POL 411 Nov 2018

COURSE
GUIDE
POL 411
POLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY
Course Team Dr. Ifeyinwa Ogbonna-Nwaogu (Course

Writer) - NOUN
Dr. Olatunji Samuel O. (Course Editor)-Ekiti
State University
NATIONAL OPEN UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA

POL 411 COURSE GUIDE
© 2018 by NOUN Press

National Open University of Nigeria,
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e-mail: centralinfo@nou.edu.ng
URL: www.nou.edu.ng
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, in any

form or by any means, without permission in writing from the publisher.
Printed 2018
ISBN: 978-978-970-014-1
ii
CONTENTS PAGE
Introduction …………………………………… ............... iv

Course Aims……………………………………………... iv
Course Objectives………………………………………... iv
Working through this Course………………………… ..... v
Study Units……………………………………………..... v
Textbooks and References……………………………….. vi
Assessment……………………………………………….. vi
Tutors-Marked Assignments……………………............. vi
Final Examination and Grading………………………….. vii
Course Marking Scheme…………………………………. vii
Presentation Schedule……………………………………. vii
Course Overview………………………………………… vii
How to Get the most from this Course…………………… viii
Tutors and Tutorials……………………………………… x
Summary…………………………………………………. xi
iii
INTRODUCTION
Welcome to POL 411- Political Psychology
This course is a three (3) unit course for undergraduate students in

Political Science. The course guide gives you an overview of what
political psychology is about. It equally, provides you with the necessary
information on the organisation and requirements of the course.
COURSEAIMS
The Course seeks to enable you to:
• be up to date with the methodological issues which the course has

to grapple with;
• know whether political behaviour patterns is universal oris

restricted to people who live in one particular culture or in one
type of political system.
• discover which perceptions, personality, and group dynamics
affect the policy-making arena.
• challenge the commonly held assumptions that self-interest drives
behaviour and to explain how psychological factors affect our
behaviour as well as others in ways we rarely recognise at the
time the behaviour takes place.
• understand the interconnectedness of many patterns of behaviour
which appear distinct;
• comprehend the enormous complexity of human behaviour and
realise the importance of understanding political psychology’s
significant role in improving the human condition.
OBJECTIVES
At the end of this Course, you should be able to:
• explore the psychological findings in studies of social identity,

values, attitudes, emotions encompassed in personality and
cognitive processes of the ‘Political Being’ in a particular
political environment
• examine some of the saddest events in human history (e.g.
Nazism/world war 1 and 11) and in recent times terrorism (such
as Boko Haram, MEND, MASSOP); and on the other hand,
explain the political psychology (i.e. the psychological causes) of
ethnicity, communal conflicts, nationalism, political extremism
etc.
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• describe how to prevent conflict, how to resolve conflict, and

how to recover from it.
WORKING THROUGH THIS COURSE
The course is written in study units within Modules. You are also
provided with related reading materials for each topic examined. At the
end of each unit, you will be required to attempt Self-Assessment
Exercises (SAEs) for assessment purposes. And at the end of the course,
you will write a final examination.
STUDY UNITS
There are eighteen units in this course, spanning four modules. These
are as follows:
Module 1 Meaning and Nature of Political Psychology
Unit 1 What is the Idea of Political Psychology?

Unit 2 Methods Adopted in the study of Political Psychology
Unit 3 Historical Perspectives of Political Psychology
Unit 4 Components of the Political Being
Unit 5 The Political Being in a Social and Political Environment
Module 2 Personality and Its Approaches
Unit 1 Personality: What does it Constitute?

Unit 2 Psycho-Analytic/Dynamic Theory
Unit 3 Psycho-Biographies/Psycho-Biographical Method
Unit 4 Analysing Psycho-Pathologies of Political Leaders
Unit 5 Personality Trait Theories
Module 3 Manifestations of Psychological Theories in

Leadership, Power and Politics
Unit 1 Explaining Power

Unit 2 Political Culture
Unit 3 Public Opinion
Unit 4 Political Information Processing and Decision-Making
Unit 5 Perceptions and Foreign Policy
Module 4 Elections and Electoral Behaviour
Unit 1 Understanding Elections

Unit 2 Personality of Politicians
Unit 3 Political Socialisation
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TEXTBOOKS AND REFERENCES
Every unit contains a list of references/books for further reading. Try to

get as many as possible of those textbooks and materials listed. The
textbooks and materials are meant to deepen your knowledge of the
course. For this course, the following textbooks are suggested for further
reading:
Martha, Cottam, Beth Dietz-Uhler, Elena M. Mastors, Thomas Preston.

(2004). Introduction to Political Psychology. New York: Taylor &
Francis Group.
Iyengar, Shanto. (1993). ‘An Overview of the Field of Political

Psychology.’ In, Shanto, Iyengar & William, J. McGuire. (Eds.).
Explorations in Political Psychology. Durham, NC: Duke University
Press.
ASSIGNMENT FILE
An assessment file and a marking scheme will be made available to you.

In the assessment file, you will find details of the works you must
submit to your tutor for marking. There are two aspects of the
assessment of this course; the tutor marked and the written examination.
The marks you obtain in these two areas will make up your final marks.
The assignment must be submitted to your tutor for formal assessment
in accordance with the deadline stated in the presentation schedule and
the assignment file.
The work you submit to your tutor for assessment will account for 30%
of your total score.
TUTOR-MARKED ASSIGNMENT (TMA)
You will have to submit a specified number of the (TMAs). Every unit
in this course has a Tutor-Marked Assignment. You will be assessed on
four of them but the best three performances from the (TMAs) will be
used for computing your 30%. When you have completed each
assignment, send it together with a Tutor marked Assignment form, to
your Tutor. Make sure each assignment reaches your tutor on or before
the deadline for submissions. If for any reason, you cannot complete
your work on time, contact your tutor for a discussion on the possibility
of an extension. Extensions will not be granted after the due date unless
under exceptional circumstances.
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FINAL EXAMINATION AND GRADING
The final examination will be a test of three hours. All areas of the
course will be examined. Find time to read the unit all over before your
examination. The final examination will attract 70% of the total course
grade. The examination will consist of questions, which reflect the kind
of self-assessment exercise, and tutor marked assignment you have
previously encountered. You should use the time between completing
the last unit, and taking the examination to revise the entire course.
COURSE MARKING SCHEME
The following table lays out how the actual course mark allocation is
broken down.
Assessment Marks
Assignments (Best Three) Assignment out of Four = 30%
Marked
Final Examination = 70%
Total = 100%
PRESENTATION SCHEDULE
The dates for submission of all assignment will be communicated to

you. You will also be told the date of completing the study units and
dates for examinations.
COURSE OVERVIEW
Unit Title of Work Week(s) Assessment

Activity
Course Guide
Module 1 Meaning and Nature of
Political Psychology
1 What is the Idea of Week1 Assignment1
Political Psychology?
2 Methods Adopted in Week2 Assignment2
3 Historical Perspectives of Week3 Assignment3
4 Components of the Week4 Assignment4
Political Being
5 The Political Being in a Week5 Assignment5
social and Political
Environment
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Module 2 Personality and its

Approaches
1 Personality: What does it Week1 Assignment1
constitute?
2 Psycho- Week2 Assignment2

Analytic/Dynamic
Theory
3 Psycho- Week3 Assignment3
Biographies/Psycho-
Biographical Method
4 Analysing Psycho- Week4 Assignment4

Pathologies of Political
Leaders
5 Personality Trait Theories Week5 Assignment5
Module 3 Manifestations of
Psychological Theories
in Leadership, Power
&Politics
1 Explaining Power Week1 Assignment1
2 Political Culture Week2 Assignment2
3 Public Opinion Week3 Assignment3
4 Political Information Week4 Assignment4
Processing &Decision-
Making
5 Perceptions and Foreign Week5 Assignment5
Policy
Module 4 Elections and Electoral
Behaviour
1 Understanding Elections Week1 Assignment1
2 Personality of Politicians Week2 Assignment2
3 Political Socialisation Week3 Assignment3
GETTING THE MOST FROM THIS COURSE
You will be required to study the units on your own. However, you may
arrange to meet with your tutor for tutorials on an optional basis at a
Study Centre. Also, you can organise interactive sessions with your
course mates.
viii
In distance learning, the study units replace the University lecture. This
is one of the great advantages of distance learning, you can read and
work through specially designed study materials at your pace, and at a
time and place that suits you best. Think of it as reading the lecture
instead of listening to the lecturer. In the same way a lecturer might give
you some reading to do, the study units tells you when to read, and
which are your text materials or set books. You are provided exercises to
do at appropriate points, just as a lecturer might give you an in-class
exercise. Each of the study units follows a common format. The first
item is an introduction to the subject matter of the unit, and how a
particular unit is integrated with the other units as a whole. Next to this
is a set of learning objectives. These objectives let you know what you
should be able to do by the time you have completed the unit. These
learning objectives are meant to guide your study. The moment a unit is
finished, you must go back and check whether you have achieved the
objectives. If this is made a habit, then you will significantly improve
your chances of passing the course. The main body of the unit guides
you through the required reading from other sources. This will usually
be either from your set books or from the reading section.
The following is a practical strategy for working through the course. If

you run into any trouble, telephone your tutor. Remember that your
tutor’s job is to help you. When you need assistance, do not hesitate to
call and ask your tutor to provide it.
1. Read this course guide thoroughly, it is your first assignment.

2. Organise a study schedule.
Design a ‘Course Overview’ to guide you through the Course. Note the
time you are expected to spend on each unit and how the assignments
relate to the units. Important information, e.g. details of your tutorials,
and the date of the first day of the semester is available from the Study
Centre. You need to gather all the information into one place, such as
your diary or a wall calendar. Whatever method you choose to use, you
should decide on and write in your own dates and schedule of work for
each unit.
3. Once you have created your own study schedule, do everything

to stay faithful to it. The major reason that students fail is that
they get behind with their course work. If you get into difficulties
with your schedule, please, let your tutor know before it is too
late for help.
4. Turn to Unit 1, and read the introduction and the objectives for
the unit.
5. Assemble the study materials. You will need your set books and
the unit you are studying at any point in time.
ix
6. Work through the unit. As you work through the unit, you will
know what sources to consult for further information.
7. Keep in touch with your Study Centre. Up-to-date on course
information will be continuously available there.
8. Well, before the relevant due date (about 4 weeks before due
dates), keep in mind that you will learn a lot by doing the
assignment carefully. They have been designed to help you meet
the objectives of the course and, therefore, will help you pass the
examination. Submit all assignments not later than the due date.
9. Review the objectives for each study unit to confirm that you
have achieved them. If you feel unsure about any of the
objectives, review the study materials or consult your tutor.
10. When you are confident that you have achieved a unit’s
objectives, you can start on the next unit. Proceed unit by unit
through the course and try to pace your study so that you keep
yourself on schedule.
11. When you have submitted an assignment to your tutor for
marking, do not wait for its return before starting on the next unit.
Keep to your schedule. When the assignment is returned, pay
particular attention to your tutor’s comments, both on the tutor
marked assignment form and also the written comments on the
ordinary assignments.
12. After completing the last unit, review the course and prepare
yourself for the final examination. Check that you have achieved
the unit objectives (listed at the beginning of each unit) and the
course objectives (listed in the Course Guide).
TUTORS/FACILLITATORS AND TUTORIALS
Information relating to the tutorials will be provided at the appropriate

time. Your tutor will mark and comment on your assignments, keep a
close watch on your progress and on any difficulties you might
encounter and provide assistance to you during the course. You must
take your tutor-marked assignments to the study centre well before the
due date (at least two working days are required). They will be marked
by your tutor and returned to you as soon as possible. Do not hesitate to
contact your tutor if you need help. Contact your tutor if you experience
any of the following:
• do not understand any part of the study units or the assigned

readings;
• You have difficulty with the exercises;
• You have a question or problem with an assignment or with your
tutor’s comments on an assignment or with the grading of an
assignment.
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Moreover, you should try your best to attend the tutorials. This is the
only chance to have face-to-face contact with your tutor and ask
questions which are answered instantly. You can raise any problem
encountered in the course of your study. To gain the maximum benefit
from course tutorials, prepare a question list before attending them. You
will learn a lot from participating in discussions actively.
SUMMARY
The course guide gives you an overview of what to expect in the course-
Political Psychology such as: how perceptions, personality, and group
dynamics affect political behaviour patterns and subsequently policy-
making. We wish you success in the course and hope that you will find
it both interesting and useful.
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MAIN
COURS
CONTENTS PAGE
Module 1 Meaning and Nature of Political Psychology….. 1
Unit 1 What is the Idea of Political Psychology?............. 1

Unit 2 Methods Adopted in the study of Political
Psychology………………………………………. 11
Unit 3 Historical Perspectives of Political Psychology…. 16
Unit 4 Components of the Political Being……………… 28
Unit 5 The Political Being in a Social and Political
Environment……………………………………… 39
Module 2 Personality and Its Approaches………………… 44
Unit 1 Personality: What does it constitute?....................... 44

Unit 2 Psycho-Analytic/Dynamic Theory………………... 51
Unit 3 Psycho-biographies/Psycho-graphical Method……. 58
Unit 4 Analysing Psycho-Pathologies of Political Leaders 64
Unit 5 Personality Trait Theories…………………………. 71
Module 3 Manifestations of Psychological Theories in

Leadership, Power and Politics………………….. 76
Unit 1 Explaining Power …………………………………. 76

Unit 2 Political Culture…………………………………… 83
Unit 3 Public Opinion…………………………………….. 91
Unit 4 Political Information Processing and Decision-
Making…………………………………………….. 100
Unit 5 Perceptions and Foreign Policy…………………… 107
Module 4 Elections and Electoral Behaviour……………… 114
Unit 1 Understanding Elections………………………….. 114

Unit 2 Personality of Politicians…………………………. 121
Unit 3 Political Socialisation…………………………….. 133
POL 411 MODULE 1
MODULE 1 MEANING AND NATURE OF

Unit 1 What is the Idea of Political Psychology?

Unit 2 Methods Adopted in the study of Political Psychology
Unit 3 Historical Perspectives of Political Psychology
Unit 4 Components of the Political Being
Unit 5 The Political Being in a Social and Political Environment
UNIT 1 WHAT IS THE IDEA OF POLITICAL

PSYCHOLOGY?
CONTENTS
1.0 Introduction
2.0 Objectives
3.0 Main Content
3.1 Whatis the Idea of Political Psychology?
3.2 Why Politics (Political Science)and Psychology?
4.0 Conclusion
5.0 Summary
6.0 Tutor-Marked Assignment
7.0 References/Further Reading
1.0 INTRODUCTION
This unit introduces the idea, nature of political psychology as an inter-

disciplinary field of study that attempts to explain political behaviour
through the application of psychological principles.
2.0 OBJECTIVES
At the end of this unit, you should be able to:
• highlight the idea behind the study of political psychology

• explain the field political psychology
• justify its inter-disciplinary nature.
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POL 411 POLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY
3.0 MAIN CONTENT
3.1 What is the Idea of Political Psychology?
As a student of Political Science who expectedly studies politics as well

as analyzes it, the obvious question above is not out of place. Rather, it
brings into focus the questioning of: ‘what counts as political’.
As a starting point to proffering answers, let us consider the
understanding of the political (or politics) in the tradition of David
Easton,(1965:50) (see box 1).
Box 1:
‘As interactions which are predominantly oriented toward the
authoritative allocation of values for a society’.
As a fact/value distinguishing political scientist, you will agree that in

the italicised word in box 1 which inevitably presupposes the process of
allocation of power should be treated as a subjective preference deriving
from objective underlying forces. Implicit here is obviously Easton’s
treatment of values as merely reflecting ‘power distributions or
relations’ which definitely is unable to treat seriously the most important
political consideration upon which political struggles are centred on e.g.:
who moulds the values?; what moulds the values?; Where do the values
originate from?
Therefore, to address these questions not as givens but substantively as

people’s ideas (either values, justice or common good), that instigate
arguments (by politicians, government, citizens, parties etc) on
reasoning’s (about what forms and influences such opinions/reasoning’s
either in the form of normative prescription or empirical description and
in turn what they influence) that centre on political behaviour is the
fulcra of political psychology.
At this point, you should get set for its concise understanding. Political
Psychology is the understanding of the human thought processes,
feelings, emotions, motivations and behaviour of people involved in
political activity from the perspective of ‘psychology’. Implicit in this
definition is the fact that political psychology inevitably interrogates
‘factual’ questions (See box 2) about actions which reflect all of the
italicised concepts with political undertones yet solutions or answers
proffered have been limited political answers.
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POL 411 MODULE 1
Box 2:
Why do people behave in a particular manner in politics? Why do
Africans conceive politics as a do-or-die affair? What influenced or
caused the Nigerian Civil War (as well as others in other African
countries such as Liberia, Sierra Leone, Sudan, Syria etc or any war that
appears pointless and futile e.g. World War 1, Vietnam war?) Why is
terrorism fledging globally and what justifications can there be for the
hideous barbaric acts which the perpetrators commit against innocent
victims? What informs the decisions presidents/governments make?
Why would amnesty be granted to ‘militants’? Why should there even
be an on-going contemplation of same for ‘Boko Haram’ insurgents
despite their hideous acts of barbarism in Nigeria in recent times? Why
does the culture of impunity thrive among Nigerian leaders? Why would
a governor tempt fate by marrying an underage girl, when he knows full
well the controversy the action would cause. Why would the June 12,
1993 elections be cancelled?
Admittedly, proffering answers to these thought-provoking harmful acts

to humanity that affected and still affects every citizen directly or (in)
directly would appear to defy explanations if not seem incomprehensible
if examined from the traditional explanations of political behaviour.
However, with political psychology explaining the behaviour along the
continuum of political issues or questions raised in box 2 and more such
as everyday political behaviour in voting, decision-making practices and
any extraordinary kind of behaviour cannot be remote. In other words,
political psychology or psychology of political behaviour explores the
psychological underpinnings necessary in the understanding of the
different but complex (political) behaviours which more or less was a
dilemma for the traditional explanations. In the context of these
explanations so far, is the imperative that Political Psychology
transcends ‘merely’ describing political behaviour as it is without a
psychological explanation of the (political) behaviour/activity of
political actors.
Primarily, the premise of Political Psychology resides in two basic

principles: political influence and political behaviour.
Consistent with what has been adduced so far, it is apparent: what

political psychology is not? It certainly isnot about ‘how to manipulate
people’s behaviour’.Moving forward, this field, like other sciences, in
seeking the Universalist understanding of phenomena, i.e. the many
psychological patterns that influence how individuals act or behave in
politics adopts psychological principles and multiple inter-disciplinary
3
methodologies such as: experiments, surveys and qualitative case

studies, etc (see unit 2 for more explanations).
As a subject of behavioural pursuit, you should know that most early

work which adopted a psychological perspective on politics were tilted
in one direction-individual psychological process to political behaviour.
Clearly, the contemporary political psychology opted for the much more
far-reaching in influence-bidirectional psychological process to political
behaviour.
The tenet of the latter strand is succinctly captured thus:
The perceptions, beliefs, motives, opinions, values,

interests, styles, defenses and experiences of individuals,
be they citizens, leaders, group members, bureaucrats,
terrorists, or revolutionaries – are seen as influencing
what they do politically; and, in turn, the political
culture, political system, mechanisms of political
socialisation, political movements and parties and the
international system are perceived as having an impact
on what people are like’ (Hermann, 1986:2).
In addition, archival findings further indicates that people portray

sensitive authoritarian tendencies – including a concern for power,
aggression, submission, cynicism and superstition especially during
periods when the environment is threatened (Doty, Peterson and Winter,
1991).
To round off this section, you should know that the two-way strands of
political psychology provide for a wide range of mechanisms by which
psychology and politics is intertwined which the next section would
address.
SELF-ASSESSMENT EXCERCISE
Is the idea of political psychology crucial?
3.2 Why Politics (Political Science)and Psychology?
The answer about the relationship between Politics and Psychology has
been, and remains, more direct because from the outset, all sciences
maintain some contact with philosophy and psychology before
disassociating from it. Having said that, it is important to know on the
one hand, that when Philosophers who inquire into how people know the
world raise questions about human perception, thinking, and learning, it
4
POL 411 MODULE 1
is conceived as empiricism. On the other hand, Psychology is involved

in ethics because of ‘its interest in how people should and ought to
behave. To this extent, psychology cannot be entirely divorced from
describing how people behave’.
In effect, Philosophers become Psychologists in practice, if not in name.

This dovetails into why traditionally explanations about the nature of
homo politicus i.e. (the nature of man as a political animal according to
Aristotle), have been rooted in individual and collective psychology.
The reason for this is not far from the fact that traditionally, psychology
meant psyche-logos, the study of the soul. However, since the
supernatural soul had no place in naturalistic science, to this end,
pursuing psychology along traditional lines barred it from science on the
grounds of unscientific dualism.
Further, the nexus between politics and psychology is also traceable to

the work Principles of Physiological Psychology, Wundt, (1873) which
centred on “an alliance between the two sciences”. The first is
physiology. This “informs one about those life phenomena that we
perceive by our external senses”, and the second, psychology, “looks at
the person from within”. The result of the alliance obviously culminated
to a new science, political psychology, whose tasks were two: to
investigate and to throw light upon the totality of life.
Political Psychologyor Science of Psychology/Politics can be described

as a marriage of first two disciplines; psychology and political science.
This non- traditional relatively new field in the social science is usually
conceived to be a hybrid of inter-disciplinary pot-pourri of disciplinary
sources, including cultural anthropology, history, economics,
neuroscience, behavioural genetics, sociology, public administration,
criminal justice and organisational behaviour. Interestingly, despite the
contribution of literature from all these disciplines, the ideas and
principles/methods of psychology are stressed as central in the alliance.
Importantly, in relation to the use of ideas, it serves as a guide to
theories about how groups/ real-life group make decisions or the
decision-making processes employed by (political) groups. This role is
obvious in politicaladvertising or campaigns with findings by
psychologists in the United States which attested to the fact that often
negative political advertisements/campaigns are ineffective, because the
sponsor of the negative advert is evaluated negatively by same-party
voters. Let us consider the following examples in Nigeria to buttress our
point (see examples in box 5 & 6).
5
Box 5: Negative Advertising/Campaigning

Jonathan’s chances at the polls (March 28 presidential elections) were
impacted negatively by the… utterances of Femi Fani-Kayode, director
of media and publicity, Peoples Democratic Party Presidential
Campaign Organisation, PDPPCO, and Ayo Fayose, Ekiti State
governor. This upset many movers who turned their backs on PDP and
Jonathan- the President who though may have his faults, but carries the
baggage of his party, believed to have taken Nigerians for a ride over the
last 16 years(TELL April 13, 2015:29).
Box 6: Barack Obama, United States President, commended the

Nigerian people for ‘their resilience and commitment to deciding their
future which spurred them to come out enmasse to exercise their civic
rights during the March 28 presidential elections (TELL April 13,
2015:31).
This union of disciplines fosters a very fruitful dialogue that explains

‘what people do as political actors by adapting psychological concepts,
theories useful and relevant to politics, then applying them to the
analysis of a political problem or issue.
Based on what has been explained so far about the nexus of Political
science and Psychology (now Political Psychology), it is apparent the
field thus strongly eschews the “disciplinary egocentrism” that has come
to characterise academic norms (Iyengar, 1993), to reflect the diversity
and multi-level foundations of political thought and behaviour.
Specifically, research in this field on the bases of political attitudes, for
example, points to a wide range of causal factors that cut across
traditional disciplinary lines, including genes, physiology, personality,
socialisation, historical period, economic conditions and group
membership.
At this point, it is important you know that Political psychologists

usually don't limit themselves to examining, observing, and diagnosing
politicians. Rather, political Psychologists, try to analyse the motives of
politicians, as well as provide valuable information on political social
relations. Political psychologists may also observe the public as a whole
as well as be interested in discovering what citizens really think of their
government officials, how they feel about political events and news,
voting behaviour, nuclear deterrence or politics of genocide. For this
reason, politicians have an incentive to hire political psychologists to
help them persuade public opinion, win elections, and win support for
various issues.
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POL 411 MODULE 1
The merging of these strands of disciplines culminate into understanding

the psychological underpinnings of human behaviours in politics
(behaviour of political actors) necessary in forestalling the claim by the
traditional approach (traditionalists) in political science that the
acts/behaviour of people in the pursuit of self-interest politics is rational
(this is based on the assumption that human beings as social perceivers,
often operate on the belief that behaviour is quite rational) and
predictable based on common sense. But both notions: rationality and
predictability was debunked by the research instituted by psychologists
who discovered that:
(1) Human behaviour transcends common sensical rational

judgement (i.e. human behaviour is not always rational).This is
based on the impetus to expect rational behaviour that is based
on: people’s need tounderstand-their world.
(2) Human behaviour is predictable: Implicit here, is the tendency of
people to predict the likely consequences of their behaviour as
well as those of others. The two features (see further explanations
in unit 2) doves-tails into highlighting a more accurate
perspective of human beings as political actors.
For political psychologists ‘people are motivated to act in accordance

with their own personality characteristics, values, beliefs, and
attachments to groups’. This claim is justified by the behavioural
imperfections of people at information processing and resolving
complexities of world issues, thus, making people employ rational or
commonsensical but often faulty, perceptions of the other person in
decision-taking about whatever action(s) to take. The paradox of all
these is the notion that people often do things that are contrary to their
own interests, values, and beliefs. These perspectives highlight the
imperative of understanding the complexities of political psychology in
order to explain political behavioural exigencies that often seem
irrational. Let us take an example from the first assumption which states
thatbehaviour is not at all atypical (i.e. is not unusual and non-
conforming with a people’s beliefs and values) (see box 3).
Box 3:A commonly held belief was that Nigerians would vote as usual
with parochialism for the incumbent based on the belief that the hate
campaigns and the latent desperation of members of the political class,
there was bound to be trouble, whichever way the pendulum swung
during the March 28, 2015 Presidential election in Nigeria. Based on the
belief and value of post-election violence as well as the fear that armed
security men deployed to keep peace could molest them-a common
fabric and indeed Africa. Thus, among these Nigerians who remained on
ground, in the light of these features, the decision bothered on either
7
staying in-doors and watch developments from the media or pitched tent
with the incumbent President Goodluck Jonathan of the PDP, despite
contentious issues of corruption surrounding his administration against
Muhammadu Buhari, of the All Progressive Congress, APC who has
widely acknowledged values of integrity and Spartan lifestyle (Adapted
from TELL, April 13, 2015:9& 15).
The Second Assumption states that people are fully aware of their
beliefs and attitudes and act in accordance with them, behaving in such a
way as to maximise values (see box 4).
Box 4:
Despite the acrimonious stories running rampant on the airwaves and in
print before March 28,2015 Presidential election day, Nigerians
who refused to be inundated with intimidation about attacks, threats
and incumbent winning elections but were resolute in performing their
civic duty to vote for ‘change’. This came in the guise of the defeat of
the incumbent by the opposition candidate. This behaviour is an
illustration of renewed impetus for nation-building geared towards want
for maximisation of values on democratic initiatives and structures
(Adapted from TELL, April 13, 2015:9& 15).
Now, consider the two examples of assumptions. What difference do

you notice in both of them? One, you will notice what happens when the
‘beliefs and values’ about the same subject is framed in a different way
in box 3 &4. Two, you obviously noticed that both examples portray
human beings as violating their beliefs and values. Three, is the power
of social stereotypes. This feature portrays the deeply held values and
belief of the two different groups within (the ethnic groups/zones)
despite their outward countenance which no doubt aligns with
stereotyping.
Four, is the power of social categorization(to be discussed in full details

later). This process to psychologists resides in the non-conscious
categorisation of others into groups. The essence of addressing this
feature is none other than that the act of categorising people into groups
appears logical and rational. While, this is not so because of the
consequences of categorising one because of the problem of categorising
people into groups on the basis of characteristics that they might not
possess.
What can be inferred from both illustrations? In sum, the two examples
highlighted the effects of Nigerian citizens’ decision to vote the
opposition- Muhammadu Buhari considering that he lost in all three
previous attempts in 2003, 2007 and 2011 against the incumbent. More
8
POL 411 MODULE 1
so, it sets all pondering on how the voting choices revealed a different
voting behaviour of Nigerians especially as no harm was done in
relation to acts of violence. All these must be considered in line with the
big picture albeit the fact that not every vote cast was in favour of the
winning candidate or a particular party. Further, ethnic politics,
clientelism etc., which are all, in part, outcomes of
stereotyping/stereotypes lend credence to what political psychology tries
to explain which is that political actions/behaviour in human societies or
in the polity cannot be understood through conventional political science
explanations.
In what ways has the ‘hybrid’ of politics and psychology been of use in
the study of political behaviour?
4.0 CONCLUSION
The unit explained what constitutes Political Psychology and also

explored the relationship between Politics and Psychology especially its
role in expanding the knowledge of political science or politics.
5.0 SUMMARY
Political Psychology was explained as a field of study which seeks to

expand knowledge on issues of common interest among many other
traditional problems e.g. (dictatorship, sit-tight syndrome of African
leaders, war, tyranny and corrupt leaders) of concern in political science
with tools of psychology.
6.0 TUTOR-MARKED ASSIGNMENT
1. Explain Political Psychology as a reflection of diversity and

multi-level foundations of political thought and behaviour?
2. How does thought process, feelings, emotions, motivations and
behaviour of political actors justify the idea of political
psychology?
3. Analyse how Political Psychology transcends ‘mere’ description
of political behaviour.
7.0 REFERENCES/FURTHER READING
Dahl, Robert A. (1963). Modern Political Analysis. Englewood Cliffs,

New Jersey.
9
David, Easton. (1965). A Framework for Political Analysis. New Jersey,

Prince-Hall, Englewood Cliffs.
Doty, Richard, M., Bill, E. Peterson, & David, G. Winter. (1991).

