The Art of War

The Art of War Sun Tzu
The Art of War

Sun Tzu
INTRODUCTION
Sun Wu and His Book

Ssu-ma Ch'ien gives the following biography of Sun Tzu:1
Sun Tzu Wu was a native of the Ch'i State. His Art of War
brought him to the notice of Ho Lu,2 King of Wu. Ho Lu said
to him: ‟I have carefully perused your 13 chapters. May I
submit your theory of managing soldiers to a slight test?” Sun
Tzu replied: ‟You may.” Ho Lu asked: ‟May the test be applied
to women?” The answer was again in the affirmative, so
arrangements were made to bring 180 ladies out of the Palace.
Sun Tzu divided them into two companies, and placed one of
the King's favorite concubines at the head of each. He then
bade them all take spears in their hands, and addressed them
thus: ‟I presume you know the difference between front and
back, right hand and left hand?” The girls replied: Yes. Sun
Tzu went on: ‟When I say ‟Eyes front,” you must look straight
ahead. When I say ‟Left turn,” you must face towards your left
hand. When I say ‟Right turn,” you must face towards your
right hand. When I say ‟About turn,” you must face right
round towards your back.” Again the girls assented. The words
1 Shi Chi, ch. 65.

2 He reigned from 514 to 496 B.C.
1
of command having been thus explained, he set up the

halberds and battle-axes in order to begin the drill. Then, to
the sound of drums, he gave the order ‟Right turn.” But the
girls only burst out laughing. Sun Tzu said: ‟If words of
command are not clear and distinct, if orders are not
thoroughly understood, then the general is to blame.” So he
started drilling them again, and this time gave the order ‟Left
turn,” whereupon the girls once more burst into fits of
laughter. Sun Tzu: ‟If words of command are not clear and
distinct, if orders are not thoroughly understood, the general
is to blame. But if his orders are clear, and the soldiers
nevertheless disobey, then it is the fault of their officers.” So
saying, he ordered the leaders of the two companies to be
beheaded. Now the king of Wu was watching the scene from
the top of a raised pavilion; and when he saw that his favorite
concubines were about to be executed, he was greatly alarmed
and hurriedly sent down the following message: ‟We are now
quite satisfied as to our general's ability to handle troops. If
We are bereft of these two concubines, our meat and drink
will lose their savor. It is our wish that they shall not be
beheaded.” Sun Tzu replied: ‟Having once received His
Majesty's commission to be the general of his forces, there are
certain commands of His Majesty which, acting in that
capacity, I am unable to accept.” Accordingly, he had the two
leaders beheaded, and straightway installed the pair next in
order as leaders in their place. When this had been done, the
drum was sounded for the drill once more; and the girls went
through all the evolutions, turning to the right or to the left,
marching ahead or wheeling back, kneeling or standing, with
perfect accuracy and precision, not venturing to utter a sound.
Then Sun Tzu sent a messenger to the King saying: ‟Your
2
soldiers, Sire, are now properly drilled and disciplined, and

ready for your majesty's inspection. They can be put to any
use that their sovereign may desire; bid them go through fire
and water, and they will not disobey.” But the King replied:
‟Let our general cease drilling and return to camp. As for us,
We have no wish to come down and inspect the troops.”
Thereupon Sun Tzu said: ‟The King is only fond of words, and
cannot translate them into deeds.” After that, Ho Lu saw that
Sun Tzu was one who knew how to handle an army, and
finally appointed him general. In the west, he defeated the
Ch'u State and forced his way into Ying, the capital; to the
north he put fear into the States of Ch'i and Chin, and spread
his fame abroad amongst the feudal princes. And Sun Tzu
shared in the might of the King.
About Sun Tzu himself this is all that Ssu-ma Ch'ien has to tell us in
this chapter. But he proceeds to give a biography of his descendant, Sun
Pin, born about a hundred years after his famous ancestor's death, and
also the outstanding military genius of his time. The historian speaks of
him too as Sun Tzu, and in his preface we read: ‟Sun Tzu had his feet cut
off and yet continued to discuss the art of war.”3 It seems likely, then, that
‟Pin” was a nickname bestowed on him after his mutilation, unless the
story was invented in order to account for the name. The crowning
incident of his career, the crushing defeat of his treacherous rival P'ang
chuan, will be found briefly related in Chapter V. ss. 19, note. To return
to the elder Sun Tzu. He is mentioned in two other passages of the Shih
Chi: —
In the third year of his reign [512 B.C.] Ho Lu, king of Wu,
took the field with Tzu-hsu [i.e. Wu Yuan] and Po P'ei, and
attacked Ch'u. He captured the town of Shu and slew the two
3 Shi Chi, ch. 130.
3
prince's sons who had formerly been generals of Wu. He was

then meditating a descent on Ying [the capital]; but the
general Sun Wu said: ‟The army is exhausted. It is not yet
possible. We must wait”…. [After further successful fighting,]
‟in the ninth year [506 B.C.], King Ho Lu addressed Wu Tzu-
hsu and Sun Wu, saying: ‟Formerly, you declared that it was
not yet possible for us to enter Ying. Is the time ripe now?”
The two men replied: ‟Ch'u's general Tzu-ch'ang,4 is grasping
and covetous, and the princes of T'ang and Ts'ai both have a
grudge against him. If Your Majesty has resolved to make a
grand attack, you must win over T'ang and Ts'ai, and then you
may succeed.” Ho Lu followed this advice, [beat Ch'u in five
pitched battles and marched into Ying.]5
This is the latest date at which anything is recorded of Sun Wu. He
does not appear to have survived his patron, who died from the effects of
a wound in 496. In another chapter there occurs this passage:6
From this time onward, a number of famous soldiers arose,
one after the other: Kao-fan,7 who was employed by the Chin
State; Wang-tzu,8 in the service of Ch'i; and Sun Wu, in the
service of Wu. These men developed and threw light upon the
principles of war.9
It is obvious enough that Ssu-ma Ch'ien at least had no doubt about
the reality of Sun Wu as an historical personage; and with one exception,
to be noticed presently, he is by far the most important authority on the
4 The appellation of Nang Wa.

5 Shi Chi, ch. 31.
6 Shi Chi, ch. 25.
7 The appellation of Hu Yen, mentioned in ch. 39 under the year 637.
8 Wang-tzu Ch'eng-fu, ch. 32, year 607.
9 The mistake is natural enough. Native critics refer to a work of the Han dynasty, which says: ‟Ten li outside the
Wu gate [of the city of Wu, now Soochow in Kiangsu] there is a great mound, raised to commemorate the
entertainment of Sun Wu of Ch'i, who excelled in the art of war, by the King of Wu.”
4
period in question. It will not be necessary, therefore, to say much of

such a work as the Wu Yueh Ch'Un Ch'Iu, which is supposed to have
been written by Chao Yeh of the 1st century A.D. The attribution is
somewhat doubtful; but even if it were otherwise, his account would be
of little value, based as it is on the Shi Chi and expanded with romantic
details. The story of Sun Tzu will be found, for what it is worth, in
chapter 2. The only new points in it worth noting are: (1) Sun Tzu was
first recommended to Ho Lu by Wu Tzu-hsu. (2) He is called a native of
Wu. (3) He had previously lived a retired life, and his contemporaries
were unaware of his ability. The following passage occurs in the Huai-
nan Tzu: ‟When sovereign and ministers show perversity of mind, it is
impossible even for a Sun Tzu to encounter the foe.” Assuming that this
work is genuine (and hitherto no doubt has been cast upon it), we have
here the earliest direct reference for Sun Tzu, for Huai-nan Tzu died in
122 B.C., many years before the Shi Chi was given to the world. Liu
Hsiang (80-9 B.C.) says: ‟The reason why Sun Tzu at the head of 30,000
men beat Ch'u with 200,000 is that the latter were undisciplined.” Teng
Ming-shih informs us that the surname ‟Sun” was bestowed on Sun Wu's
grandfather by Duke Ching of Ch'i [547-490 B.C.]. Sun Wu's father Sun
P'ing, rose to be a Minister of State in Ch'i, and Sun Wu himself, whose
style was Ch'ang-ch'ing, fled to Wu on account of the rebellion which
was being fomented by the kindred of T'ien Pao. He had three sons, of
whom the second, named Ming, was the father of Sun Pin. According to
this account then, Pin was the grandson of Wu, which, considering that
Sun Pin's victory over Wei was gained in 341 B.C., may be dismissed as
chronological impossible. Whence these data were obtained by Teng
Ming-shih I do not know, but of course no reliance whatever can be
placed in them. An interesting document which has survived from the
close of the Han period is the short preface written by the Great Ts'ao
Ts'ao, or Wei Wu Ti, for his edition of Sun Tzu. I shall give it in full: —
5
I have heard that the ancients used bows and arrows to their
advantage.10 The Shu Chu mentions ‟the army” among the
‟eight objects of government.” The I Ching says: ”'army'
indicates firmness and justice; the experienced leader will
have good fortune.” The Shi Ching says: ‟The King rose
majestic in his wrath, and he marshaled his troops.” The
Yellow Emperor, T'ang the Completer and Wu Wang all used
spears and battle-axes in order to succor their generation. The
Ssu-Ma Fa says: ‟If one man slay another of set purpose, he
himself may rightfully be slain.” He who relies solely on
warlike measures shall be exterminated; he who relies solely
on peaceful measures shall perish. Instances of this are Fu
Ch'ai11 on the one hand and Yen Wang on the other.12 In
military matters, the Sage's rule is normally to keep the peace,
and to move his forces only when occasion requires. He will
not use armed force unless driven to it by necessity. Many
books have I read on the subject of war and fighting; but the
work composed by Sun Wu is the profoundest of them all.
[Sun Tzu was a native of the Ch'i state, his personal name was
Wu. He wrote the Art of War in 13 chapters for Ho Lu, King of
Wu. Its principles were tested on women, and he was
subsequently made a general. He led an army westwards,
crushed the Ch'u state and entered Ying the capital. In the
north, he kept Ch'i and Chin in awe. A hundred years and
more after his time, Sun Pin lived. He was a descendant of
Wu.]13 In his treatment of deliberation and planning, the
10 ‟They attached strings to wood to make bows, and sharpened wood to make arrows. The use of bows and arrows
is to keep the Empire in awe.”
11 The son and successor of Ho Lu. He was finally defeated and overthrown by Kou chien, King of Yueh, in 473
B.C. See post.
12 King Yen of Hsu, a fabulous being, of whom Sun Hsing-yen says in his preface: ‟His humanity brought him to
destruction.”
13 The passage I have put in brackets is omitted in the T'u Shu, and may be an interpolation. It was known,
however to Chang Shou-chieh of the T'ang dynasty, and appears in the T'ai P'ing Yu Lan.
6
importance of rapidity in taking the field,14 clearness of

conception, and depth of design, Sun Tzu stands beyond the
reach of carping criticism. My contemporaries, however, have
failed to grasp the full meaning of his instructions, and while
putting into practice the smaller details in which his work
abounds, they have overlooked its essential purport. That is
the motive which has led me to outline a rough explanation of
the whole.
One thing to be noticed in the above is the explicit statement that the
13 chapters were specially composed for King Ho Lu. This is supported
by the internal evidence of I. ss. 15, in which it seems clear that some
ruler is addressed. In the bibliographic section of the Han Shu, there is
an entry which has given rise to much discussion: ‟The works of Sun Tzu
of Wu in 82 p'ien (or chapters), with diagrams in 9 chuan.” It is evident
that this cannot be merely the 13 chapters known to Ssu-ma Ch'ien, or
those we possess today. Chang Shou-chieh refers to an edition of Sun
Tzu's Art of War of which the ‟13 chapters” formed the first chuan,
adding that there were two other chuan besides. This has brought forth a
theory, that the bulk of these 82 chapters consisted of other writings of
Sun Tzu — we should call them apocryphal — similar to the Wen Ta, of
which a specimen dealing with the Nine Situations15 is preserved in the
T'ung Tien, and another in Ho Shin's commentary. It is suggested that
before his interview with Ho Lu, Sun Tzu had only written the 13
chapters, but afterwards composed a sort of exegesis in the form of
question and answer between himself and the King. Pi I-hsun, the
author of the Sun Tzu Hsu Lu, backs this up with a quotation from the
Wu Yueh Ch'un Ch'iu: ‟The King of Wu summoned Sun Tzu, and asked
him questions about the art of war. Each time he set forth a chapter of
his work, the King could not find words enough to praise him.” As he
14 Ts'ao Kung seems to be thinking of the first part of chap. II, perhaps especially of ss. 8.
15 See chap. XI.
7
points out, if the whole work was expounded on the same scale as in the
above- mentioned fragments, the total number of chapters could not fail
to be considerable. Then the numerous other treatises attributed to Sun
Tzu might be included. The fact that the Han Chih mentions no work of
Sun Tzu except the 82 p'ien, whereas the Sui and T'ang bibliographies
give the titles of others in addition to the ‟13 chapters,” is good proof, Pi
I-hsun thinks, that all of these were contained in the 82 p'ien. Without
pinning our faith to the accuracy of details supplied by the Wu Yueh
Ch'un Ch'iu, or admitting the genuineness of any of the treatises cited by
Pi I-hsun, we may see in this theory a probable solution of the mystery.
Between Ssu-ma Ch'ien and Pan Ku there was plenty of time for a
luxuriant crop of forgeries to have grown up under the magic name of
Sun Tzu, and the 82 p'ien may very well represent a collected edition of
these lumped together with the original work. It is also possible, though
less likely, that some of them existed in the time of the earlier historian
and were purposely ignored by him.16 Tu Mu's conjecture seems to be
based on a passage which states: ‟Wei Wu Ti strung together Sun Wu's
Art of War,” which in turn may have resulted from a misunderstanding
of the final words of Ts'ao King's preface. This, as Sun Hsing-yen points
out, is only a modest way of saying that he made an explanatory
paraphrase, or in other words, wrote a commentary on it. On the whole,
this theory has met with very little acceptance. Thus, the Ssu K'u Ch'uan
Shu says: ‟The mention of the 13 chapters in the Shi Chi shows that they
were in existence before the Han Chih, and that latter accretions are not
to be considered part of the original work. Tu Mu's assertion can
certainly not be taken as proof.” There is every reason to suppose, then,
that the 13 chapters existed in the time of Ssu-ma Ch'ien practically as we
have them now. That the work was then well known he tells us in so
many words. ‟Sun Tzu's 13 Chapters and Wu Ch'i's Art of War are the two
16 On the other hand, it is noteworthy that Wu Tzu, which is not in 6 chapters, has 48 assigned to it in the Han
Chih. Likewise, the Chung Yung is credited with 49 chapters, though now only in one only. In the case of very
short works, one is tempted to think that p'ien might simply mean ‟leaves.”
8
books that people commonly refer to on the subject of military matters.

