The “Pandemic” of 1918-–and the Viral Theory

I hear it all the time. From Physicians, “How can you say viruses don’t exist? I treat people with
viral illness all the time.” Or from patients, “My whole family got really sick—so there must be
viruses!”

Let’s be clear. There is disease, as in “Dis-Ease”. People get sick and some die of the sickness.
And I can admit to the ability of harvesting tissue from one animal and injecting it into another
species and causing disease-- as Judy Mikovits describes it—“infection by injection”. But that
does not prove the existence of invisible, sub-microscopic unicorns that fly from one person’s
nose to another as the CAUSE of that disease. It is the unproven notion of airborne viral illness
that has enslaved humanity to the corrupt medical cartel. What better psychological wedge
can be implemented against humanity than making people afraid of invisible emanations from
other people?

There are multiple lines of evidence to dispute the classic viral disease paradigm, including
historical records, biological evidence (or lack thereof) and clinical “experiments”. In this
article I will discuss the largest clinical case study of all time—the 1918 worldwide influenza
outbreak.

It may come as a surprise to most people—even doctors-- that person-to-person transmission of

influenza has not been proven. In fact, during the COVID scare in the summer of 2020, the CDC
itself published research in the journal of Emerging Infectious Diseases that showed neither
wearing gloves, wearing a mask, nor disinfecting the surfaces you touch stops community spread
of Influenza. “Influenza” is Italian for “influence” and does not imply an organism or spread
between people. Current professional literature after 2005 will make grandiose assertions. But
assertions are not evidence, even if you say it over and over as in this case. A Science review
article from 2021states, “However, there is robust evidence supporting the airborne transmission
of many respiratory viruses, including severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus (SARS-
CoV), …” [1] And just in case you didn’t believe it the first time, they repeat later in the article,
“Despite the assumed dominance of droplet transmission, there is robust evidence supporting the
airborne transmission of many respiratory viruses, including measles virus…” The problem is
the evidence is not all that “robust”. Bioinformatics and genetic fragments do not prove disease
causation. The question of causation was seriously studied during the outbreak of disease at the
time of WWI.

Today, in the age of COVID, we have learned to question the official death numbers because
they just don’t correspond to our observations. And we observed the ease with which “cause of
death” can be skewed by hospitals coding for profit and propaganda (remember the motorcyclist
who crashed and died of COVID?). Similarly, the story of the great and awful 1918 pandemic
has changed over time, and one should not take modern “retelling” at face value. Kate Daly, a
former Fox newscaster and current radio show host researched news archives about the 1918
Pandemic, and discovered that like a giant whispering game, over the last century, the numbers
of the dead reported in newspapers consistently rose. Original reports of dead are very small in
the US county by county adding up to about 100,000. But by 1920, they were reporting 500,000
dead in the US. In 1941 two decades after the event, they claimed an estimate of 10 million
dead worldwide. By 1975 newspaper reports doubled the count to 20 million dead. Mike Leavitt
DHS reported in 2005 the number to be 38 million, and now the CDC tells us 50 million died
worldwide.[2]

As I took up the news archive search, I very quickly recognized that newspapers of the early
20th Century were used for the same propaganda we suffer today. We may think that only news
in the digital age is controlled by a few major corporate voices, but I found, from 1917-1922,
papers from all over America had identical articles under different banners. It is somewhat
humorous, but also confirmatory of the controlled nature of the press that, in the days of
linotype, when each story was hand produced using lead printing letters, spelling errors were
different, but the exact verbiage was used in “small town newspapers” all over the country.
Another telling fact: these “pandemic” articles were never big front-page stories—they were
buried next to church news and the latest sales of eyeglasses.

According to a 1920 Harvard historical document, 5000 people in Boston died from the
Pandemic of 1918, and the same article reported that Boston was the third largest city death
count in America.[3] This fact also leads one to again question the death count of 500,000 in the
US. It also explains the curious fact that no one in my family mentioned this purportedly horrific
disease event. My grandparents and great uncles and aunts, who were alive and working in
1918, never discussed a pandemic or even any big disease outbreak. My grandfather was a
barnyard musician and great story teller who told me family tales about everything-- Great Aunt
Delia falling into the cistern, the problems of using a clevis pin in 20 below zero weather to hook
the T-bar to the horse drawn wagon--but not one peep about the Great Pandemic of 1918.
Although it would have occurred in the prime of his young adulthood, the “Great Pandemic”
apparently was not a major event in his life. In his diary which he faithfully kept daily from 1893
to 1963 there is one entry in 1918 that some relative “got the flu”. No further mention of death
or disability—and he faithfully recorded these events over the years. My father was 13 years old
at the time of the pandemic. He discussed with me that he had osteomyelitis -- an infection of
his tibia that resulted in his being bedridden for months when he was around 10 years old. This
should have focused his attention on the issue of disease and recovery. But he never mentioned
“the pandemic”. As an adult, he earned his MD, DDS and a PhD in biochemistry, taught
Dentistry at Harvard, did research, practiced medicine, and was generally a student of
20th century history—but a “pandemic” was not on his radar. I recently spoke to a group of about
350 people, and simply asked anyone to tell me afterward if they had ever heard family talk
about the loss of members in the “Pandemic” of 1918. Only one person told me that her family
passed down a story, but when she investigated it, the person had actually died years before the
outbreak.