Threat andAuthoritarianism in the United States, 1978–
1987. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 61.
Hermann, Margaret, G. (1986). Prologue: What is Political Psychology?
In MargaretG. Hermann (Ed.), Political Psychology. San Francisco:

Jossey-Bass.
Iyengar, Shanto. (1993). An Overview of the Field of Political

Psychology. In Shanto
Iyengar & William J. McGuire. (Eds.). Explorations in Political

Psychology. Durham, NC: Duke University Press.
Lasswell, Harold. (1930). Psychopathology and Politics. New York:

Viking.
Martha Cottam, Beth Dietz-Uhler, Elena M. Mastors, Thomas Preston.

(2004) Introduction to Political Psychology. New York: Taylor
& Francis Group
Wundt. (1973). An introduction to psychology. New York: Arno Press.

.
10
POL 411 MODULE 1
UNIT 2 SCIENTIFIC METHODS ADOPTED IN

CONTENTS
1.0 Introduction
2.0 Objectives
3.0 Main Content
3.1 Observations & Explanations or hypothesis
3.2 Features in Experimenting
4.0 Conclusion
5.0 Summary
1.0 INTRODUCTION
This unit introduces you to the scientific method approach adopted by

Political Psychologists in understanding and predicting behaviour.
2.0 OBJECTIVES
• explain the scientific method

• list the four cyclical steps
• discuss the essence of variable(s) and experiment.
3.0 MAIN CONTENT
3.1 Observations & Explanations or Hypothesis
Themaking of observations (see more explanation in p51 of your POL

318 course material)is the first method in any scientific analysis aimed
at understanding and predicting of behaviour. In other words, the first
task in the scientific method is identifying or ascertaining any
variable(s)( i.e. factors that influence or rather is influenced by another
factor). For instance, when an observation is initiated about a social or
political phenomenon (e.g. to determine the motive of Boko Haram
insurgency or electoral violence), the essence is to identify as well as
understand the likely factors that facilitate the behaviour of the actors.
You should also note that variables vary in degree or differentiation
hence the adoption of observation in political psychology is to ascertain
how variance in one variable/factor explains change in another
variable/factor. Equally, variables are measured and as a student when
11
conducting any research, a measurement instrument which is reliable

and valid in apt so as to provide accurate measurement(s) of what is
being investigated.
Explanations or Hypothesis
Implicit in this second stage of the scientific method which entails the
formulation of tentative explanations or hypothesis, is the making of
predictions about the nature of the relationship between variables.
Explain the justification for observing a social or political phenomenon

in any scientific study?
3.2 Features in Experimenting
Further observations about experiments revealed:
(1) That experiments are of essence to psychologists because of the

research and confidence associated with each finding.
(2) That the careful conduct of experiments under carefully

controlled conditions makes it possible for psychologists to make
inferences about relationships which they suspect already exist.
Implicit therefore, in experimenting or experimental research is
its oscillation between the manipulation of an independent
variable, control over extraneous variables, and random
assignment of participants to conditions. Manipulation of the
independent variable (expectedly should have values set and
chosen by you prior the conduct of the experiment. For instance,
if you are conducting a research/study on the effect of federal
character in Nigeria and patriotism, federal character is the
independent variable.
Also, the onus is on you as a researcher to randomly assign ratios to

each federal character appointment(s), and then observe the impact or
effect on patriotism) involves exposing participants to various levels of
it and observing its effects on another variable, the dependent variable.
The values here (i.e. the dependent variable) is predicted to change as a
function of the former (independent variable). You can consider the first
example here again. Patriotism is predicted on whether the appointments
by federal character into various positions from each geo-political zone
in Nigeria are biased or ‘objective’.
12
POL 411 MODULE 1
The latter feature which you have to observe in any experiment is

control over extraneous variables, i.e. variables that from the outset
you had no interest in but which may alter the behaviour of your
variable in whatever research you are conducting. Let us still consider
the previous example here. Thus, if a particular zone gets wind of the
fact that their appointments in ‘plum’ positions was facilitated through
ceaseless pressures mounted by lobbyists before the federal character
was reflected in the appointments, expectedly the feature of sectionalism
or favouritism of one zone against another may be thrown-up.
Further, as a researcher you would do well by controlling the

extraneous variables in your design of experiments. Having explained
all the features there are in experimenting, it is important to reiterate that
in this stage, the test of the validity of the hypothesis is dependent on
observations made. Importantly, it is pertinent to reiterate that the many
experimental techniques of psychology cannot be applied to the study
politics. Why is this so? You wonder? The reason is none other than that
the insights about experiments are not possible with political science
because the patterns of laboratory observation of behaviour in
psychology does not holds sway in the same pristine quality in the
practical world of human beings. This is irrespective of not being able
to isolate extraneous factors as influences on behaviour. For a better
understanding of what has been discussed, let us consider these
examples on the possibility of applying experiments (see box below).
Example 1: A psychologists who wants to study group behaviour,

designs an experiment in which all other factors (such as competing
group loyalties, personality characteristics, gender, or ethnicity) may be
isolated from the study.
Example 2: In the practical world of politics, the experimentation of
group behaviour cannot but deal with the isolated factors in the first
example. The problem of experimentation with this second example is
premised on the psychologists explaining further about the personality
traits which influence behaviour. In effect, with the marrying of the two
disciplines-political psychologists must figure out what personality traits
are important in politics.
What important points have you taken away from the two examples in
the box? One, that there can never be an exact parallel between what a
psychologist sees and explains from a sample experiment and what is
seen and explained of political behaviour in practice. Two, as relevant as
the application of psychological concepts are to the explanations of
behaviour; it still remains difficult because of the realities of the real
world of politics. Implicit here, as alluded in the second example (see
box) are the resolve of questions which bother on: what the political
13
personality traits are? And, if identified, why are they politically

important?
Of essence from all these analogy is the notion that political
psychologists claim that certain political personality traits abound which
are not only relevant but important in influencing political behaviour.
These behaviours’ concern: how a person deals with conflict, how
complex the person’s thought processes are (i.e. how cognitively
complex), etc. In effect, psychologists bring to bear the conditions,
attitudes that might affect behaviour in either decision about voting,
engaging in pre or post- election violence. Once these posers are
addressed then the political question queries not only which attitudes
about politics but under circumstances do these affect how we vote? In
Nigeria, ethno-religious sentiments/attitudes determine issues about
candidates, parties and groups in relation to elections. This runs contrary
to the United States where attitudes about candidates, issues, parties and
groups affect how people vote. Thus, although attitudes vary in
importance in determining the vote, under differing circumstances, all
the posers must be addressed for psychology to be said to have been
applied to political behaviour.
Refining and Retesting Explanations
Implicit in this fourth step is the notion of reformulating hypothesis

consistent on the observations made in the previous step. Obviously, this
would involve the exploration of the limits of the phenomenon to
include causes of relationships, or expanding on the relationships
discovered.
How feasible is the controlling of extraneous variables in any Political

Psychology?
4.0 CONCLUSION
The unit explained what the goal of Political Psychology is in adopting

scientific methods in order to establish Universalist laws of behaviour
geared towards explaining and predicting political behaviours and
events.
5.0 SUMMARY
The four cyclical steps of the scientific method were exhaustively

explained as well as the challenges that may be experienced when
applied to human behaviour.
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POL 411 MODULE 1
1. Explain why the making of further observations and

experimenting is of essence to psychologists and invariably
Political Psychology.
2. Are dependent and independent variables mutually exhaustive?
3. Why is it necessary to reformulate hypothesis in any scientific
study?

(2004). Introduction to Political Psychology. New York: Taylor
& Francis Group.
Wundt. (1973). An Introduction to Psychology. New York: Arno Press.
15
UNIT 3 HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES OF POLITICAL

PSYCHOLOGY
CONTENTS
1.0 Introduction
2.0 Objectives
3.0 Main Content
3.1 Origin of Political Psychology
3.2 The Eras of Development in Political Psychology
4.0 Conclusion
5.0 Summary
1.0 INTRODUCTION
This unit explains the origin and developments in research interests in

the different eras of development.
2.0 OBJECTIVES
• explain the origin of political psychology

• discuss the various research focus of each era of its development.
3.0 MAIN CONTENT
3.1 Origin of Political Psychology
It would interest you to know that the concept of political psychology

first appeared in a London Times editorial in 1860, the same year Adolf
Bastain published a book Der Mensch in der Geschichte (Man in
History), volume three of which was entitled, Politische Psychologies
(political psychology) projected it as an academic discipline and
subsequently appeared in a New York Times review in 1891. Emile
Boutmy (1901; 1902; 1994) was also writing on political psychology
well before it became an academic topic in the English-speaking world.
Nevertheless, following the last quarter of the 19th Century, the
emergence of psychology as an autonomous science became ripe. The
field of study became instituted at the height of World War 1,
specifically in January, 1917, following G. B Grundy, an Oxford
Historian’s proposal titled: ‘Political Psychology: A Science which has
yet to be created with this opening paragraph:
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POL 411 MODULE 1
…‘Those who are acquainted with history, and especially those

who are by profession teachers of the subject, will recognize that
this present war, and the circumstances which have preceded
and accompanied it, have brought into prominence a new
department of historical science, political psychology, the
psychology, that is to say, not of the individual, but (wo)men
acting in masses. The mass may vary from a very small company
of individuals to the millions of a modern nation having a great
utility in preventing international wars that may arise due to
mistaken beliefs about other people’s based on our mistaken
beliefs about ourselves.” (Grundy, 1917:155(Words in bracket
my addition).
The utility of this sub-field of study is further reinforced by Grundy

argument that national behaviour could be understood as the product of
the inherited qualities and sentiments of human nature, further shaped by
national education policies and by the unique circumstances of each
nation’s historical experiences. The reason for this he claimed was
related to the many modern woes caused by governments conceiving
theories of political psychology for their own population, and then
generalising those for other nations. For example, fearful nations feel
the effects of fear on themselves and therefore misconceive that fear can
be used to terrorise others into submission and into accepting peace at
any price. This conception can be faulty especially for Africa. Why?
This is linked to faulty political psychology may work for western
societies which have focused on education and sciences to the neglect of
humanities. This is detrimental because: real-politik (masquerading
under various aliases such as ‘Might is Right’ or ‘the End justifies the
Means’ etc.) as science in its most ruthless form translated into political
life. This form of reasoning expectedly focuses on education on sciences
which more or less entails the dominance of Popperian theory and
quantitative methods, to the neglect of contact with the disciplines of the
humanities. In essence, grundy was against a political psychology
dominated by theories and qualitative methods at the expense of contact
with other disciplines of the humanities. This is especially to checkmate
the frequency of wars which most times are waged out of human
psychology. Be that as it may, the formal application of psychology to
politics (aimed at understanding political behaviour) is traceable to the
early1970’s.
Explain how Political Psychology as an academic discipline was

instituted.
17
3.2 Era’s of Development in Political Psychology

Prior, the specific year mentioned in the previous section of political
psychology’s application to politics, there have been different waves of
its development. For you to understand this chequered historical
development, I have chronicled the different eras of development into
tables, as shown below.
Table 3.1: Era’s of Development(First Era)
Era Land Mark Developments

First: *Psychodynamic psychology (personality theory): Focus
1920s; on psycho-analysis or psycho-analytic studies of the
1940s personal characteristics (motivation and traits) of political
and leaders. This feature previously was conducted using
1950s psycho-biographies i.e life stories of a person for data until
the adoption of new social scientific techniques (which
include questionnaires, interviews, experiments, and
stimulations).
*influence of childhood socialisation
*a broader culture on adult political preferences: The
focus here was on the general hypothesis on diverse aspects
of personality such as anxiety, aggressiveness, ego-strength,
self-esteem, dogmatism and social dominance), all of which
are critical concepts in determining individual political
attitudes and organising political belief systems.
The most significant proximal development in the field’s
evolution toward maturity is generally credited to the work
of the American political scientist Harold Lasswell. In the
seminal works Psychopathology and Politics (1930), World
Politics and Personal Insecurity (1935) and Power and
Personality (1948), Lasswell applied psychoanalytic theory
to a broad range of political questions, including the
organisation of belief systems, the role of political symbols
in mass persuasion, personality and democratic character
and styles of political leadership. His most important idea
was that political worldviews are rooted in psychological
compensations, specifically in the displacement of private
motives and emotions onto public objects which are then
rationalised in terms of the public interest.
*More recent European thinkers such as Marx, Pareto, Le
Bon and Freud and later those associated with the Frankfurt
School (e.g., Horkheimer, Fromm, Marcuse) crafted diverse
theories of the interaction between society and the mind,
producing a rich body
of work out of which modern political psychology took
shape in the middle of the 20th century.
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POL 411 MODULE 1
Table 3.2
Second:Post- Substantive and methodological foci shift from
1950s to macro humanistic and individual case studies to
1960 and survey research on the ingredients of policy attitudes
subsequent and vote
years Choice.
Implicit here, is the shift or movefrom the study of
personality to public opinion, political attitudes and
voting behaviour (McGuire (1993). The need for an
understanding and use of the italicised abstract concepts
was related to its traditional consideration as a
prerequisite of democratic competence, even if it
constrained the capacity of ordinary citizens to
comprehend and respond normatively to elite political
debate. This explanation began with the pivotal large-
scale survey collection of data from 1952 by researchers
at the University of Michigan. The result of the research
was the publication of The American Voter (Campbell
et al., 1960).
Main findings of the book
The book sparked-off debate about the following: (a)
differing models of electoral behaviour and the nature of
political attitudes (the concern is on whether citizens
derive their political attitudes from general ideological
principles such as liberalism and conservatism) in the
U.S; (b) the concept of party identification defined as a
deeply rooted group attachment originating in childhood
and adolescent socialisation; (c) conceptual frameworks
such as reference group theory (Campbell, Converse,
Miller and Stokes 1960) and rational choice Theory
(Downs 1957) and in particular cognitive consistency
theory (Festinger 1957) which is concerned about ‘how
partisanship or ones partisan orientation serves as a filter
or perceptual screen of political information’ to explain
political behaviour.
Specifically, consequent upon the failure of ideological
abstractions (position of the previous era) to provide a
foundation for mass opinion, the general question which
this era soughtto address centred on ‘how do ordinary
citizens manage to decide what they stand for
politically’? Proffering an answer, political
psychologists concerned themselves with the possibility
19
of self-interest with the aim of “people supporting

policies that promote their own material interests while
opposing policies that threaten them” (Kinder and Sears,
1985:. 671).
Interesting, despite the empirical evidence of the
concept which gained it the popularity, the caveat with
the above proposition is none other than that ‘self-
interest plays only a minor role in shaping evaluations
of issues and candidates and has pronounced effects
only when the stakes are large, clear and certain (Sears
and Funk, 1991). Further, in the review of their work
Kinder and Sears (op.cit:671), drew attention to the fact
that ‘neither losing a job, nor deteriorating family
financial conditions, nor pessimism about the family’s
economic future has much to do with support for
policies designed to alleviate personal economic
distress’.
In the same guise as the former, the question about ‘the
political relevance of asking what the government has
done for me lately’ – pales in comparison to
“sociotropic” voting (asking what the government has
done for the country as a whole (Kinder and Kiewiet,
1981).
This positions prompted Edelman, (1964); Kinder and
Sears (1981); Sears and Henry, (2005) to contrast
between ‘the weak effects of self-interest to the more
powerful influence of political symbols’. This position is
supported by the theory of symbolic politics (Sears
1993) which holds that during childhood and
adolescence, people acquire affective responses toward a
variety of symbols through a process of classical
conditioning’. A cogent example which buttresses this
point is that of many white Americans who likely
encounter the pairing of the symbol “blacks” with a
negative evaluation.
The point you have to take away from this analysis is
that ‘the strongest of these learned symbolic responses
become stable predispositions, which are thought to
guide the attitude formation processes.
What should also be of particular interest to you about
this era is the theory ofsymbolic politics which holds
that ‘attitude objects are composed of one or more
symbolic elements and that attitudes toward the object
as a whole reflect some combination of the affects
previously conditioned to the specific symbols included
20
POL 411 MODULE 1
in it” (Sears, op.cit: 120). This theory has been explored

most prominently in the domain of race, where Sears
and his associates have shown that racial prejudice
exerts a powerful influence on racial policy attitudes.
Equally, Sears (op. cit) provided an expansive
theoretical account of symbolic politics theory and
contrasts it to other theories of attitude formation and
inter-group relations.
Subsequent research:
Centred on the following:
(a)influence of partisanship in shaping political
perception and evaluation;
(b)analysis of political socialisation,
(c ) the role of media in affecting political attitudes,
(d) radical politics in the United States, and other
aspects of American political behaviour.
Table 3.3
Third:1980s Cognitive revolution: The attention is in the way
information is acquired, represented and organised in
memory and retrieved in making political judgments.
This endeavour culminated into several fundamental
insights about the nature and quality of public opinion
and electoral behaviour.
Other important developments

(a)Proponents by the two schools make different
assumptions/distinctions about the manner in which
political information is represented in the cognitive
system and about the processes that underlie the
construction of opinions. Thedistinction between
memory-based and on-line models of political
evaluation (Lavine, 2002). The former (memory-based)
make the assumption that citizens’ conscious
recollections of information mediate political judgments.
In effect, judgment is hypothesised to be constrained by
memory – by citizens’ capacity to recall what they like
and dislike about political issues and candidates as they
enter the voting booth or when they are asked to express
an opinion in a survey (Zaller, 1992). The latter (on-line
models), on the contrary, argue that citizens extract the
evaluative implications of political information at the
21
moment of exposure, integrate them into an on-going

running tally and then proceed to forget the non-gist
descriptive details. The implication of this is that
judgments are not constrained by the pros and cons
citizens can subsequently recall; to express an opinion,
they need only to retrieve the current value of the
updated on-line tally (Lodge, McGraw and Stroh, 1989).
Note: It is pertinent for you to understand that this
process-focused model of political evaluation forcefully
challenged the longstanding assumption that rational
choice flows from information-holding and ideological
awareness.
Consistent with the aforementioned two models that
proffered popular solution to the paradox between
citizens’ informational deficits and their propensity to
make good decisions is the concept of heuristics, or
cognitive shortcuts. This allows inferences to be made
about more detailed political information. This
perspective is termed “low information rationality”
(Popkin 1994). It is predicated on the view ‘of humans as
‘limited information processors’ or ‘cognitive misers’
who have become quite adept at applying a variety of
information ‘shortcuts’ to make reasonable decisions
with minimal cognitive effort in all aspects of their lives”
(Lau and Redlawsk, 2001; p. 952). It is apt to know that
the occasional skepticism about normative utility of
heuristics (Kuklinski and Quirk, (2001) :295); Lau and
Redlawsk 2001), is premised on the conventional
wisdom that they “elevate the ordinary citizen from a
hopeless incompetent to a reasonably capable participant
in democratic politics” (Kuklinski and Quirk 2001, p.
295). Further, is its claim to have provided a plausible
account of how a chronically inattentive electorate can
manage to make political judgments in line with its
values and interests. These positions have made cognitive
shortcuts have undeniable appeal. On the other hand,
there appears to be a dearth of direct empirical evidence
on whether citizens typically use heuristic cues
appropriately; that is, whether they actually improve the
quality of political decisions.
Let us now consider a list of cost-saving devices as
identified by researchers includes: parties, interest
groups, polls, endorsements, politicians, horse-race
information, and physical appearance, consensus among
political elites, presidential approval and feelings toward
22
POL 411 MODULE 1
salient social groups. For example, rather than taking the

trouble to learn the details of a complex policy debate,
citizens can save time and effort by delegating their
judgments to trusted experts (e.g. friends, party leaders,
the Club members or religious Coalitions) who are
perceived to hold the same values (Lupia and McCubbins
1998).
(b)Decision-making: The focus here was on the role of
emotion. The bane of this focus runs contrary to the long-
held belief that passions are a negative force in human
behaviour. This is because recent insights from
neuroscience suggest quite the opposite – that the
experience of emotion is crucial to making gooddecisions
(Damasio, 1994; Le Doux, 1996). In support of emotions
is contemporary research in social psychology which
indicates that emotions: (a) regulate the quantity and
quality of information processing; (b) elicit specific
cognitive appraisals; (c) affect perceptions of risk; and
(d) increase the explanatory power of models of decision-
making (Loewenstein and Lerner 2002), and recently, the
exploration of the role of emotion in politics (Lerner,
Gonzalez, Small and Fischhoff, 2003). The specific focus
on whether emotion can exert a causal impact on risk
perceptions related to terrorism especially after the World
Trade Center attacks was so as to ascertain whether
participants’ experience of anger or fear in relation to
9/11 can be manipulated.
The best-known conceptual framework linking emotion
to political judgment is Marcus and colleagues’ (1993,
2000) theory of affective intelligence. This theory
applied the findings from neuroscience in which positive
and negative emotions are regulated by independent bio-
behavioural systems in the brain.
Of particular importance here, is:
(a) the disposition system: This not only mediates the
emotion often enthusiasm but is reward-seeking in its
response to positive incentives by directly initiating
behaviour. Further, in providing on-going feedback about
goal attainment and reward acquisition, it manages
reliance on habits and previously learned decision
strategies.
(b) the “surveillance system”: This mediates the
experience of negative affect. Its focus is to maximise
attention on the physical and social environment for the
presence of threat and danger. When applied to the
23
political realm, anxiety is expected to lead voters to

reduce their reliance on existing predispositions (such as
party identification) and to pay greater attention to
relevant information in the environment. In effect,
Marcus et al. (2000), demonstrate that when voters are
anxious, they (a) pay greater attention to the political
environment and acquire more information about
candidates’ policy stands;
(b) rely less on partisanship and more on policy and
assessments of candidate
character in forming candidate evaluations; and (c) defect
at higher rates from the party’s candidate.
On the other hand, Brader (2006) provided more
powerful evidence
of the role of anxiety (and for the theory of affective
intelligence) by manipulating it experimentally in the
context of political adverts.
Among the findings is the discovery that compared to an
emotionally pallid advertisement, a fear advertisement
led to greater attentiveness and more persuasion. In
effect, the work suggests that anxiety leads to voting
decisions that are more rationally informed by
contemporary information and less by prior
predispositions.
In sum, the application of all these concepts to explain
behaviour is what Sears, (1993) refers to as ‘death and
horror’-a growing body of literature which covers the
study of the following: terrorism, ethnic cleansing,
genocide, and other patterns of behaviour that entail
extra-ordinary levels of politically motivated violence.
Inclusive are: nuclear deterrence, past wars, decision-
making in crises, nationalism, ethnic conflict, and a wide
variety of traditional topics in international politics.
Table 3.4
Era Developments
Fourth:2002--- * the use ofbehavioural genetics, neuroscience and
evolutionary psychology to explain the dismal
roots of political preference and behaviour. The
prompting of political psychologists to begin to look
to the aforementioned is the spread of biological
approaches throughout the social sciences (Pinker,
2002).The focus became necessary following studies
of Tesser (1993) and Alford, Funk and Hibbing,
(2005). Their studies demonstrated a strong genetic
24
POL 411 MODULE 1
influence on political attitudes marked by high levels

of heritability are more cognitively accessible (i.e.,
retrieved more easily), more resistant to change and
more likely to influence other attitudes than less
heritable attitudes. What this suggests is that an
attitude’s power and functionality, is dependent on the
extent to which it is genetically determined. Further,
using a twin design, Alford, Funk and Hibbing, op, cit
found that political ideology is influenced much more
heavily by genetic inheritance than by parental
socialisation.
Going forward, several recent studies have also linked
the intensity of physiological responses to political
beliefs. For example, Oxley et al. (2008) found that
compared to liberals, conservatives manifest stronger
sympathetic nervous system activity (measured by
skin conductance) in response to threatening images
and a harder eye blink response (an involuntary
reaction indicative of heightened fear) in response to
startling auditory stimuli. Westen and colleagues
(2006) examined the neurobiological basis of
“motivated reasoning,” or the desire make judgments
that validate rather than challenge one’s political
beliefs (Kunda, 1990; Lodge and Taber, 2000). They
found that responses to threatening political
information were mediated by areas of the brain
specifically known to regulate emotion (e.g., the
ventromedial prefrontal cortex) and were unrelated to
brain regions known to control “cold” reasoning
tasks (i.e., the dorsolateral pre-frontal cortex).
Finally, Amodio et al. (2007) identified a
neurological basis to the behavioural finding that
liberals are more responsive than conservatives to
informational complexity, ambiguity and novelty.
Explain the major difference in the developmental progression of

political psychology in the first, second era and fourth era.
4.0 CONCLUSION
You must note in this concluding section that the political psychology
experienced different research developments following the failure of
ideological positions of the previous era.
25
5.0 SUMMARY
This unit chronicled the different research developments to date of

political psychology in different eras.
1. Discuss the main features of the third era.