Both of them are widely distributed, so I will not discuss them here.” But
as we go further back, serious difficulties begin to arise. The salient fact
which has to be faced is that the Tso Chuan, the greatest contemporary
record, makes no mention whatsoever of Sun Wu, either as a general or
as a writer. It is natural, in view of this awkward circumstance, that many
scholars should not only cast doubt on the story of Sun Wu as given in
the Shi Chi, but even show themselves frankly skeptical as to the
existence of the man at all. The most powerful presentment of this side
of the case is to be found in the following disposition by Yeh Shui-hsin:17
—
It is stated in Ssu-ma Ch'ien's history that Sun Wu was a
native of the Ch'i State, and employed by Wu; and that in the
reign of Ho Lu he crushed Ch'u, entered Ying, and was a great
general. But in Tso's Commentary no Sun Wu appears at all. It
is true that Tso's Commentary need not contain absolutely
everything that other histories contain. But Tso has not
omitted to mention vulgar plebeians and hireling ruffians
such as Ying K'ao-shu,18 Ts'ao Kuei,19 Chu Chih-wu and Chuan
She-chu20. In the case of Sun Wu, whose fame and
achievements were so brilliant, the omission is much more
glaring. Again, details are given, in their due order, about his
contemporaries Wu Yuan and the Minister P'ei.21 Is it credible
that Sun Wu alone should have been passed over? In point of
literary style, Sun Tzu's work belongs to the same school as
17 Yeh Shih of the Sung dynasty [1151-1223].

18 He hardly deserves to be bracketed with assassins.
19 See Chapter 7, ss. 27 and Chapter 11, ss. 28.
20 See Chapter 11, ss. 28. Chuan Chu is the abbreviated form of his name.
21 I.e. Po P'ei. See ante.
9
Kuan Tzu,22 Liu T'ao,23 and the Yueh Yu24 and may have been
the production of some private scholar living towards the end
of the ‟Spring and Autumn” or the beginning of the ‟Warring
States” period.25 The story that his precepts were actually
applied by the Wu State, is merely the outcome of big talk on
the part of his followers. From the flourishing period of the
Chou dynasty26 down to the time of the ‟Spring and Autumn,”
all military commanders were statesmen as well, and the class
of professional generals, for conducting external campaigns,
did not then exist. It was not until the period of the ‟Six
States”27 that this custom changed. Now although Wu was an
uncivilized State, it is conceivable that Tso should have left
unrecorded the fact that Sun Wu was a great general and yet
held no civil office? What we are told, therefore, about Jang-
chu28 and Sun Wu, is not authentic matter, but the reckless
fabrication of theorizing pundits. The story of Ho Lu's
experiment on the women, in particular, is utterly
preposterous and incredible.
Yeh Shui-hsin represents Ssu-ma Ch'ien as having said that Sun Wu
crushed Ch'u and entered Ying. This is not quite correct. No doubt the
impression left on the reader's mind is that he at least shared in these
exploits. The fact may or may not be significant; but it is nowhere
explicitly stated in the Shi Chi either that Sun Tzu was general on the
occasion of the taking of Ying, or that he even went there at all.
22 The nucleus of this work is probably genuine, though large additions have been made by later hands. Kuan
chung died in 645 B.C.
23 See infra, beginning of Introduction.
24 I do not know what this work, unless it be the last chapter of another work. Why that chapter should be singled
out, however, is not clear.
25 About 480 B.C.
26 That is, I suppose, the age of Wu Wang and Chou Kung.
27 In the 3rd century B.C.
28 Ssu-ma Jang-chu, whose family name was T'ien, lived in the latter half of the 6th century B.C., and is also
believed to have written a work on war. See Shi Chi, ch. 64, and infra at the beginning of the Introduction.
10
Moreover, as we know that Wu Yuan and Po P'ei both took part in the
expedition, and also that its success was largely due to the dash and
enterprise of Fu Kai, Ho Lu's younger brother, it is not easy to see how
yet another general could have played a very prominent part in the same
campaign. Ch'en Chen-sun of the Sung dynasty has the note: —
Military writers look upon Sun Wu as the father of their art.
But the fact that he does not appear in the Tso Chuan,
although he is said to have served under Ho Lu King of Wu,
makes it uncertain what period he really belonged to.
He also says: —
The works of Sun Wu and Wu Ch'i may be of genuine
antiquity.
It is noticeable that both Yeh Shui-hsin and Ch'en Chen-sun, while
rejecting the personality of Sun Wu as he figures in Ssu-ma Ch'ien's
history, are inclined to accept the date traditionally assigned to the work
which passes under his name. The author of the Hsu Lu fails to
appreciate this distinction, and consequently his bitter attack on Ch'en
Chen-sun really misses its mark. He makes one of two points, however,
which certainly tell in favor of the high antiquity of our ‟13 chapters.”
‟Sun Tzu,” he says, ‟must have lived in the age of Ching Wang [519-476],
because he is frequently plagiarized in subsequent works of the Chou,
Ch'in and Han dynasties.” The two most shameless offenders in this
respect are Wu Ch'i and Huai-nan Tzu, both of them important
historical personages in their day. The former lived only a century after
the alleged date of Sun Tzu, and his death is known to have taken place
in 381 B.C. It was to him, according to Liu Hsiang, that Tseng Shen
delivered the Tso Chuan, which had been entrusted to him by its
author.29 Now the fact that quotations from the Art of War,
29 See Legge's Classics, vol. V, Prolegomena p. 27. Legge thinks that the Tso Chuan must have been written in the
5th century, but not before 424 B.C.
11
acknowledged or otherwise, are to be found in so many authors of

different epochs, establishes a very strong anterior to them all, in other
words, that Sun Tzu's treatise was already in existence towards the end
of the 5th century B.C. Further proof of Sun Tzu's antiquity is furnished
by the archaic or wholly obsolete meanings attaching to a number of the
words he uses. A list of these, which might perhaps be extended, is given
in the Hsu Lu; and though some of the interpretations are doubtful, the
main argument is hardly affected thereby. Again, it must not be
forgotten that Yeh Shui- hsin, a scholar and critic of the first rank,
deliberately pronounces the style of the 13 chapters to belong to the early
part of the fifth century. Seeing that he is actually engaged in an attempt
to disprove the existence of Sun Wu himself, we may be sure that he
would not have hesitated to assign the work to a later date had he not
honestly believed the contrary. And it is precisely on such a point that
the judgment of an educated Chinaman will carry most weight. Other
internal evidence is not far to seek. Thus in XIII. ss. 1, there is an
unmistakable allusion to the ancient system of land-tenure which had
already passed away by the time of Mencius, who was anxious to see it
revived in a modified form.30 The only warfare Sun Tzu knows is that
carried on between the various feudal princes, in which armored
chariots play a large part. Their use seems to have entirely died out
before the end of the Chou dynasty. He speaks as a man of Wu, a state
which ceased to exist as early as 473 B.C. On this I shall touch presently.
But once refer the work to the 5th century or earlier, and the chances
of its being other than a bona fide production are sensibly diminished.
The great age of forgeries did not come until long after. That it should
have been forged in the period immediately following 473 is particularly
unlikely, for no one, as a rule, hastens to identify himself with a lost
cause. As for Yeh Shui-hsin's theory, that the author was a literary
recluse, that seems to me quite untenable. If one thing is more apparent
30 See Mencius III. 1. iii. 13-20.
12
than another after reading the maxims of Sun Tzu, it is that their essence
has been distilled from a large store of personal observation and
experience. They reflect the mind not only of a born strategist, gifted
with a rare faculty of generalization, but also of a practical soldier closely
acquainted with the military conditions of his time. To say nothing of
the fact that these sayings have been accepted and endorsed by all the
greatest captains of Chinese history, they offer a combination of
freshness and sincerity, acuteness and common sense, which quite
excludes the idea that they were artificially concocted in the study. If we
admit, then, that the 13 chapters were the genuine production of a
military man living towards the end of the ‟Ch'un Ch'iu” period, are we
not bound, in spite of the silence of the Tso Chuan, to accept Ssu-ma
Ch'ien's account in its entirety? In view of his high repute as a sober
historian, must we not hesitate to assume that the records he drew upon
for Sun Wu's biography were false and untrustworthy? The answer, I
fear, must be in the negative. There is still one grave, if not fatal,
objection to the chronology involved in the story as told in the Shi Chi,
which, so far as I am aware, nobody has yet pointed out. There are two
passages in Sun Tzu in which he alludes to contemporary affairs. The
first in in VI. ss. 21: —
Though according to my estimate the soldiers of Yueh exceed
our own in number, that shall advantage them nothing in the
matter of victory. I say then that victory can be achieved.
The other is in XI. ss. 30: —
Asked if an army can be made to imitate the Shuai-Jan, I
should answer, Yes. For the men of Wu and the men of Yueh
are enemies; yet if they are crossing a river in the same boat
and are caught by a storm, they will come to each other's
assistance just as the left hand helps the right.
13
These two paragraphs are extremely valuable as evidence of the date

of composition. They assign the work to the period of the struggle
between Wu and Yueh. So much has been observed by Pi I-hsun. But
what has hitherto escaped notice is that they also seriously impair the
credibility of Ssu-ma Ch'ien's narrative. As we have seen above, the first
positive date given in connection with Sun Wu is 512 B.C. He is then
spoken of as a general, acting as confidential adviser to Ho Lu, so that his
alleged introduction to that monarch had already taken place, and of
course the 13 chapters must have been written earlier still. But at that
time, and for several years after, down to the capture of Ying in 506, Ch'u
and not Yueh, was the great hereditary enemy of Wu. The two states,
Ch'u and Wu, had been constantly at war for over half a century,31
whereas the first war between Wu and Yueh was waged only in 510,32 and
even then was no more than a short interlude sandwiched in the midst
of the fierce struggle with Ch'u. Now Ch'u is not mentioned in the 13
chapters at all. The natural inference is that they were written at a time
when Yueh had become the prime antagonist of Wu, that is, after Ch'u
had suffered the great humiliation of 506. At this point, a table of dates
may be found useful.
514 B.C. Accession of Ho Lu.
512 Ho Lu attacks Ch'u, but is dissuaded from entering Ying,
the capital. Shi Chi mentions Sun Wu as general.
511 Another attack on Ch'u.
510 Wu makes a successful attack on Yueh. This is the first war
between the two states.
509/508 Ch'u invades Wu, but is signally defeated at Yu-chang.
506 Ho Lu attacks Ch'u with the aid of T'ang and Ts'ai.
Decisive battle of Po-chu, and capture of Ying. Last
31 When Wu first appears in the Ch'un Ch'iu in 584, it is already at variance with its powerful neighbor. The Ch'un
Ch'iu first mentions Yueh in 537, the Tso Chuan in 601.
32 This is explicitly stated in the Tso Chuan, XXXII, 2.
14
mention of Sun Wu in Shi Chi.