Why the pandemic was called the Spanish flu is unclear. The disease did not start in Spain, but
rather, around Fort Riley Kansas which was a training base for the First World War. Army
recruits at the base were becoming ill, and many were dying of a strange pulmonic disorder
associated with fever, severe fatigue, and bloody discharge. We have numerous sources of direct
history of the event—memory books that were written by families, the diary and later books of
Dr. Eleanora McBean who volunteered with her family to provide care to the recruits, the
autopsy results of Colonel William Welch and pathologists from the Armed Forces Institute of
Pathology, pharmaceutical
history, Kansas historical
Archives, Nany and Public
Health Service Archives, and
numerous other eyewitness
accounts. Unlike today, the US
Public Health Service made an
honest attempt to understand
transmission of the illness.
They enlisted volunteers who
leaned over the dying without
touching them, putting their
mouths close to the mouths of
the sick, and breathing in their exhalations. The volunteers did not become ill. Then, they had
sick and dying people cough on the volunteers. They swabbed mucus and nasal secretions from
the sick and stuffed it into the noses and throats of the well. In the days before antibiotics, they
even spun down the secretions of the dying and injected this solution into the well
volunteers. But no matter what they did, they could not transfer this new disease to the healthy
volunteers. In actual numbers, zero out of 118 well volunteers became sick. From the Navy
Archives, “The volunteers were repeatedly exposed to hospital patients exhibiting influenza-like
symptoms in an attempt to make them contract the disease. Although the 118 men failed to
develop influenza, they all received full pardons in recognition of their participation .”[4] (This
tells you the “volunteers” were actually not so voluntary—probably being in the brig at the time.)

Curiously, horses were also affected with this respiratory disease, so they tried to prove
transmission in horses. They moved feed bags from the snout of a sick horse to a healthy horse.
No healthy horse became sick. They tried to find a bacillus that accounted for the disease but
could not find bacilli that were not also found in the well. In spite of all this, at the end of time,
they just could not give up the notion of person-to-person transmission, (or like today they were
being incentivized and/or coerced by the pharmaceutical companies). The reluctant conclusion of
the Public Health Service researchers at the time was this (reproduced with the original bold and
capitalized emphasis):

“The results of these experiments indicate PRESUMPTIVELY that influenza MAY

be transmitted by means of the secretions of the upper respiratory passages from
patients in the early stages of this disease, probably within less than 12 hours from
onset. VERY DEFINITE CONCLUSIONS CAN NOT BE DRAWN…These
conclusions, however, contradict the specific results of each of the three series
of experiments reported within the document, where we find that NONE of the
volunteer soldiers exposed to the fluids of patients with symptoms of Spanish
Flu contracted the Spanish Flu symptoms.”[5]

Dr. William Welch and a team of AFIP Pathologists, bravely undertook

to autopsy the dead. (This should be the first line of inquiry in any new
“disease” but was actually prohibited by the medical authorities in the
age of COVID.). Caretakers of the dying, in 1918, had observed that
young men would develop fever and cough, then suddenly would cough
up blood and die. The autopsies of the troops revealed that many of
them had lungs filled with blood. Some were “consolidated” or
edematous and bacteria were consistently found. But the pathologists
could not understand how “bacterial pneumonia” would act so
differently in 1918 than any previous encounters. A review was done
100 years later by researcher Zon-Mei Sheng et al., who reviewed
paraffin tissue blocks from Army personnel who had died of the disease.
“All 68 cases had histological evidence of bacterial pneumonia, and 94%
showed abundant bacteria on Gram stain.”