2. Distinguish between the research focus of each of the eras of
political psychology development.
3. With relevant examples, discuss the intensity of physiological
responses to political beliefs as alluded to in the fourth era.
7.0 REFERENCES / FURTHER READING
Amodio, David M., John T. Jost, Sarah Master, & Cindy M. Lee.
(2007). NeurocognitiveCorrelates of Liberalism and
Conservatism. Nature Neuroscience, 10, 1246–1247.
Alford, John R., Carolyn L. Funk, & John R. Hibbing. (2005). Are
Political OrientationsGenetically Transmitted? American
Political Science Review, 99, 153–167.
Brader, Ted. (2006). Campaigning for Hearts and Minds: How

Emotional Appeals inPolitical Ads Work. Chicago: University of
Chicago Press.
Campbell, Angus, Philip E. Converse, Warren Miller, & Donald

Stokes. (1960). The AmericanVoter. New York: Wiley.
Cottam, Martha Beth Dietz-Uhler, Elena M. Mastors, Thomas

Preston. (2004)Introduction to Political Psychology. New York:
Taylor & Francis Group
Downs, Anthony. (1957). An Economic Theory of Democracy. New

York: Harper & Row.
Damasio, Antonio. (1994). Descartes’ Error: Emotion, Reason and the

Human Brain. NewYork: Putnam’s.
LeDoux, Joseph. (1996). The Emotional Brain: The Mysterious

Underpinnings of Emotional Life. New York: Simon and
Schuster.
26
POL 411 MODULE 1
Festinger, Leon. (1957). A Theory of Cognitive Dissonance. Palo Alto,

CA: StanfordUniversity Press.
Kinder, Donald R.,& Donald R. Kiewiet. (1981). Sociotropic Politics:

The AmericanCase.British Journal of Political Science, 11,
129–161.
27
UNIT 4 THE COMPONENTS OF THE POLITICAL BEING
CONTENTS
1.0 Introduction
2.0 Objectives
3.0 Main Content
3.1 Personality
3.2 Attitudes
3.3 Emotion
4.0 Conclusion
5.0 Summary
1.0 INTRODUCTION
One hazard in the development of political psychology is that related but

slightly different concepts such as: personality, values and identity,
attitudes/beliefs, emotions and cognitive processes have become popular
as explanatory tools for different kinds of political behaviour. Another
problem with these varied concepts which exist in the literature of
political psychology is that they are rarely discussed in the context of
their overlap as well as differences. To therefore, understand the
differences in connotations, this unit undertakes some clarification of
these internal factors in relation to how and why people think and act
politically.
2.0 OBJECTIVES
• explain concepts such as: personality, values and identity,

attitudes/beliefs, emotions and cognitive processes
• discuss the political psychology connotations of the above
concepts
• examine generally the concepts affect how and why people think
and act politically.
3.0 MAIN CONTENT
3.1 Personality
This is at the core of one’s political being and it is unique to each

individual. There are certain personality traits in many people. Although
28
POL 411 MODULE 1
the traits are different in each individual but there are still certain
common traits which include: (a) degrees of complexity in thinking
processes; (b) desires for power and achievement. The combinations of
these traits still differ in each individual thereby making each individual
unique.
Personality occupies the core of the Political Being’s brain (mental

activity resulting from biological processes, such as the action of nerve
cells and associated chemical reactions ) because of the under listed
features:
(a) It affects other aspects of the thought process; the thought

process on the other hand, is affected by life experiences;
(b) Tendency to be very stable in relation to amenability to change;
(c) Its influence on ones behaviour and behavioural predispositions
perpetually.
(d) Affects behaviour non-consciously so much so that people rarely
realise the impact of their personalities on their political
preferences.
(e) Drives behavioural predispositions, without one having to give
conscious consideration to the sources of those preferences.
Considering these features, you will come to the understanding
that personality constitutes the core component of political
thinking and feeling. In sum, personality in political psychology
focuses on the personality traits of political leaders and the
impact of combinations of those traits on various dimensions of
leadership (see subsequent units).
Values (and Identity): Value is an ideal component closely related to

the previous feature which is beliefs that reflect whether what one thinks
is true, while values reflect what one wishes to see come about, even if it
is not currently true. Consistent with this understanding is
Rokeach(1973), who posited that there two types of values, terminal
values, which are goals, and instrumental values, that endorse the
means to achieve these goals. An example of the terminal value is: the
desire for a safe society and the expectation that the police would
maintain law and order. This example highlights the well-being of the
people. A cogent example of instrumental values is: the value of civil
liberties.
In tandem with this deeply etched belief about what is right or wrong
(values) equally, is a deeply held sense of who a person is (identity).
Values often include a strong emotional component. You will agree that
often as individuals we feel strongly about some of our beliefs and goals
for ourselves, those we care about, and political principles. For instance,
29
a person may have a strongly held value that corruption is an anathema

to development of a country, which translates into a political
predisposition to oppose corruption, empowers institutions that would
thoroughly investigate petitions before prosecution of suspects. In a case
like this, such a person’s identity like that of President Muhammadu
Buhari, involves personal self-descriptions that are usually tied to his
repeated saying that ‘if Nigeria does not kill corruption, corruption will
kill Nigeria.
To walk this talk, the administration has not only set-up an anti-
corruption panel but has passed on a body-language that places very
sharp focus on the issue of corruption. The mass mobilisation,
everybody is speaking with one voice on the issue of corruption’ (TELL,
September 28, 2015: 30&31). With this exposition, it is evident that the
president has strong value opposing violence, identity most expectedly
may include, a strong attachment to a religion and religious inclination.
In other words, being religious forms a part of his identity, and strongly
value the religious group which constitutes a part of his identity. From
the above analysis, it is evident that values, emotions, and identities
(important concepts in case studies of voting, ethnic issues, and
nationalism) are deeply held and fairly permanent aspect of one’s
psychology that is paramount in the core of our Political Being.
Explain howpersonality constitutes the core component of political

thinking and feeling.
3.2 Attitudes
This concept is defined and thought of differently by psychologists. In

general terms, attitudes are units of thought composed of some cognitive
component (i.e. knowledge) and an emotional response to it.
Specifically, it is conceived as ‘an enduring system of positive or
negative beliefs; affective feelings and emotions, and subsequent action
tendencies regarding an attitude objects, that is, the entity being
evaluated’(Cottam et al,2004). Beliefs(or attitudes) which often used to
describe these components of the cognitive system/processes /
components refer to what happens in the mind or the knowledge
organized in our minds while people move from observation of a
stimulus to a response to that stimulus. They are also conceived as’
associations people create between an object and its attributes (Eagly &
Chaiken, 1998). For instance, it is an expected constant that Democrats
are liberal. It can also be defined as ‘cognitive components that make up
our understanding of the way things are’ (Glynn, Herbst, Okeefe,
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POL 411 MODULE 1
Shapiro, 1999:104). Accordingly, a belief system refers to when beliefs

are clustered together. An example of this (especially for Americans and
any democratic state/country), is the belief system about democracy
with beliefs as ‘free speech is a necessity’, ‘the people have a right to
decide who holds political power’.
Stone and Schaffner (1988:63), define attitudes as ‘an organised set of

beliefs, persisting over time, which is useful in explaining the individual
response to tendencies’. Eagly and Chaiken (1998; 269) conceive it as ‘a
psychological tendency that is expressed by evaluating a particular
entity with some degree of favour or disfavour’.
Of these definitions of attitude, it is important to note the one by Duckitt

(1994) which reviews two different ways in which attitudes have been
conceptualized in psychology. The first strand is composed of cognitive,
affective, and behavioural components. However,the criticism with this
strand is this: that there is little or no specifics as to how the three
components interacted as well as whether there was consistency between
the trio. The reason for this scepticism is none other than that affect and
cognition are hardly consistent just as it is evident from personal
experiences that attitudes and behaviour are often inconsistent.
The second is the behavioural component in the original

conceptualisation of attitudes. The controversy here stems from the
assumption that a person’s attitudes determine his/her behaviour. For
instance, a person who prefers a certain candidate for election may
likely vote for the candidate or a person who is Muslim or Christian may
likely support any candidate of either religious inclination. However, as
much as these positions may be true but studies conducted have
discovered findings which challenged the notion that there is a direct
connection between attitudes and behaviour. A cogent Nigerian example
is the 2015 presidential elections which culminated in the win by an
opposition-Muhammadu Buhari against an incumbent, which goes a
long way to show that people do not always behave in accordance with
their attitudes. These concerns resulted to the questioning of when and
under what circumstances attitudes and behaviour are likely to coincide.
Attitudes that are strong, clear, and consistent over time, and that are
directly and specifically relevant to the behaviour under examination,
are more likely to be associated with attitude-behaviour consistency
(Fazio & Williams, 1986; Fishbein & Ajzen, 1980; Krosnick, 1989).
Inconsistencies may spring from weak or ambivalent affect. Implicitly,
the affective and cognitive components of an attitude may be in some
conflict, thereby reducing the changes of attitude-behaviour consistency.
The following examples are paramount here. Women and men may
31
think intellectually gender-based discrimination is wrong, while on the

other hand, they are emotionally upset when either sex do not conform
or adhere to gender-related roles. This goes to show that in the study of
the relationship between attitudes and behaviours, observing the
behaviours which are related to attitudes, becomes apt in order to get a
specific picture of the relationship. Let us consider this too.
Many studies have tried to examine the relationship between religious

attitudes and religious behaviour through the asking of people whether
they believe in God or consider themselves religious by wanting to
affirm if they were church goers. Often, a weak relationship exists
between the two. The reason is that going to church is not directly
related to belief in God or even to being religious. This is because many
people who believe in God do not go to church while some attend
church for social reasons. Be that as it may, you have to come to terms
with the fact that looking at a series of a person’s actions over time in
order to get an accurate picture of the relationship between attitudes and
behaviour (Epstein, 1979; Fiske &Taylor, 1991). This goes a long way
in eliminating interference from situational conditions that interfere in
the attitude-behaviour relationship.
The next aspect to address under this concept is situational pressures.

This can also affect the relationship between attitudes and behaviour.
This occurs when an individual engages in overt behaviour, and can be
influenced both by their attitudes and by the situation they are in. The
point being made here is that when situational pressures are very strong,
attitudes are not likely to be as strong a determinant of behaviour as
when situational pressures are relatively weak. Situational pressures can
include social norms or contextual effects, which heighten the salience
of or perspective on, a certain attitude (Bentler& Speckart, 1981).
Accordingly, individual differences are paramount in explaining

inconsistencies between what people think and how they behave. The
implication of this is that some people are high self- monitors who pre-
suppose that they are very attentive to social norms and the impression
they make in social situations. To this end, they are less likely to act
consistently on the basis of their attitudes and instead act as they think
the situation demands (Perloff, 1993; Snyder, 1987).
Based on the above, other dimensions on attitudes exist. The first is

centred on a uni-dimensional approach to attitudes, wherein attitudes are
regarded solely as affect (Ajzen, 1980). Here, the cognitive and
behavioural components are separated based on the contention that both
should be observed and measured separately.
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POL 411 MODULE 1
Consistent with this stance, the following issues can be teased out from
Duckitt (1994:13) explanation of this definition. These are:
(a) Does not expect a strong relationship between an attitude to an

object as well as specific behaviours to that object;
(b) The prediction of a specific act requires both the attitude to that
act and act-specific social norms which need to be considered
apt;
(c) a generalised attitude toward an object should predict the overall

tendency to behave in a favourable or unfavourable way toward
that object, as aggregating over a variety of different situations
and
(d) Acts should largely average out normative and situational

influences.
Others who aligned with Duckitt are Judd and Krosnik (1989:100) who
explained an attitude as ‘an evaluation of an attitude object that is stored
in memory’ while Levin & Levin, (1982), restricted attitudes to affect
and beliefs solely.
Evidently, the analysis so far portrays the following:
(a) No agreement exists on a universally accepted understanding of

what an attitude is and how its component parts relate to each
other;
(b) The attitude concept has been widely used in studies of voting
behaviour, persuasion, and media effects on political behaviour;
(c) the attitude concept can more easily separate cognition and affect,
a dichotomy that is apt in the study of voting behaviour e,g U.S
where people have political attitudes premised on little and
inaccurate cognition;
(d) An attitude is spurred on by affect, albeit the often inaccurate
knowledge embodied in them;
(e) On the alternative, according to Eagly & Chaiken, (1998),an
attitude may be primarily cognitive in content i.e. it would be
based solely on beliefs without affect.
Of concern here, for you as a student of political psychology is
to understand that research on political psychology obviously
with the focus on America revolves around their subsequent
political behaviour with focus on some central questions
regarding attitudes such as:
33
(a) Are attitudes consistent with one another? Implicit in this, is the
question about whether people have liberal and consistently
conservative attitudes?
(b) Are political attitudes consistently related to political behaviour?
The implication of this is premised on the question: ‘do people
consider themselves as belonging to one party
(Republicans/Democrats or PDP/APC in Nigeria) because they
adhere to the political views of the party and subsequently go on to vote
for the party candidates?
(c) How do people use attitudes to process political information?

(d) How do people acquire their political attitudes?
(e) How sophisticated are political attitudes in a given population?
(f) Are they cognitively complex?
(g) If people do have inconsistent attitudes, how do they balance the
inconsistencies?
The above questions bring to bear the fact that attitude or rather most
important political attitudes are acquired through socialisation has a long
tradition in the study of public opinion or rather, the schema concept
which is a new introduction to the study of political psychology.
Discuss the controversy that a person’s attitude is determined by his/her

behaviour.
3.3 Emotion
The previous element culminates into this i.e the emotional responses to
political issues, actors, and events as well as to political principles and
ideals that they value. This element is difficult to study given the
challenge about what it is and how to measure it especially as political
science prides itself with rational decision-making that must be devoid
of emotions or be unemotional. However, in political psychology, it is
pertinent to understand the impact of emotions on behaviour. The reason
is none other than that emotion, in the form of prejudice, is more closely
associated with behaviour than the cognitive component (Fiske, 1998).
In effect, one cannot understand terrorism, mass violence, genocide
without unpacking the role of emotions. Within this context, it is evident
according to research that emotion is a positive element in decision-
making. A study by Richards& Gross, (1999) found that suppressing
emotion impairs memory. To this end, you will agree that not only is
emotion important, but trying to be unemotional can indeed impede key
elements of decision-making.
34
POL 411 MODULE 1
Consistent with the above analysis, emotion have been defined

differently by varied scholars however, the definition by Fiske and
Taylor (1991:411) is that it is a ‘complex assortment of affects, beyond
mere good feelings or bad to include delight, serenity, anger, sadness,
fear and more’. An affect is defined as ‘a generic term for a whole range
of preferences, evaluations, moods and emotions’ (Fiske and Taylor
(op.cit:410). Ottati and Wyer (1995) define emotions as affective states
that are more precisely labeled, such as anger, hatred, fear, love, and
respect. Emotions clearly influence information processing, decision-
making as well as behavioural pre-dispositions. Its positive effects
according to Isen (1993) are that it promotes improvements in problem
solving, negotiating, and decision-making.
Pre-dispositions for behaviour occasioned by particular emotions such

as anger studies have revealed to be associated with moving against, or
lashing out at, the perceived source of the anger; similarly, contempt
described as cold and distant, lead to depersonalisation and
dehumanisation of others: thus, it is because of these characteristics that
contempt can motivate murder and mass destruction of people’ (Izard,
1977:340). Emotions and the behaviours influenced are interlinked to
goals at stake in a situation especially political goal which vary over
time depending on the political contexts and values. Be that as it may,
the general assumption is that out-groups hinder in-group goals, and
therefore the out-group (usually assumed to be different as well as its
goals) is automatically with negative emotions. Emotions vary in
intensity and can increase in response to certain psychological
properties; the nature and impact of events (see characteristics in
subsequent units).
Cognitive Process
This is the final component of the mind of the political being. It is the
channels through which the mind and the environment initially interact.
First, the concept of cognition is the core in the understanding of how
people process information and understands the world around them. In
effect, it is ‘a collective term for the psychological processes involved in
the acquisition, organisation, and the use of knowledge’ (Bullock&
Stallybrass, 1977:109). The term cognitive system/processes refer to
what happens in the mind or the knowledge organized in our minds
while people move from observation of a stimulus to a response to that
stimulus. The cognitive processes receive and interpret information from
outside.
In order words, they are the minds computer, which facilitates a person’s
ability to process information, interpret the environment which is too
35
complex for any individual or for our brains to handle) without thinking
too much and yet manage their environments effectively. The cognitive
system in our brains helps us organise that environment into
understandable and recognisable units as well as aids in the filtering of
incoming information. The essence of this is so that one does not have
to consciously access the utility of every piece of information available
to one in the environment. For instance, your cognitive system of
politicians includes the belief that all politicians are corrupt, if you have
evidence both confirming and disconfirming that politician xyz has taken
a bribe, and then you will believe the confirming evidence. These are
cognitive processes in operation. Thus, it helps people understand the
environment they live in without paying close attention, process
information especially as people tend to accept information that is
consistent with our pre-existing ideas, beliefs, attitudes, and assumptions
about the environment we reside in.
In sum, cognitive systems help people to organize and simplify the

environment, so as to be able to process all the information available in
order to make decisions necessary in making sense of complex social
and physical realities. Further, cognitive processes include everything
from perception, memory, attention, and problem solving to information
processing, language, thinking, and imagery.
Explain how the cognitive system in our brains helps us organise that
environment into understandable and recognisable units.
4.0 CONCLUSION
The unit considered the inner components such as personality, values,

emotions, and identities affect political thinking and feeling in case
studies of voting, ethnic issues, and nationalism.
5.0 SUMMARY
This unit explored the varied inner deeply held and fairly permanent
aspect of one’s psychology that is paramount in the core of our Political
Being.
1. Use the following: cognitive, affective, and behavioural

components, to explain the conceptualisation of attitudes in
political psychology.
36
POL 411 MODULE 1
2. Cognitive systems help people to organise and simplify the

environment, discuss.
3. Explain how emotions and the behaviours which vary over time
depending on the political contexts and value influences
interlinked to goals in any polity.
Cottam, Martha, Beth Dietz-Uhler, Elena M. Mastors, &Thomas,

Preston. (2004).
Introduction to Political Psychology. New York: Taylor & Francis

Group
Eagly, A. H, & Chaiken, S. (1998). Attitude Structure and Function. In,

D.T.Gilbert,
S.T. Fiske, & G.Lindzey.(Eds.). The Handbook of Social Psychology.(4th

ed.) New York: Mc Graw-Hill.
Epstein, S.(1979). The Stability of Behaviour:I. On Predicting Most of

the People Most of the Time. Journal of Personality and social
Psychology, 7, 1097-1126.
Fazio, R. H.,& Williams, C. (1986). Attitude Accessibility as a

Moderator of the
Attitude-Perception and Attitude-Behaviour Relations: An Investigation

of the 1984 President Elections. Journal of Personality and
Social Psychology. 51, 501-514.
Fiske, S., & Taylor, S.E.(1991). Social Cognition. New York: McGraw-
Hill.
Glynn, C., Herbst S., O’Keefe, G.,& Shappiro, R. (1999). Public

Opinion. Boulder,CO: Westview.
Isen, A.(1993). Positive Affect and Decision-making. In, M.Lewis &

I.Haviland(Eds.), Handbook of Emotions(pp.261-277). New
York: Guilford.
Izard, C.E.(1977). Human Emotions. New York: Plenum.
Krosnick, J.(1989). Attitude Importance and Attitude Accessibility.

Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 15, 297-308.
37
Richards, J.M.,&Gross, J.J.(1999). Composure at any Cost? The

Cognitive Consequences of Emotion Suppression. Personality
and Social PsychologyBulletin, 25, 1033-1044.
Rokeach, M.(1973). The Nature of Human Values. New York:Free

Press.
Tajfel, H.(1982). Human Groups and Social Categories.
Cambridge, UK: CambridgeUniversity Press.
Ottati, V.C.,& Wyer, R.S.(1995). Affect and Political Judgement.

In, S. Iyengar & W. McGuire.(Eds.) Explorations in
Political Psychology(pp.296-315). Durham NC:Duke
University.
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POL 411 MODULE 1
UNIT 5 THE POLITICAL BEING IN A SOCIAL AND

POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT
CONTENTS
1.0 Introduction
2.0 Objectives
3.0 Main Content
3.1 Social Identity
4.0 Conclusion
5.0 Summary
1.0 INTRODUCTION
This unit explores how political psychology concerns the individual and
the individual’s interaction with the political environment. The term
here, which is relevant to the Political Being, is: social identity and
groups.
2.0 OBJECTIVES
• explain how the individual interacts with the political

environment.
• Understand what constitutes social identity.
3.0 MAIN CONTENT
3.1 Social Identity
You will recall that in the introductory part of this unit, the highlight
was about political psychology being concerned about the individual’s
interactions with their political environment. Be that as it may, it then
becomes of essence to know the social units, or groups which are
politically relevant to the Political Being and the extent to which that
Political Being is equally strongly attached. In effect, this constitutes
the assessment of the term Social identity.
But before the definition of the term, you also have to be acquainted
with the fact that groups are depicted in the perspective of the Political
Being generally in terms of the in-groups (those groups people belong
39
to) and out-groups (those they do not belong to). Having grasped that,
let us consider what social identity is?
Social identityaccording toTajfel (1978:63), posits that is ‘that part of an

individual’s self-concept which derives from his/her knowledge of
membership in a social group(s) together with the value and emotional
significance attached to that membership’. Further clarification was
provided by Tajfel and Turner’s (1979) in three theoretical principles
namely:
1. Group members strive to achieve or maintain a sense of positive

social identity.
2. The focus of group members favours comparisons being made
between in-group (the groups we belong to or us) and relevant
members of out–group (the ones we do not belong to or them).
These political groups (i.e. social categories which are part of the
general cognitive organisation of the social and political world),
of which individuals are members provide individuals with a
social identity. This ensures comparison between in-group(s)
with related out-group(s), thereby ensuring an individuals’ self-
esteem, because they allow them to define the members of their
group as either better than other groups. The point to note is that
in order to gain a positive sense of self, individuals compare their
group with other groups, to create a favourable distinction
between the groups. In fact, Tajfel and Turner (1979) reiterate
that inter-group discrimination is an off-shoot of a motivation to
evaluate one’s own group more positively than a relevant out-
group. In effect, by comparing one’s in-group to a relevant out-
group, individuals attempt to differentiate their group from other
groups, so as to enhance their social identity.
3. An attempt is always made by group members to leave their
group or join a more positively distinct group, when their social
identity is far from satisfactory.
Further, a necessary pre-condition of social categorisation into the

two groups (in-group and out-group) according to Tajfel and Turner’s
(1979) entail at least three additional variables that should influence
inter-group differentiation. The three are:
1. Members of a group must have internalized their group

membership as an aspect of their self-concept. Implicit in this
variable is the clear perception of themselves as members of the
in-group as well as be likely to describe themselves as bona-fide
group member(s).
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POL 411 MODULE 1
2. The social situation must allow for inter-group comparisons.

However, group members must be able to make evaluative group
comparisons, in order to perceive their in-group as positively
distinct from the out-group.
3. The out-group must be perceived as a relevant comparison
group. Here, it is important that members of an in-group do not
engage in comparison game of their group to any available out-
group. In place of comparison, rather factors such as similarity,
proximity, and situational salience should determine whether an
out-group is considered a valid and reliable comparison group
(Campbell,1958).
Having understood the above, the next aspect to address is: the ways in
which individuals might react to threatened or actual negative social
identity.
The reaction of the individual is in three phases as adeptly captured by

Tajfel(1978 ) and Tajfel and Turner (1979). These are:
1. Social mobility: This is the enhancement of positive social

identity by advancement to a group of higher status. The
implication of this, is none other than that, when any individual’s
social identity is threatened or is perceived as being negative, the
individual will attempt to dissociate themselves from the in group
by joining a group that is higher in status. Further, examination of
strategies of identity enhancement by Van Knippenberg and
Ellemers(1990) concluded that the permeability of group
boundaries appears to play key role in the determination of which
strategy is used to enhance social identity. The example proferred
was that, when it is relatively easy for a group member to move
to a higher status group, then that member is more likely to move
to the new group than when it is more difficult to change group
memberships.
2. Social creativity: This encompasses three strategies namely: (1)
comparing the in-group to the out-group on a different
dimension; (2) re-evaluating the comparison dimension, so that
previously negative dimension are perceived as positive; and (3)
comparing one’s in-group to a different or lower status out-group.
3. Social competition: In-group members might directly compete
with the out-group to attain positive distinctiveness or positive
social identity.
Having exhausted these categories, research on social identity has tested

the original in-group bias effect i.e., whether individuals tend to favour
their own group over a relevant out-group. The findings prove this to be
41
true. More so, the arbitrary assignment of individuals to groups has been
repeatedly demonstrated to result in preferential reward allocations to in-
groups members as well as the further heightening of not only in-group
attractiveness but perceptions of in-group similarity and homogeneity. In
addition to this is the assignment of positive traits to in-group members.
The sum of the above is that when individuals are categorised into two
distinct groups, there is the tendency for individuals to favour their own
group over another relevant group, presumably to enhance their social
identity. The creation of social categories can produce many important
behavioural pre-dispositions, including stereotyping, discrimination, and
ethnocentrismMeanwhile research seeks to identify ways in which in-
groups and out-groups may cooperate with one another or extinguish the
tendency to compete. Now let us consider the circumstance that can
warrant an individual accepting a group’s inferior situation whenever
they believe their position is just and legitimate. This was evident in the
submission to and eventual rejection of colonial domination e.g. by
people in territories that were conquered by such colonial powers as
Britain, France, Germany, and others, that often accepted domination.
They perceived the colonial powers through the imperialist image hence
conceived them as superior in culture and capability. The point to note
here is that resisting that domination would have brought severe
punishment hence their acceptance of it as just and legitimate until
movements of independence progressed with political activists arguing
that their subservience to the colonial power was unfair, unjust and
illegitimate. With the change in perception, the comparison of their
situations with that of the colonial power and the decision reached was
that the colonial country was rich while they were poor due to the
former taking all their resources to enrich themselves. The result was the
agitation for independence because they compared themselves to the
other group (the colonial power), having discovered that the comparison
to be unacceptably negative. This engagement in other words, is social
competition.
SELF-ASSESSMENT EXERCISE
Explain the manner in which an individual might react when his/her

social identity is threatened or tilting towards the negative.
4.0 CONCLUSION
The unit addressed a person’s social identities which is akin to how

values and attitudes, can motivate behaviour.
42
POL 411 MODULE 1
5.0 SUMMARY
This unit explored social identity and groups especially as behaviour is

impacted upon.
1. Discuss how individuals might react to threaten or actual

negative social identity.
2. Compare and contrast the relevance of the in-group and out–
group social identity in politics.
3. Explain in relation to group bias the circumstance that can
warrant an individual accepting a group’s inferior situation as just
and legitimate.
Cottam, Martha Beth Dietz-Uhler, Elena M. Mastors, Thomas Preston.

& Francis Group.
Tajfel, H.(1978). Social Categorisation, Social Identity, and Social

Comparison. In, H. Tajfel.(Ed.). Differentiation between Social
Groups: Studies in the Social Psychology of Inter Group
Relations(pp. 61-76). New York: Academic.
Tajfel, H., & Turner, J.C.(1979). An Integrative Theory of Intergroup

Conflict. In, W.G. Austin & S. Worchel.(Eds.), The Social
Psychology of Intergroup Relations(pp.33-48). Monterey,
CA:Brooks/Cole.
Van Knippenberg, A., & Ellenes, N.(1990). Social Identity and

Intergroups Differentiation Processes. In, W.Stroebe & M.
Hewstone.(Eds.), European Review of Social Psychology(Vol.
1,pp 137-169). Chicester: Wiley.
43
MODULE 2 PERSONALITY AND

THEORIES/APPROACHES
Unit 1 Personality: What does it constitute?

Unit 2 Psycho-Analytic/Dynamic Theory
Unit 3 Psycho-biographies/Psycho-graphical Method
Unit 4 Analysing Psycho-Pathologies of Political Leaders
Unit 5 Personality Trait Theories
UNIT 1 PERSONALITY: WHAT DOES IT

CONSTITUTE?
CONTENTS
1.0 Introduction
2.0 Objectives
3.0 Main Content
3.1 Personality: What is it?
3.2 Of what Relevance is Personality in Politics?
4.0 Conclusion
5.0 Summary
1.0 INTRODUCTION
This unit introduces you to what personality is in psychology, politics

and evidently political psychology. Equally, examined here, is how
personality affects political behaviour as well as its relevance in politics
or rather what personality characteristics are most politically relevant?
2.0 OBJECTIVES
• explain what personality is within the three disciplines?