505 Yueh makes a raid on Wu in the absence of its army. Wu is
beaten by Ch'in and evacuates Ying.
504 Ho Lu sends Fu Ch'ai to attack Ch'u.
497 Kou Chien becomes King of Yueh.
496 Wu attacks Yueh, but is defeated by Kou Chien at Tsui-li.
Ho Lu is killed.
494 Fu Ch'ai defeats Kou Chien in the great battle of Fu-chaio,
and enters the capital of Yueh.
485/ 484 Kou Chien renders homage to Wu. Death of Wu Tzu-hsu.
482 Kou Chien invades Wu in the absence of Fu Ch'ai.
478-476 Further attacks by Yueh on Wu.
475 Kou Chien lays siege to the capital of Wu.
473 Final defeat and extinction of Wu.
The sentence quoted above from VI. ss. 21 hardly strikes me as one
that could have been written in the full flush of victory. It seems rather
to imply that, for the moment at least, the tide had turned against Wu,
and that she was getting the worst of the struggle. Hence we may
conclude that our treatise was not in existence in 505, before which date
Yueh does not appear to have scored any notable success against Wu. Ho
Lu died in 496, so that if the book was written for him, it must have been
during the period 505-496, when there was a lull in the hostilities, Wu
having presumably exhausted by its supreme effort against Ch'u. On the
other hand, if we choose to disregard the tradition connecting Sun Wu's
name with Ho Lu, it might equally well have seen the light between 496
and 494, or possibly in the period 482-473, when Yueh was once again
becoming a very serious menace.33 We may feel fairly certain that the
author, whoever he may have been, was not a man of any great eminence
in his own day. On this point the negative testimony of the Tso Chuan
33 There is this to be said for the later period, that the feud would tend to grow more bitter after each encounter,
and thus more fully justify the language used in XI. ss. 30.
15
far outweighs any shred of authority still attaching to the Shi Chi, if once
its other facts are discredited. Sun Hsing-yen, however, makes a feeble
attempt to explain the omission of his name from the great commentary.
It was Wu Tzu-hsu, he says, who got all the credit of Sun Wu's exploits,
because the latter (being an alien) was not rewarded with an office in the
State. How then did the Sun Tzu legend originate? It may be that the
growing celebrity of the book imparted by degrees a kind of factitious
renown to its author. It was felt to be only right and proper that one so
well versed in the science of war should have solid achievements to his
credit as well. Now the capture of Ying was undoubtedly the greatest feat
of arms in Ho Lu's reign; it made a deep and lasting impression on all
the surrounding states, and raised Wu to the short-lived zenith of her
power. Hence, what more natural, as time went on, than that the
acknowledged master of strategy, Sun Wu, should be popularly
identified with that campaign, at first perhaps only in the sense that his
brain conceived and planned it; afterwards, that it was actually carried
out by him in conjunction with Wu Yuan,34 Po P'ei and Fu Kai? It is
obvious that any attempt to reconstruct even the outline of Sun Tzu's life
must be based almost wholly on conjecture. With this necessary proviso,
I should say that he probably entered the service of Wu about the time
of Ho Lu's accession, and gathered experience, though only in the
capacity of a subordinate officer, during the intense military activity
which marked the first half of the prince's reign.35 If he rose to be a
general at all, he certainly was never on an equal footing with the three
above mentioned. He was doubtless present at the investment and
occupation of Ying, and witnessed Wu's sudden collapse in the following
year. Yueh's attack at this critical juncture, when her rival was
34 With Wu Yuan himself the case is just the reverse: — a spurious treatise on war has been fathered on him
simply because he was a great general. Here we have an obvious inducement to forgery. Sun Wu, on the other
hand, cannot have been widely known to fame in the 5th century.
35 From Tso Chuan: ‟From the date of King Chao's accession [515] there was no year in which Ch'u was not
attacked by Wu.”
16
embarrassed on every side, seems to have convinced him that this

upstart kingdom was the great enemy against whom every effort would
henceforth have to be directed. Sun Wu was thus a well-seasoned
warrior when he sat down to write his famous book, which according to
my reckoning must have appeared towards the end, rather than the
beginning of Ho Lu's reign. The story of the women may possibly have
grown out of some real incident occurring about the same time. As we
hear no more of Sun Wu after this from any source, he is hardly likely to
have survived his patron or to have taken part in the death-struggle with
Yueh, which began with the disaster at Tsui- li. If these inferences are
approximately correct, there is a certain irony in the fate which decreed
that China's most illustrious man of peace should be contemporary with
her greatest writer on war.
The Text of Sun Tzu

I have found it difficult to glean much about the history of Sun Tzu's
text. The quotations that occur in early authors go to show that the ‟13
chapters” of which Ssu-ma Ch'ien speaks were essentially the same as
those now extant. We have his word for it that they were widely
circulated in his day, and can only regret that he refrained from
discussing them on that account. Sun Hsing-yen says in his preface: —
During the Ch'in and Han dynasties Sun Tzu's Art of War was
in general use amongst military commanders, but they seem
to have treated it as a work of mysterious import, and were
unwilling to expound it for the benefit of posterity. Thus it
came about that Wei Wu was the first to write a commentary
on it.
As we have already seen, there is no reasonable ground to suppose
that Ts'ao Kung tampered with the text. But the text itself is often so
17
obscure, and the number of editions which appeared from that time
onward so great, especially during the T'ang and Sung dynasties, that it
would be surprising if numerous corruptions had not managed to creep
in. Towards the middle of the Sung period, by which time all the chief
commentaries on Sun Tzu were in existence, a certain Chi T'ien-pao
published a work in 15 chuan entitled ‟Sun Tzu with the collected
commentaries of ten writers.” There was another text, with variant
readings put forward by Chu Fu of Ta-hsing, which also had supporters
among the scholars of that period; but in the Ming editions, Sun Hsing-
yen tells us, these readings were for some reason or other no longer put
into circulation. Thus, until the end of the 18th century, the text in sole
possession of the field was one derived from Chi T'ien-pao's edition,
although no actual copy of that important work was known to have
survived. That, therefore, is the text of Sun Tzu which appears in the
War section of the great Imperial encyclopedia printed in 1726, the Ku
Chin T'u Shu Chi Ch'eng. Another copy at my disposal of what is
practically the same text, with slight variations, is that contained in the
‟Eleven philosophers of the Chou and Ch'in dynasties” [1758]. And the
Chinese printed in Capt. Calthrop's first edition is evidently a similar
version which has filtered through Japanese channels. So things
remained until Sun Hsing-yen [1752-1818], a distinguished antiquarian
and classical scholar, who claimed to be an actual descendant of Sun
Wu,36 accidentally discovered a copy of Chi T'ien-pao's long-lost work,
when on a visit to the library of the Hua-yin temple.37 Appended to it was
the I Shuo of Cheng Yu-Hsien, mentioned in the T'ung Chih, and also
believed to have perished. This is what Sun Hsing-yen designates as the
36 Preface ad fin: ‟My family comes from Lo-an, and we are really descended from Sun Tzu. I am ashamed to say
that I only read my ancestor's work from a literary point of view, without comprehending the military
technique. So long have we been enjoying the blessings of peace!”
37 Hoa-yin is about 14 miles from T'ung-kuan on the eastern border of Shensi. The temple in question is still
visited by those about the ascent of the Western Sacred Mountain. It is mentioned in a text as being ‟situated
five Li east of the district city of Hua-yin. The temple contains the Hua-shan tablet inscribed by the T'ang
Emperor Hsuan Tsung [713-755].”
18
‟original edition (or text)” — a rather misleading name, for it cannot by

any means claim to set before us the text of Sun Tzu in its pristine purity.
Chi T'ien-pao was a careless compiler, and appears to have been content
to reproduce the somewhat debased version current in his day, without
troubling to collate it with the earliest editions then available.
Fortunately, two versions of Sun Tzu, even older than the newly
discovered work, were still extant, one buried in the T'ung Tien, Tu Yu's
great treatise on the Constitution, the other similarly enshrined in the
T'ai P'ing Yu Lan encyclopedia. In both the complete text is to be found,
though split up into fragments, intermixed with other matter, and
scattered piecemeal over a number of different sections. Considering
that the Yu Lan takes us back to the year 983, and the T'ung Tien about
200 years further still, to the middle of the T'ang dynasty, the value of
these early transcripts of Sun Tzu can hardly be overestimated. Yet the
idea of utilizing them does not seem to have occurred to anyone until
Sun Hsing-yen, acting under Government instructions, undertook a
thorough recension of the text. This is his own account: —
Because of the numerous mistakes in the text of Sun Tzu
which his editors had handed down, the Government ordered
that the ancient edition [of Chi T'ien-pao] should be used,
and that the text should be revised and corrected throughout.
It happened that Wu Nien-hu, the Governor Pi Kua, and Hsi,
a graduate of the second degree, had all devoted themselves
to this study, probably surpassing me therein. Accordingly, I
have had the whole work cut on blocks as a textbook for
military men.
The three individuals here referred to had evidently been occupied
on the text of Sun Tzu prior to Sun Hsing-yen's commission, but we are
left in doubt as to the work they really accomplished. At any rate, the
new edition, when ultimately produced, appeared in the names of Sun
19
Hsing-yen and only one co- editor Wu Jen-shi. They took the ‟original
edition” as their basis, and by careful comparison with older versions, as
well as the extant commentaries and other sources of information such
as the I Shuo, succeeded in restoring a very large number of doubtful
passages, and turned out, on the whole, what must be accepted as the
closes approximation we are ever likely to get to Sun Tzu's original work.
This is what will hereafter be denominated the ‟standard text.” The copy
which I have used belongs to a reissue dated 1877. it is in 6 pen, forming
part of a well-printed set of 23 early philosophical works in 83 pen.38 It
opens with a preface by Sun Hsing-yen (largely quoted in this
introduction), vindicating the traditional view of Sun Tzu's life and
performances, and summing up in remarkably concise fashion the
evidence in its favor. This is followed by Ts'ao Kung's preface to his
edition, and the biography of Sun Tzu from the Shi Chi, both translated
above. Then come, firstly, Cheng Yu-hsien's I Shuo,39 with author's
preface, and next, a short miscellany of historical and bibliographical
information entitled Sun Tzu Hsu Lu, compiled by Pi I-hsun. As regards
the body of the work, each separate sentence is followed by a note on the
text, if required, and then by the various commentaries appertaining to
it, arranged in chronological order. These we shall now proceed to
discuss briefly, one by one.
The Commentators
Sun Tzu can boast an exceptionally long distinguished roll of
commentators, which would do honor to any classic. Ou-yang Hsiu
remarks on this fact, though he wrote before the tale was complete, and
rather ingeniously explains it by saying that the artifices of war, being
inexhaustible, must therefore be susceptible of treatment in a great
38 See my ‟Catalogue of Chinese Books” (Luzac & Co., 1908), no. 40.
39 This is a discussion of 29 difficult passages in Sun Tzu.
20
variety of ways.
1. Ts'ao Ts'ao or Ts'ao Kung, afterwards known as Wei Wu Ti [A.D.
155-220]. There is hardly any room for doubt that the earliest
commentary on Sun Tzu actually came from the pen of this
extraordinary man, whose biography in the San Kuo Chih reads like a
romance. One of the greatest military geniuses that the world has seen,
and Napoleonic in the scale of his operations, he was especially famed
for the marvelous rapidity of his marches, which has found expression in
the line ‟Talk of Ts'ao Ts'ao, and Ts'ao Ts'ao will appear.” Ou-yang Hsiu
says of him that he was a great captain who ‟measured his strength
against Tung Cho, Lu Pu and the two Yuan, father and son, and
vanquished them all; whereupon he divided the Empire of Han with Wu
and Shu, and made himself king. It is recorded that whenever a council
of war was held by Wei on the eve of a far-reaching campaign, he had all
his calculations ready; those generals who made use of them did not lose
one battle in ten; those who ran counter to them in any particular saw
their armies incontinently beaten and put to flight.” Ts'ao Kung's notes
on Sun Tzu, models of austere brevity, are so thoroughly characteristic of
the stern commander known to history, that it is hard indeed to conceive
of them as the work of a mere litterateur. Sometimes, indeed, owing to
extreme compression, they are scarcely intelligible and stand no less in
need of a commentary than the text itself.40
2. Meng Shih. The commentary which has come down to us under
this name is comparatively meager, and nothing about the author is
known. Even his personal name has not been recorded. Chi T'ien-pao's
edition places him after Chia Lin,and Ch'ao Kung- wu also assigns him
to the T'ang dynasty,41 but this is a mistake. In Sun Hsing-yen's preface,
he appears as Meng Shih of the Liang dynasty [502-557]. Others would
identify him with Meng K'ang of the 3rd century. He is named in one
40 Cf. Catalogue of the library of Fan family at Ningpo: ‟His commentary is frequently obscure; it furnishes a clue,
but does not fully develop the meaning.”
41 Wen Hsien T'ung K'ao, ch. 221.
21
work as the last of the ‟Five Commentators,” the others being Wei Wu
Ti, Tu Mu, Ch'en Hao and Chia Lin.
3. Li Ch'uan of the 8th century was a well-known writer on military
tactics. One of his works has been in constant use down to the present
day. The T'ung Chih mentions ‟Lives of famous generals from the Chou
to the T'ang dynasty” as written by him.42 According to Ch'ao Kung-wu
and the T'ien-I-Ko catalogue, he followed a variant of the text of Sun Tzu
which differs considerably from those now extant. His notes are mostly
short and to the point, and he frequently illustrates his remarks by
anecdotes from Chinese history.
4. Tu Yu (died 812) did not publish a separate commentary on Sun
Tzu, his notes being taken from the T'ung Tien, the encyclopedic treatise
on the Constitution which was his life-work. They are largely repetitions
of Ts'ao Kung and Meng Shih, besides which it is believed that he drew
on the ancient commentaries of Wang Ling and others. Owing to the
peculiar arrangement of T'ung Tien, he has to explain each passage on its
merits, apart from the context, and sometimes his own explanation does
not agree with that of Ts'ao Kung, whom he always quotes first. Though
not strictly to be reckoned as one of the ‟Ten Commentators,” he was
added to their number by Chi T'ien-pao, being wrongly placed after his
grandson Tu Mu.
5. Tu Mu (803-852) is perhaps the best known as a poet — a bright
star even in the glorious galaxy of the T'ang period. We learn from Ch'ao
Kung-wu that although he had no practical experience of war, he was
extremely fond of discussing the subject, and was moreover well read in
the military history of the Ch'un Ch'iu and Chan Kuo eras. His notes,
therefore, are well worth attention. They are very copious, and replete
with historical parallels. The gist of Sun Tzu's work is thus summarized
by him: ‟Practice benevolence and justice, but on the other hand make
42 It is interesting to note that M. Pelliot has recently discovered chapters 1, 4 and 5 of this lost work in the
‟Grottos of the Thousand Buddhas.” See B.E.F.E.O., t. VIII, nos. 3-4, p. 525.
22
full use of artifice and measures of expediency.” He further declared that