They then go on to use modern genetic analysis (feel free to skip to the punchline):
“Sequence analysis of the viral hemagglutinin receptor-binding domain performed on RNA from
13 cases suggested a trend from a more “avian-like” viral receptor specificity with G222 in pre-
pandemic cases to a more “human-like” specificity associated with D222 in pandemic peak
cases. Viral antigen distribution in the respiratory tree, however, was not apparently different
between pre-pandemic and pandemic peak cases, or between infections with viruses bearing
different receptor-binding polymorphisms. The 1918 pandemic virus was circulating for at least
4 mo. in the United States before it was recognized epidemiologically in September 1918. The
causes of the unusually high mortality in the 1918 pandemic were not explained by the
pathological and virological parameters examined.” [6]

Obviously, they wanted to find viral cause but instead found bacteria and no consistent viral
pattern. So, what was going on in 1918?

As a bit of medical history

not taught to modern
medical students, influenza
did not exist as a yearly
disease until around the
1850’s, after the first
telegraph lines were strung.
The diagnosis
“neurasthenia” was coined
in 1867 to describe an
illness of nervousness,
listlessness, palpitations,
depression and sometimes
focal paralysis. It was
noticed that the disorder
clustered around telegraph
line installers, switch board
operators, and railroad
workers (telegram lines
were strung along the rail
lines) and thus neurasthenia
became known as
Telegrapher’s Disease.

In fact, in 1907, the Bell

Telephone switchboard
operators in Toronto went
on strike for better working
conditions. This was
documented in a Royal
Commission study in
Canada, headed by a former
Prime Minister. And
“Telegrapher’s Paralysis” was reported by a physician in France.[7] And the punch line? In Oct
1917, at the request of the U.S. Army Signal Corps, K.S.A.C. instituted a course in wireless
telegraphy. [8] The Army Recruits at Ft. Riley, Kansas were training to be Telegraph
operators for WWI.

Before you think that electromagnetic exposure is too far-fetched as an explanation, it was
discovered that making a long twist in the copper wire for the telegram lines lessened the
symptoms of the neurasthenia experienced by people working under the lines. And the really
convincing bit of evidence came from the unexpected realm of astronomy. In the 1970s, an
astronomer R.E Hope-Simpson, and a mathematician from the University of Wales by the name
of F. Hoyle demonstrated that influenza outbreaks occurred nearly simultaneously around the
world in association with increased solar activity-- sunspots flares, etc.[9]

Ken Tapping,-- a Canadian Astronomer in 2001 also made the observation that in years 1700 to
1979, including 150 years prior to the era of Telegraphy, Influenza outbreaks occurred one to
three decades apart, and coincide perfectly with peaks of solar magnetic activity. As
documented in Dr. Arthur Furstenberg’s book The Invisible Rainbow an infectious agent does
not account for near simultaneous transmission of disease around the globe in an age before air
transport[10]. Reports based on ships logs reveal that, in the age of “wooden ships and iron
men”, the disease would simultaneously sweep over multiple ships widely dispersed at sea—
ships that had not had contact with land or with other ships for prolonged periods. And as a 2016
article by Qu and Gao et al. “Sunspot Activity, Influenza and Ebola Outbreak Connection” points
out, influenza may not be the only disease where our ideas of transmission may be wrong.[11]
(Consider this when the issue of 5G and Covid keeps resurfacing.)
Interestingly, Madame Helena Blavatsky the famous (or notorious as some would note)
Theosophist wrote: “Does it not seem therefore, as if the causes that produced influenza were
rather cosmical than bacterial; and that they ought to be searched for rather in those abnormal
changes in our atmosphere.”. And even more presciently, during an influenza outbreak of 1890:
“The influenza thou has already in thy pocket, for people see it peeping out. Of people daily
killed in the streets of London by tumbling over the electric wires of the new
Lighting craze we already a premonition through news from America.”

The biology/physiology of this effect is at least partly understood. Metabolism depends on an

electron transfer chain within the mitochondria—intracellular organelles which take the results
of metabolism and convert it energy within each living cell. The flow of electrons can be altered
with the application of a sudden electromagnetic field. Additionally, the rate at which the EMF
is introduced matters. In medicine, we once were taught “Cannon’s Law of the Body” that the
body responds to rate of change not just absolutes. We are physiologically better able to adapt
to a new environment if it is applied slowly. So, in the 1918 Ft. Riley outbreak, some recruits—
not previously exposed to electricity-- were suddenly surrounded by miles of copper wire
transmitting signals that were typed out at discordant 7.2 Hz frequency, just shy of the natural
Schumann earth resonance of 7.83 Hz. It was observed by doctors stationed at the army camps
during the autumn 1918 wave of influenza, that those young men who were dying, more often
than not, big, were the big brawny country boys, not the pale, scrawny city boys. This makes
sense when you consider that the city kids had already been slowly adapted to the electrification
of their cities. [12]

Prior to 1900, medical studies of Telegrapher’s disease and Neurasthenia actually showed that
people may have had a miserable anxiety ridden existence, but it did not shorten their life span—
in fact life span may have been slightly extended. So, what accounted for the sudden mass death
in the camp? There were at least two other factors contributing to the Pandemic death count that
are very reminiscent of COVID deaths today.

