Foss 1999
Foss 1999
Foss 1999
NICOLAI J. FOSS
Department of Industrial Economics and Strategy, Copenhagen Business School
Edith Penrose’s work on The Theory of the Growth of the Firm is often seen as a classic in
strategic management and a precursor of today’s resource-based view of the firm.
However, it is argued in this paper that this is, at best, imprecise and rather a mis-
representation of Penrose: her interest was not in whether there can be rents in equi-
librium, but in firm growth as a disequilibrium phenomenon. Moreover, her basic
vision of the competitive process is very different from that which animates modern
economic approaches to strategy, such as the resource-based approach and new
industrial organisation economics. This paper briefly discusses some implications for
modern strategic thinking of Penrose’s vision.
Strategic management does not have many classics. Granted, it is hard to have estab-
lished and recognised classics in a field that is not only very young (reaching back only
to the 1950s) but also very fragmented (Mintzberg, 1990). But there is a handful of
books that most strategy scholars would recognise as truly classic contributions to the
field. Among these is Edith Penrose’s The Theory of the Growth of the Firm. When the
book was reissued by Oxford University Press in 1995, the back of the new edition
contained endorsing statements by two strategy scholars (Sumantra Ghoshal and
Ikujiro Nonaka) and one heterodox economist (Richard Nelson). In fact, this rather
accurately reflects the composition of the contemporary audience of this book, which
originally was clearly aimed at an audience consisting of economists. Mainstream
economists, even those working in industrial organisation, are unlikely to have
encountered the book.1
Penrose’s influence in strategic management has largely come about as a result of
her being considered the founding matriarch of the so-called ‘resource-based
perspective’ (henceforth, RBP). This perspective has become increasingly influential
during the last 15 years (since Wernerfelt, 1984) and is arguably the dominant
approach in contemporary strategic management. The RBP took over from the once
dominant industry analysis approach that is commonly associated with Michael Porter
(1980) and which was developed on the basis of the Bain–Mason–Scherer structure–
1
Best and Garnsey (1999, pp.187–8) are surely going too far, when they argue that Penrose (1959) is
‘recognized by, if not familiar to, every economist’.
1
However, industrial organization perspectives have made a strong come-back recently (Chemawat,
1991, 1997; Brandenburger and Nalebuff, 1996).
2
Admittedly, this is a somewhat delicate issue. To be sure, there is critique of neoclassical economics in
Penrose (1959), but this has mostly to do with the inability of the neoclassical theory of the firm to explain
firm growth (pp. 1, 15). Arguably, Penrose adopts something like the position later expounded by Machlup
(1967) that while the neoclassical theory of the firm is indeed inappropriate for some purposes, it is clearly
appropriate for other purposes (such as comparative-statics). However, the foreword to the new and third
edition of Penrose (1959) is explicitly critical of economic orthodoxy. See also Pitelis and Wahl (1998) for a
reading of Penrose that stresses her differences from more mainstream approaches.
EDITH PENROSE AND STRATEGIC MANAGEMENT 89
other work is not related to the arguments in this book, and are, thus, not relevant to
bring into the discussion.1
for example, the observed persistence of above-normal profit. However, it was not
entirely unproblematic to rely on IO in strategy research; the would-be importer of IO
to the strategy field confronted a basic translation problem, as Porter (1981) clearly
recognised.1 Thus, IO was fundamentally static, it did not seriously consider the
diversified firm, it saw the firm as a unitary decision-maker, it had an industry—rather
than a firm—focus, it operated with perfect competition as the ultimate yardstick for
purposes of welfare comparisons, etc. (Porter, 1981; Scherer and Ross, 1990). This
was much in contrast to the mainstream of management literature, which saw strategy
as a matter of entrepreneurial action in an uncertain and hard-to-predict environment
(Ansoff, 1965), did not neglect the large, diversified corporation (Chandler, 1962),
and was very much concerned with the internal workings of the firm (Bower, 1970).2
Although Porter was well aware of the problems this raised for an application of IO
to the strategy discipline (Porter, 1981), crucial characteristics of IO did in fact carry
over to his industry analysis approach (Porter, 1980). An unfortunate example is the
black-box conceptualisation of the firm that is characteristic of older IO and which is
clearly present in Competitive Strategy (Porter, 1980). Another one is in the focus on
non-cooperative equilibria where firms earn rents from their market-power because of
their ability to engage in tactics designed to build and maintain mobility and entry
barriers.