all the military triumphs and disasters of the thousand years which had
elapsed since Sun Tzu's death would, upon examination, be found to
uphold and corroborate, in every particular, the maxims contained in his
book. Tu Mu's somewhat spiteful charge against Ts'ao Kung has already
been considered elsewhere.
6. Ch'en Hao appears to have been a contemporary of Tu Mu. Ch'ao
Kung-wu says that he was impelled to write a new commentary on Sun
Tzu because Ts'ao Kung's on the one hand was too obscure and subtle,
and that of Tu Mu on the other too long-winded and diffuse. Ou-yang
Hsiu, writing in the middle of the 11th century, calls Ts'ao Kung, Tu Mu
and Ch'en Hao the three chief commentators on Sun Tzu, and observes
that Ch'en Hao is continually attacking Tu Mu's shortcomings. His
commentary, though not lacking in merit, must rank below those of his
predecessors.
7. Chia Lin is known to have lived under the T'ang dynasty, for his
commentary on Sun Tzu is mentioned in the T'ang Shu and was
afterwards republished by Chi Hsieh of the same dynasty together with
those of Meng Shih and Tu Yu. It is of somewhat scanty texture, and in
point of quality, too, perhaps the least valuable of the eleven.
8. Mei Yao-Ch'en (1002-1060), commonly known by his ‟style” as Mei
Sheng-yu, was, like Tu Mu, a poet of distinction. His commentary was
published with a laudatory preface by the great Ou-yang Hsiu, from
which we may cull the following: —
Later scholars have misread Sun Tzu, distorting his words and
trying to make them square with their own one-sided views.
Thus, though commentators have not been lacking, only a few
have proved equal to the task. My friend Sheng-yu has not
fallen into this mistake. In attempting to provide a critical
commentary for Sun Tzu's work, he does not lose sight of the
23
fact that these sayings were intended for states engaged in

internecine warfare; that the author is not concerned with the
military conditions prevailing under the sovereigns of the
three ancient dynasties,43 nor with the nine punitive measures
prescribed to the Minister of War.44 Again, Sun Wu loved
brevity of diction, but his meaning is always deep. Whether
the subject be marching an army, or handling soldiers, or
estimating the enemy, or controlling the forces of victory, it is
always systematically treated; the sayings are bound together
in strict logical sequence, though this has been obscured by
commentators who have probably failed to grasp their
meaning. In his own commentary, Mei Sheng-yu has brushed
aside all the obstinate prejudices of these critics, and has tried
to bring out the true meaning of Sun Tzu himself. In this way,
the clouds of confusion have been dispersed and the sayings
made clear. I am convinced that the present work deserves to
be handed down side by side with the three great
commentaries; and for a great deal that they find in the
sayings, coming generations will have constant reason to
thank my friend Sheng-yu.
Making some allowance for the exuberance of friendship, I am
inclined to endorse this favorable judgment, and would certainly place
him above Ch'en Hao in order of merit.
9. Wang Hsi, also of the Sung dynasty, is decidedly original in some
of his interpretations, but much less judicious than Mei Yao-ch'en, and
on the whole not a very trustworthy guide. He is fond of comparing his
own commentary with that of Ts'ao Kung, but the comparison is not
often flattering to him. We learn from Ch'ao Kung-wu that Wang Hsi
43 The Hsia, the Shang and the Chou. Although the last-named was nominally existent in Sun Tzu's day, it
retained hardly a vestige of power, and the old military organization had practically gone by the board. I can
suggest no other explanation of the passage.
44 See CHOU Li, xxix. 6-10.
24
revised the ancient text of Sun Tzu, filling up lacunae and correcting
mistakes.45
10. Ho Yen-Hsi of the Sung dynasty. The personal name of this
commentator is given as above by Cheng Ch'iao in the Tung Chih,
written about the middle of the twelfth century, but he appears simply as
Ho Shih in the Yu Hai, and Ma Tuan-lin quotes Ch'ao Kung-wu as saying
that his personal name is unknown. There seems to be no reason to
doubt Cheng Ch'iao's statement, otherwise I should have been inclined
to hazard a guess and identify him with one Ho Ch'u-fei, the author of a
short treatise on war, who lived in the latter part of the 11th century. Ho
Shih's commentary, in the words of the T'ien-I-Ko catalogue, ‟contains
helpful additions” here and there, but is chiefly remarkable for the
copious extracts taken, in adapted form, from the dynastic histories and
other sources.
11. Chang Yu. The list closes with a commentator of no great
originality perhaps, but gifted with admirable powers of lucid
exposition. His commentator is based on that of Ts'ao Kung, whose terse
sentences he contrives to expand and develop in masterly fashion.
Without Chang Yu, it is safe to say that much of Ts'ao Kung's
commentary would have remained cloaked in its pristine obscurity and
therefore valueless. His work is not mentioned in the Sung history, the
T'ung K'ao, or the Yu Hai, but it finds a niche in the T'ung Chih, which
also names him as the author of the ‟Lives of Famous Generals.” 46 It is
rather remarkable that the last-named four should all have flourished
within so short a space of time. Ch'ao Kung-wu accounts for it by saying:
‟During the early years of the Sung dynasty the Empire enjoyed a long
spell of peace, and men ceased to practice the art of war. but when
[Chao] Yuan-hao's rebellion came [1038-42] and the frontier generals
were defeated time after time, the Court made strenuous inquiry for
45 T'ung K'ao, ch. 221.

46 This appears to be still extant. See Wylie's ‟Notes,” p. 91 (new edition).
25
men skilled in war, and military topics became the vogue amongst all the
high officials. Hence it is that the commentators of Sun Tzu in our
dynasty belong mainly to that period.47
Besides these eleven commentators, there are several others whose
work has not come down to us. The Sui Shu mentions four, namely
Wang Ling (often quoted by Tu Yu as Wang Tzu); Chang Tzu-shang;
Chia Hsu of Wei;48 and Shen Yu of Wu. The T'ang Shu adds Sun Hao,
and the T'ung Chih Hsiao Chi, while the T'u Shu mentions a Ming
commentator, Huang Jun-yu. It is possible that some of these may have
been merely collectors and editors of other commentaries, like Chi
T'ien-pao and Chi Hsieh, mentioned above.
Appreciations of Sun Tzu

Sun Tzu has exercised a potent fascination over the minds of some of
China's greatest men. Among the famous generals who are known to
have studied his pages with enthusiasm may be mentioned Han Hsin (d.
196 B.C.),49 Feng I (d. 34 A.D.),50 Lu Meng (d. 219),51 and Yo Fei (1103-
1141).52 The opinion of Ts'ao Kung, who disputes with Han Hsin the
highest place in Chinese military annals, has already been recorded. 53
Still more remarkable, in one way, is the testimony of purely literary
men, such as Su Hsun (the father of Su Tung-p'o), who wrote several
essays on military topics, all of which owe their chief inspiration to Sun
47 T'ung K'ao, loc. cit.

48 A notable person in his day. His biography is given in the San Kuo Chih, ch. 10.
49 See XI. ss. 58, note.
50 Hou Han Shu, ch. 17 ad init.
51 San Kuo Chih, ch. 54.
52 Sung Shih, ch. 365 ad init.
53 The few Europeans who have yet had an opportunity of acquainting themselves with Sun Tzu are not
behindhand in their praise. In this connection, I may perhaps be excused for quoting from a letter from Lord
Roberts, to whom the sheets of the present work were submitted previous to publication: ‟Many of Sun Wu's
maxims are perfectly applicable to the present day, and no. 11 [in Chapter VIII] is one that the people of this
country would do well to take to heart.”
26
Tzu. The following short passage by him is preserved in the Yu Hai:54—

Sun Wu's saying, that in war one cannot make certain of
conquering,55 is very different indeed from what other books
tell us.56 Wu Ch'i was a man of the same stamp as Sun Wu:
they both wrote books on war, and they are linked together in
popular speech as ‟Sun and Wu.” But Wu Ch'i's remarks on
war are less weighty, his rules are rougher and more crudely
stated, and there is not the same unity of plan as in Sun Tzu's
work, where the style is terse, but the meaning fully brought
out.
The following is an extract from the ‟Impartial Judgments in the
Garden of Literature” by Cheng Hou: —
Sun Tzu's 13 chapters are not only the staple and base of all
military men's training, but also compel the most careful
attention of scholars and men of letters. His sayings are terse
yet elegant, simple yet profound, perspicuous and eminently
practical. Such works as the Lun Yu, the I Ching and the great
Commentary,57 as well as the writings of Mencius, Hsun
K'uang and Yang Chu, all fall below the level of Sun Tzu.
Chu Hsi, commenting on this, fully admits the first part of the
criticism, although he dislikes the audacious comparison with the
venerated classical works. Language of this sort, he says, ‟encourages a
ruler's bent towards unrelenting warfare and reckless militarism.”
54 Ch. 140.
55 See IV. ss. 3.
56 The allusion may be to Mencius VI. 2. ix. 2.
57 The Tso Chuan.
27
Apologies for War

Accustomed as we are to think of China as the greatest peace-loving
nation on earth, we are in some danger of forgetting that her experience
of war in all its phases has also been such as no modern State can
parallel. Her long military annals stretch back to a point at which they
are lost in the mists of time. She had built the Great Wall and was
maintaining a huge standing army along her frontier centuries before
the first Roman legionary was seen on the Danube. What with the
perpetual collisions of the ancient feudal States, the grim conflicts with
Huns, Turks and other invaders after the centralization of government,
the terrific upheavals which accompanied the overthrow of so many
dynasties, besides the countless rebellions and minor disturbances that
have flamed up and flickered out again one by one, it is hardly too much
to say that the clash of arms has never ceased to resound in one portion
or another of the Empire. No less remarkable is the succession of
illustrious captains to whom China can point with pride. As in all
countries, the greatest are fond of emerging at the most fateful crises of
her history. Thus, Po Ch'i stands out conspicuous in the period when
Ch'in was entering upon her final struggle with the remaining
independent states. The stormy years which followed the break-up of
the Ch'in dynasty are illuminated by the transcendent genius of Han
Hsin. When the House of Han in turn is tottering to its fall, the great
and baleful figure of Ts'ao Ts'ao dominates the scene. And in the
establishment of the T'ang dynasty,one of the mightiest tasks achieved
by man, the superhuman energy of Li Shih-min (afterwards the Emperor
T'ai Tsung) was seconded by the brilliant strategy of Li Ching. None of
these generals need fear comparison with the greatest names in the
military history of Europe. In spite of all this, the great body of Chinese
sentiment, from Lao Tzu downwards, and especially as reflected in the
standard literature of Confucianism, has been consistently pacific and
28
intensely opposed to militarism in any form. It is such an uncommon

thing to find any of the literati defending warfare on principle, that I
have thought it worth while to collect and translate a few passages in
which the unorthodox view is upheld. The following, by Ssu-ma Ch'ien,
shows that for all his ardent admiration of Confucius, he was yet no
advocate of peace at any price: —
Military weapons are the means used by the Sage to punish
violence and cruelty, to give peace to troublous times, to
remove difficulties and dangers, and to succor those who are
in peril. Every animal with blood in its veins and horns on its
head will fight when it is attacked. How much more so will
man, who carries in his breast the faculties of love and hatred,
joy and anger! When he is pleased, a feeling of affection
springs up within him; when angry, his poisoned sting is
brought into play. That is the natural law which governs his
being…. What then shall be said of those scholars of our time,
blind to all great issues, and without any appreciation of
relative values, who can only bark out their stale formulas
about ‟virtue” and ‟civilization,” condemning the use of
military weapons? They will surely bring our country to
impotence and dishonor and the loss of her rightful heritage;
or, at the very least, they will bring about invasion and
rebellion, sacrifice of territory and general enfeeblement. Yet
they obstinately refuse to modify the position they have taken
up. The truth is that, just as in the family the teacher must not
spare the rod, and punishments cannot be dispensed with in
the State, so military chastisement can never be allowed to fall
into abeyance in the Empire. All one can say is that this power
will be exercised wisely by some, foolishly by others, and that
among those who bear arms some will be loyal and others
29
rebellious.58
The next piece is taken from Tu Mu's preface to his commentary on
Sun Tzu: —
War may be defined as punishment, which is one of the
functions of government. It was the profession of Chung Yu
and Jan Ch'iu, both disciples of Confucius. Nowadays, the
holding of trials and hearing of litigation, the imprisonment
of offenders and their execution by flogging in the market-
place, are all done by officials. But the wielding of huge
armies, the throwing down of fortified cities, the hauling of
women and children into captivity, and the beheading of
traitors — this is also work which is done by officials. The
objects of the rack and of military weapons are essentially the
same. There is no intrinsic difference between the
punishment of flogging and cutting off heads in war. For the
lesser infractions of law, which are easily dealt with, only a
small amount of force need be employed: hence the use of
military weapons and wholesale decapitation. In both cases,
however, the end in view is to get rid of wicked people, and to
give comfort and relief to the good…. Chi-sun asked Jan Yu,
saying: ‟Have you, Sir, acquired your military aptitude by
study, or is it innate?” Jan Yu replied: ‟It has been acquired by
study.”59 ‟How can that be so,” said Chi-sun, ‟seeing that you
are a disciple of Confucius?” ‟It is a fact,” replied Jan Yu; ‟I was
taught by Confucius. It is fitting that the great Sage should
exercise both civil and military functions, though to be sure
my instruction in the art of fighting has not yet gone very far.”
Now, who the author was of this rigid distinction between the
58 Shi Chi, ch. 25, fol. I.