In 1918, The Bayer Company, a subsidiary of IG Farben, had just lost their patent on Aspirin, a
drug that German scientists accidentally discovered lowered fever. So, the company waged a PR
campaign to convince doctors via the AMA and the newly organized medical education
establishment that lowering temperature with Aspirin, was a great idea for recovery from
disease! Today, we have considerable data from India on the treatment of Tuberculosis and
Polio, that fever is beneficial to resolving disease. Lowering temperature by chemical means
extended the active phase of disease and resulted in more paralysis and increased mortality. But
that information was not available in 1918, (and still ignored by most physicians today).

Nor did physicians of 1918 understand the risk of bleeding

with higher dosing of Aspirin. Diarists of the pandemic
report seeing doctors giving handfuls of aspirin to reduce
the fever in recruits. And, in confirmation, it was noted by
physicians in 1918 that as the disease progressed, victims
began bleeding from the nose, and mouth. Many deaths
subsequently occurred with hemorrhagic lungs—lungs filled
with blood, not pus.

Finally, and probably the most damaging, yet debated, factor

was this: WWI was the first conflict in which our military
were given multiple (and experimental) vaccines.

Dr. Frederick L. Gates was

from not one but multiple Ivy
League Schools, beginning at
the U. of Chicago and
transferring to Yale where he
was awarded the Andrew D.
White award.(White was a
member of the Order of Skull
and Bones). Gates subsequently graduated with honors from
Johns Hopkins Medical School in 1913, and in 1917 when
America entered the war, volunteered for the Army Medical
Corps. He was commissioned as a First Lieutenant.
Surprisingly, for a newly minted medical officer, Gates was
assigned to duty on the Rockefeller Institute staff, likely due to
his father Frederick Taylor Gates being a personal assistant to
John D. Rockefeller.

Gates the elder is credited with Rockefeller’s getting involved in

organized medicine. “ Although Rockefeller himself believed in folk medicine, the billionaire
listened to his experts, and Gates convinced him that he could have the greatest impact by
modernizing medicine especially by reforming education, sponsoring research to identify cures,
and systematically eradicating debilitating diseases that sapped national efficiency like
hookworm…In 1901, Gates Senior designed the Rockefeller Institute for Medical Research (now
Rockefeller University), of which he was board president. He then designed the Rockefeller
Foundation, becoming a trustee upon its creation in 1913.” [13]

According to his memorial biography, Dr. Frederick L. Gates “gave lectures to military groups
(at the Rockefeller Institute) … was also assigned to visit training camps, in the interest of
preventive medicine, and traveled widely”. What they don’t mention is his role as primary
investigator on the vaccinations given at Ft. Riley, Kansas prior to the outbreak of disease.

On May 25, 1917 an Army Medical School had been established at Ft. Riley, Kansas. Shortly
thereafter, in October 1917, 525 cases of Typhoid Fever occurred in Kansas, and the State Board
of Health gave 9,000 “free shots”.[14] Three months later, an outbreak of “meningitis” occurred.
The US Navy and Army estimated that 40 percent and 36 percent of their servicemen had been
affected.[15] (It is important to note that an “outbreak” of meningitis usually involves one or two
people. The largest outbreaks in the last 50 years I could identify were groups of gay men in
San Francisco and LA with 20-30 cases. To have over 30% of personnel affected is totally
outside the norm for reported outbreaks of meningitis.) The response again was to administer
more crude home-made meningitis vaccines, beginning in January 1918 and continuing into
February 1918.

