was to exact revenge. Their targets were those who had aided
the king, anyone who had resisted the popular will, prior to and during the events of 10 August,
refractory priests and Lafayette, the latter seen as the butcher of the Champs de Mars (July 1791).
Paranoia gripped the city of Paris – Prussia had invaded French territory and the fall of Longwy, with
little French resistance, seemed to confirm that traitors were everywhere and a threat to the revolution.
Danton called for 30 000 volunteers from the capital, but many feared leaving their families to the
mercy of a counter-revolutionary prison breakout.
There was frustration with the slow progress of the 17 August tribunal set up to try those guilty of a
political crime. The arrest of an additional 3000 following the ‘domiciliary visits’ (searching for hidden
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arms and suspects), ordered by Danton in late August, led to Marat’s call for a massacre of these
suspects, along with some ministers.
Crisis came to a head when the hungry Sans Culottes persuaded the National Guard to storm the
Tuileries and arrest the royal family. several hundred defenders were killed, and this triggered the attack
on royalist supporters in general. News reached Paris that the Prussians who were besieging Verdun had
passed it. Now, there was no other fortress on the road to Paris. This led to panic in the city and
between 2 and 7 September up to 1400 people, about half the prison population of Paris, were killed.
3) FM9489/2021/22
Explain why the monarchy was abolished in 1792.
•Louis XVI showed little enthusiasm for the ideas of the Revolution because his acceptance of reform
appeared to be grudging (e.g. The Civil Constitution of the Clergy), which suggested that he was at heart
an autocratic king.
• He was perceived by many as an incompetent ruler. He was indecisive and this inspired little trust in
him, and by extension in the idea of a constitutional monarchy.
• There were huge social and political divisions within France, compounded by economic and political
problems. The new system of a constitutional monarchy appeared unlikely to resolve the situation.
• The Flight to Varennes in 1791 led many in France to see Louis as a traitor and a threat to what had
been gained since 1789.
• All this led, allied to military setbacks, to a growing movement in favour of removing the monarchy
altogether, especially in Paris amongst the sans culottes and Republican Clubs, such as the Jacobin.
4) MJ9489/2021/21
‘Economic weakness was the main cause of political instability in France between 1790 and 1795’.
How far do you agree with this view?
AGREE: The following are some possible arguments in support of the viewpoint. Industrial and
agricultural output fell, foreign trade declined, and prices rose during this time, all of which had a
negative impact on government finances. They issued assignats, a type of bond based on the value of
seized clerical property that evolved into a paper currency, to deal with the issue of national debt and
reduce taxation. However, due to the government’s lack of control over the amount to be printed, their
value grew beyond the confiscated property’s limits, causing inflation. Inflation increased between 1791
and 1793, with food prices increasing by 90% but wages only increasing by 80%. Poor harvests caused
food shortages, which exacerbated inflation, and the assignats became a cause of food riots and public
disorder as a result. In September 1793, for example, the sans culottes invaded the National Convention,
demanding food. The Committee of Public Safety (CPS) enacted the Law of the Maximum, which
established price and wage controls, because they saw hunger and poverty as threats to their position.
The law, however, increased instability by causing producers to either limit food production or hoard
their food stocks in response to the new prices set by law. This created shortages and famines, leading
the CPS to send troops to arrest farmers and seize crops. As a result, resentment grew as the seizures
only alleviated food shortages in Paris while exacerbating shortages in other parts of the country. All of
this undermined the government’s authority and contributed to Robespierre’s and his allies’ downfall. In
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December 1794, the Thermidorean government increased inflation even more by abolishing the
Maximum and issuing assignats. It was replaced by the Directory in November 1795.
DISAGREE: The view can be challenged. The notion of constitutional monarchy was eroded by Louis XVI’s
often hostile attitude toward political change, leading to his execution in January 1793, which further
polarised politics. From 1792, the impact of war and the threat of foreign invasion, combined with
counter-revolutionary uprisings, had created a tense political climate. As a result, events like the
September Massacres of 1792 and the reign of Terror under the Jacobins occurred. The latter further
radicalised French politics and created instability. The Thermidorian Reaction, which took place in 1794,
put an end to Jacobin rule but not to political instability. The Jacobins still had support, and disorder
broke out in April and May 1795. This led to the ‘White Terror’ against these supporters. Thus, violence
rather than any notion of legitimate popular sovereignty was the determinant in politics.