59 Cf. Shi Chi, ch 47.
30
‟civil” and the ‟military,” and the limitation of each to a

separate sphere of action, or in what year of which dynasty it
was first introduced, is more than I can say. But, at any rate, it
has come about that the members of the governing class are
quite afraid of enlarging on military topics, or do so only in a
shamefaced manner. If any are bold enough to discuss the
subject, they are at once set down as eccentric individuals of
coarse and brutal propensities. This is an extraordinary
instance in which, through sheer lack of reasoning, men
unhappily lose sight of fundamental principles. When the
Duke of Chou was minister under Ch'eng Wang, he regulated
ceremonies and made music, and venerated the arts of
scholarship and learning; yet when the barbarians of the River
Huai revolted,60 he sallied forth and chastised them. When
Confucius held office under the Duke of Lu, and a meeting
was convened at Chia-ku,61 he said: ‟If pacific negotiations are
in progress, warlike preparations should have been made
beforehand.” He rebuked and shamed the Marquis of Ch'i,
who cowered under him and dared not proceed to violence.
How can it be said that these two great Sages had no
knowledge of military matters?
We have seen that the great Chu Hsi held Sun Tzu in high esteem. He
also appeals to the authority of the Classics: —
Our Master Confucius, answering Duke Ling of Wei, said: ‟I
have never studied matters connected with armies and
battalions.”62 Replying to K'ung Wen-tzu, he said: I have not
been instructed about buff-coats and weapons.” But if we turn
to the meeting at Chia-ku, we find that he used armed force
60 See Shu Ching, preface ss. 55.
61 See Shi Chi, ch. 47.
62 Lun Yu, XV. 1.
31
against the men of Lai, so that the marquis of Ch'i was

overawed. Again, when the inhabitants of Pi revolted; he
ordered his officers to attack them, whereupon they were
defeated and fled in confusion. He once uttered the words: ‟If
I fight, I conquer.”63 And Jan Yu also said: ‟The Sage exercises
both civil and military functions.”64 Can it be a fact that
Confucius never studied or received instruction in the art of
war? We can only say that he did not specially choose matters
connected with armies and fighting to be the subject of his
teaching.
Sun Hsing-yen, the editor of Sun Tzu, writes in similar strain: —
Confucius said: ‟I am unversed in military matters.”65 He also
said: ‟If I fight, I conquer.” Confucius ordered ceremonies and
regulated music. Now war constitutes one of the five classes of
State ceremonial,66 and must not be treated as an
independent branch of study. Hence, the words ‟I am
unversed in” must be taken to mean that there are things
which even an inspired Teacher does not know. Those who
have to lead an army and devise stratagems, must learn the art
of war. But if one can command the services of a good general
like Sun Tzu, who was employed by Wu Tzu-hsu, there is no
need to learn it oneself. Hence the remark added by
Confucius: ‟If I fight, I conquer.” The men of the present day,
however, willfully interpret these words of Confucius in their
narrowest sense, as though he meant that books on the art of
war were not worth reading. With blind persistency, they
adduce the example of Chao Kua, who pored over his father's
63 I failed to trace this utterance.
64 Supra.
65 Supra.
66 The other four being worship, mourning, entertainment of guests, and festive rites. See Shu Ching, ii. 1. III. 8,
and Chou Li, IX. fol. 49.
32
books to no purpose,67 as a proof that all military theory is

useless. Again, seeing that books on war have to do with such
things as opportunism in designing plans, and the conversion
of spies, they hold that the art is immoral and unworthy of a
sage. These people ignore the fact that the studies of our
scholars and the civil administration of our officials also
require steady application and practice before efficiency is
reached. The ancients were particularly chary of allowing
mere novices to botch their work.68 Weapons are baneful69
and fighting perilous; and useless unless a general is in
constant practice, he ought not to hazard other men's lives in
battle.70 Hence it is essential that Sun Tzu's 13 chapters should
be studied. Hsiang Liang used to instruct his nephew Chi71 in
the art of war. Chi got a rough idea of the art in its general
bearings, but would not pursue his studies to their proper
outcome, the consequence being that he was finally defeated
and overthrown. He did not realize that the tricks and
artifices of war are beyond verbal computation. Duke Hsiang
of Sung and King Yen of Hsu were brought to destruction by
their misplaced humanity. The treacherous and underhand
nature of war necessitates the use of guile and stratagem
suited to the occasion. There is a case on record of Confucius
himself having violated an extorted oath,72 and also of his
having left the Sung State in disguise.73 Can we then recklessly
arraign Sun Tzu for disregarding truth and honesty?
67 See XIII. ss. 11, note.

68 This is a rather obscure allusion to the Tso Chuan, where Tzu-ch'an says: ‟If you have a piece of beautiful
brocade, you will not employ a mere learner to make it up.”
69 Cf. Tao Te Ching, ch. 31.
70 Sun Hsing-yen might have quoted Confucius again. See Lun Yu, XIII. 29, 30.
71 Better known as Hsiang Yu [233-202 B.C.].
72 Shi Chi, ch. 47.
73 Shi Chi, ch. 38.
33
Bibliography
The following are the oldest Chinese treatises on war, after Sun Tzu. The
notes on each have been drawn principally from the Ssu K'u Ch'uan Shu
Chien Ming Mu Lu, ch. 9, fol. 22 sqq.
1. Wu Tzu, in 1 chuan or 6 chapters. By Wu Ch'i (d. 381 B.C.). A
genuine work. See Shi Chi, ch. 65.
2. Ssu-Ma Fa, in 1 chuan or 5 chapters. Wrongly attributed to Ssu-ma
Jang-chu of the 6th century B.C. Its date, however, must be early, as
the customs of the three ancient dynasties are constantly to be met
within its pages. See Shi Chi, ch. 64. The Ssu K'u Ch'uan Shu (ch.
99, f. 1) remarks that the oldest three treatises on war, Sun Tzu, Wu
Tzu and Ssu-Ma Fa, are, generally speaking, only concerned with
things strictly military — the art of producing, collecting, training
and drilling troops, and the correct theory with regard to measures
of expediency, laying plans, transport of goods and the handling of
soldiers — in strong contrast to later works, in which the science of
war is usually blended with metaphysics, divination and magical
arts in general.
3. Liu T'ao, in 6 chuan, or 60 chapters. Attributed to Lu Wang (or Lu
Shang, also known as T'ai Kung) of the 12th century B.C.74 But its
style does not belong to the era of the Three Dynasties. Lu Te-ming
(550-625 A.D.) mentions the work, and enumerates the headings of
the six sections so that the forgery cannot have been later than Sui
dynasty.
4. Wei Liao Tzu, in 5 chuan. Attributed to Wei Liao (4th cent. B.C.),
who studied under the famous Kuei-ku Tzu. The work appears to
have been originally in 31 chapters, whereas the text we possess
contains only 24. Its matter is sound enough in the main, though
74 See XIII. ss. 27, note. Further details on T'ai Kung will be found in the Shi Chi, ch. 32 ad init. Besides the
tradition which makes him a former minister of Chou Hsin, two other accounts of him are there given,
according to which he would appear to have been first raised from a humble private station by Wen Wang.
34
the strategical devices differ considerably from those of the

Warring States period. It is been furnished with a commentary by
the well-known Sung philosopher Chang Tsai.
5. San Lueh, in 3 chuan. Attributed to Huang-shih Kung, a legendary
personage who is said to have bestowed it on Chang Liang (d. 187
B.C.) in an interview on a bridge. But here again, the style is not
that of works dating from the Ch'in or Han period. The Han
Emperor Kuang Wu [25-57 A.D.] apparently quotes from it in one
of his proclamations; but the passage in question may have been
inserted later on, in order to prove the genuineness of the work. We
shall not be far out if we refer it to the Northern Sung period [420-
478 A.D.], or somewhat earlier.
6. Li Wei Kung Wen Tui, in 3 sections. Written in the form of a
dialogue between T'ai Tsung and his great general Li Ching, it is
usually ascribed to the latter. Competent authorities consider it a
forgery, though the author was evidently well versed in the art of
war.
7. Li Ching Ping Fa (not to be confounded with the foregoing) is a
short treatise in 8 chapters, preserved in the T'ung Tien, but not
published separately. This fact explains its omission from the Ssu
K'u Ch'uan Shu.
8. Wu Ch'i Ching, in 1 chuan. Attributed to the legendary minister
Feng Hou, with exegetical notes by Kung-sun Hung of the Han
dynasty (d. 121 B.C.), and said to have been eulogized by the
celebrated general Ma Lung (d. 300 A.D.). Yet the earliest mention
of it is in the Sung Chih. Although a forgery, the work is well put
together.
Considering the high popular estimation in which Chu-ko Liang has

always been held, it is not surprising to find more than one work on war
ascribed to his pen. Such are (1) the Shih Liu Ts'e (1 chuan), preserved in
35
the Yung Lo Ta Tien; (2) Chiang Yuan (1 chuan); and (3) Hsin Shu (1
chuan), which steals wholesale from Sun Tzu. None of these has the
slightest claim to be considered genuine. Most of the large Chinese
encyclopedias contain extensive sections devoted to the literature of war.
The following references may be found useful: —
T'ung Tien (circa 800 A.D.), ch. 148-162.
T'ai P'ing Yu Lan (983), ch. 270-359.
Wen Hsien Tung K'ao (13th cent.), ch. 221.
Yu Hai (13th cent.), ch. 140, 141.
San Ts'ai T'u Hui (16th cent).
Kuang Po Wu Chih (1607), ch. 31, 32.
Ch'ien Ch'io Lei Shu (1632), ch. 75.
Yuan Chien Lei Han (1710), ch. 206-229.
Ku Chin T'u Shu Chi Ch'eng (1726), section XXX, esp. ch. 81-90.
Hsu Wen Hsien T'ung K'ao (1784), ch. 121-134.
Huang Ch'ao Ching Shih Wen Pien (1826), ch. 76, 77.
The bibliographical sections of certain historical works also deserve
mention: —
Ch'ien Han Shu, ch. 30.
Sui Shu, ch. 32-35.
Chiu T'ang Shu, ch. 46, 47.
Hsin T'ang Shu, ch. 57,60.
Sung Shih, ch. 202-209.
T'ung Chih (circa 1150), ch. 68.
To these of course must be added the great Catalogue of the
Imperial Library: —
Ssu K'u Ch'uan Shu Tsung Mu T'i Yao (1790), ch. 99, 100.
36
THE ART OF WAR
I. LAYING PLANS75
1. Sun Tzu said: The art of war is of vital importance to the State.
2. It is a matter of life and death, a road either to safety or to ruin.
Hence it is a subject of inquiry which can on no account be
neglected.
3. The art of war, then, is governed by five constant factors, to be
taken into account in one's deliberations, when seeking to
determine the conditions obtaining in the field.
4. These are:
(1) The Moral Law
(2) Heaven
(3) Earth
(4) The Commander
(5) Method and discipline.76
5. The Moral Law causes the people to be in complete accord with
their ruler, so that they will follow him regardless of their lives,
undismayed by any danger.77
6.
7. Heaven signifies night and day, cold and heat, times and
seasons.78
75 Ts'ao Kung, in defining the meaning of the Chinese for the title of this chapter, says it refers to the deliberations
in the temple selected by the general for his temporary use, or as we should say, in his tent. See. ss. 26.
76 It appears from what follows that Sun Tzu means by ‟Moral Law” a principle of harmony, not unlike the Tao of
Lao Tzu in its moral aspect. One might be tempted to render it by ‟morale,” were it not considered as an
attribute of the ruler in ss. 13.
77 Tu Yu quotes Wang Tzu as saying: ‟Without constant practice, the officers will be nervous and undecided when
mustering for battle; without constant practice, the general will be wavering and irresolute when the crisis is at
hand.”
78 The commentators, I think, make an unnecessary mystery of two words here. Meng Shih refers to ‟the hard and
the soft, waxing and waning” of Heaven. Wang Hsi, however, may be right in saying that what is meant is ‟the
general economy of Heaven,” including the five elements, the four seasons, wind and clouds, and other
phenomena.
37
8. Earth comprises distances, great and small; danger and security;