• discuss the relevance of personality in Politics?
44
POL 411 MODULE 2
3.0 MAIN CONTENT
3.1 Personality: What is it?
From the outset, personality is the most fundamental element in

psychology. Why is this so? This is premised on the fact that personality
encompasses how individuals think and behave in the political arena
including their life experiences. If this is so, you wonder what
conception would best capture the essence of personality in political
psychology given its general to specific conceptions by psychologists,
social psychologists and personality theorists.
Psychology, the parent discipline of political psychology, proffered the

working answer thus: “an attempt to provide a commonly agreed upon
definition of personality in this field of political psychology is
unproductive because none apparently exists” (Ewen, (1998:3; Maddi,
1996; Magnavita, 2002). Be that as it may, now let us consider some of
the conceptions as well as analyse their commonalities. Generally,
psychologists argue that personality is subsuming as well as
comprehensive of all important psychic regularities in an individual’s
behaviour. Allport (1961:28) conceives it as “the dynamic organisation
within the individual of those psycho-physical systems that determine an
individual’s characteristics behaviour and thought”. Greenstein, (1969)
obviously embracing the position of personality theorists referred to it as
“an inferred entity inferred i.e non-observable phenomena, and not a
directly observable phenomenon excluding cognition, affect motivation,
and identification, as well as processes of ego-defense. For Di
Renzo(1974:16), it is “an individual’s acquisition of a relatively
enduring, yet dynamic, unique, system of predispositions to
psychological and social behaviour”. Hermann, Preston and Young’s,
(1996), position is that it is “a construct that is introduced to account for
the regularities in an individual’s behaviour in consonance with their
response to diverse stimuli”.
Social psychologists, conceive it as being limited to a residual category

which will not debar emotion, cognition, or motivation (George&
George, 1998), but entails “important and relatively stable aspects of a
person’s behaviour that account for consistent patterns of behaviour
which may be observable or unobservable, and conscious or
unconscious”(Ewen,1998:3-4). In any case, Weinberg & Gould, (1999),
see it as “the characteristics or blend of characteristics that make a
person unique”. A recent conception of it by political scientists and
implicitly political psychologists is that it encompasses “the different
45
behaviour between individuals (who in this case are “politicians”) which

remain relatively stable across variety of situations’ Brehm, et.al, 2005).
On the whole, the varied complexities of this remarkable concept, in no
way makes either irrelevant or wrong. In spite of this, it is apt to
consider of specific knowledge in each. Let us begin thus:
Allport(introduced the idiographic and nomothetic views to personality
to American psychology in 1937)and Weinberg & Gould reiterate the
uniqueness of the individual and consequently highlight what is known
as an idiographic view which states that each individual is not only
endowed with a unique psychological structure but possesses some
traits impossible to compare with another. The information gathering
technique adopted here is case studies.
The nomothetic describes the study of classes or cohorts of individuals

or a population and their corresponding personality traits and
behaviours. This view, in other words, emphasizes comparability among
individuals as well as seeing traits as having the same psychological
meaning in everyone. It achieves this by using self-report personality
questions, factor analysis, etc. given that people differ in their positions
along a continuum in the same set of traits. For the political psychology
literature the focus was not on the ‘specificity of a comprehensive
definition of personality’ but ‘upon how particular aspects of personality
translate into political behaviour’. Implicit here, in order to explain
behaviour or personality psychologists focused on the specific or
particular individual (rather than the whole) differences/ aspects’
(e.g.cognition, motivation, affect, ego, attitudes, etc which are not only
narrow but restrictive considering the almost all-inclusive aspects (listed
above) by personality theorists) of an individual’s personality make-up
whichtranslates into political behaviour.
To conclude, personality can be understood, as the patterns of

behaviours, attitudes and values that are distinctive characteristics
(which may be notable for success as well as failures) of a given
individual. Here, the positions highlight that an individual’s personality
reflects the ability, effectiveness, influence and credibility of a leader.
This in turn, explains why the role of personality in leadership is
determined not only by the context of the interaction, experiences,
expectations and perceptions of the participants by the personalities
(Pfeiffer, 1972:186). Comprehensively, it culminates in the ‘conjoint
development of political personality and political leadership or politics
which is the oldest tradition in political psychology (Lasswell, 1948;
Leites, 1951).
46
POL 411 MODULE 2
Is the credibility of a leader dependent upon the understanding of his/her

personality?
3.2 Of What Relevance is Personality in Politics?
The obvious assumption given the positions/claims from the previous

section is that personalities at times may matter in politics especially in
relation to making decisions about policies. The paradox, is that its
relevance is however limited. While taking into account the contrast of
these assumptions in relation to the reality of the question of the
relevance of personalities, according to Lewin, (1935), “it is necessary
to understand both a person’s personality and the context in which the
behaviour is observed; while emphasizing that the most important fact in
the understanding of individual behaviour is placed on interaction
between the person and the situation”. From this perspective, Mischel,
(1973), proposed a focus of attention on the degree to which situational
factors govern behaviour. Still according to this author, whose research
on how pertinent personality is in predicting behaviour across a variety
of situations yielded results about how people’s behaviour could be
contradictory to what is expected of them. This revelation prompts a
careful consideration of the situation which appears to exert powerful
effects on behaviour.
This indeed fits into a general acceptance among scholars in the

personality and leadership field who noted that: context (or situation)
matters more (Preston & Hart, 1999). The wide-ranging impact of their
position is obvious. They underscore the scientific stage upon which the
person interacts with the environment both in relation to facilitating
opportunities for action and constraints which can be anticipated. From
this angle, Greenstein,(1969), observed that: “personality may
oftentimes be considered unimportant in relation to either political
behaviour or policy outcomes. The reason being that the likelihood of
personal impact which oscillates between:
(i) increases to the degree that the environment admits of

restructuring;
(ii) differs with the political actor’s location in the environment, and;
(iii) The variance with the personal strengths and weaknesses of the
actor.
The summary of the features above is that: elite’ individuals such as the
president, vice-president, senate president, speaker of the House of
Representative, governors, chairmen of local governments etc who by
47
virtue of their positions possess personal power resources exert

influence on the policy process. Within this context, the strengths as
well as weaknesses of these individuals which constitute the
embodiment of his/her personality as well as experience definitely will
have an impact on any policy. You should note that, barring in foreign
policy which enjoys freedom of action, the presidents of America do not
exert any influence on any domestic policy given that Congress, the
courts, interest groups, etc., play substantial roles in determining policy
outcomes (Neustadt, 1990).
There is need to reiterate that policy-making in any given country is

being directed by both government and non-governmental bodies which
play crucial roles in making process. The primacy of power resource or
personality for the individual leader is either positive or negative. For
instance, Abraham Lincoln after a contentious vote by his education
cabinet in which the votes cast was 11 to 1 ruled that the winner was the
sole vote. Implicit in this judgement is making the one vote evidently
the count even if the majority apparently held sway. This
democratic/liberal example is a contrast in relation to the
authoritarian/repressive leadership of Saddam Hussein’s use of the
power resources within his ambit to invade Kuwait.
In Nigeria, the exertion of power resources by elites or those in

governance is subsumed in the principle of federal supremacy as
stipulated in the constitution about the overall direction and leadership
necessary from the formulation stage through to the implementation and
evaluation stage. In other words, decision-making is conducted through
the Economic Council presided by the vice-President who advises the
president concerning the economic affairs/programmes of various states
and their institutions through: ministry of finance and economic
planning, the public bureaucracy and non-governmental actors: political
parties, interest groups and citizenry.
When and how could personality be said to be relevant in politics?
4.0 CONCLUSION
The unit explained the problematic nature of having a common

definition of personality; yet still proffered some varied conceptions of
the concept with a summary of the definition of the concept as the
patterns of behaviours, attitudes and values that are characteristic of a
given individual.
48
POL 411 MODULE 2
5.0 SUMMARY
In conclusion, it is evident from the discussions that the emphasis for

political psychologists is ‘upon how particular aspects of personality
translate into political behaviour’, rather than on a concise conception of
personality. In sum, the focus is on thebehavioural differences of an
individual (rather than the whole group of people).
1. The definition of personality is problematic. How does this affect

your view of it?
2. Explain how the study of ‘individual differences rather than the
whole’constitutes the bane of personality in political psychology?
3. Using any leader of your choice, contextualise how an
individual’s behaviour/personality impacts on any policy-making.
Di Renzo, G.J. (1974).Perspectives on Personality and Political

Behaviour. In, G.J.DiRenzo(Ed.), Personality and Politics.
Garden City, NY:Anchor.
Ewen, R. (1998). AnIntroduction to Theories of Personality (5th ed.).

Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc.
Greenstein, F.I. (1969). Personality and Politics: Problems of Evidence,

Inference, and Conceptualisation. Chicago: Markham.
George, A. L., & George, J.L. (1998).Presidential Personality and

Performance. Boulder, CO: Westview.
Lewin, K.(1935). A Dynamic Theory of Personality. New

York:McGraw-Hill.
Lasswell, H. (1948). Power and Personality. New York: Norton.
Leites, N. (1951). The Operational Code of The Politburo. New York:

McGraw-Hill.
Lasswell, Harold. (1930). Psychopathology and Politics. New York:

Viking.
49
Mischel, W.(1973). Toward a Cognitive Social Learning

Reconceptualisation of Personality,Psychological Review, 30,
252-283.
Maddi, S.R. (1996). Personality Theories: A Comparative Analysis. (6th

ed.). Washington D.C: Brooks/Cole.
Magnavita, J.(2002). Theories of Motivation: Contemporary

Approaches to the Science of Personality. New York:Wiley.

& Francis Group.
Neustadt, R.E. (1990). Presidential Power and the Modern Presidents:

The Politics of Leadership from Roosevelt to Reagan. New York:
Free Press.
Preston, T., &‘t Hart, P. (1999). Understanding and Evaluating

Bureaucratic Politics: The Nexus Between Political Leaders and
Advisory Systems. Political psychology, 20, 49-98.

Wundt. (1973). An Introduction to Psychology. New York: Arno
Press.
50
POL 411 MODULE 2
UNIT 2 PSYCHO-ANALYTIC THEORY OF

PERSONALITY
CONTENTS
1.0 Introduction
2.0 Objectives
3.0 Main Content
3.1 Psycho-Analytic or Dynamic Theory
3.2 Personality Structures
3.3 Mental Techniques/Strategies of the Mind
3.4 Techniques Employed in Studying the Theory
4.0 Conclusion
5.0 Summary
1.0 INTRODUCTION
This unit reviewed the personalities of political individual(s) through the

psycho-analytic methodological frameworks. As a result of this,
discussions revolved around the development of an individual’s
personality from the different layers of the mind and their influences on
(political) behaviour.
2.0 OBJECTIVES
• explain thepsychoanalytic or psychodynamic theory from the

perspective of the conscious and unconscious mind which drives
behaviour
• examine the three concepts- id, ego and super ego, which
influence personality
• identify techniques/strategies which protect the mind.
3.0 MAIN CONTENT
3.1 Psycho-Analytic or Dynamic Theory
This incidentally is the oldest out of the traditional theories of

personality in psychology. It is premised on highlighting the role of the
unconscious mind (i.e. the motives and drives) which underlie/influence
the behaviour of political beings. Having established this, you need to
know the origin of psycho-analytism. The initiator of the idea although
51
relatively unknown however, was popularised by the Jewish physician

Sigmund Freud born May 6, 1856, in Freiberg, a small town in the
Moravian-Silesian Region of the Czech Republicwho having observed
the two layers of the mind: the unconscious and the conscious, was
convinced of the mind operation being likened to an iceberg which most
times is more or less none existent given its nature of being about 90%
underwater, and in other words, this portion is conceived as
unconscious while the infinitesimal or small portion which remains
visible above water, is referred to as the conscious.
The understanding of how conflict occurs below the level of one’s

consciousness; let us have a peek into Freud’s topography of the
structure of the two layers of the mind which is divided into three
different zones of mental awareness. These are as follows:
The Unconscious Mind
This contains psychological forces/material that the mind cannot easily

retrieve. These forces which have their origins in the mind are: our
drives or instincts, and memories and emotions, wishes, desires –all
motives which underlie behaviour. These motives associated with
trauma, conflict, anxiety, or pains are not easily available to awareness
or accessible to protect the person from distress. Freud conceives the
unconscious as the source of one’s motivations, however simple the
desires/motives may be either neurotic compulsions or innate. This layer
of the mind is important because of it is often driven to deny or resist
becoming conscious of motives which most times are often available to
one only in disguised form(s).
Before moving on to the next layer of the mind, let us consider the
critique of the unconscious which is that although the unconscious
accounts for some of an individual’s behaviour, however, what should
be of concern is rather how much and the exact nature of the influence.
This argument informed the belief by behaviourists, humanists, and
existentialists that (a) contrary to Freud’s assessment, only few
motivations and problems can be attributed to the unconscious, and (b)
the unconscious as he conceived it is not entirely the conduit pipe where
activities take place. Occasioned by these criticisms, contemporary
psychologists conceive the unconscious as what an individual does not
need and as well may not want to see or be associated with. In fact, this
explains why some theorists have more or less jettisoned the concept in
its entirety.
52
POL 411 MODULE 2
The Conscious Mind
This refers to the level or state when people are aware of thoughts at any
particular moment. In specific terms, it relates to ones present
perceptions, memories, thoughts, fantasies, feelings, etc which readily
comes to mind even if at that point one is not at the moment thinking
about it.
The Pre-Conscious Mind:
This aligns with the conscious mind given that it is conceived as the
‘available memory’. Implicit here, is the understanding of it as the
content of thought which may not be in awareness although could be
brought to awareness. That said, Freud reiterated that neither of the two
layers are in contest with each other; and importantly, the conscious
mind is the smallest while the largest part is the unconscious (i.e.
motives and derives) mind.
Consistent with these psychic forces, Freud reiterates that (life) instincts
(mental representations), complexities which arise out of biological or
physical need are cushioned by the pleasure principle (i.e. the seeking of
pleasure and the avoidance of pain). This principle serves as an energy
system for the aggressive drives with the inevitable consequences in the
form of: anxiety, obsessions, and defense mechanisms which constantly
motivate people to satisfy with the pleasure principle that should be
denied. The reason for this is none other than that the pleasure principle
inevitably engenders conflict occurring below the level of one’s
conscious awareness level irrespective of the unconscious efforts by
individuals to suppress and channel the desire to act out in search of
satisfaction.
What then is the implication of this in relation to the human mind as

well as the political being’s personality? Implicit in this, is the need for
you to understand the role of the mind especially as people are
conscious of only a small part of the mind rather than the majority of the
unconscious mind’s operation which is like the portion of the iceberg
under water. Now, let us consider the personality structures.
Explain how the unconscious mind can influence the personality

behaviour of any political actor.
53
3.2 Personality Structures
Consistent with your understanding of the unconscious and conscious

mind, is the need to examine the structures of Personalities. The
personalities of human/political beings according to Sigmund Freud are
premised on a tripartite composition of elements of different levels of
consciousness which are:
Id: This element is at the most basic level submerged in the

unconscious. It includes instincts and responses to bodily functions (e.g.,
hunger) which are evidently inherited impulses and desires which
operates according to the pleasure principle. The innate driving force for
this element is aggression which is checkmated by the superego.
Superego: This is the internalisation of societal and parental standards

of conduct; otherwise conceived as the moral arm or human conscience
of personality (Hall & Lindzey, 1970).
Ego: This part of the personality submerged between the id and the
superego, moderates with rational thought the desire for pleasure, and
the social realities within the political system. To achieve this, the ego
operates within the ambit of the reality principle, which the demands of
the id isblocked or channelled not only in accordance with reality, but
with the final element of the personality, thesuper-ego. This personality
structure according to Hall and Lindzey, (op cit), is conceived as “the
moral arm or conscience of the personality” plays-out during one’s
interaction with an individual that one is in disagreement with. In effect,
this personality (id) prompts one to lash out angrily at another while the
ego restrains one from doing so, rationalising such behaviour is socially
inappropriate, while the superego enjoins one to be humane and forgive
all irrespective of their aberrant behaviour.
This is of essence because when the ego is threatened, people feel

anxiety, which is in two forms namely:
(a) realistic or neurotic anxiety is a fear of being punished for doing

something the id wants the person to do; while the
(b) the moral anxiety occurs when there is a conflict between the id
and the superego.
Analyse how anxiety impinges on the behaviour of any political actor.
54
POL 411 MODULE 2
3.3 Mental Techniques/Strategies of the Mind
The anxiety which the ego feeling creates in an individual evidently

creates conflicts/disagreements which need to be doused or resolved.
The defense mechanisms (i.e unconscious mental techniques/strategies)
or technique employed to shield and protect the mind from distress
include the following:
(a) Repression: This concerns the involuntary elimination of an

unpleasant memory.
(b) Projection:This is the attribution of one’s own objectionable
impulses to another person, or projecting them onto another.
c) Rationalisation: This is in relation to the interpretation of an
individual’s objectionable behaviour (by blaming situational
factors over which they have little control) to make it seem less
objectionable.
(d) Denial: This is the denial of reality (such as the denial of the
reality of the security implications of the rate of unemployment
of youths in the country), on the one hand and on the other, the
denial of an impulse (this is as it relates to the proclamation that
the country is not at risk of (e.g. book Haram, Kidnapping) when
indeed it portends danger).
Discussions about Other Contributors to Psycho-Analysis
Other psychologists spanning from Fromm (1941, 1955, 1964), who

succeeded Freud and adopted his psycho-analytic theory ideas, explored
the interactions between people and society based on the conviction that
freedom from certain restraints (serfdom and slavery), occurs only
through change in human society. The caveat in the process which will
produce change in people is that alienation and insecurity cannot be
isolated. To therefore, checkmate the opposing positions involves:
pursuing positive freedom of a humanist society that honours the
treatment of people in respect and love; renouncing freedom; and
acceptance of totalitarian and authoritarian political social systems.
For Erickson, (1958, 1969), his interest in politics and political leaders
centred on the individual stages of personality and development and
identity. To reiterate this, he conducted studies on Mahatma Gandhi and
Martin Luther, 1958(cf: 2001), with findings that even after the cradle
stage of an individual, the ego (see discussion in section on personality
structures), is in continuous progression as well as the society which has
an impact on the personality of the individual in the society.
55
In what ways do you think an individual’s daily battles with mental

conflicts can be resolved?
3.4 Techniques Employed in Studying the Theory
The numbers of techniques adopted for data collection in psycho-

analysis, by political psychologists include:
(Freudian)Therapy: Freud and psycho-analysts conceive this as

a key component forprojectingtherepressed ideas and memories to the
conscious level’, given the repression of the unconscious in order to
avoid painful re-collections. For a client tofeel inhibited to express
anything, the therapy situation as a unique social situation is devoid of
social judgment or ostracism as well as the perception of the non-
existence of the therapist. Implicit too here, is an approach referred to
as free association. Just as the phrase depicts, it entails an individual
freely speaking about almost everything in their mind. The theory is
that, with relaxation, the unconscious conflicts will inevitably drift to the
fore, making the client talk about anything.
The Couch and Dream Analysis: This therapeutic technique is

premised on Freud’s belief that dreams are symbolic representations of
thoughts, desires, fears, and things which have occurred in the
individual’s life. His position is that in the physically relaxing couch,
dim lights, sound-proof walls, with the stage set and in sleep; an
individual is somewhat less resistant to his/her unconscious thus
allowing a few things, in symbolic form to come into their awareness.
Also, for this analysis, the wishes from the id provide the client is aided
to provide more clues for the therapist who is trained to recognise
certain clues to problems and their solutions that the client would
overlook. One of these clues is resistance(s) such as a client trying to
change the topic, drawing a complete blank, falling asleep, coming in
late, or skipping an appointment altogether, suggesting that the client is
nearing something in his/her free associations that he/she --
unconsciously, of course -- finds threatening.
4.0 CONCLUSION
The unit examined the psycho-dynamic theories through the id, ego and
super ego concepts in other to explain the influence of the conscious and
unconscious mind on the behaviour of political beings.
56
POL 411 MODULE 2
5.0 SUMMARY
In sum, the discussion here oscillated between the psycho-analytic

theoretical framework and the role of the concepts - id, ego and super
ego as the moral arm or conscience of an individual’s personality.
1. What implications does the unconscious mind have for the

political being’s personality?
2. Analyse how the pleasure principle engenders conflict
irrespective of the unconscious efforts by individuals to suppress
the desire of satisfaction.
3. Discuss each of the tripartite level of consciousness in relation to
personality.
Erikson, E.H. (1958). Young Man Luther. New York: Norton.
Erikson, E.H. (1969). Ghandi’sTruth. New York: Norton.
Fromm, E.(1941). Escape from Freedom. New York:Holt,

Rinehart,&Winston.
Fromm, E.(1955). The Sane Society. New York:Holt,

Rinehart,&Winston.
Fromm, E.(1964). The Heart of Man. New York:Holt,

Rinehart,&Winston.
Hall, C., &Lindzey, G.(1970). Theories of Personality. (2nd ed.). New

York. Wiley.
Martin,J. L.(2001).The Authoritarian Personality, 50 years later: What

Lessons are there for Political Psychology? Political Psychology,
22, 1-26.
57
UNIT 3 PSYCHO-BIOGRAPHIES/ PSYCH-

OBIOGRAPHICAL METHOD
CONTENTS
1.0 Introduction
2.0 Objectives
3.0 Main Content
3.1 Psycho-Biographies/Pyscho-Biographical Method: What
is it?
3.2 Classic Examples: Woodrow Wilson; Nelson Mandela
3.3 Nnamdi Azikiwe; Ahmadu Bello and Obafemi Awolowo
1.0 Conclusion
5.0 Summary
1.0 INTRODUCTION
The unit examined psycho-biographies so as to understand the

personalities of political actor(s) through their childhood socialisation
experiences.
2.0 OBJECTIVES
• explain thepsycho-biographical method

• discuss the classic examples of some political leaders.
3.0 MAIN CONTENT
3.1 Psycho-Biographies/ Psycho-Biographical Method: What

is it?
Following two major critiques of the psycho-analytical framework (see

previous unit) which are: (a) the non-optional nature of the couch and
dream analysis technique of collecting data; and (b) it’s accessibility to
political leaders (i.e. in relation to person-to-person psycho-analysis),
the psycho-biographical method to the analysis of political figures
became inevitable. In effect, psycho-biography in politics is conceived
as a detailed in-depth case study of individual leaders, which entails the
tracing of the personal, social, and political development of a particular
leader’s behaviour from cradle through adulthood. Implicitly, psycho-
58
POL 411 MODULE 2
biographies examine an individual’s political figures life history

(George and George, 1998). The common understanding here is that
leaders’ personalities or political styles are shaped by their early
childhood socialisation experiences. Importantly, psycho-biographies
evidently identify with consistent patterns of behaviour over a long
period of time and are susceptible to being explained with the use of
psycho-analysis.
Explain psycho–biography and its origination due to the impracticability

of the psycho-analytical framework.
3.2 Psycho-Biographies of Leaders
The classic studies of the psycho biographies of leaders/ political figures

discussed here include but not limited to: Woodrow Wilson of America;
Nelson Mandela of South Africa; Nnamdi Azikiwe; Ahmadu Bello and;
Obafemi Awolowo of Nigeria.
(a) Woodrow Wilson: The study byGeorge and George (1964)

revealed a highly moralistic, rigid, and uncompromising political
figure/personality whose patterns, developed throughout his
childhood and young adult life culminated in his political style in
the white House. This disposition to leadership was linked to his
childhood experiences in a strict Calvinist household where
morality and distinctions between good and evil were emphasised
above all else so much so that his minister father belittled
Woodrow and severely punished him for any perceived
transgressions impressed on his leadership personality.
This explains his quest to accomplish great moral deeds to compensate

for his own feelings of low self-esteem. This difficult relationship with
his stern, disciplinarian father made Wilson to have face-offs with
persons in authority because of his conviction that their criticisms were
personally against him. Importantly too, not only did he see the world in
absolute terms, Wilson felt that compromise on moral issues was
immoral. In fact, the Georges(op cit), claim that the ultimate reason for
the political defeat over his efforts to create the League of Nations, is his
political personality that is rooted in his inability to compromise on
morality as an issue.
59
(b) Rolihlahla Nelson Mandela
Studies reveal this statesman and former president of South Africa

(1994-99), as one who worked to bring about the transition from
minority rule and apartheid to black majority rule( through directing a
campaign of peaceful, non-violent defiance through the ANC dedicated
to sabotage the South African government and its racist apartheid
policies); promoted reconciliation between whites and blacks with the
1996 signing into law of the new South African constitution, established
a strong central government based on majority rule and guaranteed
rights of minorities, women's equality, demanding an end to atrocities,
and supporting initiatives to address humanitarian crises and promote
democracy and freedom of expression. This groundswell of leadership
disposition is traceable to the dramatic change in his life with his
adoption by the acting regent of the Thembu people, under whose
guardianship he was groomed to assume high office as a counsellor, a
position which. Made him sit and learn about how the African people
had lived in relative peace until the coming of the white people who not
only shattered the fellowship but shared the land, air, and the water
which the former later confiscate from the chiefs who came to the Great
Palace on official business.
Although he was sentenced to life imprisonment (in Robben Island for

which he spent 18 of his 27 years in prison following the launch of a
coordinated international campaign for his release), he stated that the
words of the elders which initially didn't make total sense to him
previously, would work on him and would eventually formulate his
resolve for an independent South Africa.
His continued potent as a symbol of black resistance through his

commitment to toward peace negotiations amid demonstrations and
armed resistance, prevailed in his emergence at age 77, on May 10, 1974
as the country's first black president with de Klerk as his first deputy
with whom in 1993, he also shared the Nobel Prize for Peace for their
work towards dismantling apartheid.
(C) Nnamdi Azikiwe
The political personality of this foremost West African nationalists and

the first president of Nigeria (Nov. 16, 1904- May 11, 1961), was
succinctly captured by the New York Times in this phrase "a personality
who towered over the affairs of Africa's most populous nation, attaining
the rare status of a truly national hero who came to be admired across
the regional and ethnic lines dividing his country"., was one of the. His
disposition to leadership is linked his parents residing in Zungeru,
60
POL 411 MODULE 2
Northern Nigeria, where his father worked as a clerk in the Nigerian

Regimen, which necessitated his schooling in Onitsha, Lagos, and
Calabar, which not only explains his fluency in the languages of the
three major ethnic groups (Hausa, Ibo, and Yoruba), but served as a
major asset which played out in his future role as a Nigerian nationalist.
All these socialisation process culminated into forming his personality
as a nationalist which came to bear during the Nigerian-Biafran civil
war, May 1967-January1970, when he at first reluctantly supported
before campaigning against the secession in August 1969 in favor of a
united Nigeria.
(D) Al-haji Sir Ahmadu Bello
Bello, (1962; Paden, 1986), adduce that this Northern Nigeria leader,
politician and the first premier of the Northern Nigeria region from
1954-1966, the combination of his traditional leadership qualities with
knowledge of Western governance, which garnered him the Knight of
the British Empire (KBE) by Elizabeth II of the United Kingdom in
1959, is linked to lineage. He was the son of a district head and heir to
the Sokoto Emirate, given his lineage with his great-grandfather being
the Sultan Bello, son of the revered Usman Dan Fodio who founded the
Fulani Empire, which was the largest in Sub-Saharan Africa. He was
educated at the feet of Muslim masters, studying the Quran, the hadith,
and Shariah. In fact, history has it that after his unsuccessful bid to
become the new Sultan of Sokoto in 1938, the successful sultan
subsequently conferred on him the traditional, now honorary, title of
"Sarduna" and elevated him to the Sokoto Native Authority Council. In
sum, he was concerned about national and Pan-African unity; hence his
spirited efforts to develop his region and to adapt from the West what
suited Nigeria, while retaining those cultural practices and values that
were cherished and integral to Nigerian identity.
(D) Obafemi Awolowo
His most important legacy: the rapid spread of Western education, was
shaped by his parents who wanted him to go to school. The education
which came with Spartan discipline at the slightest of mistake shaped his
disinclination with “any position, status or preferment that comes only
by mere patronage or favouritism has never since interested me”. At the
very core of his work ethic values of defiance, toughness, fearlessness,
and truth that developed as a result of individualism that disregards
ascriptive rights, and his acquisition of both secular and religious
training from missionary education. All these shaped his strong habits of
discipline in terms of consumption, hard work, and resoluteness.
61
He accepted the ideas of the nation -state but, at the same time, he had
his own ideas about ethnicity and even the larger project of a continental
identity for Africa. Chief some of these assumptions of modernity and
the identity that resulted
His belonging to an extended lineage of township, and culture, which

resulted in his becoming in 1945 of the leading founders of the Egbe
Omo Oduduwa (a formation necessitated by colonial control and the
rising politics of decolonisation), his Yoruba identity became a form of
political instrumentality. You will recall that his Ikenne roots grew out
of Ijebu-Yoruba identity (thus, he became Ijegba, an identity that grew
out of living in Abeokuta). For Awolowo and other Africans of the
colonial era, their identities were not only multifaceted but often thrown
into crises and flux. The Ikenne boy became a Yoruba man and a
Nigerian politician. He engaged in local politics, competed at the
provincial level, became a regional leader, and aspired to national
leadership. In all these identities, the most definitive in Awolowo’ s life
and career was that of his Yorubaness, that is, of an ethnicity framed by
the colonialists as “tribe.”
Having explained this much, you need to know here that not all psycho-
biographies are psycho-analytic (i.e. adhere to the methods of the
former). To this end, some psycho-biographies either adopt (a) The
Freudian analysis or ego-defense (Link & Glad, 1994; Renshon, 1996);
or (b) concentrate on the two personality disorders which Birt, (1993;
Post, 1993), conceive as narcissism and paranoid personality disorders
(see next unit for further explanations about these disorders).
SELF ASSESSMENT EXERCISE
Considering the classic examples stated herein, discuss how the

childhood patterns of development of any political actor in your
community impacted on his/her political leadership personality.
4.0 CONCLUSION
This unit discussed the political personality of political figures from the
perspective of their early childhood socialisation experiences.
5.0 SUMMARY
The unit re-affirmed that the totality of one’s personality is premised on

the consistency of behaviour which span from childhood to adulthood.
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POL 411 MODULE 2
6.0 TUTORED-MARKED ASSIGNMENT
1. Discuss the bane of psycho-biography.

2. Explain how Wilson and Mandela align in personality
inclinations.
3. Did the personality developments of Nnamdi Azikiwe, Ahmadu
Bello and Obafemi Awolowo play a role in their leadership
role(s) in the Nigerian nation –state?
Ahmadu Bello University, Historical Overview Retrieved February

13,2016.
Ahmadu, Bello. 1962. My Life. Cambridge:Cambridge University Press.
Birt, R. (1993). Personality and Foreign Policy: The Case of Stalin.