5) ON9489/2022/21
‘War caused the French monarchy to fall in 1792.’ How far do you agree?
AGREE: Indicative content France had been at war since April 1792 and had suffered several reverses.
French soldiers deserted en masse, and in one case murdered their General, Dillon. Since 1789, more
than 50% of France’s army officers had fled the country and it took time to train new officers. There was
animosity between the old regulars (Whites) and new volunteers (Blues) who had joined 1791-92. These
volunteers were often poorly armed and untrained. Added to this was the social and economic
disruption caused by war. This led to a growing sense of fear and paranoia, especially in Paris, about
traitors and counterrevolutionaries, and a desire to apportion blame. This fell on the monarchy. If this
institution was removed then, it followed, the war would go in France’s favour.
DISAGREE: This argument can be questioned. Louis XVI did not inspire trust. His failed attempt to flee
France in June 1791 and his vetoing of legislation led many to see him as less than enthusiastic about the
Revolution. Indeed, he seemed a positive threat. For example, the issuing of the Brunswick Manifesto
(July 1792), which stated Paris would face severe consequences if the king were to be harmed, seemed
to highlight this threat and gave credence to the view that the monarchy should go. Economic issues
played a part as the harvest of 1792 was mediocre, leading to a rise in grain prices. This all added to the
febrile atmosphere created by war and the king’s actions. The result was that talk of getting rid of the
monarchy, unthought of in 1789, was commonplace now by the summer of 1792.
6) ON9489/2021/21
•Louis XVI was reluctant to make concessions (e.g. Civil Constitution of the Clergy) which made him
appear as a barrier to reform.
• The flight to Varennes seemed to show that the king supported foreign invasion to undo the
Revolution and this made many citizens in France see him as a traitor.
• After the Flight to Varennes, radicals, such as the Jacobins, gained more influence. The Jacobins were
the first political group to demand the death of the king.
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• Events such as the Massacre on the Champs de Mars (1791) and the attack on the Tuileries Palace
(1792) caused many Parisians to see Louis XVI as the cause of the death of many of their fellow citizens.
This further increased the calls for his execution.
• The discovery in the Tuileries Palace of the king’s secret correspondence seemed to show that he was
encouraging counter-revolution and was a further sign of his bad faith regarding the Revolution. It was
made public in November 1792 and it undoubtedly influenced the debates over the king’s fate. On 21
January 1793 he was executed
1. MJ9489/2022/21
To what extent was the Directory a failure?
AGREE: Indicative content The fact that Napoleon’s coup of 1799 was successful shows that the
Directory had lost support and indicates that its government had been a failure. There had been other
coups (18 Fructidor V, 22 Floreal VI, 30 Prairial VII) which showed not only a lack of support for its
policies but proved detrimental to its reputation. This was compromised further by manipulation of
elections, such as in 1797 and 1799. In terms of the economy there was a partial bankruptcy and debt
repudiation in 1797. It could be argued that the Directory was a temporary measure after the years of
turmoil, and, as such, it could satisfy neither the radical nor conservative elements in France. Thus, there
were significant neo-Jacobin and royalist gains in several elections.
DISAGREE: The view, however, can be challenged. The Directory did end the Terror and provided
stability despite significant internal divisions. It made democratic institutions work for a time. For
example, annual elections and the secret ballot. The constitution of 1795 created a broad electorate,
with, by 18th century standards, an extensive franchise. There was a degree of peace and stability within
France, which was greater than it had been since 1789. The decision to dispatch Napoleon to Italy had
provided it with some military glory through his victories in the Italian campaign.
2) MJ9489/2021/22
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•The Directory failed to offer a solution to the political, social, and economic problems facing France at
the time, which were a legacy of the Revolution.
• The background of war, coup attempts, and possible counterrevolutionary activities created instability
which eroded the Directory’s authority.
• Many property owners, created by the Revolution, feared a Jacobin revival or monarchical restoration
would result in the loss of their recent acquisitions. The continuation of weak government by the
Directory seemed to bring either of these two unwanted outcomes ever closer.
• Napoleon was a successful general which created popular appeal and made him appear a viable
alternative.
• Napoleon’s timing was impeccable as he left for France and arrived before news of his setbacks in
Egypt became common knowledge. This, combined with his brother Lucien’s earlier tireless efforts to
rally support for the coup of 1799, resulted in the Directory’s overthrow in 1799.
3) ON9489/2021/21
To what extent was Napoleon’s military ability the reason for the ending of the Directory in 1799?