open ground and narrow passes; the chances of life and death.
9. The Commander stands for the virtues of wisdom, sincerity,
benevolence, courage and strictness.79
10. By method and discipline are to be understood the marshaling of
the army in its proper subdivisions, the graduations of rank
among the officers, the maintenance of roads by which supplies
may reach the army, and the control of military expenditure.
11. These five heads should be familiar to every general: he who
knows them will be victorious; he who knows them not will fail.
12. Therefore, in your deliberations, when seeking to determine the
military conditions, let them be made the basis of a comparison,
in this wise: —
13.
(1) Which of the two sovereigns is imbued with the Moral law?80
(2) Which of the two generals has most ability?
(3) With whom lie the advantages derived from Heaven and
Earth?81
(4) On which side is discipline most rigorously enforced?82
(5) Which army is stronger?83
(6) On which side are officers and men more highly trained?84
79 The five cardinal virtues of the Chinese are (1) humanity or benevolence; (2) uprightness of mind; (3) self-
respect, self- control, or ‟proper feeling;” (4) wisdom; (5) sincerity or good faith. Here ‟wisdom” and ‟sincerity”
are put before ‟humanity or benevolence,” and the two military virtues of ‟courage” and ‟strictness” substituted
for ‟uprightness of mind” and ‟self- respect, self-control, or 'proper feeling.'”
80 I.e., ‟is in harmony with his subjects.” Cf. ss. 5.
81 See ss. 7, 8
82 Tu Mu alludes to the remarkable story of Ts'ao Ts'ao (A.D. 155-220), who was such a strict disciplinarian that
once, in accordance with his own severe regulations against injury to standing crops, he condemned himself to
death for having allowed his horse to shy into a field of corn! However, in lieu of losing his head, he was
persuaded to satisfy his sense of justice by cutting off his hair. Ts'ao Ts'ao's own comment on the present
passage is characteristically curt: ‟when you lay down a law, see that it is not disobeyed; if it is disobeyed the
offender must be put to death.”
83 Morally as well as physically. As mei yao-ch'en puts it, freely rendered, ‟espirit de corps and 'big battalions.'”
84 Tu Yu quotes Wang Tzu as saying: ‟Without constant practice, the officers will be nervous and undecided when
mustering for battle; without constant practice, the general will be wavering and irresolute when the crisis is at
hand.”
38
(7) In which army is there the greater constancy both in

reward and punishment?85
14. By means of these seven considerations I can forecast victory or
defeat.
15. The general that hearkens to my counsel and acts upon it, will
conquer: —let such a one be retained in command! The general
that hearkens not to my counsel nor acts upon it, will suffer
defeat: —let such a one be dismissed!86
16. While heading the profit of my counsel, avail yourself also of any
helpful circumstances over and beyond the ordinary rules.
17. According as circumstances are favorable, one should modify
one's plans.87
18. All warfare is based on deception.88
19. Hence, when able to attack, we must seem unable; when using
our forces, we must seem inactive; when we are near, we must
make the enemy believe we are far away; when far away, we must
make him believe we are near.
20. Hold out baits to entice the enemy. Feign disorder, and crush
him.89
85 On which side is there the most absolute certainty that merit will be properly rewarded and misdeeds
summarily punished?
86 The form of this paragraph reminds us that Sun Tzu's treatise was composed expressly for the benefit of his
patron Ho Lu, king of the Wu State.
87 Sun Tzu, as a practical soldier, will have none of the ‟bookish theoric.” He cautions us here not to pin our faith
to abstract principles; ‟for,” as Chang Yu puts it, ‟while the main laws of strategy can be stated clearly enough for
the benefit of all and sundry, you must be guided by the actions of the enemy in attempting to secure a
favorable position in actual warfare.” On the eve of the battle of Waterloo, Lord Uxbridge, commanding the
cavalry, went to the Duke of Wellington in order to learn what his plans and calculations were for the morrow,
because, as he explained, he might suddenly find himself Commander-in-chief and would be unable to frame
new plans in a critical moment. The Duke listened quietly and then said: ‟Who will attack the first tomorrow —
I or Bonaparte?” ‟Bonaparte,” replied Lord Uxbridge. ‟Well,” continued the Duke, ‟Bonaparte has not given me
any idea of his projects; and as my plans will depend upon his, how can you expect me to tell you what mine
are?”
88 The truth of this pithy and profound saying will be admitted by every soldier. Col. Henderson tells us that
Wellington, great in so many military qualities, was especially distinguished by ‟the extraordinary skill with
which he concealed his movements and deceived both friend and foe.”
89 All commentators, except Chang Yu, say, ‟When he is in disorder, crush him.” It is more natural to suppose that
Sun Tzu is still illustrating the uses of deception in war.
39
21. If he is secure at all points, be prepared for him. If he is in

superior strength, evade him.
22. If your opponent is of choleric temper, seek to irritate him.
Pretend to be weak, that he may grow arrogant.90
23. If he is taking his ease, give him no rest.91 If his forces are united,
separate them.92
24. Attack him where he is unprepared, appear where you are not
expected.
25. These military devices, leading to victory, must not be divulged
beforehand.
26. Now the general who wins a battle makes many calculations in
his temple ere the battle is fought.93 The general who loses a
battle makes but few calculations beforehand. Thus do many
calculations lead to victory, and few calculations to defeat: how
much more no calculation at all! It is by attention to this point
that I can foresee who is likely to win or lose.
II. WAGING WAR94
1. Sun Tzu said: In the operations of war, where there are in the
field a thousand swift chariots, as many heavy chariots, and a
hundred thousand mail-clad soldiers,95 with provisions enough
90 Wang Tzu, quoted by Tu Yu, says that the good tactician plays with his adversary as a cat plays with a mouse,
first feigning weakness and immobility, and then suddenly pouncing upon him.
91 This is probably the meaning though Mei Yao-ch'en has the note: ‟while we are taking our ease, wait for the
enemy to tire himself out.” The Yu Lan has ‟Lure him on and tire him out.”
92 Less plausible is the interpretation favored by most of the commentators: ‟If sovereign and subject are in
accord, put division between them.”
93 Chang Yu tells us that in ancient times it was customary for a temple to be set apart for the use of a general who
was about to take the field, in order that he might there elaborate his plan of campaign.
94 Ts'ao Kung has the note: ‟He who wishes to fight must first count the cost,” which prepares us for the discovery
that the subject of the chapter is not what we might expect from the title, but is primarily a consideration of
ways and means.
95 The ‟swift chariots” were lightly built and, according to Chang Yu, used for the attack; the ‟heavy chariots” were
heavier, and designed for purposes of defense. Li Ch'uan, it is true, says that the latter were light, but this seems
hardly probable. It is interesting to note the analogies between early Chinese warfare and that of the Homeric
Greeks. In each case, the war- chariot was the important factor, forming as it did the nucleus round which was
grouped a certain number of foot-soldiers. With regard to the numbers given here, we are informed that each
swift chariot was accompanied by 75 footmen, and each heavy chariot by 25 footmen, so that the whole army
40
to carry them a thousand Li,96 the expenditure at home and at

the front, including entertainment of guests, small items such as
glue and paint, and sums spent on chariots and armor, will reach
the total of a thousand ounces of silver per day. Such is the cost
of raising an army of 100,000 men.
2. When you engage in actual fighting, if victory is long in coming,
then men's weapons will grow dull and their ardor will be
damped. If you lay siege to a town, you will exhaust your
strength.
3. Again, if the campaign is protracted, the resources of the State
will not be equal to the strain.
4. Now, when your weapons are dulled, your ardor damped, your
strength exhausted and your treasure spent, other chieftains will
spring up to take advantage of your extremity. Then no man,
however wise, will be able to avert the consequences that must
ensue.
5. Thus, though we have heard of stupid haste in war, cleverness
has never been seen associated with long delays.97
6. There is no instance of a country having benefited from
would be divided up into a thousand battalions, each consisting of two chariots and a hundred men.
96 2.78 modern Li go to a mile. The length may have varied slightly since Sun Tzu's time.
97 This concise and difficult sentence is not well explained by any of the commentators. Ts'ao Kung, Li Ch'uan,
Meng Shih, Tu Yu, Tu Mu and Mei Yao-ch'en have notes to the effect that a general, though naturally stupid,
may nevertheless conquer through sheer force of rapidity. Ho Shih says: ‟Haste may be stupid, but at any rate it
saves expenditure of energy and treasure; protracted operations may be very clever, but they bring calamity in
their train.” Wang Hsi evades the difficulty by remarking: ‟Lengthy operations mean an army growing old,
wealth being expended, an empty exchequer and distress among the people; true cleverness insures against the
occurrence of such calamities.” Chang Yu says: ‟So long as victory can be attained, stupid haste is preferable to
clever dilatoriness.” Now Sun Tzu says nothing whatever, except possibly by implication, about ill-considered
haste being better than ingenious but lengthy operations. What he does say is something much more guarded,
namely that, while speed may sometimes be injudicious, tardiness can never be anything but foolish — if only
because it means impoverishment to the nation. In considering the point raised here by Sun Tzu, the classic
example of Fabius Cunctator will inevitably occur to the mind. That general deliberately measured the
endurance of Rome against that of Hannibals's isolated army, because it seemed to him that the latter was more
likely to suffer from a long campaign in a strange country. But it is quite a moot question whether his tactics
would have proved successful in the long run. Their reversal it is true, led to Cannae; but this only establishes a
negative presumption in their favor.
41
prolonged warfare.
7. It is only one who is thoroughly acquainted with the evils of war
that can thoroughly understand the profitable way of carrying it
on.98
8. The skillful soldier does not raise a second levy, neither are his
supply-wagons loaded more than twice.99
9. Bring war material with you from home, but forage on the
enemy. Thus the army will have food enough for its needs.100
10. Poverty of the State exchequer causes an army to be maintained
by contributions from a distance. Contributing to maintain an
army at a distance causes the people to be impoverished.101
11. On the other hand, the proximity of an army causes prices to go
up; and high prices cause the people's substance to be drained
away.102
12. When their substance is drained away, the peasantry will be
afflicted by heavy exactions.
13.
14. With this loss of substance and exhaustion of strength, the
98 That is, with rapidity. Only one who knows the disastrous effects of a long war can realize the supreme
importance of rapidity in bringing it to a close. Only two commentators seem to favor this interpretation, but it
fits well into the logic of the context, whereas the rendering, ‟He who does not know the evils of war cannot
appreciate its benefits,” is distinctly pointless.
99 Once war is declared, he will not waste precious time in waiting for reinforcements, nor will he return his army
back for fresh supplies, but crosses the enemy's frontier without delay. This may seem an audacious policy to
recommend, but with all great strategists, from Julius Caesar to Napoleon Bonaparte, the value of time — that
is, being a little ahead of your opponent — has counted for more than either numerical superiority or the nicest
calculations with regard to commissariat.
100 The Chinese word translated here as ‟war material” literally means ‟things to be used”, and is meant in the
widest sense. It includes all the impedimenta of an army, apart from provisions.
101 The beginning of this sentence does not balance properly with the next, though obviously intended to do so.
The arrangement, moreover, is so awkward that I cannot help suspecting some corruption in the text. It never
seems to occur to Chinese commentators that an emendation may be necessary for the sense, and we get no
help from them there. The Chinese words Sun Tzu used to indicate the cause of the people's impoverishment
clearly have reference to some system by which the husbandmen sent their contributions of corn to the army
direct. But why should it fall on them to maintain an army in this way, except because the State or Government
is too poor to do so?
102 Wang Hsi says high prices occur before the army has left its own territory. Ts'ao Kung understands it of an army
that has already crossed the frontier.
42
homes of the people will be stripped bare, and three-tenths of

their income will be dissipated;103 while government expenses for
broken chariots, worn-out horses, breast-plates and helmets,
bows and arrows, spears and shields, protective mantles,
draught-oxen and heavy wagons, will amount to four-tenths of
its total revenue.
15. Hence a wise general makes a point of foraging on the enemy.
One cartload of the enemy's provisions is equivalent to twenty of
one's own, and likewise a single picul of his provender is
equivalent to twenty from one's own store.104
16. Now in order to kill the enemy, our men must be roused to
anger; that there may be advantage from defeating the enemy,
they must have their rewards.105
17. Therefore in chariot fighting, when ten or more chariots have
been taken, those should be rewarded who took the first. Our
own flags should be substituted for those of the enemy, and the
chariots mingled and used in conjunction with ours. The
captured soldiers should be kindly treated and kept.
18. This is called, using the conquered foe to augment one's own
strength.
19. In war, then, let your great object be victory, not lengthy
campaigns.106
20. Thus it may be known that the leader of armies is the arbiter of
the people's fate, the man on whom it depends whether the
103 Tu Mu and Wang Hsi agree that the people are not mulcted not of 3/10, but of 7/10, of their income. But this is
hardly to be extracted from our text. Ho Shih has a characteristic tag: ‟The people being regarded as the
essential part of the State, and food as the people's heaven, is it not right that those in authority should value
and be careful of both?”
104 Because twenty cartloads will be consumed in the process of transporting one cartload to the front. A picul is a
unit of measure equal to 133.3 pounds (65.5 kilograms).
105 Tu Mu says: ‟Rewards are necessary in order to make the soldiers see the advantage of beating the enemy; thus,
when you capture spoils from the enemy, they must be used as rewards, so that all your men may have a keen
desire to fight, each on his own account.”
106 As Ho Shih remarks: ‟War is not a thing to be trifled with.” Sun Tzu here reiterates the main lesson which this
chapter is intended to enforce.”
43
nation shall be in peace or in peril.