Political Psychology, 15, 607-626.
George, A. L., & George, J.L. (1998).Presidential Personality and

Performance. Boulder, CO: Westview.
Link, M., &Glad, B.(1994). Exploring the Psycho Political Dynamics of

Advisory Relations: The Carter Administration’s ‘Crisis of
Confidence.’ Political Psychology, 15, 461-480.
Olaniyan, Richard. Nigerian History and Culture. Harlow, Essex:

Longman, 1985.
Paden, John N. Ahmadu Bello, Sardauna of Sokoto: Values and

Leadership in Nigeria. London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1986.
Post, J.M (1993b). Current concepts of the Narcissitic Personality:

Implication for Political Psychology. Political Psychology, 14,
99-122.
Renshon, S.A.(1996). High Hopes: The Clinton Presidency and Politics

of Ambition. New York: New York University Press.
63
UNIT 4 ANALYSING PSYCHO-PATHOLOGIES OF

POLITICAL LEADERS
CONTENTS
1.0 Introduction
2.0 Objectives
3.0 Main Content
3.1 Psycho-Pathology
3.2 Examining Personality Disorders in Leaders
3.3 Criticisms of Freud’s Theory and Psycho-analysis
4.0 Conclusion
5.0 Summary
1.0 INTRODUCTION
As a sequel to the discussions in the previous unit, about the psycho-

biographies of political leaders, this unit will analyse the psycho-
pathology or psychological disorders of political individuals.
2.0 OBJECTIVES
• analysepsycho-pathology;
• examine personal disorders.
• understand the critique of Freud’s theory
3.0 MAIN CONTENT
3.1 Psycho-Pathology
This is another branch of psycho-analytical studies of personality and

politics, which entails the examination of the behaviour of political
leaders’, as a possible product of psycho-pathologies. Importantly,
although this form of examinationcommenced following Lass well’s,
(1930) basic argument that the behaviour of some people in political
roles is affected by psycho-pathologies; its modern understanding
undoubtedly is attributed to Freud’s innovative ideas. To therefore,
understand it better, political beings/figure are analysed based on
identification of their psychopathologies.
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POL 411 MODULE 2
Let us now examine these psycho-pathologies and their variegated

nature. These are:
(a) Neuroticism: McCrea and Costa, (1985cf: McCrea, R.(1993)

argued that this personality disorder is associated with anxiety,
self-consciousness, vulnerability, hostility, depression, and
impulsiveness.
(b) Narcissism: This form of disorder Volkan, (1980) posits that
people seek leadership roles in a relentless search for power in
order to attain it at the expense of others. The paradox with these
individuals is that they often seem charismatic, and ascend the
ladder of power even in perilous times while followers are
searching for strong leaders who will steer the ship of state
effectively.
(c) Paranoia: Based on Birt’s, (1993) study of Joseph Stalin which
discovered that descriptions of his personality align with the
pattern associated with paranoia. This disorder is conceived as a
pervasive and unwarranted tendency to interpret the actions of
people as deliberately demeaning or threatening beginning by
early adulthood and present in a variety of contexts. In other
words, it is the pervasive pattern of grandiosity (in fantasy or
behaviour), lack of empathy, and hypersensitivity to the
evaluation of others.
Complexity is the stock-in-trade of the victims of this personality
disorder, so much so that they swing from one end of continua to
the other. This explains disorder according to Birt(op, cit),
function along two continua: (a)aggression: this manifests itself
at one extreme as victim and at the other as the aggressor; and;
(b) Narcissism:Thisoscillates between feelings of inferiority to
superiority.
This contrasting extreme of complex paranoid personalities again

according to Birt’s, (op. cit) analysis of Joseph Stalin’s personality
pattern affected not only the international policies of the Soviet Union,
but his career subsequently specifically captured thus:
...Stalin is the classical example of a paranoid individual whose

paranoia helped him rise to the top of a highly centralized political
structure and, once there, turn the bureaucratic institutions of the S.U
into extensions of his inner personality disorders.
Further findings from the study include how Stalin’s personality

oscillation between phases affected the Soviet/USSR foreign policy
prior the blitzkrieg attack by Germany during the Second World War.
These phases are:
65
(a) First: aggressor/superior phase/position. Here, any individual

could be delusional about the possibility of an opponent/enemy
attacking just as in Stalin’s non-belief that Hitler would attack.
(b) Second: victim/superior phase/mode. Here the ‘victim’ who
usually feels he/she deserves better like Stalin who believed he
deserved better from Hitler but was disgraced became a victim of
insecurity. Often times when this happens, the
personalities/individuals, like Stalin (who assumed his
personality rather than the Soviet Union) believe they are under
attack.
(c) Third: aggressor/inferior stage: This occurs with the
progression of time; and the subsequent culmination into the next
stage;
(d) Fourth: victim/inferior mode(s): Here, the individual just as in
the typical case of stalin is absolved from depression but relapses
into the next stage;
(e) Fifth: aggressor/superior mode(s): This final mode sets the
stage for the disposition of any individual in decision/action
taking. When the Second World War broke -out, this mode came
to bear with our empirical case-study personality-Stalin.
From these stages or modes which dove-tails into one another
abound techniques adopted for data collection (see the next unit)
for each of the explained approaches.
Analyse the possibility of different forms of disorders manifesting at

dual extremes in an individual.
3.2 Examining Personality Disorders in Leaders
To guide and structure any analysis of leader personality and behaviour,

political psychologists seeking to examine personality disorders employ
the method of the American Psychiatric Association’s diagnostic
criteria (see table 1 below): This technique is globally accepted in the
examination of personality disorders (psycho-pathology or
psychological).
Table 4.1: DSM-IV Diagnostic Criteria for Selected Personality

Disorders
Personality FEATURES
Disorder
Narcissistic It is a pervasive pattern of grandiosity(either in
Disorder fantasy or behaviour), which lacks empathy, and
66
POL 411 MODULE 2
is hypersensitive to the evaluation of others,

beginning by early adulthood and present in a
variety of contexts, as indicated by at least five of
the following:
(a) The tendency to react to criticism with
feelings of rage, shame, or
humiliation(whether expressed or not);
(b) Interpersonally exploitative: the
implication of this is that one with a
narcissistic disorder personality takes
advantage of others to achieve their own
ends;
(c) Possesses a grandiose sense of self-
importance, e.g, exaggerates achievements
and talents while expecting to be noticed as
‘special’ without appropriate achievement;
(d) Has the conception that their problems are
unique and can be understood only by other
special people;
(e) Is preoccupied with fantasies of unlimited
success, power, brilliance, beauty, or ideal
love;
(f) Possesses a sense of entitlement which is
unreasonable in the expectations of
favourable treatment. Here, the narcissist
assumes that he/she does not have to wait
in line when it is evident that others are
aligning:
(g) Requires constant attention and admiration.
To this end, the constancy in the quest for
compliments is their stock-in-trade;
(h) This personality not only lacks empathy
but is riddled with the inability to recognize
and experience how others feel;
(i) Is pre-occupied with feelings of envy
Paranoid This pervasive and unwarranted tendency is
Disorder evident from the cradle through adulthood in
varied contexts oscillating between the
interpretation of actions of people as deliberately
demeaning or threatening. The under listed four
features depict this disorder:
(a)Expects most at times without sufficient basis,
to be exploited or harmed by others;
(b)questions, without justification, the loyalty or
trustworthiness of friends or associates;
67
(c)interprets hidden or threaten meanings into

benign remarks or events or actions;
(d)bears grudges or is unforgiving of insults or
slights
(e)reluctance in confiding in others, occasioned
out of baseless fear that the information may be
used against them;
(f)easily slighted and quick to react with anger or
to counter-attack
(h)questions, without justification, fidelity of
spouse or partner
Adapted from: Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorder (4th

ed., text revision; pp.690-714) by American Psychiatric Association,
Washington, D.C: Author. Copyright by American Psychiatric
Association.
Discuss the techniques of understanding personality disorders.
3.3 Criticismsof Freud’s Theory, and Psycho-Analysis
The ‘attack, revile, ridicule, and slander’ (Hall and Lindzey, 1970:68),
are of two strands:
(1) Empiricism: This is based on the stance that Freud’s research

was not controlled, given his reliance upon recollections of
therapy sessions with patients, most at times recorded after the
process. The query here is his tendency to present findings as
personal conclusions, without the original data (due to reliance on
his own recollection of discussions). These biases evidently made
his conclusions subject to query by Hall & Lindzey, op cit: 69)
on the grounds that “his method of arriving at conclusions neither
revealed nor systematically presented qualitative or quantitative
empirical findings.
(2) Non-amenability to Empirical Testing: This critique is two
edged; one is the part blame on Freud’s theory about personality
as unobservable abstract ideas; and two, the existence of so many
theoretically possible behaviours that are manifestations of
psycho-analytic issues which an individual may possess. To
buttress this, again Hall & Lindzey, (op cit), proffered a cogent
example in the study of Stalin’s paranoia* with a finding that if
diametrically opposite patterns of behaviour can result from the
68
POL 411 MODULE 2
same psycho-analytic condition, then developing testable, and

therefore falsifiable, hypotheses is a difficulty.
4.0 CONCLUSION
The unit examined the psycho-pathology or psychological disorders of

political individuals, the technique used in examining personality
disorders (psycho-pathology or psychological) and importantly, the
critique of Freud’s psycho-analysis.
5.0 SUMMARY
The issues examined here include: psycho-pathologies as a strand of

psycho-analytical studies of personality and politics, its examination of
personality disorders through the adoption of the American Psychiatric
Association’s diagnostic criteria and lastly, the attack on the Freudian
psycho-analysis.
1. Explain the Narcissistic and paranoid disorder using the DSM-IV

Diagnostic criteria.
2. The criticisms of Freud’s theory and psycho-analysis indict his
ideas on psycho-pathology. Analyse.
3. What are the phases which an individual must undergo in
personality change(s)?
Birt, R. (1993). Personality and Foreign policy: The case of Stalin.

Political Psychology, 15, 607-626.
Hall, C., & Lindzey, G (1970). Theories of Personality. (2nd ed.). New
York. Wiley.
Lasswell, H. (1930).Psychopathogy and Politics. Chicago: University of

Chicago Press.

(2004) Introduction to Political Psychology. New York: Taylor &
Francis Group.
McCrea, R.(1993). Moderated analysis of longitudinal personality

stability. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 65, 577-
585.
69
Volkan, V. (1980). Narcissistic personality organisation and reparative

leadership. International Journal of Group Psychotherapy, 30,
131-152.
70
POL 411 MODULE 2
UNIT 5 PERSONALITY TRAIT THEORIES
CONTENTS
1.0 Introduction
2.0 Objectives
3.0 Main Content
3.1 Personality Trait Theories
3.2 Personality Assessment Measures
4.0 Conclusion
5.0 Summary
1.0 INTRODUCTION
This unit examines one of the additional personality theories in

psychology, known as the traits/ trait-based theoretical framework that
borders on the understanding of the individual characteristics (traits) of
political beings in the political environment in relation to decision-
making, inter-personal interaction, information processing, and
management of political office/leadership.
2.0 OBJECTIVES
• explain personality traits

• discuss personality assessment measures.
3.0 MAIN CONTENT
3.1 Personality Trait Theories
Broadly, these are traits used to characterise not only ourselves but the
personality of others. Specifically, traits are personality characteristics
that are stable or consistent over time and in different situations are
conceived as traits (Pervin & John, 1997). Its consistency facilitates the
production of predispositions to think, feel, or act in particular patterns
toward people, events, and situations. For instance, if you were asked to
describe Mohammed Buhari, the incumbent president of Nigeria, the
obvious trait that comes to mind is ‘incorruptible, disciplined and
uncompromising’.
71
Trait theories originated following the traceable to the disagreements by

Allport (1937, 1961, 1968), over the following contentions Freud: (a)
that personality dynamics are governed by the unconscious. The basis of
disagreement is premised on the belief that childhood experiences are
less important in the adult’s personality, contrary to Freud’s proposition.
Advancing further, Allport conceived personality as a central
determinant in how individual’s respond to their environments.
Following this, he proposed three dimensions of addressing an
individual’s personality. The dimensions arranged in the order of
importance are: cardinal, central, and secondary traits(see tables below)
Table 5.1: Dimensions of Traits by Allport
Cardinal These traits explain an individual’s personality

Traits characteristics. They are rare which explains why most
people have little or none at all of it albeit it’s being
critically important. An example of this trait is:
authoritarianism.
Central This trait affects people regularly although not in all

Traits situations. An example is : honesty or sincerity
secondary This is the least important and most irregular in affecting
traits behaviour.
Dimensions of Traits by Eysenck
Eysenck, (1975; 1979), is another political psychology trait theorist who

also identified three other personality trait dimensions namely:
introversion-extroversion, neuroticism, and psychoticism.
Table 5.2
introvert-extrovert trait This refers to how extroverted or
outgoing an individual is.
neuroticism trait This bothers on the emotional
stability of an individual.
psychoticism trait This refers to how isolated and
insensitive to others an individual
is.
To further understand personality, psychologists in recent years further

developed taxonomy of personality traits which constitute the basic units
72
POL 411 MODULE 2
of personality. This was achieved using several different research

techniques, including factor analyses of trait terms commonly used in
everyday language, and the analysis of trait questionnaires. What were
achieved were five central personality traits known as the Big Five
personality dimensions. The traits which are: neuroticism, extraversion,
agreeableness, openness to experience and conscientiousness (Costa &
McCrae, 1985), are arranged on a continuum.
Table5.3: Big Five Personality Dimensions
Neuroticism This personality trait is fundamental in the study

of psychology traditionally called neuroses. It has
been adjudged as having an enduring tendency of
an individual to experience negative emotional
conditions/states. Individuals with this trait (i.e.
neuroticism) more often than not experience such
feelings as anxiety, anger, guilt and depressed
mood (Matthews and Deary, 1998). Specifically,
those high in neuroticism is a characteristic of
people who worry and are nervous, insecure and
creative, while those low in neuroticism is
associated with calmness, being secure and
unemotional/ low emotional intelligence(this
involves emotional regulation, motivation, and
interpersonal skills) self-consciousness, shy and
may have trouble controlling urges and delaying
gratification.
Within the context of the feelings expressed
above, the tendency is for an individual withhigh
neuroticism to interpret everyday situations as
threatening, and minor frustrations as herculean.
Neuroticism has been included as one of the
dimensions that comprise core self-evaluations (a
concept first examined by Locke) which has
proven to have the ability to predict several
outcomes, specifically, job satisfaction/
performance as well as in political leadership.
Extraversion Here, individuals high in extraversion are
sociable, optimistic, fun-loving and affectionate,
while those low in extraversion are quiet, reserved
and aloof
Opennessto An individual high in openness is curious,
experience creative, and has many interests, while one low in
openness is conventional and has narrow interests.
Agreeableness Individuals who are high in agreeableness trust,
73
good natured, helpful and soft-hearted, while a

person low in agreeableness have the tendency to
be cynical, rude, irritable and uncooperative.
Conscientiousness A person high in conscientiousness is organised,
hardworking and reliable, while a person low in
conscientiousness is aimless, unreliable, negligent
and hedonistic(Pervin &John, 1997).
Explain the personality assessment measure using Allport’s dimensions

of traits.
4.0 CONCLUSION
The unit examined how personality characteristics are consistent hence

its role in explaining the predispositions of how an individual thinks,
feels, or act in particular patterns toward people, events, and situations.
5.0 SUMMARY
Here, we looked at the theory of trait, and the relationship between the
Big Five personality traits; and social comparisons were examined.
1. Discuss traits as personality characteristics that are stable over

time and in different situations.
2. Examine the personality trait dimensions.
3. How does the big five personality trait impact on personality
behaviours of political leaders?
Allport, G. (1937). Personality: A psychological Interpretation. New

York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston.
Allport, G. (1961). Pattern and Growth in Personality. New York: Holt,

Rinehart & Winston.
Allport, G. (1968). The Person in Psychology. Boston: Beacon.
Cattell, R.B., & Child, D.(1975). Motivation and Dynamic Structure.

New York: Wiley.
74
POL 411 MODULE 2
Costa, P.T., & McCrae, R.(1985). Revised NEO Personality Inventory

(NEO PI-R) and NEO Five-Factor Inventory (NEO-
FFI):Professional Manual. Odessa, FL:Psychological
Assessment Resources.
Eysenck, H. J.(1975). The Inequality of Man. San Deigo, CA:Edits

Publishers.
Eysenck, H. J.(1979). The Conditioning Model of Neurosis. Behaviour

and Brain Sciences, 2, 155-199.

(2004) Introduction to Political Psychology. New York: Taylor &
Francis Group.
McCelland,D. C.&(1975). Power: The Inner Experience. New York:

Irvington.
McCelland,D. C., & Boyatis, R. E. (1982). Leadership, Motive Pattern

and Long Term Success in Management, Journal of Applied
psychology, 67, 737-743.
Olson, D. V. A., & Evans, D. L.(1999). The Role of Big Five

Personality Dimensions in the Dimension and Affective
Consequences of Every Day Social Comparisions. Personality
and Social Psychology Bulletin, 25, 1498-1508.
Schimmock, Oishi, Diner, E. & Suh, E, (2000). Facets of Affective

Experiences: A frame work for Investigations of Trait Affect.
Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 26, 655-668.
75
POL 411 MODULE 3
MODULE 3 MANIFESTATIONS OF PSYCHOLOGICAL

THEORIES IN LEADERSHIP, POWER AND
POLITICS
Unit 1 Explaining Power

Unit 2 Political Culture
Unit 3 Public Opinion
Unit 4 Political Information Processing and Decision-making
Unit 5 Perceptions and Foreign Policy
UNIT 1 EXPLAINING POWER
CONTENT
1.0 Introduction
2.0 Objectives
3.0 Main content
3.1 The Concept of Power
3.2 Forms of Power
3.3 The Nexus between Power and Politics
4.0 Conclusion
5.0 Summary
1.0 INTRODUCTION
Central to the study of politics is the concept of power. Power as the

ability to make individuals, groups and societies make and take
decisions which they will not do without being forced is an essential and
key element in political discourse. As a matter of fact, politics will not
be complete without power as power complements the politics. Power of
the state to compel obedience and enforce laws, power in the quest and
struggle amongst political actors to acquire political power and remain
relevant in a polity, power to be global and regional hegemony remains
a crucial factor in the study of politics. This unit therefore will analyse
these two important concepts in the study of Political Science.
2.0 OBJECTIVES
• explain the concept and forms of power

• discuss the concept of politics
• state the nexus between politics and power.
76
3.0 MAIN CONTENT
3.1 The Concept of Power
Defining any concept in the Social Science is an enormous task owing to

the divergent views on such concept. Power as a concept has been
defined to mean different things. Max Weber (1947: 152) defined power
as 'the Probability that one actor within a social relationship will in a
position to carry out his own will despite resistance, regardless of the
basis On which this probability rests'. For Roskin et al., 2010, power is a
connection among people, the ability of one person to get others to do
his or her bidding. Henderson, 1997, defines power as the capacity of
one actor to persuade or coerce another, thus allowing for the control of
that actor. From a different but similar perspective, Akeke (2000)
defined power as the use of force by groups or institutions against one
another. In his main words:
...power is generally understood today as ability

backed by control of the means of coercion of an
individual or institution to compel another person or
group to accede to an action that is contrary to his
interest (Akeke, 2000:3)
Also, Power is the ability to influence others to believe, behave, or to

value as those in power desire them to or to strengthen, validate, or
confirm present beliefs, behaviours, or values. Hence, Power is an
essential element of human existence and we can find signs and
manifestations of power in every dimension of social life, from
interpersonal relations through economic transactions, to religious and
political disputes (Pallaver, 2011). From all these definitions power can
be defined as the ability of one person, group or institutions to get others
do his/her bidding.
3.2 Forms of Power
Having understood what power constitutes, let us now consider the

different levels and forms of power as power. There are basically four
forms of powers thus:
Political Power: as the name connotes political power implies power

that revolve itself around the state and this means power that comes
from the government. Hence it means that political power are power that
can be found in the both the arms and levels of government in going
about the administering of the state. Here political powers are used to
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POL 411 MODULE 3
make and enforce laws and ensure the compliance of rules and
regulations of the state. As Maclver, 1965 states it,
... the power of government is one aspect of power

among many. It is formally supreme, in the sense that
government alone has the ultimate right to use direct
coercion ... (Maclver, 1965: 68)
As the most important agent of the state, the government has the
legitimate monopoly of the use of force to compel obedience in a state
which in sum means political power and this in turn involve persons
(President, Vice president Law makers, Governors, e.t.c). Political
power is strongly tied with economic power
Economic Power: This is one of the most important forms of power.

Economic power has to do with the economy of the society in terms of
capitals, finance, industry etc. The group, individuals that owns this
power controls the majority of the populace as the case maybe. In the
words of Maclver, 1965: 68 which best connotes the meaning of
economic power :
... for the first place, economic power is multi-centred

and is the scene of internecine warfare, business
against business, industry against industry, capital
against labour, industry seeking to cheapen
agriculture and vice versa, primary producer against
manufacturer, manufacturer against retailer with
wholesaler jockeying for position against borrower,
white collar class squeezed between the demands of
other interest, and so on through multifarious jumble
relationships
From the above, economic power exists at different levels as both micro
and macro level of politics and it is used for the holders to make certain
decisions on their behalf. An example at the micro level is Dangote in
Nigeria he has the economic power to have some decisions made on his
advantage because he has different company that he has invested to in
Nigeria and this has helped the growth of the Nigerian economy making
him a force to reckon with in the Nigerian Polity. At the macro level of
political analysis, the United States of America and the members of the
Security Council of the United Nations are examples of states that have
economic power hence other developing states dance to their tune and
make decisions and policy that are in tandem with the dictations of the
super powers. The Anti gay law in Uganda is a typical example when
the USA threatened to withdraw support from Uganda because of its
78
Anti-Gay law the Ugandan government soft pedal on the policy because
it has lots to gain from the United States of America. During the war on
Iraq the United States of America used her economic strength to
convince her allies to support her on the war which she succeeded.
At this point, it is apt you get acquainted with the indices of economic
power which includes:
• High level of industrialisation

• Stable and buoyant economy
• Strong currency
• Low rate of unemployment
On the other hand, at the intra state level of analysis indices of

economic power includes: Ownership of industries, Employment of
labour and Ownership of capital.
Military Power: This form of power is the most dangerous out of all
the forms of power as it involves the use of weapon of all sorts and it is
negative as lives and properties are destroyed during usage. Military
form of power involves the use of armaments of various kinds to
achieve various aims. States are judged in terms of their military
capability both in terms of military equipment and technology, and the
number of their military prowess. The United States of America have
one of the best military capabilities in the world and their military is
well funded so also is China and the some developed countries. In terms
of the relation of states with another, the military prowess of a state can
determine her status in the international political system and can be used
to make and influence decisions. Military power complements
economic power.
Physical Power: This form of power has to do with the strength of

individual. Even though this is a form of power it is less relevant in
political analysis but also counts as individuals might use their psychical
power over the weak in the society and that will result in the other weak
individual doing with her or she will not want to do if given a choice.
These sources of powers mentioned above are the conventional sources

of power but does not represent the whole foray of forms of power. For
instance the education status of an individual can also be a source of
power depending on the society in question. The physical attribute of an
individual can also serve as a source of power. The character and
behaviour of an individual can also serve as source of power and this
varies across societies. Individual such as the Late Princess Dianna
Princess of Wales (formerly lady Diana Frances Spencer) of the Great
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POL 411 MODULE 3
Britain is an example of this she was loved by all and till date is still
idolized based on her personality. Entertainment star such as Beyonce
Knowles, Oprah Winfrey have power and control the mind set of people
based on their persona. In the just concluded 2015 general elections in
Nigeria entertainers were used by politicians to campaign in order to win
the votes of the populace. Hence the persona of an individual can serves
as a form of power.
What is your understanding of power and its varied forms?
3.3 The Nexus between Power And Politics
Politics and power are two concepts in the study of political science that
are mutually in exclusive. As a matter of fact, government cannot
maintain peace, guarantee security, promote economic growth or pursue
effective policies without the use of power. Power is a tool that is to be
used through politics. At different level, political power comes to play in
the achievement of aims of individuals or groups as the case may be. As
in international politics, economic powers of developed states like the
United States of America, China and Russia, Germany, France, Great
Britain use their economy influence to make developing countries do
their bidding. Economic incentives are given to these developing
countries to keep them under their control. Embargo of products are
placed on the goods of countries that are found wanting and do not want
to dance to the bidding and dictates of the powerful countries hence
showing the importance of economic aspect of power.
The Military form of power is also utilised by states as form of

deterrent to other states and is eventually used by states to suppress
another state. Example is the United States of America in the Middle
East the USA has embarked on war against terrorism in Iraq and
Afghanistan using her military strength in these countries. The military
prowess of the United State of America is a crucial factor in the USA
relations with other states hence; the United States of America has an
upper advantage in international politics against other countries.
Even at the state and intra state level of politics, power is eminently
visible in these spheres. In the making of decisions there is a constant
struggle for power amongst political actors in a state in the quest for the
authoritative allocations of values.
The jostling for the head (Senate President) of the upper chamber (The
Senate) in the Nigerian upper legislative arm is an example of the power
80
struggle in politics which bring the definitions of Harrold Lasswell who

gets what and how. Politics is which individual or group has the control
of power in a polity. Therefore, there is constant struggle for power in a
polity as there are a lot to gain when in control of political power. Even
at the intra state level of politics there is constant struggle to head
organisations and associations owing to the incentives that comes along
with it. So power and politics are two important concepts in political
discourse that are mutually in exclusive.
4.0 CONCLUSION
This unit explored the concepts of “Power and Politics”. Equally,

highlighted were how different types of power helped in identifying
which aspect of politics one would be interested in analysing.
5.0 SUMMARY
The unit examined power as an important element in politics and its

different levels of use.
1. Discuss power in relation to its use in your polity.

2. Explain how Power and Politics are inseparable concepts in
political psychology.
3. Discuss how peace, security, and economic growth project power
Akeke, O.A. (2008). Foundation of Political Science. Ababa Press

Limited Sango Ibadan.
Henderson, C.W (1997). International Relations Conflict and

Cooperation at the Turn of the 21st Century. McGrawHill 1997
Magstadt, Thomas .M (2011). Understanding Politics Ideas,

Institutions, and Issues. Wadsworth Cengage Learning
international edition 9th edition.
Matteo Pallaver. (2011) Power and Its Forms: Hard, Soft, Smart. A
thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of
the London School of Economics for the degree of Master of
Philosophy. London, October 2011
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Oji, O.R. (1997). An Introduction to Political Science. MaryDan

Publishers, 3 Neni Street Enugu
Roskin, M.G, Cord, R.L, Medeiros, J.A, Jones, W, (2010). Political

Science An introduction Pearson education Inc Eleventh Edition
Weber,Max.(1947) The Theory of Social and Economic Organisation,

(trans.A.M.Henderson and Talcott Parsons). New York: The Free
Press
82
UNIT 2 POLITICAL CULTURE
CONTENTS
1.0 Introduction
2.0 Objectives
3.0 Main Content
3.1 What is Political Culture
3.2 Types of Political Culture
3.3 Assessment of Political Culture in Nigeria
4 Summary
5 Conclusion
6 Tutor-Marked Assignment
1.0 INTRODUCTION
Political culture is one factor that influences the political behaviour of

individuals in a polity. To this end, this unit focuses on Political Culture
and examines the nature of political culture in politics.
2.0 OBJECTIVES
• explain political culture

• identify types of political culture
• assess political culture in nigeria.
3.0 MAIN CONTENT
The focus of this unit is political culture and its nature. Also, explained
here, are its different types and the illustration of the concept in Nigeria.
3.1 What is Political Culture?
What is Culture? Culturerefers to those shared beliefs that people learn

from society. While all human beings hold beliefs, they do not all hold
the same beliefs. Members of the same culture acquire a common belief
system. Those shared beliefs also set norms expectations of how people
are expected to behave.
Culture affects the way people think, including the way they process and
order information. Culture shapes who we are, how we see the world,
and what values we place on what we see.
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Culture is also an important source of identity. Identity is the way people

define themselves and are defined by others. Identity also satisfies the
need people have to be part of something bigger than them. Culture is
the total way of life of some people or groups in a particular society. The
culture will include particular attributes of specific society such as their
political systems, economic system, religious system, and family
patterns.
Having created an understanding of what culture is, you then need to

know: what then is Political culture? Like any other concepts defining
political culture differs across societies and climes as culture differs
across societies so those contents differ too. This was rightly noted by
Kolb, 1978 in her main words thus:
… Culture also differs with respect to their

permeation throughout the society and the intensity of
attachment of people to prevailing beliefs. In some
countries a distinct cultural pattern or creed is
dominant in that it prevails among most people and it
is either explicitly subscribed to, or unquestioningly
accepted by, most members of the society (Kolb,
1978:91)
Political culture was first proposed by Gabriel Almond (1956) and

subsequently employed in The Civic Culture (Almond and Verba 1963
cited in Pavone, 2014 ), the term promised to solve in a scientific, cross
culturally valid way the micro-macro problem: the classic problem of
specifying how people affect their political system, and vice-versa
(Chilton, 1988). Since the employment of the topic by Almond, political
the concept has been used to explain political phenomenon. Political
culture is the pattern of individual attitudes and orientations toward
politics among members of a political system (Almond and Verba,
1963). To Elkins &Simeon, 1979 political culture defines the range of
acceptable possible alternatives from which group or individuals may,
other circumstances permitting, choose a course of action. Lowell
Dittmer (1977: 566) defines political culture as "a system of political
symbols, and this system nests within a more inclusive system that we
might term 'political communication'." These symbols differ across
climes and affect the political behavoiurs in the society an example is
the British political system which is parliamentary even though the
British practice democracy there is still respect for the monarchy due to
the culture as a matter of fact, the monarchs are respected in the society
and they influence decision-making in the society.
84
Political culture refers to the belief system and value or value

orientations, which influence political behaviour, institutions and
processes of these various cultures (Kolb, 1978). In sum, you can
conclude that, Political culture consists of people’s shared, learned
beliefs about their political system and their role within that system.
Political culture influences the way people see their political world.
Political culture also influences what people value most in their political
world. Some political cultures place a high value on individual freedom
while other cultures prize community solidarity. An example is the
northern Nigeria women are not allowed to participate in governance as
compared to other regions in Nigeria and women in that part of the
country adhere to that rule you rarely find women in politics.
Also, in the same region, due to the nature of their pre-colonial political
organisation which was centralised, the political leaders are respected
and not questioned in that part of the country. This can be attributed to
the centralised nature of the political system in the pre-colonial northern
Nigeria were power, influence and authority revolve around the Sultan
of Sokoto during the Sokoto caliphate. During that period, the Sultan of
Sokoto was also the head of the Muslim community hence he had so
much power and was respected. Therefore, even with the demise of that
political system in northern Nigeria, northern leaders are still respected
by the populace this could be the reasons for the high level of
unaccountability by the politician in that region. This is one reason
(Olojo, 2013) attributed the Boko haram insurgency to the lack of
development in the northern region. The leaders focus on religion and
other scrupulous policies that are unproductive. This simply illustrates
how the cultures of certain communities have impact on their political
culture which transcends to generations.
Explain what political cultures projects in politics.
3.2 Types of Political Culture
Let us begin by examining Gabriel Almond and Sydney Verber’s

typologies.
Gabriel Almond and Sydney Verber were American social scientist

scholars who in their work “political culture”tried to measure citizen’s
participation in politics in five different states the United States of
America, Great Britain, Germany, Italy, and Mexico in an attempt to
examine the political culture in these states and the people’s active
participant or non-participant in politics. This research was considered
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ground breaking as it was the first systematic collected data measuring

citizen’s behaviours across different states.
They compared and contrasted the patterns of political attitudes in the

five countries and contended that, across states, a democratic system
required a political culture encouraging political participation. Hence,
there are factors which are psychological that influences and accounts
for a certain group political behaviour. The civic culture is not taught in
school but transferred from generations to generations true different
social institutions in the society such as the family, peer groups, political
institutions amongst others. In their analysis they identified three types
of political culture namely:
• Parochial
• Subject
• Participant
Parochial: This according to Almond and Verba they are the political
sleepwalkers, who are not involved in politics, and have little or no
knowledge or interest in the domestic political system. They do not care
about laws or policies made by government they just take it as they see
it.
Subject : The category of people in this group are somewhat aware of

political institutions and rules which is a huge departure from the
Parochial group who are not involved and interested in politics at all.
Participant: People in this group possess a strong sense of influence,

competence and confidence in understanding the domestic political
system. They influence decision-making by the government and also are
involved in politics (Chen, 2005).
The above are classifications of political culture by Gabriel Almond and