All this was verbally stated and the equilibrium focus in Porter’s work was rather
implicit. The upsurge in work on the new IO that took place at the beginning of the
1980s changed this. The study of firm strategy came to be understood as founded on
game-theoretical studies of behaviour and performance in imperfectly competitive
markets (Tirole, 1988; Schmalensee and Willig, 1989; Shapiro, 1989; Saloner 1994).
According to the prominent new IO scholar, Carl Shapiro (1989), recent work in new
IO can virtually be identified with ‘the theory of business strategy’. Indeed, he goes as
far as asserting that ‘[a]t this time, game theory provides the only coherent way of
logically analyzing strategic behavior’ (1989, p. 125). ‘Strategic behavior’, in this
approach, means engaging in behaviour that by influencing rivals’ expectations of
one’s future behaviour is able to influence significantly the behaviour of those rivals to
the benefit of the strategising firm.
Although the Porter industry analysis framework is not identical to the new IO, they
have a common ancestor in older IO, and share many of the same assumptions and
concerns.3 In some ways, however, the new IO represents an advance relative to the
Porter framework. For example, firms in the new IO are not homogenous. Thus, they
may differ not only in terms of their cost structures but also in terms of, for example,
their reputations (Tirole, 1988, p. 256). Moreover, the notions of factor/resource
1
For example, Bain (1959) explicitly excluded from the focus of IO any ‘. . . internal approach, more
appropriate to the field of management science, such as could inquire how enterprises do and should behave
in ordering their internal operations and would attempt to instruct them accordingly’ (pp. vii–viii).
2
We note in passing that Penrose’s basic vision is congenial to the mainstream of management and
strategy literature, particularly the type of work associated with Christensen and Andrews (e.g. Andrews
1971).
3
However, Porter’s (1980) analysis of issues such as signalling, is strikingly modern.
EDITH PENROSE AND STRATEGIC MANAGEMENT 91
indivisibility and immobility become central, primarily because these notions play a
key role in understanding entry-deterrence and, more generally, the notions of
credible threats and commitments.
In this view, strategy becomes primarily a matter of deploying given resources to a
product-market, and utilising them in sophisticated plays and counter-plays. Strategy
becomes a matter of extracting maximum monopoly rents out of ‘fixed factors over
the planning horizon’ (Caves, 1984, p. 128). Thus, firms in the new IO are clearly dif-
ferent, but the sources of heterogeneity are given and fixed; firms do not themselves
create their own opportunity set. To some extent, this is because the agents that
populate new IO models are incredibly smart. Here, a strategy involves anticipating
any and all actions that other players might take in all future stages of the game, and
calculating the optimal response. Since all players are able to do this, the equilibrium
position is essentially given from the beginning. Players cannot be surprised by
unexpected events, there is never any difference between the competence of players
and the difficulty of decision problems, and although agents may formally learn in
Bayesian games, their learning functions never change.
1
See Foss (1999A) for a more detailed analysis of the relation between the Chicago view and the RBP.
92 N. J. FOSS
informational in nature. Moreover, in all these cases, the emphasis is, in actuality, on
‘sticky’ resources.
Thus, in spite of their different intellectual backgrounds and ways of expressing
basic insights, both of these two approaches stress that product market advantages are
dependent on factor market imperfections. And both start out from an otherwise
perfect neoclassical world and introduce selected imperfections in order to generate
the desired results, namely the existence of rents in equilibrium. In fact, in neither the
resource-based nor the industrial organisation view are innovation, learning and
differential cognition prominently placed. Essentially, this is because both views start
out from the same neoclassical basis in which perfection rules in all dimensions,
except those few that the analyst singles out as relevant spanners in the works. This, as
we shall see, is very different from Penrose’s approach. However, we first need to
consider how mainstream economists have tried to cope with Penrose’s analysis.