III. ATTACK BY STRATAGEM
1. Sun Tzu said: In the practical art of war, the best thing of all is to
take the enemy's country whole and intact; to shatter and
destroy it is not so good. So, too, it is better to recapture an army
entire than to destroy it, to capture a regiment, a detachment or
a company entire than to destroy them.107
2. Hence to fight and conquer in all your battles is not supreme
excellence; supreme excellence consists in breaking the enemy's
resistance without fighting.108
3. Thus the highest form of generalship is to balk the enemy's
plans;109 the next best is to prevent the junction of the enemy's
forces;110 the next in order is to attack the enemy's army in the
field;111 and the worst policy of all is to besiege walled cities.
4. The rule is, not to besiege walled cities if it can possibly be
avoided.112 The preparation of mantlets, movable shelters, and
various implements of war, will take up three whole months;113
107 The equivalent to an army corps, according to Ssu-ma Fa, consisted nominally of 12500 men; according to Ts'ao
Kung, the equivalent of a regiment contained 500 men, the equivalent to a detachment consists from any
number between 100 and 500, and the equivalent of a company contains from 5 to 100 men. For the last two,
however, Chang Yu gives the exact figures of 100 and 5 respectively.
108 Here again, no modern strategist but will approve the words of the old Chinese general. Moltke's greatest
triumph, the capitulation of the huge French army at Sedan, was won practically without bloodshed.
109 Perhaps the word ‟balk” falls short of expressing the full force of the Chinese word, which implies not an
attitude of defense, whereby one might be content to foil the enemy's stratagems one after another, but an
active policy of counter- attack. Ho Shih puts this very clearly in his note: ‟When the enemy has made a plan of
attack against us, we must anticipate him by delivering our own attack first.”
110 Isolating him from his allies. We must not forget that Sun Tzu, in speaking of hostilities, always has in mind the
numerous states or principalities into which the China of his day was split up.
111 When he is already at full strength.
112 Another sound piece of military theory. Had the Boers acted upon it in 1899, and refrained from dissipating
their strength before Kimberley, Mafeking, or even Ladysmith, it is more than probable that they would have
been masters of the situation before the British were ready seriously to oppose them.
113 It is not quite clear what the Chinese word, here translated as ‟mantlets”, described. Ts'ao Kung simply defines
them as ‟large shields,” but we get a better idea of them from Li Ch'uan, who says they were to protect the heads
of those who were assaulting the city walls at close quarters. This seems to suggest a sort of Roman testudo,
ready made. Tu Mu says they were wheeled vehicles used in repelling attacks, but this is denied by Ch'en Hao.
See supra II. 14. The name is also applied to turrets on city walls. Of the ‟movable shelters” we get a fairly clear
description from several commentators. They were wooden missile-proof structures on four wheels, propelled
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and the piling up of mounds over against the walls will take
three months more.114
5. The general, unable to control his irritation, will launch his men
to the assault like swarming ants,115 with the result that one-third
of his men are slain, while the town still remains untaken. Such
are the disastrous effects of a siege.116
6. Therefore the skillful leader subdues the enemy's troops without
any fighting; he captures their cities without laying siege to
them; he overthrows their kingdom without lengthy operations
in the field.117
7. With his forces intact he will dispute the mastery of the Empire,
and thus, without losing a man, his triumph will be complete. 118
This is the method of attacking by stratagem.
8. It is the rule in war, if our forces are ten to the enemy's one, to
surround him; if five to one, to attack him;119 if twice as
numerous, to divide our army into two.120
from within, covered over with raw hides, and used in sieges to convey parties of men to and from the walls, for
the purpose of filling up the encircling moat with earth. Tu Mu adds that they are now called ‟wooden donkeys.”
114 These were great mounds or ramparts of earth heaped up to the level of the enemy's walls in order to discover
the weak points in the defense, and also to destroy the fortified turrets mentioned in the preceding note.
115 This vivid simile of Ts'ao Kung is taken from the spectacle of an army of ants climbing a wall. The meaning is
that the general, losing patience at the long delay, may make a premature attempt to storm the place before his
engines of war are ready.
116 We are reminded of the terrible losses of the Japanese before Port Arthur, in the most recent siege which history
has to record.
117 Chia Lin notes that he only overthrows the Government, but does no harm to individuals. The classical instance
is Wu Wang, who after having put an end to the Yin dynasty was acclaimed ‟Father and mother of the people.”
118 Owing to the double meanings in the Chinese text, the latter part of the sentence is susceptible of quite a
different meaning: ‟And thus, the weapon not being blunted by use, its keenness remains perfect.”
119 Straightway, without waiting for any further advantage.
120 Tu Mu takes exception to the saying; and at first sight, indeed, it appears to violate a fundamental principle of
war. Ts'ao Kung, however, gives a clue to Sun Tzu's meaning: ‟Being two to the enemy's one, we may use one
part of our army in the regular way, and the other for some special diversion.” Chang Yu thus further elucidates
the point: ‟If our force is twice as numerous as that of the enemy, it should be split up into two divisions, one to
meet the enemy in front, and one to fall upon his rear; if he replies to the frontal attack, he may be crushed
from behind; if to the rearward attack, he may be crushed in front.” This is what is meant by saying that 'one
part may be used in the regular way, and the other for some special diversion.' Tu Mu does not understand that
dividing one's army is simply an irregular, just as concentrating it is the regular, strategical method, and he is
too hasty in calling this a mistake.”
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9. If equally matched, we can offer battle;121 if slightly inferior in

numbers, we can avoid the enemy;122 if quite unequal in every
way, we can flee from him.
10. Hence, though an obstinate fight may be made by a small force,
in the end it must be captured by the larger force.
11. Now the general is the bulwark of the State; if the bulwark is
complete at all points, the State will be strong; if the bulwark is
defective, the State will be weak.123
12. There are three ways in which a ruler can bring misfortune upon
his army:—
13. By commanding the army to advance or to retreat, being
ignorant of the fact that it cannot obey. This is called hobbling
the army.124
14. By attempting to govern an army in the same way as he
administers a kingdom, being ignorant of the conditions which
obtain in an army. This causes restlessness in the soldier's
minds.125
15. By employing the officers of his army without discrimination,126
121 Li Ch'uan, followed by Ho Shih, gives the following paraphrase: ‟If attackers and attacked are equally matched
in strength, only the able general will fight.”
122 The meaning, ‟we can watch the enemy,” is certainly a great improvement on the above; but unfortunately there
appears to be no very good authority for the variant. Chang Yu reminds us that the saying only applies if the
other factors are equal; a small difference in numbers is often more than counterbalanced by superior energy
and discipline.
123 As Li Ch'uan tersely puts it: ‟Gap indicates deficiency; if the general's ability is not perfect (i.e. if he is not
thoroughly versed in his profession), his army will lack strength.”
124 Li Ch'uan adds the comment: ‟It is like tying together the legs of a thoroughbred, so that it is unable to gallop.”
One would naturally think of ‟the ruler” in this passage as being at home, and trying to direct the movements of
his army from a distance. But the commentators understand just the reverse, and quote the saying of T'ai Kung:
‟A kingdom should not be governed from without, and army should not be directed from within.” Of course it is
true that, during an engagement, or when in close touch with the enemy, the general should not be in the thick
of his own troops, but a little distance apart. Otherwise, he will be liable to misjudge the position as a whole,
and give wrong orders.
125 Ts'ao Kung's note is, freely translated: ‟The military sphere and the civil sphere are wholly distinct; you can't
handle an army in kid gloves.” And Chang Yu says: ‟Humanity and justice are the principles on which to govern
a state, but not an army; opportunism and flexibility, on the other hand, are military rather than civil virtues to
assimilate the governing of an army”—to that of a State, understood.
126 That is, he is not careful to use the right man in the right place.
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through ignorance of the military principle of adaptation to

circumstances. This shakes the confidence of the soldiers.127
16. But when the army is restless and distrustful, trouble is sure to
come from the other feudal princes. This is simply bringing
anarchy into the army, and flinging victory away.
17. Thus we may know that there are five essentials for victory:
(1) He will win who knows when to fight and when not to fight.128
(2) He will win who knows how to handle both superior and
inferior forces.129
(3) He will win whose army is animated by the same spirit
throughout all its ranks.
(4) He will win who, prepared himself, waits to take the enemy
unprepared.
(5) He will win who has military capacity and is not interfered
with by the sovereign.130
18. Hence the saying: If you know the enemy and know yourself, you
need not fear the result of a hundred battles. If you know
yourself but not the enemy, for every victory gained you will also
suffer a defeat.131 If you know neither the enemy nor yourself, you
127 I follow Mei Yao-ch'en here. The other commentators refer not to the ruler, as in SS. 13, 14, but to the officers he
employs. Thus Tu Yu says: ‟If a general is ignorant of the principle of adaptability, he must not be entrusted
with a position of authority.” Tu Mu quotes: ‟The skillful employer of men will employ the wise man, the brave
man, the covetous man, and the stupid man. For the wise man delights in establishing his merit, the brave man
likes to show his courage in action, the covetous man is quick at seizing advantages, and the stupid man has no
fear of death.”
128 Chang Yu says: If he can fight, he advances and takes the offensive; if he cannot fight, he retreats and remains
on the defensive. He will invariably conquer who knows whether it is right to take the offensive or the defensive.
129 This is not merely the general's ability to estimate numbers correctly, as Li Ch'uan and others make out. Chang
Yu expounds the saying more satisfactorily: ‟By applying the art of war, it is possible with a lesser force to defeat
a greater, and vice versa. The secret lies in an eye for locality, and in not letting the right moment slip. Thus Wu
Tzu says: 'With a superior force, make for easy ground; with an inferior one, make for difficult ground.'”
130 Tu Yu quotes Wang Tzu as saying: ‟It is the sovereign's function to give broad instructions, but to decide on
battle it is the function of the general.” It is needless to dilate on the military disasters which have been caused
by undue interference with operations in the field on the part of the home government. Napoleon undoubtedly
owed much of his extraordinary success to the fact that he was not hampered by central authority.
131 Li Ch'uan cites the case of Fu Chien, prince of Ch'in, who in 383 A.D. marched with a vast army against the Chin
Emperor. When warned not to despise an enemy who could command the services of such men as Hsieh An
and Huan Ch'ung, he boastfully replied: ‟I have the population of eight provinces at my back, infantry and
47
will succumb in every battle.132

IV. TACTICAL DISPOSITIONS133
1. Sun Tzu said: The good fighters of old first put themselves
beyond the possibility of defeat, and then waited for an
opportunity of defeating the enemy.
2. To secure ourselves against defeat lies in our own hands, but the
opportunity of defeating the enemy is provided by the enemy
himself.134
3. Thus the good fighter is able to secure himself against defeat, 135
but cannot make certain of defeating the enemy.
4. Hence the saying: One may know how to conquer without being
able to do it.
5. Security against defeat implies defensive tactics; ability to defeat
the enemy means taking the offensive.136
6. Standing on the defensive indicates insufficient strength;
attacking, a superabundance of strength.
7. The general who is skilled in defense hides in the most secret
recesses of the earth;137 he who is skilled in attack flashes forth
horsemen to the number of one million; why, they could dam up the Yangtsze River itself by merely throwing
their whips into the stream. What danger have I to fear?” Nevertheless, his forces were soon after disastrously
routed at the Fei River, and he was obliged to beat a hasty retreat.
132 Chang Yu said: ‟Knowing the enemy enables you to take the offensive, knowing yourself enables you to stand on
the defensive.” He adds: ‟Attack is the secret of defense; defense is the planning of an attack.” It would be hard
to find a better epitome of the root-principle of war.
133 Ts'ao Kung explains the Chinese meaning of the words for the title of this chapter: ‟marching and
countermarching on the part of the two armies with a view to discovering each other's condition.” Tu Mu says:
‟It is through the dispositions of an army that its condition may be discovered. Conceal your dispositions, and
your condition will remain secret, which leads to victory,; show your dispositions, and your condition will
become patent, which leads to defeat.” Wang Hsi remarks that the good general can ‟secure success by
modifying his tactics to meet those of the enemy.”
134 That is, of course, by a mistake on the enemy's part.
135 Chang Yu says this is done, ‟By concealing the disposition of his troops, covering up his tracks, and taking
unremitting precautions.”
136 I retain the sense found in a similar passage in ss. 1-3, in spite of the fact that the commentators are all against
me. The meaning they give, ‟He who cannot conquer takes the defensive,” is plausible enough.
137 Literally, ‟hides under the ninth earth,” which is a metaphor indicating the utmost secrecy and concealment, so
that the enemy may not know his whereabouts.”
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from the topmost heights of heaven.138 Thus on the one hand we