From the Kansas historical society records:

“Following an outbreak of
epidemic meningitis at Camp
Funston, Kansas, in October and
November, 1917, a series of anti-
meningitis vaccinations was
undertaken on volunteer subjects
from the camp. Major E. H.
Schorer, Chief of the Laboratory
Section at the adjacent Base
Hospital at Fort Riley, offered
every facility at his command and
cooperated in the laboratory work
connected with the vaccinations…
In the camp, under the direction
of the Division Surgeon, Lieutenant Colonel J. L. Shepard, a preliminary series of vaccinations
on a relatively small number of volunteers served to determine the appropriate doses and the
resultant local and general reactions. Following this series, the vaccine was offered by the
Division Surgeon to the camp at large, and "given by the regimental surgeons to all who wished
to take it.”

This excerpt from Dr. Gates’ paper on the research submitted for publication in 1918 gives you a
flavor of the state of vaccination art and his involvement at that time:

“The vaccine used was made in the laboratory of The Rockefeller Institute.
16-hour growths on 1 per cent glucose agar in Blake bottles were washed off
with isotonic salt
solution, like strains
 pooled, and the concentrated suspensions immediately heated to 65°C. for 30
minutes to kill the cocci and inactivate the autolytic ferment…Accordingly,
the vaccinations were begun with the injection of 500 million cocci, and this
initial dose was increased in successive groups by 250 or 500 million until it
had reached 2,000 million. For the second and third doses in each group, the
first dose was usually multiplied by two and by four…About half of those
vaccinated, whose third injection was due after February 4, 1918, were given
a final injection of 4,000 million, on account of the occurrence of several
fairly severe reactions from the larger dose among medical officers at Fort
Riley. In some regiments the vaccinations had been completed before
February 5."[16]

At the same time Kansas military bases were being vaccinated, schools were, for the first time,
seriously mandating vaccines for attendance in Kansas. From the Lawrence Daily Journal
World, 3 Jan. 1918: [17]

A summary of the time course of the 1918 Pandemic

May 25, 1917, an Army Medical School had been established at Ft. Riley, Kansas.

October, 1917, 525 cases of Typhoid Fever occurred in Kansas and the State Board of Health
gives 9,000 “free shots” in response to 525 cases of Typhoid Fever in Kansas.
October and November, 1917, Meningitis breaks out and a second round of vaccines—this
time for Meningitis was given.

In January and February of 2018, Military recruits, and school children, , were required to
have a variety of crude vaccines partially concocted at the time of inoculation. Although I
cannot prove this in the news, it is likely that—as is true today—the Indian Health Service
pushed vaccination on the Native Americans.

One month later, in March of 1918, Scarlet Fever epidemics were reported from Cowley,
Butler, Dickinson and Leavenworth counties.

Also in March 1918, five students at the (Native American) Haskell Institute 95 miles from Ft.
Riley had died and 457 were ill with a disease called “strep-grip.”

In September 1918, the disease still was not front-page news. Throughout this time, there were
more concerns over wheat shortages, Anti-German discrimination, and conscientious objectors to
the war. The Kansas City Star reported that Mrs. James Farrell, Effingham, was the knitting
champion of Atchison County. She had knitted 100 pairs of socks for the Red Cross since
August, 1917.

In October, 1918, three hundred cases of what was now being called “Influenza” was being
reported in the state. Hays was hardest hit with 200 cases yet still reported only several deaths.
By the middle of October, 1918, Kansas Governor Capper issued a state-wide closing order,
effective for one week, in an effort to halt the flu epidemic. Over 7,000 cases had been reported
statewide. Even accounting for underreporting this does not suggest a pandemic of epic
proportion. Also on October 25, 1918, my grandfather
recorded in his diary that relatives arrived from Canada and a
few days later the town of 1200 people was put on quarantine.

2 November, 1918, The State Board of Health in Kansas

lifted the influenza closing order.

This graph shows the very acute time course of influenza

deaths in 1918, beginning about 6 months after the
vaccinations took place, and going away three months later—
never to return.
From: Sheng, ZM, Chertow, DS, Ambroggio, X et al,

Although we have seasonal illness we call Influenza, and occasionally Influenza breaks out
worldwide as it has done for centuries, never since 1918 have we seen this unusually lethal type
of outbreak until 2019 and the COVID “Pandemic”. What is discounted, forgotten, or purposely
ignored are the observations of Dr. Eleanora McBean who actually witnessed the outbreak at Ft.
Riley, Kansas, and as a child helped her family care for sick
soldiers and community members. Writing later, as a
physician, she reported that the only deaths were in the
vaccinated. Her family was exposed to diseased people daily,
along with others who volunteered to care for the sick. They
were unvaccinated and as people were dying around them,
according to Dr. McBean they “didn’t even get the sniffles”.