Sydney Verba. There are other classifications of political culture notably
among which is Arend Lijphart. In his analysis, Arend Lijphart
classified political culture into two namely:
First classification consists of two main classes which are
• Mass political culture

• Elite political culture
The mass political culture consist of people who are in the lower carder
of the society these are people who are poor and they do not really
influence the decision-making bodies.
86
The elite political culture as the name implies consists of the elite who
are crem de la crem of the society. They influence policies and of the
government. They consist of the rich and powerful in the society.
Political culture has also been classified by different scholars in different

ways apart from the above mentioned classification but the above are the
basic conception of political culture.
3.3 Assessment of Political Culture in Nigeria
With the description of the meaning and types of political culture, it is

then imperative to examine its application in Nigeria. From the above,
you can see that there are different types of political culture and each of
these exist in any society.
Nigeria as the most populous Black Country in the world is made up of

different ethnic groups with the Igbo’s Yoruba’s and Hausa’s being the
majority. With this diversity exists different cultures and practices which
have implications on their political activities. The political culture
amongst these three ethnic groups in Nigeria is greatly influenced by the
nature of their pre-colonial political system. During the pre-colonial era
in northern Nigeria, the political system that existed was centralised with
power, influence and authority revolving around the Sultan of Sokoto in
the Sokoto caliphate. This is coupled with the fact that the sultan of
Sokoto was the head of Muslim community at that moment he had so
much powers which was absolute. That cultural orientation still exists to
date.
The political culture of the northerner is one as such that their political
leaders are not questioned and held accountable in office, their leaders
are being respected and seen as symbols of worship which accounts for
the high rate of poverty and underdevelopment in that region. In the
eastern Nigeria, the political organisation is different from that of
northern Nigeria. The pre-colonial political organisation in eastern
Nigeria was decentralised system of governance were by there was no
central political authority who has power to make and enforce laws as
found in other regions (Northern and Southern), rather political power
was decentralised this has influenced the political culture of the region
till date.
While the political organisation in the Northern region was centralised,

the political organisation in the western region was also centralised but
not absolutely centralised as there were checks and balances put in place
to checkmate the excesses of the king. The Oyomesi and the Ogboni cult
of elders serve as institutions of checks and balances against the central
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political authority which was the Alafin of Oyo. These political systems
have over the years influenced the political culture in Nigeria. The
voting patterns and political behaviours in different parts of the nation
are determined by the political cultures of these regions. As a matter of
fact, in northern Nigeria, women were not allowed to vote until 1979
(Tsebee, 2010). With this, it can be seen that political culture in Nigeria
is that of ethnic rivalry and bigotry. This has been the norm throughout
the years and has slowed down the pace of development in the country.
Tesebee, 2010 summarises the state of political culture in Nigeria. In his
main words:
…There is a general culture of violence, which has

come to be accepted as a norm and which has
unfortunately come to pervade our entire socio-
political consciousness as well as appear to have been
canonized. Under this setting, there is the tendency
that some people see killing, brutality and
intimidation as "normal" ways of living and gaining
political power. This is the culture that has created
past and present Nigerian political class as well as
creating the future political class. Those at the
winning side celebrate while those at the losing side
mourn and bury their dead (Tsebee: 142; 2010)
This has been the nomenclature in Nigeria. Majority of the citizens in

Nigeria do not care about the government because they have been let
down by the government over the years. Elections are rigged; votes do
not reflect the true mind sets and choices of the Nigerian populace. All
these have affected the political culture in Nigeria. Most Nigerians are
best said to be parochial in nature as they are unconcerned in decision-
making with the elite and few members of the society that have lots to
gain concerned and interested in politics. This has also been
compounded with the prolonged military rule in Nigeria. There have
been cases of bad governance and leadership on the part of the
government and which have lead to corruption (Ogbeidi, 2012). All
these have lead to the bad state of Nigeria political culture which has not
lead to Nigeria’s development.
What factors do you think have affected the political culture in Nigeria?
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4.0 SUMMARY
In this unit, you have learnt the meaning of political culture, different
types of political culture as well as political culture as it is experienced
in Nigeria especially what influences it.
5.0 CONCLUSION
From the above, it is clear that political culture of a society affects the
political behaviour of that particular society. Political culture also differs
across climes and this explains development and underdevelopment of
societies because the political culture of a particular society influences
the pace of development.
1. Analyse what political culture is and its varied types.

2. With your understanding so far of political culture, assess it in
relation to Nigeria.
3. How does the diversity which exists in different cultures and
practices have implications on their political activities?
7.0 REFERENCES/ FURTHER READING
Almond, G &Verba, S. The Civic Culture: Political Attitudes and

Democracy in Five Nations. Princeton, NY: Princeton UP; 1963
cited in Pavone, T.(2014) “Political Culture and Democratic
Homeostasis: A Critical Review of Gabriel Almond and Sidney
Verba’s The Civic Culture” Available at
:http://tommasopavone.yolasite.com/resources/Almond%20%26
%20Verba-
%20The%20Civic%20Culture%20(Critical%20Review).pdf.
Chen, J. (2005) “The civic culture: political attitudes and Democracy in

five Nations Gabrieal Almond and Verba Sydney”. Anna Rulska
Rev. Essay #2 Feb 15th 2005.Available at
http://ww2.odu.edu/al/jchen/Comparative%20Politics%20%28Gr
aduate%29/Review%20Essays/Week%207/Anna%20Rulska.pdf.
Ogbeidi, M.M. (2012). “Political Leadership and Corruption in Nigeria

Since 1960: A Socio-economic Analysis”. Journal of Nigeria
Studies volume 1 number 2 fall 2012. Available at:
http://www.unh.edu/nigerianstudies/articles/Issue2/Political_lead
ership.pdf.
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Olojo,A. (2013). “Nigeria's Troubled North: Interrogating the Drivers of

Public Support for Bokoharam”. International Centre for Counter
Terrorism – The Hague Research paper. October 2003. Available
at: http://www.icct.nl/download/file/ICCT-Olojo-Nigerias-
Troubled-North-October-2013.pdf.
Tsebee, K. A. (2010). “Mass Media and Political Culture in Nigeria”.

Journal of Communication and Culture: International
Perspective. Vol.1 No.3, December, 2010.
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UNIT 3 PUBLIC OPINION
CONTENTS
1.1 Introduction
2.0 Objectives
3.0 Main Content
3.1 Concept of Public Opinion
3.2 Elements of Public Opinion
3.3 Means of Measuring Public Opinion
4.0 Summary
5.0 Conclusion
7.0 References / Further Reading
1.0 INTRODUCTION
Human beings as Political beings behave in certain ways based on their

political socialisation or political culture in politics. Assessing or
gauging people’s perception on political issues, public opinion is needed
as it is a means of getting people’s views on matters of relevance to the
development of the state. To this end, this unit reviews the
conceptualisation of public opinion, means of measuring it, its types and
the processes of its formation.
2.0 OBJECTIVES
• define public opinion

• describe how public opinion are formed
• explain the means of measuring public opinions.
3.0 MAIN CONTENT
3.1 Concept of Public Opinion
In conceptualising public opinion, the two basic concepts will be

explained. The term public, from the Latin publics meaning “the
people,” similarly had several discernable meanings. In some of its
earliest uses it referred to common access, with areas open to the general
population deemed public (Habermas, 1962/1989 cited in Donsbach,
2007). In a second usage, public referred to the common interest and
common good, not in the sense of access (or belonging to) but rather in
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the sense of representing (that is, in the name of) the whole of the
people.
As any other concept within the social sciences, public opinion has been
defined differently by various scholars. Bernays, 1928 defined it as the
thought of a society at a given time towards a given object which might
be political, economic or cultural. In early usage, public opinion referred
to the social customs and manners of this growing class of prosperous
“men of letters” but by the close of the century it was being used in an
expressly political context, often in conjunction with cousin phrases
such as “common will,” and “public conscience.”(Donsbach, 2007)
As a matter of fact, there was transformations overtime of the meaning

of public opinion. Barker (1990) argued that, the change from absolute
monarch rule in England brought about public opinion as a new source
of authority. In his words Baker:
Baker (1990) argues that with the dissolution of

absolute monarchical power, both the crown and its
opponent alike invoked public opinion as a new
source of authority and legitimacy, largely in
rhetorical fashion and without any fixed sociological
referent. Hence the term remained, in some sense
intentionally, vague. (Baker, 1990 cited in Donsbach;
2007)
It was linked quite explicitly with free and open discussion of political
affairs among educated men of financial means. Yet it often acquired (as
in the writings of Rousseau, 1762/1968) an abstract and almost super-
human quality as an expression of the common will, divined through
reasoned debate, and framed as a powerful new tribunal for checking
and thus controlling, as right would have it, the actions of the state.
Despite these communitarian origins, however, the concept of public
opinion came to acquire much of its contemporary meaning from its
deployment in the work of later liberal thinkers, particularly “utilitarian”
philosophers such as Mill (1820/1937) and Bentham (1838/1962).
Also, the meaning of public opinion has changed over the years to
include and suite different variations of research. (Converse, 1987) It
relates to “action or readiness for action with regard to a given issue on
the part of members of a public who are reacting in the expectation that
others in the public are similarly oriented toward the same
issue.”(Davidson, 1958). Hence public opinion can be summed up to
mean, different views of the populace about different issues on the state
92
in total most especially in a democratic dispensation (Lax &Philip,

2009).
Examine public opinion as a concept in the Social Sciences.
3.2 Elements of Public Opinion Process
This has to do with the various forms and types of public opinions; as
there are different aspects to public opinion which covers different range
of subjects which can be political, social-cultural, economic etc.
The followings are the elements of public opinion process
• Issues:
These relate to the topics about which people have opinions. These
topics can fall within or cut across the three public opinion
dimensions—i.e., cognitive/theoretical matters of truth, or
normative/practical matters of rightness, or expressive/evaluative
matters of sincerity and authenticity. Issue agendas are typically set by
opinion leaders and by the mass media. Also, issues have their own
dynamics of development, and these dynamics set parameters for the
development of public opinion.
• Communication:
This concerns the social and/or technologically mediated channels

through which opinion circulates. Most public opinion forms through
combinations and interactions of interpersonal and mass-mediated
communication.
• Perceptions of Reality:
People’s perceptions of “what the case is” in the material world, in the
social world, and in themselves, as well as their judgments about how
those three levels of reality intersect.
• Demographic, Social, and Psychological Characteristics:
These are different attributes or tendencies that vary across, and often
within, individuals. Many of these characteristics are potentially relevant
to public opinion research, including the following: race, class, gender,
age, educational level, cultural tastes, group affiliations, access to
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information, media use, social position, occupation, opinion leadership

etc
3.3 Means of Measuring Public Opinion
There are different methods in measuring public opinion. Basically, the

methods can be divided into two: Formal way of measuring public
opinion consists of methods that are scientific and systematic. Under
this means of measuring public opinions, it involves painstaking and
rigor procedures methods. In this category, methods of measuring public
opinion are classified into quantitative and qualitative approach. Formal
ways of measuring of public opinion includes:
Sample surveys: This is the simplest form of measuring public opinion.

Basically, there are three ways of conducting sample surveys they
include:
Face-to-face interviews / in-depth interviews: this was the most

common means of measuring people’s opinion on different issues. The
interviewer talks to the respondents in person and asks relevant
questions which is then recorded by the interviewer. The advantage of
this method is that it is easier to use and none expensive. There are also
disadvantages of this method. First it is time consuming as the interview
might take a long time to be conducted hence consuming a lot of time.
Another disadvantage is the validity of the interview as the respondent
will not like to give negative answers to the questions asked and some of
them are influenced by the interviewee.
Telephone: Telephone interviews are also formal means of gathering

public opinion conducted via the phone. One of the advantage is that is
it easier, shorter and precise unlike face to face interview which can take
a long time to conduct. The disadvantage is that it is costly to use and
because of the cost the essence of the interview might not be achieved.
Mail surveys: This method of opinion collection is not commonly used

as the other methods of formal measuring of public opinion have over
shadowed it. It involves the use of mails in getting public opinions. The
disadvantages of this method is that not everyone reply’s mails and the
mails might be replied lately, hence, the objective of the research will
not be achieved. The advantage is that it is cheaper and easy to use and
responses of the respondents are not controlled.
The disadvantages of sample surveys therefore are: The informal ways

of measuring public opinions are ways that not scientific. These are
methods which are not measured by any scientific methods and the
94
processes are not rigor. Equally, there are no guidelines in their

processes of elections, interests group and lobby, the media and during
protest
Discuss the quantitative and qualitative approach in measuring Public

Opinion.
Elections
The most common way for a democratic government to learn about

public opinion is through elections. Elections are built into the system,
at regular intervals in Nigeria and at irregular intervals in other
democratic countries. They are important because they determine who
staffs the government, and they are also one way for the public to
express its feelings about politics. But they are not a particularly precise
method for ascertaining public opinion.
Politicians and researchers may try to figure out why one person won an
election rather than another, but usually there are so many factors that it
is impossible to single out one or a few and “the” reason or reasons. A
candidate may have won because he or she is in touch with the voters
and understands their needs better than any other candidate. But, on the
other hand, a candidate may have won because he or she is a better
speaker or because of more or better television advertisements. Even if a
candidate won on “the issues,” it may be difficult to determine which
issues were most important. Some voters may have decided on the basis
of economic issues, while others decided on the basis of a candidate’s
stand on abortion or gun control.
In the end, all that elections tell us about “what the public wants” is that
they preferred one candidate over another and not why. Just like the
current Nigeria’s President Mohammed Buhari majority of Nigerians
elected him because of his stance on corruption the president was
against corruption and promised to fight corruption to the last and the
Nigerian populace voted for him. Elections are also imperfect measures
of public opinion because they reflect only the opinions of those who
voted. Certainly, in societies in which all adults have the right to vote,
elections can reflect the various views of all the people. But in practice,
not everyone votes especially in United States, where only about half the
eligible voters participate in presidential elections, and even fewer do so
in other elections. Therefore, elections tend to reflect the views of those
who vote, who are not necessarily representative of the public. As we
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shall see later, elections tend to reflect the viewpoints of more educated,
wealthier citizens.
While elections are a blunt measure of public opinion, they are the most
effective means by which public opinion can control the government
and public policy. Elected politicians, who are future candidates, will
avoid taking especially unpopular positions on issues because they know
that voters might notice and could show their displeasure at the polls. If
voters do not notice a candidate’s position on their own, opposing
candidates will be happy to point it out. In this way, elections serve to
hold politicians accountable to voters’ opinions even latent opinions that
the voters may not consciously hold. Politicians’ perceptions of public
opinion, then, may be as important as the actual public opinion itself. A
state legislator may refrain from voting for an obscure but unpopular bill
because she is afraid that constituents would be offended and vote for
her opponent in the next election even if, in fact, they would never know
Just as the Nigerian senators voted against the same sex bill in Nigeria.
Interest Groups and Lobbying:
Interest groups are also means through which public opinions are
measured. It may seem unlikely that interest groups would be valid
measures of public opinion. They are remarkably unrepresentative of the
public as a whole. The wealthy and the educated members of society are
much more likely to be organised into interest groups and employ
representatives. The poor and uneducated are much less able to speak to
the government through lobbyists. Nevertheless, legislators, staffers, and
other government personnel do pay attention to what interest groups say.
They have good reason to do so. Good lobbyists tend to be well
informed about their issues concerning their employers, they have
access to facts necessary to write laws, they understand the political
process, and they are present when necessary to answer questions.
• The Media:
In this 21st century the media is one avenue for the measurement of
public opinions as people in a polity expresses their opinions through
the mass media. Many government officials, and many regular citizens,
look to the media to understand the views of the public. In Herbst’s
study, she found that legislative staffers also considered the media to
accurately present public opinion. The media are important in
understanding people’s opinions, and we will devote an entire chapter to
the media later in this book. Media, such as television, newspapers, and
magazines are important because of the news they choose and how they
portray the issues. In other terms, they are important in determining the
96
political agenda (what people in the government are thinking about) and
in framing the issues (how the issues are being considered).
The print media are also important as conduits of opinions from

editorialists, columnists, and ordinary people who write letters to the
editor. Most large newspapers print the opinions of their editors and run
the articles. Most also print letters to the editor that that allow ordinary
people the power to express practically any sort of opinion. Some
magazines, such as The Nation newspaper and Punch cover politics in
an essentially nonpartisan way, but there are many more magazines that
represent practically any political point of view in the Nigerian political
spectrum. Media houses such as African Independent Television (AIT),
Nigerian Television Authority (NTA) Silverbird TV have programmes
whereby the people express their views on the polity.
• Protests:
In democratic governments as well as dictatorships, protests have served

governments as indicators of citizens’ dissatisfaction with government
policies. In Nigeria, especially in the last 40 years, protests have been a
staple way of communicating with the government. The goal of protest
is to get the media, and by extension the public and government
officials, to notice a problem they have been ignoring. The fuel subsidy
protest was witnessed in Nigeria in 2012 whereby the Nigerian populace
protested against the fuel increase to demonstrate their dissatisfaction.
Another example of protest is that of Martin Luther King, Jr. was a

master a handling the media to magnify the impact of protests. King
wanted his protest marches in the south to show the brutality of the Jim
Crow, segregationist, political and legal system. He aimed his protests at
the most visibly brutal Southern lawmen, such as Sheriff Jim Clark in
Selma and Bull Connor in Birmingham, Alabama. By being brutalised
on television, King and the other civil rights workers showed that the
southern legal system needed physical coercion to main white
supremacy. These protest marches were very successful; they turned the
attention of the media and Presidents Kennedy and Johnson and the
Congress to the southern oppression of African Americans and resulted
in the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act
of 1965. Since the success of the civil rights protests, many other groups
have adopted protests as part of their repertoire in communicating with
the government. The women’s movement, the pro-life and pro-choice
forces, and the gay rights movement have used protests over the last
thirty or so years. But what was novel in the early sixties is
commonplace today, and it is increasingly difficult to attract the media’s
attention and to be noticed in protests.
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POL 411 MODULE 3
In the 2003 Iraq war, there were numerous anti-war protest marches, but
they attracted minimal media attention and did not appear to change
government policy at all. Again, protests are not especially useful for
determining what the public as a whole thinks. While protest seems to
be a method that anybody, even the poorest people, could use, in fact,
those citizens who are better educated and have higher incomes tend to
protest more than others. Protest, like the other “informal” methods of
ascertaining public opinion, is skewed toward the well-off segments of
the public. Protests are allowed in a democracy and not in an
authoritarian regime. Even during colonialism in Nigeria, there were
protests against colonial rule. You will recall the Aba women riot.
Protests have served governments as indicators of citizens’

dissatisfaction of their policies Discuss.
4.0 SUMMARY
In this unit you have learned about public opinion. Public opinion is
viewed as the views of the people about the government in a state. It
also means people’s view of different activities of the state and it is a
form of assessing the performance of the government. Furthermore, you
have learnt different way by which public opinion are being measured.
These methods are categorised into two with different subdivisions such
as Media, Mail Survey, Mail Survey, Interviews etc.
5.0 CONCLUSION
From the above, Public opinion is important in a democratic

administration as it helps to checkmate and assess the performance of
political authority in a polity through the views of the people in the
polity.
1. List and explain the informal methods of measuring Public

Opinion.
2. Explain how Interest groups and the media are means through
which public opinions are measured.
3. Discuss the elements which public opinion process.
98
Lax,R.J & Philips .J.H( 2009) “ How Should We Estimate Public

Opinion in The States?” American Journal of Political Science,
Vol. 53, No. 1, January 2009, Pp. 107–121
Converse, Philips (1987) “Changing Concept of Public Opinion in the

Political Process” Public Opinion Quarterly 1987 University of
Chicago Press
Davison, W. P. (1958). The Public Opinion Process. Public Opinion

Quarterly, 22, 91–106; also see Allport, F. (1937). Toward a
Science of Public Opinion. Public Opinion Quarterly, 1, 7–23.
Converse, P. E. (1987). Changing Conceptions of Public Opinion in the

Political Process. Public Opinion Quarterly, 51, S12–S24.
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POL 411 MODULE 3
UNIT 4 POLITICAL INFORMATION PROCESSING

AND DECISION-MAKING
CONTENTS
1.0 Introduction
2.0 Objectives
3.0 Main Content
3.1 Processing of Political Information
3.2 Factors Influencing Judgment and Decision-Making
4.0 Conclusion
5.0 Summary
6.0 Tutor- Marked Assignment
7.0 References/ Further Reading
1.0 INTRODUCTION
In a political system, Political Information is important as it serves as an

avenue through which political office holders gets information from the
citizens on issues bothering on governance, public policies and decisions
of governments all in quest to attain the goals of the state. By so doing
there are different processes in processing political information and
there are factors that influence the judgments and decision-making of
political office holders as the processing of political information is
paramount in democratic consolidation. This unit discourses the
processing of political information and factors that influences judgments
and Decisions-making amongst political office holders in political
systems.
2.0 OBJECTIVES
At the end of this Unit, you should be able to:
• explain the processing of political information

• identify factors that influences judgments and decision-making
• explain factors that influences judgments and decision-making.
3.0 MAIN CONTENT
3.1 Processing of Political Information
Political information is an important element in a democracy. As the

goals of Modern economies are the provisions of pure public goods by
the government. As a matter of fact, Political information
100
politicalinformation will have a polarising impact on democracy as

media users become less likely to encounter information that challenges
their partisan viewpoints. As a matter of fact, information processing
approaches are argued to provide a language for expressing theories for
political decision-making with greater than before (Sylvan et al., 1990).
Politics is about solving, or at least dealing with, real problems (and the
associated solutions and preferences).
Information is the trigger of the responsive process. Politics is about

tackling societal problems and governments are expected to attend to,
and try to solve, real world problems (Green-Pedersen and Mortensen
2010). For example during his tenure, President Jonathan was made to
meet the Chibock girls parent due to the outcry of the populace and his
attention was diverted to other duties that were burning during his tenure
based on the political informed gathered from the populace. Also several
times the good luck administration had to reduce the price of fuel as the
people were not happy with the fuel price. Political processing has been
analysed using different methods such as Bem, Daryl J.1978 Model used
by Bishop et al., 1982 Hence this shows how political leaders react or
make decision that were not among their manifesto during campaign
based on the political information gathered. Political processing has
many steps which includes:
1. Information gathering
2. Information processing
These two key steps are vital in processing political information before
decisions are made in any polity.
1. Information gathering: here in information from the public are

gathered true various means such as television, radio, the internet,
opinion poll, vox pop etc., here in government gets the reactions
and the views of the people on burning issues in the society
which are key to the development of the state.
2. Information processing: after the information has been gathered
through various means, then the processed through various
methods such as meetings, dialogues between the political office
holders to come up with what they will do with specific
information gathered.
After these steps, decisions are now made based on the information
gathered after the information processing.
Systems approach by David Easton illustrates how political information
is processed.
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POL 411 MODULE 3
Demand
Environment-- Input A Political decisions
system Output
Support policies
Feedback loop
(Source: Easton 1957 )
Fig. 4.1: How Political Information is Processed
It is useful to view political life as system of behaviour.
2. Environment. A system is distinguishable from the environment

in which it exists and opens to influences from it.
3. Response. Variations in the structures and processes within a
system may usefully be interpreted as constructive or positive
alternative efforts by members of a system to regulate or cope
with stress flowing from environmental as well as internal
sources.
4. Feedback. The capacity of a system to persist in the face of stress
is a function of the presence and nature of the information and
other influences that return to its actors and decision-makers.
• From the following, it can be understood how political
information is being processed and used in a polity. After the
processing of political information these information are now
implemented as policies this brings us to the Factors that
influences Judgments and Decision-making.
Explain the processing of political information.
3.2 Factors Influencing Judgments and Decision-Making
From the above it has been explained how political information is

processed in a polity after the processing, the information gathered are
acted upon and used as a course of actions by the government to make
laws and policies. Decision-making is a broad term that applies to the
process of making a choice between options as to a course of action
(Thomas et al. 1991) for Donald et al., 1990 in their work stated that, :
... Decision-making behaviour of political units we

argue is the result of interactions between these
political and information in processing mechanisms
102
depending upon the norms of a political culture

(Donald et, al., 1990)
The process of decision-making is one of the most complex mechanisms

of human thinking, as various factors and courses of action intervene in
it, with different results (Lizarragr et al., 2007). In going about this,
there are many factors that influence judgments and decision-making of
political office holders so also are there many processes to be taken in
the making of decisions. In the words of Halpern, 2007:
...There are several steps that must be followed in

order to arrive at a decision: one must realize that it is
going to be necessary to make a decision, determine
the goals to be achieved, generate alternatives that
lead to attaining the proposed goals, evaluate whether
these alternatives meet one’s expectations and, lastly,
select the best alternative, the one that implies an
efficient global result (Halpern, 1997)
Factors that influences judgment and decision-making varies across

situations for example decision-making in business differs from
decision-making in politics or in health matters as this exist so does the
factors that influences decision-making differs. For the purpose of this
course, the factors that influence political decision-making will be
assessed.
There are many factors that affects political decision-making and they
differs across climes based on the nature of the polity. The factors
include:
1. Religion
2. Economic factor
3. Ethnicity
4. Environment
1. Religion: Religion is a key factor that affects decision-making of

political office holders. The religion of the political individual
affects and influences his or her decision-making such as a
Muslim leader will make laws that are in line with their religion.
2. Economic factor: The economic factor of the society determines
the decision-making of the leaders. How strong the economic is
determines and influences the decisions made by leaders in a
polity. An example is the USA when George Bush Junior
embarked on war in the Middle East for security reasons; but
when president Barack Obama came into office, the US economy
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POL 411 MODULE 3
was bad and Obama could not afford to go on with wars; rather
the foreign policy of president Obama was diplomatic in nature to
avert any war with rival super-powers. This is how the economy
affects the decision-making.
3. Ethnicity: This one key factor that influences decision-making

most especially in developing climes. The tribe an individual
belongs to influences the individual in making choices or
decisions. This has been the most influential factor in decision-
making in Sub- Saharan Africa as political office holders show
strong affiliations to their tribe and sometimes favour their tribe
in decision-making.
4. Environment: Out of all the factors that influence decision-

making, the environment is one key factor that influence and
determines the decision-making of political office holders. The
ecology of the environment (peaceful, violent, chaotic) influences
the choice of policy or polices that will be made by political
office holders. Because of this fact, policy formulators’ asses the
environment before making of polices as this can be detrimental
to the success or failure of the policy. Lack of acknowledgement
of this factor is the Fuel hike by President Goodluck which
resulted into series of protest by Nigerians.
The environment can be divided into two types based on the type of
policy or decision in question. The two environments are namely:
1. Foreign environment
2. Domestic environment
1. Foreign environment: This refers to environment outside that of

the origin of the decision-making. Here it is the receiver of the
decision that is to be made by decision makers in a polity.
Normally, foreign polices decisions are examples of foreign
environments that falls within this category as they are meant for
the outside world. An example of this is Uganda when she
enforced an anti gay law for anyone practicing homosexuality but
the law was rebooked by the lawmaking body because the United
States of America threatened to withdraw financial support from
the country. Another example is that of North Korea and Iran in
their quest for Nuclear weapon they knew that this will pitch
them against the United States of America. Hence before laws
and decisions are made, the receiver environment is studied to
understand the nature and consequences of these decisions.
104
2. Domestic environment: This environment has to do with the local

environment of from where the decision-making originates from
and the decisions that originate from any decisions made are
directed towards the domestic populace. Most policies of decision
makers are directed towards this environment.
In spite of all these, decision-making in third world countries are
not based on critical rational approach rather decision-making are
based on ethnic and religious motives. Such is the example of
privatisation policies in Nigeria. Despite the fact that privatisation
policy has failed to produced the much desired result in Nigeria,
government after government have continue to privatise
government public enterprises.
In 2011 the senate committee on privatisation after an inquiry

on privatisation policy in Nigeria where erstwhile director bureau
of public enterprises were invited and interrogated, they
concluded that, privatisation policy in Nigeria has failed despite
this subsequent governments are still embarking the policy. This
shows that decision-making is not based on critical rational
thinking in developing and Sub-Saharan Africa as compared to
other parts of the world. Also the fuel hike in Nigeria by
President Jonathan in January 2013 is another example.
Examine the domestic environment of decision-making
4.0 CONCLUSION
Political information is crucial in democracies as it bridges the nexus

between political office holders and the populace. Political information
processing takes several stages which are important to the political
process. Also, there are factors that influence decision-making in a
political system, but vary across climes. In third world countries most
especially in the Sub-Saharan Africa decision-making are not based on
rational thinking.
5.0 SUMMARY
In this unit, you have learnt that about the processing of political
information and the factors that influences decision-making amongst
leaders. You have also learnt about the differences in the environments
in decision-making in a polity and how it affects decision-making.
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POL 411 MODULE 3
1. Explain the processing of political information.