1
In fairness, it must be observed that an important research theme in the resource-based perspective has
in fact been diversification, and here Penrose’s insights have arguably been more adequately represented,
although much of this literature is also cast within the maximisation/equilibrium framework of mainstream
economics (e.g. Montgomery and Wernerfelt, 1988).
94 N. J. FOSS
III.a. The Theory of the Growth of the Firm as a part of economic heterodoxy
As a starting point, one may think of Penrose as re-stating, refining, and sometimes
radicalising, the basic conceptualisation of the firm that can be found in the work of
Marshall and his later followers. Specifically, like Marshall, and later writers in his
tradition, Penrose emphasised that not only is the firm a repository of productive
knowledge, it is also an institution that develops and manages this knowledge. More-
over, the two processes of developing and managing knowledge may be hard to
separate, both in practice and conceptually.
As stated earlier there is also a Veblenian (the emphasis on cumulative causation
and group-based knowledge assets) flavour to Penrose’s overall argument. Although
she does not refer, even a single time, to Veblen in The Theory of the Growth of the Firm,
her later (1995) nutshell conceptualisation of main message of the 1959 book is
straight out of Veblen: ‘One of the primary assumptions of the theory of the growth of
firms is that “history matters”; growth is essentially an evolutionary process and based
on the cumulative growth of collective knowledge, in the context of a purposive firm’
(1959[1995], p. xiii). As a third intellectual allied, one may single out Schumpeter.
The Schumpeterian flavour of Penrose’s work is more than a matter of spicing up the
arguments with the standard quotations from Schumpeter; more fundamentally,
Penrose’s basic vision of the competitive process in general, and of the firm in par-
ticular, is disequilibrium-oriented and subjectivist (or cognitivist). Thus, important
parts of Penrose’s overall argument are cognition, learning, and co-ordination. All of
these are neglected, or interpreted very narrowly, in that part of contemporary strategy
thinking that draws on (mainstream) economics. Consider each in turn.
III.b. Cognition
The firm’s productive opportunity, arguably the key concept of The Theory of the
Growth of the Firm (cf. also Fransman, 1994, p. 744), is ‘. . . the productive possi-
bilities that its “entrepreneurs” see and can take advantage of. A theory of the growth
1
Which is represented by Andrews (1949), Downie (1958), Malmgren (1961), Richardson (1972),
Loasby (1991), Langlois (1992), Earl (1996), and Kay (1997). For a splendid discussion of the post-
Marshallian stream in economics, see Finch (1999).
96 N. J. FOSS
1
Penrose elaborates: ‘. . . for an analysis of the growth of the firm it is appropriate to start from analysis of
the firm rather than the environment and then proceed to a discussion of the effect of certain types of
environmental conditions. If we can discover what determines entrepreneurial ideas about what the firm can
and cannot do, that is what determines the nature and extent of the “subjective” productive opportunity of
the firm, we can at least know where to look if we want to explain or predict the actions of particular firms’
(Penrose, 1959, p. 42).
2
Elaborating the cognitive content of the notion of the firm’s productive opportunity, Penrose explains
that there ‘. . . is a close relation between the various kinds of resources with which the firm works and the
development of the ideas, experience and knowledge of its managers and entrepreneurs’ (Penrose, 1959,
p. 85).
EDITH PENROSE AND STRATEGIC MANAGEMENT 97
Thus, seemingly paradoxically, flexibility and adaptation are really just as much a
message of the analysis as specialisation is. The paradox vanishes on realising that
specialisation in Penrose’s analysis means specialisation in terms of the underlying
base of resources and competencies (rather than products) and that such specialisa-
tion may be fully consistent with seizing new business opportunities, for example, in
the form of diversifying to new product markets that are, at least in terms of products,
‘unrelated’ relative to the firm’s existing product portfolio.
In fact, as Penrose makes clear, there may be a considerable option value associated
even with a specialised base of resources and services.