Most of the historical search for this article focused on Kansas

because it is generally cited as ground zero for the “Great
Pandemic”. Looking about America, the disease
disproportionately hit cities, and concentrations of military or
other people living together in dormitories or Indian
Reservations. These people were mandated to have vaccines, or
were likely to have been told by their local authorities to do so.
Neither the numbers cited by any individual city or locale, nor
by the counties seem to add to the gross numbers we hear
today. It is apparent that in a few places, an unusual number of
folks became unusually ill. These places—such as Fort Riley
and Boston generated a mythos that was remembered by the medical establishment more than the
public at large.

People who developed neurasthenia, in the absence of vaccination, could become symptomatic,
but did not develop the severe pulmonary symptoms and were found in some studies to
live longer than average. But propaganda seems to have been deployed consciously via the
newspapers from 1920 to today regarding the causes of the disease of 1918.

Looking at the totality of the evidence, the Pandemic of 1918 was not probably a
communicable disease, but a disease of communicable technologies. Americans went to
Europe and we took our Telegram equipment and vaccines with us for sale on the European
market. When the soldiers were returning home, the public was convinced through aggressive
marketing campaigns to get vaccinated because the troops were returning from Europe with
“Disease”. The vaccine timing explains the huge spike of disease and death during a narrow
time range following a rapid multiple vaccination rollout. The later prolonged, less dramatic
occurrences of death followed a more sluggish civilian adoption of the vaccine program.

The Pandemic of 1918 as the prototype of infectious transmissible worldwide disease is based
on skewed history, propaganda, and assumptions, not proof. This underscores the need today for
true systematic scientific inquiry where we examine the basics and the basis of our views of
biology and disease--not just an “Epidemiologic” mapping of sick people, coupled with
preconceived notions. In fact, it is difficult not to wonder about the role of the Rockefeller
Institute under Gates Senior orchestrating this whole show. Given the physicians and scientists
who have unexpectedly died in the 20th century, such as famous cancer researcher Dr. Mary
Sherman of SV-40 fame, it is worth mention that Dr. Frederick Gates, after the war, and after his
father was deceased, moved to Harvard where he died young from a blow to the head. In less
polite circles that might be suspected as “cutting the trail”.

[1] C.C. Wang, Prather, K.A., Sznitman, J., et al, Airborne Transmission of Respiratory Viruses,
Science Vol 373 no 6558.

[2] https://www.cdc.gov/flu/pandemic-resources/1918-commemoration/1918-pandemic-
history.htm

[3] https://info.primarycare.hms.harvard.edu/review/1918-influenza-and-covid19

[4] https://www.history.navy.mil/research/library/online-reading-room/title-list-alphabetically/i/
influenza/a-forgotten-enemy-phss-public-health-service-fight-against-the-1918-influenza-
pandemic.html

[5] Experiments upon volunteers to Determine the Cause and Mode of Spread of Influenza (aka
“Spanish flu”. Hygienic Laboratory—Bulletin No. 123 Feb, 1921 Treasury Department, US
Public Health Service. Page 172-272

[6] Sheng, ZM, Chertow, DS, Ambroggio, X et al: Autopsy series of 68 cases dying
before and during the 1918 influenza pandemic peak, PNAS September 19, 2011,
108 (39) 16416-16421 https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1111179108

[7] London: The Graphic, April 1875

[8] https://ksww1.ku.edu/special-projects/100-years-ago-in-kansas/

[9] Qu J, Gao Z, Zhang Y, Wainwright M, Wickramasinghe NC, et al. (2016) Sunspot Activity,
Influenza and Ebola Outbreak Connection. Astrobiol Outreach 4: 154. doi:10.4172/2332-
2519.100015
[10] Firstenberg, Arthur, The Invisible Rainbow, Chelsea Green Publishing, London US 2020. p
75-93

[11] Qu J, Gao Z, Zhang Y, Wainwright M, Wickramasinghe NC, et al. (2016) Sunspot Activity,
Influenza and Ebola Outbreak Connection. Astrobiol Outreach 4: 154. doi:10.4172/2332-
2519.100015

[12] Pettit, DA America Experiences Pandemic Influenza, A Cruel Wind, 1918-1920 A

SOCIAL HISTORY. Thesis, Winter 1976, du/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?
article=2144&context=dissertation

[13] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Frederick_Taylor_Gates

[14] https://ksww1.ku.edu/special-projects/100-years-ago-in-kansas/

[15] https://www.nationalww2museum.org/war/articles/medical-innovations-1918-flu

[16] https://rupress.org/jem/article-pdf/28/4/449/1175015/449.pdf