AGREE: Arguments to support the view could be as follows. Napoleon had a superb military reputation
due to his successes in Italy (1796–1797) and Egypt (1798–99). These victories attested to his military
ability and created a popular appeal which was one reason why the conspirators of 1799 looked to
Napoleon for support and to organise the necessary military support. This seemed to be vindicated by
the fact that Napoleon was greeted as a hero by the civilian population on his return from Egypt. The
army saw him as a leader to overthrow a weak government which appeared to have abandoned its
revolutionary roots. Thus, on 10 November, it was Napoleon who ordered troops to move against the
Council of 500 in the Palace of St. Cloud. This led the Council of Ancients to end the Directory and the
creation of a three-man executive, the Consuls.
DISAGREE: However, this view can be challenged. The Directory came to an end because it was assailed
by coups and regional instability throughout its period of rule, and so it could not establish firm
foundations. For example, there were royalist risings in the west and the threat of invasion by the
Second Coalition. It was further isolated because it appeared to many Republicans that the Directory
was abandoning the ideas of the Revolution. There was a lack of support which bordered on apathy. For
example, by the late 1790s, it had become difficult to persuade men to come forward as candidates for
election as local officials. The initial reaction to the coup of 1799 was muted as it was seen as a cosmetic
manoeuvre by the Directory – Consuls instead of Directors. Lucien Bonaparte’s work prior to the coup in
arranging and organising support was central to its success and the ending of the Directory. Napoleon
showed political nous by leaving Egypt and reaching France before knowledge of his failing became
common knowledge.
Explain why Napoleon’s coup of 1799 against the Directory was successful.
• Napoleon was a successful general who had considerable appeal amongst the army and the people of
France. Therefore, the coup seemed to offer a viable alternative
• Napoleon displayed excellent political skill. The timing of his return to France meant that the news of
the less than glorious outcome of his Egyptian expedition did not precede his arrival. Thus, his
reputation was not tarnished and his appeal to the French people remained
• There was a lot of disillusionment with the Directory. For example, its manipulation of the voting
system in 1797 and 1799 seemed to show its concern was maintaining power rather than governing
France
• His brother, Lucien, just prior to the coup was elected President of the Five Hundred and was able to
persuade them to accept the coup
• The coup was well prepared. In the weeks before the coup the conspirators bought the allegiance of
the deputies. A large number of the Ancients seemed to have had advance warning of the coup and
agreed to support it. No difficulties were raised about moving the Councils to St. Cloud, which enabled
the coup to take place
2) ON9489/2022/22
‘The Concordat of 1801 was Napoleon’s greatest domestic achievement.’ How far do you agree
AGREE: The Concordat provided stability. Most of the French people were Catholic, and they had been
appalled at the disorder in Church–State relations brought about by events since 1789. It restored the
Church to a position of influence within France, albeit not at the same level as before 1789.
Nonetheless, it was established that Catholicism was the religion of most French citizens and that it
would be freely exercised. Those who had purchased Church lands were able to keep them, and so were
supportive of Napoleon’s actions. Those of a more revolutionary inclination were pleased that the
Church’s wealth was not restored and welcomed the toleration of other religions as a further limit to the
Church’s influence. Extreme ultramontanists and unreformed Jacobins might take issue, but they were a
small minority. Therefore, the Concordat had a far-reaching appeal which provided extensive support
for Napoleon’s regime from an early stage and which could be built upon.
DISAGREE: The statement, however, can be challenged. Napoleon was able to achieve a large amount of
economic stability, something that had been noticeably lacking since 1789. This was done through the
founding of the Bank of France in 1800 and its direct control by the state in in 1806. This helped to
establish France’s creditworthiness. The introduction of a new coinage in 1803 established economic
order by helping the country become solvent. The Civil Code brought rationality to the legal system by
making the law accessible to all and establishing the principle of equality before the law. The system was
widely accepted and still lasts. The lessening of women’s rights by the Civil Code, whilst questionable by
the standards of today, was seen, from an early nineteenth century standpoint, as a necessary
correction of revolutionary excess. These policies gave the impression that Napoleon was ruling in the
interests of all, and it was this perception, perhaps, that was his greatest domestic achievement.
Candidates might seek to define ‘greatest’ and use its definition to organise their response. This is
perfectly acceptable.
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3) ON9489/2022/21
Explain why Napoleon’s domestic policies were popular.