A firm is basically a collection of resources. Consequently, if we can assume that businessmen
believe there is more to know about the resources they are working with than they do know at
any given time, and that more knowledge would be likely to improve the efficiency and profit-
ability of their firm, then unknown and unused productive services immediately become of
considerable importance, not only because the belief that they exist acts as an incentive to
acquire new knowledge, but also because they shape the scope and direction of the search for
knowledge (Penrose, 1959, p. 77).
In other words, ‘businessmen’ may have a rational expectation that the resources and
services that they control may yield more options than are immediately apparent and
that further learning about them may reveal these options—a striking anticipation of
real-options thinking that has only made its way in economics and the firm strategy
field during the last 5–10 years. Thus, firm development is essentially an evolutionary
and cumulative process of ‘resource learning’ (Mahoney, 1995), in which increased
knowledge of the firm’s resources help both to create options for further expansion
and to increase absorptive capacity (Cohen and Levinthal, 1990), or, to use Penrose’s
terminology an expanding ‘productive opportunity’. All this, however, needs to be co-
ordinated.
III.d. Co-ordination
A major focus of The Theory of the Growth of the Firm lies in administrative co-ordina-
tion.1 Among other things, Penrose uses the notion of administrative co-ordination to
define the boundaries of the firm (1959, p. 20). Her primary interest, however, lies in
understanding the connection between administrative co-ordination and the produc-
tion of services. In this connection, a crucial argument is that many different services
may often be yielded by the same resources, depending on the uses to which the
management team decide to put them and on the knowledge that management has of
these resources.
These notions of the managerial task is much in contrast to modern organisational
economics (Holmström and Milgrom, 1991; Milgrom and Roberts, 1992; Hart,
1995; Williamson, 1996) where management is essentially assumed to always know
1
Pitelis and Wahl (1998, p. 259) argue that ‘Edith Penrose is arguably the first economist to enter “the
black box”, the firm’. Considering how little Coase (1937) actually said about internal organisation, there is
much truth in this view.
98 N. J. FOSS
the best uses of resources (even though incentive problems may make first-best
utilisation impossible). Thus, the strong dichotomy between exchange and produc-
tion, which is characteristic of organisational economics, is not present in Penrose’s
work.
Relatedly, the RBP has neglected the actual process of co-ordinating and deploying
resources to alternative uses as well as the fact that the actual use may determine what
services can be obtained from a resource. Instead, resource-based theorists, who only
consider the issues of the terms at which resources were acquired (Barney, 1986)
and/or whether they are protected (Peteraf, 1993), forget that it is the actual applica-
tion in production, and not the mere possession, of resources that create revenue. The
same may be said of the application of new IO in strategy. In both cases, it is implicitly
assumed that managers know what are the best uses of resources right from the
beginning, and there is, therefore, little need for learning, and no need for experi-
mentation. In contrast, Penrose was clearly concerned with managerial co-ordination
and one might even construct an argument that her theorising leads us to what would
in modern management studies be called ‘strategic human resource management’
where the focus is on the development of the firm’s pool of talents with particular
goals in mind.
IV.b. Organisation
In a Penrosean cognitive perspective, where it cannot be presumed that division
X understands the same by the message ‘the state of the world is Z’ as division Y does,
or the divisions do not understand the message at all, the over-riding organisational
design objective is creating a shared knowledge-base and getting everybody on the
same wavelength. In firms that primarily grow through mergers and acquisitions this
may be an extremely time-consuming and costly process, and this has often been
singled out as one of the important reasons why mergers may break up again. Agents
that are engaged in productive activities often spontaneously develop shared mental
1
This will certainly not come as a surprise to modern organisation theorists; see, for example, March
(1988).
100 N. J. FOSS
construct, or, if you like, ‘corporate cultures’, that help co-ordinating distributed
knowledge by infusing employees with firm-specific shared knowledge.