2. List and explain the factors that influence decision-making.
3. Differentiate between the domestic environment and the foreign
environment in decision-making.
7.0 REFERENCES/FURHER READING
Easton, David. (1957) “An approach to the analysis of political systems”

world politics VOL. 9 NO 3 PP. 383-400 Available at
http://online.sfsu.edu/sguo/Renmin/June2_system/Political%20S
ystem_Easton.pdf.
Onyeoziri Fred. (2005) The citizen and the State. Ibadan university press
Donald A. Sylvan, Ashok G., B. Chandrasekaran (1990) Analysing

Decision-making from an Information- Processing Perspective:
JESSE. University of Texas Press: Available at:
https://home.cc.gatech.edu/dil/uploads/jesse-90.pdf
Bishop, F. George, Robert W. Oldendick, Alfred J.Tuchfarber, (1982).

“Political Information Processing: Question Order and Context
Effects” Political Behaviour. Agathon press Vol. 4. No 2. :
Available at
http://www.rochester.edu/College/faculty/mperess/ada2007/Politi
cal_Information_Processing.pdf.
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UNIT 5 PERCEPTIONS AND FOREIGN POLICY
CONTENTS
1.0 Introduction
2.0 Objectives
3.0 Main Content
3.1 The Concept of Foreign Policy
3.2 Aims of Foreign Policy
3.3 Factors Influencing Foreign Policy Decision-Making
4.0 Conclusion
5.0 Summary
7.0 References/ Further Reading
1.0 INTRODUCTION
The international political system consists of states (countries) which

interact with one another. The interactions of states in the international
political system vary across climes. Countries interact with one another
based on their national interest. Hence countries establish different
guidelines in their interactions with other countries. That guideline
which serves as a framework in the conduct of relations between states
is known as Foreign Policy. There are several factors that are
considered before the formation of a foreign policy of a State these
include the nature of the external environment (international political
system), the state of the economy, and the national interest of the nation.
Hence, these are some of the factors that influence the perceptions
amongst foreign policy advisers in making decisions on states relations
with another. This unit explores the intricacies of foreign policy and
perceptions amongst foreign policy makers.
2.0 OBJECTIVES
• explain the intricacies in foreign policy making

• discuss the factors that influences the perception of foreign policy
advisers
• state the aims of foreign policy.
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POL 411 MODULE 3
3.0 MAIN CONTENT
3.1 The Concept of Foreign Policy
As any concept in the Social Science foreign policy has been defined by
different scholars to have different meanings. For easy understanding of
the concept of foreign policy, we begin with conceptualising the first
term: “foreign.” We typically make the distinction between foreign
policy and domestic policy. “Foreign” is meant to apply to policy
toward the world outside states’ territorial borders, and “domestic” is
meant to apply to policy made for the internal political system (Kaarbo
et al., 2012). Going to war with another country, signing an international
trade agreement, or aiding a rebel insurgency in another country are
examples of foreign policy. Taxes, education standards, and civil rights
are examples of domestic policy (Ibid).
For Pearson and Rochester, 1997 foreign Policy refers to:

... the set of priorities and precepts established by
national leaders to serve as guidelines for choosing
among various course of actions (behaviour) in
specific situations as they strive to achieve their goal
(Pearson and Rochester, 1997: 127)
The existence of a “foreign policy” presupposes a distinction between

inside an actor and its domestic context and outside/foreign the
environment the actor faces -, and some form of political relationship
between the two (Schunz, 2008). These two environments are important
in the making of foreign policy as it determines the success or failure of
the policy.
In a sum foreign policy are set of rules and guidelines that guide a state
in her relations with another state. These rules serve as templates in the
relations of one state with another which is in tandem with their national
interest. It is important to note that, there are two environments in the
making of foreign policy the domestic and external environments.
Foreign policy is meant for the external environment as the receiving
stimulus of the foreign policy.
From all these, we can define foreign policy as:
• A policy that guides a state in its relations with other state

• A framework that guides a state in its interactions with others.
108
3.2 Aims of Foreign Policy
Foreign policy as deduced from the conceptual clarification is set of

rules that serve as guidelines in the conduct of state relations. Basically,
the aims and objectives of foreign policy differ across states as different
states of the world have different aims and objectives in their
interactions with other states e.g. Africa has been the centre piece of
Nigeria foreign policy over the years and this has been passed to
different governments.
This accounts for Nigeria peace keeping mission in the continent over
the years. Also the United States of America has over the years been an
advocate of democratic rule and thus has been at wars with states that
are not democratic this which is in tandem with her foreign policy. Also
the United States of America’s relation with states of the world “its
quest and maintenance of her hegemonic power” it based on its foreign
policy hence the aims of foreign policy differs. In Nigeria, Africa has
been the centre piece of its foreign policy with the aim of promotion of
peace and prosperity, stability and development in Africa, international
cooperation, and eradication apartheid in South-Africa and all forms of
discrimination (Ashaver, 2014)
Generally, the aims of foreign policy are to ensure peaceful conduct of

relations amongst states based on the personal national interest of each
state. This means that the major aims of foreign policy is to propagate
and attain national interest of states which of course varies across states.
In the words of Arnold Wolfers, an intelligent observer of international
relations in his analysis of foreign policy behaviour briefly explains
what foreign encapsulate, cited in Pearson and Rochester, 1997:
... all foreign policy behaviour ultimately boils down

to three possible patterns: (1) self-preservation
(Maintaining the status-quo); (2) self extension
(revising the status quo in ones favour) and self
abnegation( revising the status quo in someone else’s
favour ); and (3) self abnegation (revising the status
quo in someone else’s favour).
At the heart of the field of foreign policy analysis is an investigation into

decision-making, the individual decision- makers, processes and
conditions that affect foreign policy and the outcomes of these decisions
(Alden, 2011).
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POL 411 MODULE 3
3.3 Factors Influencing Foreign Policy Decision-Making
The primary responsibility of all framers of foreign policy is to articulate

in clear terms their country’s national interest and to relate them to those
of other nations within the international system (Ashaver, 2013). In the
making of foreign policy, there are many factors that influence the
decision of foreign policy makers. These factors vary across climes and
can be divided into two. These are:
• domestic determinants of foreign policy

• external determinants of foreign policy.
Domestic determinants of foreign policy are those factors that emanates

from the internal environment from where the foreign policy is
developed. These determinants ranges includes,
• The type of government

• Perceptions of the leaders
• National interest of the country
Type of government: the type of government matters as it influences

the type of foreign policy decision made. The form of government in
existence determines the foreign policy made in a state as foreign policy
made by military governments tends to be different from that of a
democratic system of government. An example under the military era in
Nigeria, Nigeria’s foreign policy was not based on Nigeria’s national
interest Africa has remained the centre piece of Nigeria’s foreign Policy
and this raises many questions on the Nigerian state as subsequent
governments. As stated in the words of Okpokpo (2000:34)
... Our vital national interests have to be redefined.

Does Africa still represent the cornerstone of our
foreign policy when we have more respect from other
countries than we get from African nations despite
our whole-hearted commitment to them? If yes, what
are the benefits we get from the choice? If the
response is no, then we should reorient our foreign
policy towards more profitable ventures like
economic, scientific, cultural and technical
cooperation with more advanced countries including
Asia…
Furthermore, under the military regime Nigeria’s foreign policy was

most powerful notably under the Muritala Administration Nigeria
foreign policy was vibrant as Nigeria spearheaded many events in Africa
110
during this period also contributed to many peacekeeping missions

(Foluke, 2011). As a matter of fact, Ashaver, 2013:291 noted that this
period (1975-1979) was the golden era of Nigerian Foreign Policy. He
further stated that, “As a precursor to a vibrant foreign policy, the
Mohammed Regime embarked on a cleaning exercise domestically,
intended to rid Nigeria of rotten eggs that populated the civil service”(
Ibid). This showed the nature of Nigeria’s foreign policy under the
military regime most especially the period (1975-1979). The Angolan
crisis provided the leadership with the opportunity to demonstrate their
new orientation in Nigeria’s foreign policy (Ibid).
Personal Interest of leaders: The perception and personal interest of

the leader at the helm of affairs of a state notably the president or Prime
Minister as the case may be influences the making of a foreign policy.
The personal interest of the leader comes to bear in the making of
foreign policy decisions. For example, during the George Bush Jnr’s
Administration the USA foreign policy was much pronounced as it
embarked on series of wars against terrorism and extremist regimes
most especially in the Middle East. These acts could not be divorced
from the personal interest of George Bush Jnr as his personal vendetta to
kill Sadam Hussein which his father George Bush Snr. failed to do.
Hence, the personal motives of leaders come to play in the making of
foreign policy decisions.
National interest of the country: The national interest of a country

influences the foreign decisions making of states in the making of
foreign policies. Over the years the National interests of countries have
been a driving force in the making of foreign policy decisions. For
example Nigeria’s foreign policy has been the same over the years as
Africa has consistently been the focus and centre piece of her foreign
policy as Nigeria aim is poised towards maintaining her status quo as the
giant of Africa and Africa’s big brother. This has seen Nigeria
embarking on series of peacekeeping missions in the continent and
spearheaded the agitations of independence of many African states.
Hence subsequent Nigerian governments have maintained this viewpoint
in Nigerians foreign policy and follow suit. The United States of
America is another example the quest to remain as a world super power
has been the major aim of most American government after the Second
World War. This and the promotion of a democracy throughout the
world and the protection of her citizens and allies when need be. These
national interests have guided the conduct and relations of the United
States of America and other states.
It is important to note that foreign policy decisions are collectively made

by stakeholders (diplomats, foreign affairs ministry) and are given as
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POL 411 MODULE 3
“suggestions” to the head of the state as the case may be and the head to
state has the final say in the making of foreign policy decisions and most
times, foreign policy decisions are made and based on the perception
and personal interest of the leader (president, prime minister) and are
influenced by the above mentioned factors.
4.0 CONCLUSION
In this unit, you have been able to learn that foreign policy is framework
and guideline that guides a state in her relations with other states based
on her national interest. Also, we have been able to examine the factors
that influence the perceptions of foreign policy advisers. From that, it
was established that advisers of foreign policy differs across climes but
are mostly diplomats, international relations scholars and permanent
secretaries as the case may be. Even though their perceptions are
influenced by series of factors in the making of foreign policy their
decisions are not final and are tentative and are subjected to the head of
the government (the president or prime minister or as the case may be).
Hence, foreign policy decisions balls down to the head of government.
5.0 SUMMARY
This unit has been able to conceptualise foreign policy as set of rules
and guidelines that guide a state in her relations with another state and it
serve as templates in the relations of one state with another which is in
tandem with their national interest. Also from this unit it was deduced
that, the aims and objectives of foreign policy of states differs across
climes as different states have different aims and objectives in their
interactions with other states. Also from this unit it was learnt that
factors such as the type of government, personnel interests of the
leaders, and National interest of the country.
1. Discuss foreign Policy

2. List and explain the factors influencing foreign policy decision-
making.
Ashaver, T.B. (2013).. “Continuities and Discontinuities in Nigerian

Foreign Policy”, International Journal of Development and
Sustainability, Vol. 3 No. 2, pp. 286-305
112
Okpokpo, E. (1999). The Challenges Facing Nigeria's Foreign Policy in

the Next Millenium 3(2): 4. [Online] URL:
http://web.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v3/v3i3a16.htm
113
MODULE 4 ELECTIONS AND ELECTORAL

BEHAVIOUR
Unit 1 Understanding Elections

Unit 2 Personality of Politicians
Unit 3 Political Socialisation
UNIT 1 UNDERSTANDING ELECTIONS
CONTENTS
1.0 Introduction
2.0 Objectives
3.0 Main content
3.1 Definition of Election
3.2 Nexus between Election and Democracy
3.3 Factors that Influence Electoral Behaviour
3.4 Electoral Agencies
4.0 Conclusion
5.0 Summary
7.0 Reference/Further Reading
1.0 INTRODUCTION
Election is an essential feature in a democratic administration as it helps

to curb dictatorship by change of government. It is a means whereby the
citizens of certain polity vote to change or usher in new government.
The conduct of elections differs across climes as the factors and
conditions that affect voting behaviours vary as a result of their political
culture, religion, environment and economy of the clime. Hence, the
preparation of elections by the electoral agencies (body) also differs
across climes. Therefore, this unit assesses the essence of elections in a
democratic dispensation.
2.0 OBJECTIVES
• explain essence of elections in a democratic dispensation and

• explain the factors that influences electoral behaviours in a polity
• discuss the impact of electoral agency on elections.
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3.0 MAIN CONTENT
3.1 Definition of Election
The concept of election is associated with so many meanings that it is

hardly difficult to say its exact meaning. Election can be defined as a
procedure that allows members of an organisation or community to
choose representatives who will hold positions of authority within it
(Awopeju, 2011). According to Omonijo et al. (2007) cited in Awopeju,
2011 , election is the act of choosing public officers to fill vacant posts
by vote, it is an act of choosing those that govern a state; it may be
conducted periodically. Elections can also be defined as a means by
which people in a polity vote in their leaders to rule on their behalf.
In sum, Elections are central institution of democratic representative
governments. The reason is that, in democracy, the authority of the
government derives solely from the consent of the governed. The
principal mechanism for translating that consent into governmental
authority is the holding of free and fair elections.
3.2 Nexus between Election and Democracy
Elections provide a mechanism for aggregating private information,

ensuring a better collective decision (Feddersen and Pesendorfer, 1997).
Democracy here is defined as a social system of administrating a nation-
state where political parties and independent candidates compete for
elective positions in a free and fair election atmosphere, and in which
the citizens are legally empowered to choose those who will run the
affairs of the state in a given period (Obakhedo, 2011). As a matter of
fact, the authority of the government in democracies derives solely from
the consent of the governed (Agbor et. al., 2011). This shows the
importance of elections in a democratic administration. As averred by
Aristotle, cited in (Ibid) the fundamental principles of ruling and being
ruled are derived from election as a basic feature of democracy.
Democracy as a principle whereby power comes from the people to elect
their chosen representatives to lead and govern on their behalf will be
incomplete without elections as elections is the process whereby
citizenry of a polity elect their representatives to rule on their behalf
hence through elections democracy will be put to test in a polity.
Elections may be conducted, but the failure of the voter registration

process or the denial of a level playing ground for the political parties to
operate or the lack of independence of the electoral management body or
uncertainty in the constitutional and legal framework for the conduct of
elections may produce results that may not be acceptable to the
generality of the people. In an exhilarating discussion of the popularity
of election in democratic rule, Pammet (1981) cited in Agbor et. al.,
115
2011 has argued that elections are virtually omnipresent institutions of

the nations of the modern world. This was corroborated with Luqman,
2009. In his words:
…that election is at the heart of democracy and

democratization process has become widely acknowledged.
Election performs indispensable roles and thereby remains
central to the whole essence of democratic process (Luqman,
2009: 59)
From the above, it is quite clear that elections in a democracy are

important and vital for the growth and sustenance of democracy. As
Schumpeter (1942) puts it “democracy means only that the people have
the opportunity of accepting or refusing the men who are to rule them”
Be that as it may, the conduct of elections in democracies differs across
climes. The conduct of elections has been a recurring problem in third
world countries and emerging democracies (Kuhne, 2010). Africa’s
experience with electoral democracy has been mixed: progress has been
made, but challenges remain. The various elections in the past several
years from Kenya and Zimbabwe to Ghana and Sierra Leone have
become historical landmarks for different reasons, varying drastically in
their conduct and outcome (Cyllah, 2010).
Newly democracies have problems in the conducting elections as there

are problems of election riggings, ballot box snatching, and election
inconveniencies due to lack of preparations by electoral agencies in
charge this is no difference in Nigeria. The Nigerian experience with
general elections has shown that the political elite have not fully come to
terms with the referents of elections for democratic sustenance and
national security.
…in some advanced democracies, elections are such

a routine matter, that the credibility and validity of
each electoral process and cycle is assessed on the
quality and performance of new technologies and
innovations and how well such creative enterprises
bolster the performance of the electoral management
body and enhance voters’ confidence (Okoye, 2013:
5-6).
He further noted that:

…In other countries, including Nigeria especially
those with a history of military dictatorship, one party
and “big man” rule, the process of holding elections
as a peaceful and orderly means of power transfer
has been problematic (Ibid)
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POL 411 MODULE 4
This shows the nature of elections in young democratic

states like Nigeria and this is having an impact on the
consolidation of democracies in those climes and
compared to what is obtainable in the west.
Discuss the nexus between election and democracy in a

polity.
3.3 Factors that Influence Electoral Behaviour
Elections as an important element in a democratic administration are

influenced by the citizenry in certain ways. During voting in elections
there are many factors that influences the electoral behaviours of certain
voters in election in different climes. These factors vary across climes
depending on the political culture, nature of the environment and polity,
level of education of the citizens, and their culture. Among political
behaviour, the study of voting behaviour over the years has occupied a
central position, both in terms of quantity and quality
Generally, factors that influence electoral behaviours of voters include:
• Religion
• Ethnicity
• Education
• Personality
• Religion
This is one factor that influences the voting behaviour of electorates

during elections. Mostly voters vote according to religious believe to
protect their interest as a matter of fact, this pattern occurs in global
south were democracy is still young and there are issues on religious
motivated violence (Nigeria, Central African Republic (CAR), Egypt
etc). Voters vote according to religious line to protect their belief and
rather vote in leaders that share same believe with them. In Egypt, after
the ouster of the ex President Mubarak in office Egyptians voted for the
Islamic party for obvious reasons but when the party under Morsi failed
to tackle issues the party was ouster via a coup. Also, Central African
Republic has witnessed and still witnessing turmoil based on religious
issues relating to power tussle between the Northern Muslims and the
southern Christians this has lead to formation of militia groups (Seleka
and Anti – Balaka group) fighting (NPSIA, 2014). In Nigeria this has
always been the case but as a developing democracy the just concluded
2015 general elections saw Nigerians uniting in all fronts to vote out the
dominant political party (PDP). To buttress religion as a key factor in
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voting behaviour, Bola Tinubu the father of All Progressive Congress

(APC) choose a Christian (Akinwunmi Ambode) as the next governor of
Lagos state solely because it was said that all the previous governors in
Lagos state are Muslims hence he was determined to win the votes of
Lagosians for his party (APC) and his candidate won. This is the
powerful influence of religion on electoral behaviours of voters.
• Ethnicity:
This is one factor that has over the years influenced the political
behaviour of voters as voters vote across ethnic lines an example was
the just concluded 2015 general elections in Nigeria when the voters in
the South-South and South East region of Nigeria voted massively for
ex president Jonathan Goodluck while voters in up North voted for
President Mohammed Buhari. Be that as it may, ethnicity as a factor
that influences voting behaviours of voters majorly exist in third world
countries and not considered factors that influence voting behaviour in
developed countries.
• Education:
The education level of the political aspirants influences the voting

behaviours of the voters as some voters believe the higher the
educational status of the political aspirants the better the candidates will
rule them. In some developed climes political candidates are to attain
certain educational level to contents and win elections.
• Personality:
The personality of individuals involved in elections influences voting

behaviours during elections as the persona of the political aspirants
comes to bear in during elections. The way the contestant carries his or
her self-influence political behaviour of voters such as the United States
of America’s president Barack Obama.
These factors listed above are main factors that influence voting
behaviour. Other factors that influence voting behaviour of voters
includes:
• Mass media
• Religious bodies
• Political Party ideologies
• Social status
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POL 411 MODULE 4
List and explain the factors that influence voting behaviour.
3.3 Electoral Agencies
Electoral agencies are bodies that conduct elections in a state (Idike,

2014). Electoral bodies are set up by the executive arm of government
in a state to see to the administrations and affairs in the conduct of
elections. Electoral agencies are usually independent and funded by the
executive arms of government and through other sources such as
donations from international organisations.
Electoral body differs across climes. In some climes the electoral body
is independent of the executive arm of government and the appointment
of the head of the agency is not appointed by the president or as the case
may be. This is to ensure free and fair elections as this will reduced the
power of the incumbent over the electoral board. This was witnessed in
Ghana when the incumbent president lost a re-election bid which is a
huge departure from the nomenclature in Africa. Hence, electoral
agencies are crucial to democratic consolidation in a polity as its
handling of an election in terms of administration and the conduct of the
elections matters and go a long way in strengthening democracy.
4.0 CONCLUSION
Elections are important elements in a democratic administration as

without which democracy will be truncated. For elections to be
successful the electoral body must be transparent to conduct transparent
elections.
5.0 SUMMARY
This unit explained the concept of elections and why it is conducted in a

polity as well as factors that influence electoral behaviours.
Furthermore, factors such as religion, ethnicity, personality, and
education status of the political aspirant in question were highlighted
1. Discuss the factors that influence voting behaviour.

2. What is the relationship between democracy and elections in a
Polity?
119
Idike, A.N. (2014) “Democracy and the Electoral Process in Nigeria:

Problems and Prospects of the E-Voting Option “Asian Journal
of Humanities and Social Sciences (AJHSS) Volume 2—Issue 2,
May, 2014.
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POL 411 MODULE 4
UNIT 2 PERSONALITY OF POLITICIANS
CONTENTS
1.0 Introduction
2.0 Objectives
3.0 Main Content
3.1 Personality and Politics
3.2 Personality of Politicians
3.3 Factors Influencing Personality of Politicians
4.0 Conclusion
5.0 Summary
6.0 Tutor- Marked Assignment
7.0 Reference/ Further Reading
1.0 INTRODUCTION
The study of the behaviour of individuals, groups and societies are one
of the major tenets of behaviouralist in the study of politics. Therefore,
through the study of these behaviours you can understand the true
nature of politics and explain and predict phenomena. Politicians being
who they are have their different personality and are influenced by
different factors which make them become or not become what they are
when they venture into politics and gain political power.
2.0 OBJECTIVES
• discuss the personality of the political being

• explain the factors and conditions that influence their behaviour
in politics.
3.0 MAIN CONTENT
3.1 Personality and Politics
In recent years, personality psychologists have refined the understanding

of personality and have reached a working consensus that personality
traits can be comprehensively conceptualized and reliably measured in
terms of five traits (the Big Five): Agreeableness, Openness (to
Experience), Emotional Stability (sometimes referred to by its inverse,
Neuroticism), Conscientiousness, and Extraversion (Gerber,et al., 2010).
Politics in many democracies of the Western World and different parts
of the world has presumably become increasingly personalised (Caprara,
Barbaranelli, & Zimbardo, 1999, 2002; Giddens, 1998; Ricolfi, 2002).
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The personalisation of politics encompasses two presumed processes.

First, the personalities of candidates capture center stage and become the
focus of voters’ attention. Second, the individual personalities of voters,
rather than their social locations in various interest groups, become
decisive for political choice (Caprara & Zimbardo, 2004).
The importance of the personal characteristics of individuals for political

choice may be increasing for several reasons (Wattenberg, 1998). The
distinctiveness, diversity, and extremity of parties may be declining as
they seek the political center to attract groups with diverse interests.
Political issues are increasingly complex and political units’ increasingly
interdependent, cutting across traditional cleavages. And the electorate
is showing greater concern with social relations and intimacy.
As an example, the personality of current Nigerian’s president

Mohammed Buhari as a corrupt free and upright person influenced
people voting for him. As a matter of fact this was the major reason
people voted for him in the March, 2015 presidential elections. His win
against an incumbent was the first of its kind in the Nigerian Polity. In
Oyo state , PDP fielded an ex-convict to run as governor same in Osun
state “ Omisore” touted to have had an hand in the death of Bola Ige and
this culminated in PDP’s loss. All these examples show the significance
of the personality of any political aspirant to be fielded in an election.
3.2 Personality of Politicians
Personality of politicians in a Polity matters a lot as their personality are

product of their family, culture and society. For clarity, personality
includes any individual psychological variations that influence
behaviour (Elms, 1976). The behaviour of individuals “politicians” as to
understand the differences between individuals that remains relatively
stable across variety of situations (Brehm , et.al, 2005). The expression
of personality characteristics in political behaviour is often entertaining,
but it is also important. For example, during the ex- president Jonathan
Goodluck’s administration the Nigerian state was in comatose.
Fuel scarcity was a regular feature, the rate of unemployment was high
and the military under his administration could not curtail the Boko
haram crisis as a matter of fact, the Boko haram crisis manifested during
his administration because it was not properly checked from the
inception “the system” was frequently blamed for national troubles. The
political system is tremendously significant in giving people
opportunities to express certain kinds of behaviour and in restraining
them from other kinds. But people eager to take advantage of the
system, people driven by their private needs to use the system in
unanticipated ways. Understanding the system is only a part of
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understanding politics; understanding the role of personality and the

interactions of personality and system is also vital. The personality of
Bola Ahmed Tinubu as the brain behind All Progressive Congress
(APC) has given him that status of respect in the Nigerian society.
Because without him the political party known as APC will not stand.
Furthermore, it is important to note that, individual personality is shaped

by experience family dynamics, cultural forces, work experiences, and
educational experiences. However, a great deal of evidence indicates
that substantial variation in foundational personality dispositions such as
the Big Five is stable from very early in life. There is evidence that these
dispositional traits have some genetic basis and can be a reason why
certain politicians behave certain ways. (Bouchard 1997; Plomin et al.
1990) and are quite stable through the life cycle (Caspi, Roberts, and
Shiner 2005; Costa and McCrae 1992; Gosling, Rentfrow, and Swann
2003).
These personality differences affect how individuals respond to the

stimuli they encounter in their environment. As such, personality traits
can likely be viewed as predating, rather than being caused by, social
and political influences, offering an opportunity to examine how
fundamental, enduring personality differences affect an array of social
outcomes, including political attitudes and behaviours (Gerber,et al.,
2010). In understanding the personality of politicians we have to study
different factors that influence them as these politicians are part of the
society. The personality of politicians in Nigeria and Africa will
different greatly from the personality of politicians in Europe, and the
America’s which is due to the nature of the society. In those developed
climes, the personality of the politicians are that of service to the country
and that of sincerity even though there might be some of them that are
corrupt and dubious , it differs greatly from countries in the global south
Nigeria inclusive. In the countries of global south, the personality of
politicians is that of insincerity as a result of the nature of the
environment.
These politicians see politics as a profession and when they get to

elective post they try as much as possible to acquire money for
themselves. An example can be seen in Nigeria as most of the governors
after completing their tenure in office are questioned by the Economic
and Financial Crimes commission (EFCC) and those politicians that are
not the custody of the EFC are questionable this can be witnessed in the
case of Osun state as the governor owing workers’ salaries in the state
despite his elections promises. Hence the personality of politicians
differs across climes and can be judged by their level of output in the
society.
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Examine the nexus between personality and politics
3.3 Factors Influencing Personality of Politicians
There are many factors influencing the personality of politicians and

these factors vary across climes. The factors that affect the personality
of politicians in the global south differ from the factors that affect the
personality of politicians in the western world. Hence, these factors are
put in the context in analysis.
The followings are factors that influence the personality of politicians

they include:
1. The Society
2. The political system
3. The Economy
4. The Education level
5. The Political party
1. The Society: the society is an important factor that influences the

behaviour, and personality of politicians. Different societies have
their peculiar culture that influences the personality of its people.
Culture refers to the total way of life of any society. In the words
of Ember &Ember, 1990:
… this totality includes such mundane activities as

washing dishes or driving an automobile and for the
purpose of cultural studies these stand quite on a par
with the finger of life…
Society is a complex system of relationships. Its existence depends on

successfully coordinating the needs and behaviours of each individual
with the majority’s needs, and with adopted models of socially desirable
behaviour (Markovik, 2010).
The culture of the society in question might be that of corruption and

dubious activities and such attributes of that society will rub off on the
personality of the individuals in question. Politicians as part of members
of the society get influenced by the happenings in the society. The
society as a social system functions hand in hand with other sub
structures in the social system to make the functional and in order. In
going about that, other sub-structure interacts with one another and this
in turn, has effects on human behaviour.
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The economy structure of a society has effect on the thinking, and