• A sense of order – The Concordat with the Catholic church was popular as most of the population was
Catholic and had been distressed by revolutionary developments such as the Cult of the Supreme Being.
Napoleon was seen as restoring an acceptable order to State-Church relations.
• A feeling of stability – The country’s finances were put on a sounder footing following the economic
chaos that had beset the country since 1789.
• Aspirations met – Whilst the Concordat did re-establish the Church’s influence in France, it was not as
pre-1789. The Revolution was recognised and the Church agreed not to seek to recover Church lands.
The clergy were to be paid civil servants appointed by the government and bound by oath. Other faiths
were to be tolerated. This appealed to supporters of the Revolution who could see that the Church was
statecontrolled, a long-held revolutionary aim.
• Government for all – The Civil Code rationalised France’s chaotic legal system, with uniform laws
established through the country and alongside the principle of equality before the law. The law now
seemed be for all, not a favoured few. References to developments in education, public works and
‘career open to the talents’ should be rewarded.
4) MJ9489/2022/23
To what extent did Napoleon’s domestic policies change France in the period 1799–1814?
AGREE: Indicative content In terms of government and administration, reforms such as the inauguration
of the Empire and the Civil Code replaced the loosely controlled and devolved popular sovereignty of
the Revolution with an authority which was more centralised and autocratic. The Civil Code did away
with the confused legal and judicial system which had existed prior to, and persisted after, 1789. The
establishing of the principle of equality before the law was something never sought by the Ancien
Régime nor achieved by revolutionary groups after 1789. The Concordat with the Church did establish
the principle of religious toleration and established a more exacting control over the Church than that by
the Ancien Régime and the following revolutionary governments. Education was widened and there was
some attempt at social mobility with the ‘careers open to the talents’. For most of this period France did
not experience any serious unrest, unlike that seen between 1789 and the fall of the Directory in 1799.
It was not until the bad harvest of 1811, plus the increased burden of conscription (1812–14), that
serious threats to order arose.
DISAGREE: However, the extent of change can be challenged. The use of censorship and the secret
police seemed a continuation of the Ancien Régime. The Civil Code was based on the authoritarianism of
Roman Law rather than personal freedom espoused after 1789. In addition, it curtailed the changes
made to women’s right, gained after 1789, by emphasising male authority and the father’s rights. France
experienced no agricultural revolution, with farming continuing to use the same subsistence methods.
This was no doubt the result of the plentiful harvests up to 1811. In industry, Napoleon did provide
subsidies to manufacturers, but it did not appear to be a priority for him. The establishment of the
Empire seemed a return to the absolutism of the Bourbons
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5) FM9489/2022/22
How firmly did Napoleon establish his control over France as First Consul, 1799–1804?
AGREE: Arguments to show he had established firm control could take the following form. Napoleon’s
authority was established from the outset by the constitution of 1799, and as First Consul he
overshadowed the other two Consuls. They were granted the right, only, to express an opinion (voix
consultative), whilst Napoleon’s decision, in all matters, was final. In December 1800 he narrowly
escaped assassination. This showed the potential fragility of the regime. Therefore, in 1802 Napoleon
was offered the Consulship for life with the right to nominate his successor. His power was established
further by his ability to appoint ministers and lesser officials. The Tribunate and Legislature were
representative bodies, but they were controlled by Napoleon. In 1802, for example, the Tribunate was
reduced from 100 to 50 members after criticising the Civil Code. The Legislature never rejected
government bills after 1802. With regard to the Civil Code, Napoleon drew up its agenda and regularly
attended sessions that approved it, making his views clear throughout.
DISAGREE: However, the extent of this control can be questioned. That an attempt was made on his life
in and the year 1804 saw a series of royalist plots and counter-plots (The Duc d’ Enghieu, a member of
the Bourbon family, allegedly sought to supplant Napoleon by murdering him and his family, and taking
over the government) suggests that not all were willing to accept Napoleon’s authority. Moreover, his
appeal to the Corsican law of the vendetta to justify the abduction and execution of d’Enghieu seems to
suggest desperation rather than authoritative control. The sense of insecurity can be seen, also, in the
use of censorship. In January 1800, the number of political journals in Paris were reduced from 73 to 13.
The production of new ones was forbidden and by the end of 1800 only nine remained. Their editors
had to rely on military bulletins or articled published in ‘Le Moniteur’, the official government journal.
Candidates might offer a definition of ‘firmly’ and use this to organise their response. This is perfectly
acceptable.