As Marengo (1995) argues, if agents entering the firm held the completely same
habits of thought/models of the world, the only obstacle to efficient co-ordination of
their actions would be precisely the sort of incentive problems that preoccupy modern
organisational economists. However, in a world in which agents do not share exactly
the same models and do not know each others’ models, a collective knowledge base is
required for co-ordination. As simulation work, built on the theory of classifier
systems, demonstrate, such a knowledge base—a Penrosean image—may develop as a
result of organisational learning under rather general assumptions (ibid.). Moreover,
because of the role of change and lock-in, firms will develop different knowledge bases
for co-ordinating their stocks of distributed knowledge. This helps to account for
firm heterogeneity—or, if you like, differential capabilities—and, to the extent that
collective knowledge bases influence productive and transactional efficiency (which is
more than likely), also helps to account for differences in revealed competitive
advantages.
However, while this puts some more conceptual meat on the skeleton of
‘knowledge-based assets’ often encountered in the resource-based literature on the
firm, it does not say anything directly about the firm–market boundary. In other
words, why is it that sometimes markets can co-ordinate distributed knowledge and
sometimes firm organisation is necessary? The answer may turn on differences in the
histories of the emergence of collective knowledge bases which help us to understand
the phenomenon of differential capabilities. Thus, if capabilities are ‘dissimilar’, in the
Penrose-inspired terminology of George Richardson (1972), it is because they are
supported by different underlying collective knowledge bases, including managerial
images.
In Richardson’s terminology, production can be broken down into various stages or
activities. Some activities are similar, in that they draw on the same general capabilities.
Activities can also be complementary in that they are connected in the chain of
production and therefore need to be co-ordinated with one another. Juxtaposing
different degrees of similarity against different degrees of complementarity produces
a matrix that maps different types of economic organisation. For example, closely
complementary and similar activities may be best undertaken under unified govern-
ance.
Richardson’s insight is a simple but extremely profound one. For it suggests that, as
a quite general matter, capabilities are determinants of the boundaries of the firm.
Problems of economic organisation may crucially reflect the possibility that a firm may
control production knowledge that is, in important dimensions, strongly different
from what others control. Thus, the management team of one firm may quite literally
not understand what the management team of another firm wants from them (for
example, in supplier contracts) or is offering them (for example, in license contracts).
Their respective Penrosean images are not overlapping, as it were. In this setting, the
costs of making contacts with potential partners, of educating potential licensees and
EDITH PENROSE AND STRATEGIC MANAGEMENT 101
franchisees, of teaching suppliers what it is one needs from them, etc., become very
real factors determining where the boundaries of firms will be placed.1
The upshot of all this is that an analysis of organisational cognition, for example,
along the lines pioneered by Edith Penrose and founded on the idea of the image, may
provide an alternative to existing contractual theories of the boundaries of the firm
(Alchian and Demsetz, 1972; Williamson, 1985, 1996; Hart, 1995). Moreover, it may
strengthen the capabilities theory on this subject (Foss, 1993; Langlois and Robert-
son, 1995; Langlois and Foss, 1999), which has merely started from the empirical
generalisation that firms control different production and organisation knowledge,
without fundamentally enquiring into why this should be the case.
V. CONCLUSION
The purpose of this paper has been to argue that Penrose’s crucial ideas are far from
perfectly absorbed in contemporary thinking in strategy (or in the theory of the firm,
for that matter). The dominant economic approaches to strategy—the RBP and the
industrial organisation—both follow the usual explanatory approach in mainstream
economics of assuming a perfect world and then introducing few spanners in the
works. Both stress that competitive advantage should be understood in terms of rents
existing in equilibrium, and both trace the sources of these rents to imperfections in
the factor market.
Penrose’s view is very far from this. Not only is she not interested in whether there
may be rents/competitive advantage in equilibrium per se, she also has a completely
different basic outlook. Her world is one characterised by disequilibrium, learning,
experimentation, and change; it is a world in which people adopt or become socialised
into cognitive frameworks that allow them to make some sense out of the world, and
where the co-ordination of their actions is dependent upon the sharing of such frame-
works. Strategy research still has a long way to go before it will catch up with Edith
Penrose’s four decades old insights. As Pitelis and Wahl (1998) argue, much the same
may be said with respect to organisational economics.
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