personality of individuals of which politicians are part of. As an
example, the Nigerian society is that of survival of the fittest. The
economy is bad, the level of industrialisation is at its lowest, there is
high level of insecurity, there is high maternity death rate, and the life
expectancy is low with all these, the Nigerian society is that of the
survival of the fittest. Hence Nigerian Politicians makes promises but
when they get into office they fill their pockets and fail to fulfil their
promises and this leads to the constant underdevelopment in the
Nigerian society.
This accounts for why politicians in Nigeria are seen as corrupt and
politics is seen as an avenue to make money which accounts for the
reason why there is constant juggle to be into politics which quite differs
from the west. In the west or developed countries, politics is seen as an
avenue to serve their people and contribute to the development of the
society. In these climes, that the economy is good and stable there is
high level of industrialisation and that influences the perception of the
politicians. That is not to say that politicians in the developed climes are
not corrupt as well but it is minimal and that shows in their perception.
Major concerns of these politicians in the west is how to strength their
state and bring development to the populace. The structure and nature
of a society affects the behaviour and personality of individuals in the
society of which politicians are inclusive of.
2. The Political System:
Political systems are the formal and informal political processes by

which decisions are made concerning the use, production and
distribution of resources in any given society. Formal political
institutions can determine the process for electing leaders; the roles and
responsibilities of the executive and legislature; the organisation of
political representation (through political parties); and the accountability
and oversight of the state. Informal and customary political systems,
norms and rules can operate within or alongside these formal political
institutions (GSDRC, 2014). International African Institute: 1987 xxiii
puts it “… political systems involve a set of relations between territorial
groups…” Political systems that have developed and been refined over
centuries went through various processes, though under less
immediately dire circumstances i.e through revolts such as the Glorious
War in Britain, the French Revolution in France, and in global south
countries through colonialism.
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Types of Political Systems
Political systems are of different kinds. Over the years the world has
witnessed different forms of political systems as change is the only
constant thing in life. The forms of political systems include but not
limited to:
1. Monarchism
2. Authoritarian and Totalitarian
3. Democracy
1. Monarchism: Monarchism which is also referred to as Monarch

is a political system in which power resides in a single family that
rules from one generation to the next generation. The power the
family enjoys is traditional authority, and many monarchs
command respect because their subjects bestow this type of
authority on them. Other monarchs, however, have ensured
respect through arbitrary power and even terror. Royal families
still rule today, but their power has declined from centuries ago.
Today the Queen of England holds a largely ceremonial position,
but her predecessors on the throne wielded much more power.
Also countries like Spain, Denmark, Norway, Sweden Morocco
still practices Monarchy but at a minimal level as their power is
not absolute. While climes like Oman, Qatar, Brunei, Saudi
Arabia, and Swaziland are absolute monarch states hence, power
is vested in the hands of these monarchs.
2. Authoritarianism and Totalitarianism: authoritarianism and

totalitarianism are general terms for nondemocratic political
systems ruled by an individual or a group of individuals who are
not freely elected by their populations and who often exercise
arbitrary power. To be more specific, authoritarianism refers to
political systems in which an individual or a group of individuals
holds power, restricts or prohibits popular participation in
governance, and represses dissent. Totalitarianism refers to
political systems that include all the features of authoritarianism
but are even more repressive as they try to regulate and control
all aspects of citizens’ lives and fortunes. People can be
imprisoned for deviating from acceptable practices or may even
be killed if they dissent in the mildest of ways. Compared to
democracies and monarchies, authoritarian and totalitarian
governments are more unstable politically. The major reason for
this is that these governments enjoy no legitimate authority.
Instead their power rests on fear and repression. The populations
of these governments do not willingly lend their obedience to
their leaders and realize that their leaders are treating them very
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poorly; for both these reasons, they are more likely than
populations in democratic states to want to rebel. Sometimes they
do rebel, and if the rebellion becomes sufficiently massive and
widespread, a revolution occurs. In contrast, populations in
democratic states usually perceive that they are treated more or
less fairly and, further, that they can change things they do not
like through the electoral process. Seeing no need for revolution,
they do not revolt.
Since World War II, which helped make the United States an
international power, the United States has opposed some authoritarian
and totalitarian regimes while supporting others. The Cold War pitted
the United States and its allies against Communist nations, primarily the
Soviet Union, China, Cuba, and North Korea. But at the same time the
United States opposed these authoritarian governments, it supported
many others, including those in Chile, Guatemala, and South Vietnam,
that repressed and even murdered their own citizens who dared to
engage in the kind of dissent constitutionally protected in the United
States.
1. Democracy: This is the type of government whereby power

comes from the people, or a political system in which citizens
govern themselves either directly or indirectly. The
term democracy comes from Greek and means “rule of the
people.” In Lincoln’s stirring words from the Gettysburg
Address, democracy is “government of the people, by the people,
for the people.” In direct (or pure) democracies, people make
their own decisions about the policies, issues and distribution of
resources that affect them directly. An example of such happened
in April 2015 when there was a referendum in Scotland to decide
the Scotts should remain part of the United Kingdom. However,
such direct democracies are impractical when the number of
people gets beyond a few hundred. Representative
democracies are thus much more common. In these types of
democracies, people elect officials to represent them in legislative
votes on matters affecting the population.
Representative democracy is more practical than direct democracy in a

society of any significant size, but political scientists cite another
advantage of representative democracy. At least in theory, it ensures that
the individuals who govern a society and in other ways help a society
function are the individuals who have the appropriate talents, skills, and
knowledge to do so. In this way of thinking, the masses of people are,
overall, too uninformed, too uneducated, and too uninterested to run a
society themselves. Representative democracy thus allows for “the
cream to rise to the top” so that the people who actually govern a society
127
are the most qualified to perform this essential task (Seward, 2010).
Although this argument has much merit, it is also true that many of the
individuals who do get elected to office turn out to be ineffective and/or
corrupt. Regardless of our political orientations, Americans can think of
many politicians to whom these labels apply, from presidents down to
local officials. The defining feature of representative democracy is
voting in elections. When the United States was established more than
230 years ago, most of the world’s governments were monarchies or
other authoritarian regimes. Like the colonists, people in these nations
chafed under arbitrary power. The example of the American Revolution
and the stirring words of its Declaration of Independence helped inspire
the French Revolution of 1789 and other revolutions since, as people
around the world have died in order to win the right to vote and to have
political freedom.
Democracies are certainly not perfect. Their decision-making process

can be quite slow and inefficient; as just mentioned, decisions may be
made for special interests and not “for the people”; and, as we have seen
in earlier chapters, pervasive inequalities of social class, race and
ethnicity, gender, and age can exist. Moreover, not all democracies have
all people enjoyed the right to vote. In the United States, for example,
African Americans could not vote until after the Civil War, with the
passage of the 15th Amendment in 1870, and women did not win the
right to vote until 1920, with the passage of the 19th Amendment
Other political systems that operated in different part of the world
include:
1. The centralised system of government in Africa notably in

Northern Nigeria
2. The decentralised system of government as practiced amongst the
Tiv people of Nigeria and the Igbo people of Nigeria
3. The holy roman empire prototype of the
4. The ancient city states of the classical Greece and Rome
Hence, the type of political system in a polity affects the personality of

the individuals in a state. In this contemporary international political
system, democracy is the most popular and accepted form of political
system today and the practices of democracy of a state affect the
personality of the people and politicians in the state. In young and
developing democracy like that of Nigeria, democratic principles are not
adhered to and when the politicians come into office they follow suit.
The Economy: The economy of a society affects and influences people
in a polity. The purpose of economy is to satisfy the people’s want
through the resources of the state. The economy of a state tells on the
people as economic growth transforms the life and increase
industrialization (Edgmad, 2004). The economy of a society is measured
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in terms of its productivity and Gross Domestic Product (GDP) which is

a measurement of the of a states’ economy total output or production of
goods and services (Ibid, 2). The economy in developed countries is
strong and hence the level of industrialisation is high and this in turn
rubs off on the people as there is job enough for people unlike states in
the global south. The economy of the states in the global South is low
and poor. Most of the states are mono –cultural economy (they rely on a
single commodity as their source of income i.e. Nigeria (Crude Oil),
Ivory Coast (Coco) in sum their economy are not diversify. With is,
there is high unemployment rate and the level of development is low and
poor this influence the psyche of individuals in those states of which the
politicians are part of and robs of their personality when they get into
political positions.
Education status: education is defined as the process of educating or

teaching. Educate is further defined as “to develop the knowledge, skill,
or character of...” Thus, from these two definitions, we might assume
that the purpose of education is to develop the knowledge, skill, or
character of students. Education is also seen as a lifelong process of
learning. Education takes place right from birth and can be formal and
informal. Informal education takes place within the family or in a non-
formal environment while formal education takes place in a formal and
structured environment. We have the primary, secondary and tertiary
level of education. The education status of individual affects their
personality.
As a matter of fact, education is viewed as a means of social change in

the contemporary globalised setting (Elliott, 2012). An individual with
tertiary education qualification will behave different from a person with
secondary qualification. This has a significant impact on how the
politician in question will behave. An example is in the Nigerian polity
the citizens were disappointed with the erstwhile president Goodluck
Jonathan as a Doctorate degree holder people expected him to act
differently but he did not as a matter of fact, the education sector was in
comatose as there was constant strike by different Unions in the
education sector. The more educated a politician is the higher the
expectations from him but that is not the case in all societies.
Political Party: The political parties are institutions that serve as

platforms used by political aspirants that have ambitions to hold one
political position or the other in a polity. In a democracy, most if not all
citizens should be involved in political activities. However, a direct
democracy where every citizen is directly involved in all political
decisions is not possible within modern mass societies. This is why a
modern democracy needs institutions and organisations that represent
the will and the interests of the citizens as authentically as possible.
129
These can be associations, informal groups or non-governmental

organisations.
In particular, the political parties carry out such a representative

function. They offer to the citizens the possibility to influence politics
and political decisions. They are an important instrument and institution
of politics. Without political parties, a modern representative
democracy is not conceivable. Only, the parties ensure that the citizens
are permanently capable to act politically. They articulate and integrate
different interests, visions and opinions. They are also the main source
for the recruitment of political elites. In order to participate successfully
in elections, the political parties have to be the voice of broad sectors of
society. Associations, social organisations or citizens’ initiatives
normally concentrate more on individual and a limited scope of issues.
Political parties, in contrast, are expected to take positions on all those
questions and topics that are related to public order and the organisation
of society.
Parties are competing amongst each other for the best ways of resolving
political problems. They are in competition for influence and power.
Without the power to enforce political vision it is not possible to
organise a society. Internal discussions and conflicts within, as well as
between, the parties accompany this contest for ideas and power. They
are legitimate and essential in a policy that is why Magstadt, 2011: 349
noted that “political parties thrives to gain or retain certain political
power in practical terms this means capturing control of government”.
With the aim of gaining control of government, political parties have
certain principles and ideologies that influence its party members and
that in turn influence politicians.
The ideology of the political party is key and essential in the

understanding behaviour of its party members. For example in the
United States of America president Barack Obama policies reflects that
of his party as a democrat he implemented policies human liberty
policies such as the Obama Health care, Singing of same sex law which
is opposite of the republican party whereby they are conservative and
against same sex practices. In Nigeria the APC and its slogan for change
has influenced its party members such that the politicians running under
its platform tries to bring about change in their various states. This can
be said about Lagos, Oyo and Ogun states. This is how the political
party influences the personality of politicians.
Explain how a Political System influences the personality of political

personalities.
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POL 411 MODULE 4
4.0 CONCLUSION
The politicians are part and parcel of their various environments thus the
society has the greatest influence on the personality of the politicians.
Thus, the personality of politician varies across climes and can be the
reason for the development and underdevelopment of societies in
context.
5.0 SUMMARY
This unit examined the personality of politicians and from the findings
is that there are many factors that influence the personality which
includes the society, education status, the economy, political systems
and political party of which the society is the greatest. Also, you must
have understood that personality of politicians differs across climes and
that accounts for development and underdevelopment in different
climes.
List and explain the various factors that influence the personality of
politicians.
Alan S. Gerber, Gregory A. Huber, David Doherty, and Conor M.

Dowling. (2010).“Personality and Political Attitudes:
Relationships across Issue Domains and Political Contexts”
American Political Science Review Vol. 104, No. 1 February
2010.
Bouchard, Thomas J., Jr. 1997. “The Genetics of Personality.” In,

Handbook of Psychiatric Genetics, eds. Kenneth Blum and Ernest
P. Noble. Boca Raton, FL: CRC Press, 273–96.
Brehm, S.S, Kassin, S & Fein, S. (2005). Social Psychology Houghton

Mifflin Company Boston New York.
Caprara, G. V., & Zimbardo, P. (2004). Personalizing politics: A

congruency model of political preference. American
Psychologist, 59, 581–594.
Caprara, G. V., Barbaranelli, C., & Zimbardo, P. (2002). When

parsimony subdues distinctiveness: Simplified public perceptions
of politicians’ personality. Political Psychology, 23, 77–96.
131
Caspi, Avshalom, Brent W. Roberts, & Rebecca L. Shiner. 2005.

“Personality Development: Stability and Change.” Annual
Review of Psychology, 56: 453–84
Costa, Paul T., and Robert R. McCrae. 1992. NEO PI-R. Professional
Manual. Odessa, FL: Psychological Assessment Resources.
Edgmand, R.M, Moomaw R.L, Olson K.W (2004).Economics and

Contemporary Issues . (6th ed.).Thomson South- western
Learning
Elliot, G., Fourali , C. &Issler, Sally.(2012). Education and Social

Change : Connecting Local and Global Perspectives. Continuum
International Publishing Group.
Elms, A. (1976). Personality in Politics. Harcourt Brace Jovanovich,

Publishers
Ember, C.R& Ember, M.(1990) Cultural Anthropology.Prentice Hall ,

Englewood Cliffs New Jersey
Gosling, Samuel D., Peter J. Rentfrow, & William B. Swann, Jr. 2003.
“A Very Brief Measure of the Big-Five Personality Domains.”
Journal of Research in Personality 37: 504–28.
International African Institute (1987). African Political Systems. Edited

by M. Fortes and E.E Evans- Pritchard. Published by KPI
Limited London
Marijana Markovik.(2010). “Political Attitude and Personality in a

Democratic Society”. The Western Balkans Policy Review,
Volume 1, Issue 1, Jan/Jun 2010.
Plomin, Robert, John C. DeFries, Gerald, E. McClearn, & Peter,

McGuffin. 1990. Behavioural Genetics: A Primer. New York:
W.H. Freeman.
Seward, M. (2010). The Representative Claim. New York, NY: Oxford

University Press.
Taylor S.E, Peplau ,L.A&Sears, D.O.(2006). Social Psychology.(12th

ed.).Pearson Education International.
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POL 411 MODULE 4
UNIT 3 POLITICAL SOCIALISATION
CONTENTS
1.0 Introduction
2.0 Objectives
3.0 Main Content
3.1 The Concept of Socialisation
3.2 The Concept of Political Socialisation
3.3 Socialisation and the Processes of Learning
3.4 Agents of Political Socialisation
4.0 Conclusion
5.0 Summary
7.0 Reference/ Further Reading
1.0 INTRODUCTION
The political culture of a society is learnt as soon as a child is given birth

to and this continues till death. The process of learning the political
culture such as national anthem, duties of the citizens to the state, colour
of the flag, names of past and current president, forms and levels of
governments, name of currency etc. is learnt through a process called
political socialisation. Hence this unit explores this concept and how it
affects political obligation in a state.
2.0 OBJECTIVES
• understand and explain the concept of political socialisation

• explain socialisation and the process of learning
• identify and explain the agents of socialisation.
3.0 MAIN CONTENT
3.1 The Concept of Socialisation
Socialisation is “the process by which individuals learn the culture of

their society” (Harambos and Holborn, 2000:4). Culture itself is “the
totality of learned, socially transmitted customs, knowledge, material
objects and behaviour. It includes ideas, values and artifacts of groups of
people” (Schaefer, 2010:53). Extrapolating from this definition, political
socialisation refers to “the process of induction into a political system”
(Marshall 1996:400). Ofoeze (2001:13) referred to political socialisation
133
Inter-alia:
...the long development process by which an infant
(even adult) citizen learns, imbibes and indeed
internalizes the political culture (core political
values, beliefs, norms and ideology) of his political
system so as to make meaning of the world around
him
Culture such as religion, political system, marriage and kinship patterns,

political organisations and the economic systems are transferred from
one generation to another. For example amongst the Fulani in northern
Nigeria a young boy is given cattle to learn how to rare and as he goes
the cattle keeps increasing by the time he becomes a full grown man he
already knows how to rare cattle’s. Also amongst the eguns of Badagry
in Lagos State from their young age girls are taught how to prepare and
hawk smoke fish and this grows with them this is how they are
socialised into their environment.
3.2 The Concept of Political Socialisation
Broadly construed, political socialisation is the transmission of political

culture to new generations of citizens in a given society (Almond and
Verba, 1963, Gimpel, et al., 2003). It is the product of interlocking sets
of macro and micro level phenomena. At the macro or political system
level, political socialisation is the means by which polities and other
political societies inculcate appropriate norms and practices in citizens,
residents, and members (Sapiro, 2004: 2). Polities convey established
patterns of thought and action, laws and norms, and traditions and
folkways through agencies, such as the family, educational system, peer
groups, mass media, political institutions, community organisations
religious organisations, and the military (Beck, 1977; Marshall, 1998).
The kinds of questions that are addressed at the macro level focus on
“where and how people develop the kinds of political orientations and
practices that transform the design of democratic constitutions and
institutions into the creation of real, functioning democratic politics”
(Sapiro, 2004: 19)At the micro or individual level, political socialisation
constitutes “the patterns and processes by which individuals engage in
political development and learning, constructing their particular
relationships to the political contexts in which they live” (Sapiro, 2004:
3). As a result of political socialisation, individuals acquire knowledge
about the political system and how it works. They internalise the
society’s political value system and ideology, and come to understand its
symbols and rituals. They become informed about the role of active and
passive members of the polity, and may participate in political and civic
life. Having a strong grasp of how the socialisation process works can
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POL 411 MODULE 4
provide us with tremendous insights into the changes that are going on
in a society and how they are affecting democratic regimes. According
to Almond, political socialisation “not only gives us insight into the
pattern of political culture and subcultures in [a] society, but also locates
for us in the socialisation processes of the society the point where
particular qualities and elements are being sustained or modified”
(Almond, 1960: 31). In sum, we can define political socialisation as the
process by which citizenship orientations are transmitted, is conditioned
by shifts in the political, social, and economic contexts at the
community, nation-state, and international levels.
3.3 Socialisation and Processes of Learning
A child apparently possesses no human nature at birth; at best he is

merely a new homo sapiens with human nature potentials that need to be
cultivated through the process of socialisation. Smith [1953] has this to
say about a new born baby:
“You came into the world a polymorphous perverse little ape

with billions of biological evolution precipitated, so to speak in
your dimpled organism. You came naked, without shame,
without language, food habits or manual dexterity,ideas or
religious faith, without respect for law and order, without any
discernible admiration....You came with no higherdesires than to
have your capacious belly filled with milk and your somatic and
viscera itches scratched by lovinghands’
It has been expressed in literature that new born babies minds are just
like a tabula rasa an empty slate upon which the society write its norms
and values hence as said above socialisation becomes the process
through which the new born baby acquires group norms, habits and
ideals. However, there are four features of this process of learning group
values. These are language, suggestion, imitation and identification. A
brief description of these four features is crucial.
• Language
Language is the medium of social intercourse. It is the means of cultural

transmission. At first the child utters some random syllables which have
no meaning, but gradually he comes to learn his mother-tongue.
Through language, information is passed down from one generation to
another. Each tribe has its own unique language which serves as a means
of communication in a society. i.e the Igbo’s have their Igbo dialect ,
the Ijebu’s have their dialect so also are the Ekitis, Uhrobo’s , Itsekiris ,
the Ijaws, and the Ogoni’s amongst others.
135
• Suggestion
Suggestion is the process of communicating information, which has no

logical or self-evident basis. It is devoid of rational persuasion. It may
be conveyed through language, pictures or some similar medium. It
influences not only behaviour with others but also one's own private and
individual behaviour. In trade, industry, politics, education and every
other field people acquainted with psychological facts make use of
suggestions to have, their ideas and notions accepted by other people
and to make the latter behave according to their wishes. In fact,
propaganda and advertising are based on the fundamental psychological
principles of suggestion. The suggestibility of the child is greater than
that of the adult because in childhood he is devoid of maturity and
reason.
The suggestibility of an individual decreases with an increase in his

maturity and mental level. It may be however necessary to keep in mind
that there can be a difference in the suggestibility of children belonging
to different society and also the same society. There are several external
and internal conditions, which enhance suggestibility. Thus,
temperament, intellectual ability, ignorance, inhibition, dissociation,
emotional excitement and fatigue are some of the internal conditions of
suggestibility. Among the external condition, mention may be made of
group situation, prestige of the suggested and public opinion.
• Imitation
According to Tarde cited in Martindale [1970 p.307] “Imitation or

repetition, accounts for the transmission, constancy, and spread of social
forms.” Imitation can be said to be the act of copying by an individual of
the actions of other. Thus when may be conscious or unconscious,
spontaneous or deliberate, perceptual or ideational. The person imitating
performs exactly the same activity as the one being performed before
him by the person he is imitating. Imitation therefore, is the main factor
in the process of socialisation of the child. Through it he learns many
social behaviour patterns. It is because of the tendency to imitate that
children are so susceptible to the influence of their parents and friends
whose behaviour they imitate indiscriminately. Just like a little girl will
copy her mother dressing so it goes for political choices. A parent who
supports All Progressive Party (APC) will also have children who
supports the same party as children tends to copy their parent’s choices
when developing.
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POL 411 MODULE 4
• Identification
In his early age, the child cannot make distinction between his organism
and environment. Most of his actions are random. They are natural
reaction of which he is not conscious. As he grows in age, he comes to
know of the nature of things, which satisfy his needs. Such things
become the object of his identification. Thus, the toy with which he
plays, the picture book, which he enjoys or looking and the mother who
feeds him become the object of his identification. The speed and area of
identification increase with the growth in age. Through identification he
becomes sociable. Through these process mentioned children learns a lot
about the political culture of their environment and passes it down to
different generations.
3.4 Agents of Political Socialisation
Political socialisation as a process whereby the political culture of a

society is learnt and transferred from one generation to another operates
through different agents which include:
The Family: First of all, the major source of socialisation is the family.
Scholars identify home orientations as an important variable potentially
influencing civic learning outcome; particularly with respect to students’
interest in political and social issues. The family domain is directly and
indirectly influenced by parents. The direct influences evolve through
discussions about politics, which are regarded as a key element in
democratic society. In general, participation in political discussions with
peers and parents proved to be a more influential predictor than civic
knowledge. The role of political discussion is seen as a predictor of both
feelings of efficacy and expected participation. Furthermore, the
behaviour of parents also seems to be important, as activities in the
political domain influence other people to follow the same track. On the
other hand, political interest and activities are in some way related to
each other, even if this is not a causal relationship and the direction of
the relationship remains unclear.
The School
From the school the child obtains skills with which he arms himself to
interact with the social world. The teacher replaces the parents giving
instructions, directing, and ordering the taught process of the child and
helping him to think logically. Examples are given to enable the learner
think the way the teacher wants. In this manner regular imitation of the
teacher and rehearsing what the child has been taught and assimilating
same equips him for eventual role he is expected to play in the larger
society and in his family. Here also he internalises values of punctuality,
137
drudgery, hard-work, independent decision-making and mastery over his

tasks and profession.
The Peer Group
This is one major influence in the life of youths as young children are
influenced by their peer groups in making choices regarding the political
culture of their society. The child also learns a lot from his peers, the
group to which a child belongs is a measure of his social or anti-social
behaviour. For example, a certain group might be religious and votes for
candidate. Just like the 2015 general elections in Nigeria most
religiously and up right people voted mostly youths voted for
Mohammed Buhari this accounts for the high number of votes from the
almagiri pupils in the Northern Nigeria. In schools and religious
houses children want to join the happening groups in order to exercise
their hidden prowess on a lot of social issues. He displays an unalloyed
loyalty to the group that offers him voice, recognition and protection. He
participates in group activities and in its values and dis-values thereby
becoming self-conscious. Group identification and loyalty for him
becomes intense psychological actualities, of a trans-rational nature.
Religious Institutions
This is one avenue whereby the political culture of a state is passed

across generations. Through religious institutions such as churches,
mosques political information is passed a crossed. As a matter of fact
most of the conveners of these religious institutions are into politics- for
instance, Pastor Tunde Bakare of the Latter Rain Assembly, Pastor Chris
Okoite of the House Hold of God. These are all men of God that
ventured into politics and by that means influence their congregations.
They tell their congregation their political rights and admonish them to
participate in the electoral process. Religious institutions were a major
factor in the success of the 2015 general elections. Most religious
institutions admonished their members to come all out and vote for
change which they did and which resulted in the success of the 2015
general elections in Nigeria.
Mass Media
This is the most contemporary means through which political

socialisation occurs. The political culture and heritage of a polity is
learnt through the media. The media is divided into three folds namely:
the print media, which mean news papers, magazines, newsletters etc.
The electronic media: which is divided into different folds such as
Television, Radio? We also have internet media such as E-mails,
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POL 411 MODULE 4
Whatsapp, Facebook, Instagram, Twitter e.t.c. through these means

people in a polity learn about the political culture of their society.
4.0 CONCLUSION
Political socialisation as a process whereby people of a society learn

about the political culture of their environment is important as it
influences the political behaviour of person. This process differs across
climes and the level and process of political socialisation is a
determining factor in the political process in a political system. This
accounts for the success or failure in political systems most especially in
a democratic.
5.0 SUMMARY
From this unit you have learnt that political socialisation is a process by
which a child or person learns the political culture of his or her society.
Political culture in terms of national anthem, colours of national flag,
names of past and present president, names and history of political
parties. etc. Also it has established that the process of political
socialisation differs across climes and this can account for the success
and failure of political systems.
6.0 TUTOR–MARKED ASSIGNMENT
1. List and explain the socialisation processes of learning.

2. Discuss the agents of political socialisation.
Almond, Gabriel, A. 1960. “A Functional Approach to Comparative

Politics,” In, Gabriel A. Almondand James S. Coleman. (eds.),
The Politics of Developing Areas. Princeton, NJ: Princeton
University Press: 26-33.
Sapiro, Virginia. (2004). “Not Your Parents’ Political Socialisation:
Introduction for a New Generation,” Annual Review of Political
Science, Vol. 7: 1-23.
Marshall, Gordon. 1998. “Political Socialisation,” In, A Dictionary of
Sociology. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Beck, Paul Allen. 1977. “The Role of Agents in Political Socialisation,”
In, Stanley Allen Renshon (ed.), Handbook of Political
Socialisation Theory and Research. New York: The Free Press:
115-142.
139

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COURSE

Course Team Dr. Ifeyinwa Ogbonna-Nwaogu (Course

NATIONAL OPEN UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA

© 2018 by NOUN Press

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, in any

Introduction …………………………………… ............... iv

Welcome to POL 411- Political Psychology

This course is a three (3) unit course for undergraduate students in

The Course seeks to enable you to:

• be up to date with the methodological issues which the course has

• know whether political behaviour patterns is universal oris

At the end of this Course, you should be able to:

• explore the psychological findings in studies of social identity,

• describe how to prevent conflict, how to resolve conflict, and

WORKING THROUGH THIS COURSE

Module 1 Meaning and Nature of Political Psychology

Unit 1 What is the Idea of Political Psychology?

Module 2 Personality and Its Approaches

Unit 1 Personality: What does it Constitute?

Module 3 Manifestations of Psychological Theories in

Unit 1 Explaining Power

Module 4 Elections and Electoral Behaviour

Unit 1 Understanding Elections

TEXTBOOKS AND REFERENCES

Every unit contains a list of references/books for further reading. Try to

Martha, Cottam, Beth Dietz-Uhler, Elena M. Mastors, Thomas Preston.

Iyengar, Shanto. (1993). ‘An Overview of the Field of Political

An assessment file and a marking scheme will be made available to you.

TUTOR-MARKED ASSIGNMENT (TMA)

FINAL EXAMINATION AND GRADING

COURSE MARKING SCHEME

The dates for submission of all assignment will be communicated to

Unit Title of Work Week(s) Assessment

Module 2 Personality and its

2 Psycho- Week2 Assignment2

4 Analysing Psycho- Week4 Assignment4

GETTING THE MOST FROM THIS COURSE

The following is a practical strategy for working through the course. If

1. Read this course guide thoroughly, it is your first assignment.

3. Once you have created your own study schedule, do everything

TUTORS/FACILLITATORS AND TUTORIALS

Information relating to the tutorials will be provided at the appropriate

• do not understand any part of the study units or the assigned

Module 1 Meaning and Nature of Political Psychology….. 1

Unit 1 What is the Idea of Political Psychology?............. 1

Module 2 Personality and Its Approaches………………… 44

Unit 1 Personality: What does it constitute?....................... 44

Module 3 Manifestations of Psychological Theories in

Unit 1 Explaining Power …………………………………. 76

Module 4 Elections and Electoral Behaviour……………… 114

Unit 1 Understanding Elections………………………….. 114

MODULE 1 MEANING AND NATURE OF

Unit 1 What is the Idea of Political Psychology?

UNIT 1 WHAT IS THE IDEA OF POLITICAL

This unit introduces the idea, nature of political psychology as an inter-

At the end of this unit, you should be able to:

• highlight the idea behind the study of political psychology

3.0 MAIN CONTENT

3.1 What is the Idea of Political Psychology?

As a student of Political Science who expectedly studies politics as well