6) FM9489/2021/22
How far did Napoleon’s domestic policies benefit the French people?
AGREE: Arguments in favour of Napoleon’s policies benefiting the French people could be as follows.
The founding of the Bank of France in 1800 and then its direct control by the state in 1806 helped
establish France’s creditworthiness and, thereby, contributed to financial stability. In addition, the
introduction of a new metal coinage in 1803 provided for a strong and stable currency and helped make
the country solvent. Therefore, these actions of Napoleon benefited all and were in marked contrast to
what had gone before in France. The Civil Code enshrined equality for all before the law and the
establishment of uniform laws brought rationality to the French legal system. This clearly benefited all.
This policy of rationalisation was also extended to the fiscal system. This was something previous
governments had sought to do but had not succeeded in doing. Therefore, Napoleon’s action here was a
benefit. Education was widened and the careers open to the talents offered opportunities for some
social mobility. The use of plebiscites promoted a sense of democracy.
COMPILATION OF EXAM QUESTIONS: FRENCH REVOLUTION NHS2023
DISAGREE: The view can, however, be challenged. The guaranteeing of property rights under the
Consulate was more of a benefit to the middle-class than the rural and urban poor. Plebiscites were
under the control of the government and the franchise was limited. In 1801, and for the rest of his rule,
Napoleon used a select group to act as intermediaries between the government and the people. This
group was drawn from the richest men in the department. Thus, popular choice was reduced whilst the
wealthy gained further influence. The Imperial University, in function a kind of Ministry of Education,
was founded in 1808. It controlled the curriculum and appointed all state secondary school teachers. It
offered no room for freedom of thought or expression for either staff or pupils. The Civil Code
emphasised male authority and the father’s rights, thereby reversing several gains made by women as a
result of the Revolution. The personal freedom of all was restricted through the policy of spies and
censorship. By 1811 only four newspapers remained in Paris and all were subject to police supervision.
Napoleon did rationalise the fiscal system. However, the shift was now from direct to indirect taxation,
i.e. consumption was taxed. Thus, the burden now fell on the consumer, and most consumers were
poor.
7) MJ9489/2021/21
How far did Napoleon as First Consul, 1799‒1804, maintain the principles of the Revolution?
AGREE: Arguments to support the view that he did maintain the principles of the Revolution could be as
follows. Napoleon was the figurehead of the coup in 1799 because his military successes had made him
popular, and he had shown that he was a defender of the Revolution against its enemies (e.g., Toulon,
1793 and the royalist Vendémiaire uprising, 1795). His policies as First Consul can be said to have not
openly contradicted his claim that he was continuing the best features of the Revolution. For example,
plebiscites were used as a form of popular consent, albeit carefully managed. They did, nonetheless, pay
some lip-service to the revolutionary idea of consent. There were three consuls to share power: a
difference from the monarchy and Robespierre’s dictatorship. The Civil Code did enshrine the principle
of equality for all before the law, a key revolutionary belief. The Concordat of 1801 with the Pope did
uphold the principle of religious freedom, a clear revolutionary ideal. His actions regarding local
administration and the fiscal system can be seen as completing work begun in 1789–1793 and 1795–
1799.
DISAGREE: However, the view can be challenged. The democratic element of elections was minimal, as
they were more the presentation of candidates, restricted to the notables, seen as suitable for selection
as deputies. The Civil Code emphasised male authority and the rights of the father, and so undermined
many gains made by women during the Revolution. The Concordat with the Pope was seen by many
revolutionaries as a betrayal of all that had been achieved since 1789 in limiting the power and influence
of the Catholic Church in France. The Civil Code allowed for greater centralisation and, thereby, greater
personal control for Napoleon.
8) MJ9489/2021/23
• There was a need because the old feudal system with its outdated laws and customs had been dealt a
death-blow by the Revolution. There was a need to establish a uniform legal system which reflected the
new situation in France.
• Successive governments had tried to organise a national legal system. Napoleon aimed to succeed
where they had failed.
• He wanted to show that he was the heir of the Revolution by establishing the principle of the equality
of all before the law.
• Introducing the Code would allow Napoleon’s views to become dominant. The Code was influenced
greatly by the authoritarian ideas of Roman Law, emphasising male authority and the father’s rights.
This fitted well with Napoleon’s views on society and his belief in the inferior position of women.
• The Civil Code would foster uniformity and centralisation in France, thereby consolidating his personal
control.