have ability to protect ourselves; on the other, a victory that is
complete.
8. To see victory only when it is within the ken of the common herd
is not the acme of excellence.139
9. Neither is it the acme of excellence if you fight and conquer and
the whole Empire says, ‟Well done!”140
10. To lift an autumn hair is no sign of great strength;141 to see the
sun and moon is no sign of sharp sight; to hear the noise of
thunder is no sign of a quick ear.142
11. What the ancients called a clever fighter is one who not only
wins, but excels in winning with ease.143
12. Hence his victories bring him neither reputation for wisdom nor
credit for courage.144
13. He wins his battles by making no mistakes.145 Making no
138 Another metaphor, implying that he falls on his adversary like a thunderbolt, against which there is no time to
prepare. This is the opinion of most of the commentators.
139 As Ts'ao Kung remarks, ‟the thing is to see the plant before it has germinated,” to foresee the event before the
action has begun. Li Ch'uan alludes to the story of Han Hsin who, when about to attack the vastly superior army
of Chao, which was strongly entrenched in the city of Ch'eng-an, said to his officers: ‟Gentlemen, we are going
to annihilate the enemy, and shall meet again at dinner.” The officers hardly took his words seriously, and gave a
very dubious assent. But Han Hsin had already worked out in his mind the details of a clever stratagem,
whereby, as he foresaw, he was able to capture the city and inflict a crushing defeat on his adversary.”
140 True excellence being, as Tu Mu says: ‟To plan secretly, to move surreptitiously, to foil the enemy's intentions
and balk his schemes, so that at last the day may be won without shedding a drop of blood.” Sun Tzu reserves
his approbation for things that ‟the world's coarse thumb And finger fail to plumb.”
141 ‟Autumn hair” is explained as the fur of a hare, which is finest in autumn, when it begins to grow afresh. The
phrase is a very common one in Chinese writers.
142 Ho Shih gives as real instances of strength, sharp sight and quick hearing: Wu Huo, who could lift a tripod
weighing 250 stone; Li Chu, who at a distance of a hundred paces could see objects no bigger than a mustard
seed; and Shih K'uang, a blind musician who could hear the footsteps of a mosquito.
143 The last half is literally ‟one who, conquering, excels in easy conquering.” Mei Yao-ch'en says: ‟He who only sees
the obvious, wins his battles with difficulty; he who looks below the surface of things, wins with ease.”
144 Tu Mu explains this very well: ‟Inasmuch as his victories are gained over circumstances that have not come to
light, the world as large knows nothing of them, and he wins no reputation for wisdom; inasmuch as the hostile
state submits before there has been any bloodshed, he receives no credit for courage.”
145 Ch'en Hao says: ‟He plans no superfluous marches, he devises no futile attacks.” The connection of ideas is thus
explained by Chang Yu: ‟One who seeks to conquer by sheer strength, clever though he may be at winning
pitched battles, is also liable on occasion to be vanquished; whereas he who can look into the future and discern
conditions that are not yet manifest, will never make a blunder and therefore invariably win.”
49
mistakes is what establishes the certainty of victory, for it means

conquering an enemy that is already defeated.
14. Hence the skillful fighter puts himself into a position which
makes defeat impossible, and does not miss the moment for
defeating the enemy.146
15. Thus it is that in war the victorious strategist only seeks battle
after the victory has been won, whereas he who is destined to
defeat first fights and afterwards looks for victory.147
16. The consummate leader cultivates the moral law, and strictly
adheres to method and discipline; thus it is in his power to
control success.
17. In respect of military method, we have, firstly, Measurement;
secondly, Estimation of quantity; thirdly, Calculation; fourthly,
Balancing of chances; fifthly, Victory.
18. Measurement owes its existence to Earth; Estimation of quantity
to Measurement; Calculation to Estimation of quantity;
Balancing of chances to Calculation; and Victory to Balancing of
chances.148
19. A victorious army opposed to a routed one, is as a pound's
weight placed in the scale against a single grain. 149
146 A ‟counsel of perfection” as Tu Mu truly observes. ‟Position” need not be confined to the actual ground
occupied by the troops. It includes all the arrangements and preparations which a wise general will make to
increase the safety of his army.
147 Ho Shih thus expounds the paradox: ‟In warfare, first lay plans which will ensure victory, and then lead your
army to battle; if you will not begin with stratagem but rely on brute strength alone, victory will no longer be
assured.”
148 It is not easy to distinguish the four terms very clearly in the Chinese. The first seems to be surveying and
measurement of the ground, which enable us to form an estimate of the enemy's strength, and to make
calculations based on the data thus obtained; we are thus led to a general weighing-up, or comparison of the
enemy's chances with our own; if the latter turn the scale, then victory ensues. The chief difficulty lies in third
term, which in the Chinese some commentators take as a calculation of numbers, thereby making it nearly
synonymous with the second term. Perhaps the second term should be thought of as a consideration of the
enemy's general position or condition, while the third term is the estimate of his numerical strength. On the
other hand, Tu Mu says: ‟The question of relative strength having been settled, we can bring the varied
resources of cunning into play.” Ho Shih seconds this interpretation, but weakens it. However, it points to the
third term as being a calculation of numbers.
149 Literally, ‟a victorious army is like an i (20 oz.) weighed against a shu (1/24 oz.); a routed army is a shu weighed
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20. The onrush of a conquering force is like the bursting of pent-up

waters into a chasm a thousand fathoms deep.
V. ENERGY
1. Sun Tzu said: The control of a large force is the same principle as
the control of a few men: it is merely a question of dividing up
their numbers.150
2. Fighting with a large army under your command is nowise
different from fighting with a small one: it is merely a question
of instituting signs and signals.
3. To ensure that your whole host may withstand the brunt of the
enemy's attack and remain unshaken - this is effected by
maneuvers direct and indirect.151
against an i.” The point is simply the enormous advantage which a disciplined force, flushed with victory, has
over one demoralized by defeat.” Legge, in his note on Mencius, I. 2. ix. 2, makes the i to be 24 Chinese ounces,
and corrects Chu Hsi's statement that it equaled 20 oz. only. But Li Ch'uan of the T'ang dynasty here gives the
same figure as Chu Hsi.
150 That is, cutting up the army into regiments, companies, etc., with subordinate officers in command of each. Tu
Mu reminds us of Han Hsin's famous reply to the first Han Emperor, who once said to him: ‟How large an army
do you think I could lead?” ‟Not more than 100,000 men, your Majesty.” ‟And you?” asked the Emperor. ‟Oh!” he
answered, ‟the more the better.”
151 We now come to one of the most interesting parts of Sun Tzu's treatise, the discussion of the cheng and the
ch'i.” As it is by no means easy to grasp the full significance of these two terms, or to render them consistently by
good English equivalents; it may be as well to tabulate some of the commentators' remarks on the subject
before proceeding further. Li Ch'uan: ‟Facing the enemy is cheng, making lateral diversion is ch'i. Chia Lin: ‟In
presence of the enemy, your troops should be arrayed in normal fashion, but in order to secure victory
abnormal maneuvers must be employed.” Mei Yao-ch'en: ‟Ch'i is active, cheng is passive; passivity means
waiting for an opportunity, activity beings the victory itself.” Ho Shih: ‟We must cause the enemy to regard our
straightforward attack as one that is secretly designed, and vice versa; thus cheng may also be ch'i, and ch'i may
also be cheng.” He instances the famous exploit of Han Hsin, who when marching ostensibly against Lin- chin
(now Chao-i in Shensi), suddenly threw a large force across the Yellow River in wooden tubs, utterly
disconcerting his opponent. [Ch'ien Han Shu, ch. 3.] Here, we are told, the march on Lin-chin was cheng, and
the surprise maneuver was ch'i.” Chang Yu gives the following summary of opinions on the words: ‟Military
writers do not agree with regard to the meaning of ch'i and cheng. Wei Liao Tzu [4th cent. B.C.] says: 'Direct
warfare favors frontal attacks, indirect warfare attacks from the rear.' Ts'ao Kung says: 'Going straight out to join
battle is a direct operation; appearing on the enemy's rear is an indirect maneuver.' Li Wei-kung [6th and 7th
cent. A.D.] says: 'In war, to march straight ahead is cheng; turning movements, on the other hand, are ch'i.'
These writers simply regard cheng as cheng, and ch'i as ch'i; they do not note that the two are mutually
interchangeable and run into each other like the two sides of a circle [see infra, ss. 11]. A comment on the T'ang
Emperor T'ai Tsung goes to the root of the matter: 'A ch'i maneuver may be cheng, if we make the enemy look
upon it as cheng; then our real attack will be ch'i, and vice versa. The whole secret lies in confusing the enemy,
so that he cannot fathom our real intent.'” To put it perhaps a little more clearly: any attack or other operation is
cheng, on which the enemy has had his attention fixed; whereas that is ch'i,” which takes him by surprise or
51
4. That the impact of your army may be like a grindstone dashed

against an egg—this is effected by the science of weak points and
strong.
5. In all fighting, the direct method may be used for joining battle,
but indirect methods will be needed in order to secure victory.152
6. Indirect tactics, efficiently applied, are inexhausible as Heaven
and Earth, unending as the flow of rivers and streams; like the
sun and moon, they end but to begin anew; like the four
seasons, they pass away to return once more.153
7. There are not more than five musical notes, yet the
combinations of these five give rise to more melodies than can
ever be heard.
8. There are not more than five primary colors (blue, yellow, red,
white, and black), yet in combination they produce more hues
than can ever been seen.
9. There are not more than five cardinal tastes (sour, acrid, salt,
sweet, bitter), yet combinations of them yield more flavors than
can ever be tasted.
10. In battle, there are not more than two methods of attack - the
direct and the indirect; yet these two in combination give rise to
an endless series of maneuvers.
11. The direct and the indirect lead on to each other in turn. It is like
moving in a circle—you never come to an end. Who can exhaust
the possibilities of their combination?
comes from an unexpected quarter. If the enemy perceives a movement which is meant to be ch'i,” it
immediately becomes cheng.”
152 Chang Yu says: ‟Steadily develop indirect tactics, either by pounding the enemy's flanks or falling on his rear.” A
brilliant example of ‟indirect tactics” which decided the fortunes of a campaign was Lord Roberts' night march
round the Peiwar Kotal in the second Afghan war.
153 Tu Yu and Chang Yu understand this of the permutations of ch'i and cheng.” But at present Sun Tzu is not
speaking of cheng at all, unless, indeed, we suppose with Cheng Yu-hsien that a clause relating to it has fallen
out of the text. Of course, as has already been pointed out, the two are so inextricably interwoven in all military
operations, that they cannot really be considered apart. Here we simply have an expression, in figurative
language, of the almost infinite resource of a great leader.
52
12. The onset of troops is like the rush of a torrent which will even
roll stones along in its course.
13. The quality of decision is like the well-timed swoop of a falcon
which enables it to strike and destroy its victim.154
14. Therefore the good fighter will be terrible in his onset, and
prompt in his decision.155
15. Energy may be likened to the bending of a crossbow; decision, to
the releasing of a trigger.156
16. Amid the turmoil and tumult of battle, there may be seeming
disorder and yet no real disorder at all; amid confusion and
chaos, your array may be without head or tail, yet it will be proof
against defeat.157
17. Simulated disorder postulates perfect discipline, simulated fear
postulates courage; simulated weakness postulates strength. 158
18. Hiding order beneath the cloak of disorder is simply a question
154 The Chinese here is tricky and a certain key word in the context it is used defies the best efforts of the
translator. Tu Mu defines this word as ‟the measurement or estimation of distance.” But this meaning does not
quite fit the illustrative simile in ss. 15. Applying this definition to the falcon, it seems to me to denote that
instinct of self restraint which keeps the bird from swooping on its quarry until the right moment, together
with the power of judging when the right moment has arrived. The analogous quality in soldiers is the highly
important one of being able to reserve their fire until the very instant at which it will be most effective. When
the ‟Victory” went into action at Trafalgar at hardly more than drifting pace, she was for several minutes
exposed to a storm of shot and shell before replying with a single gun. Nelson coolly waited until he was within
close range, when the broadside he brought to bear worked fearful havoc on the enemy's nearest ships.
155 The word ‟decision” would have reference to the measurement of distance mentioned above, letting the enemy
get near before striking. But I cannot help thinking that Sun Tzu meant to use the word in a figurative sense
comparable to our own idiom ‟short and sharp.” Cf. Wang Hsi's note, which after describing the falcon's mode
of attack, proceeds: ‟This is just how the 'psychological moment' should be seized in war.”
156 None of the commentators seem to grasp the real point of the simile of energy and the force stored up in the
bent cross-bow until released by the finger on the trigger.
157 Mei Yao-ch'en says: ‟The subdivisions of the army having been previously fixed, and the various signals agreed
upon, the separating and joining, the dispersing and collecting which will take place in the course of a battle,
may give the appearance of disorder when no real disorder is possible. Your formation may be without head or
tail, your dispositions all topsy-turvy, and yet a rout of your forces quite out of the question.”
158 In order to make the translation intelligible, it is necessary to tone down the sharply paradoxical form of the
original. Ts'ao Kung throws out a hint of the meaning in his brief note: ‟These things all serve to destroy
formation and conceal one's condition.” But Tu Mu is the first to put it quite plainly: ‟If you wish to feign
confusion in order to lure the enemy on, you must first have perfect discipline; if you wish to display timidity in
order to entrap the enemy, you must have extreme courage; if you wish to parade your weakness in order to
make the enemy over-confident, you must have exceeding strength.”
53
of subdivision;159 concealing courage under a show of timidity

presupposes a fund of latent energy;160 masking strength with
weakness is to be effected by tactical dispositions.161
19. Thus one who is skillful at keeping the enemy on the move
maintains deceitful appearances, according to which the enemy
will act.162 He sacrifices something, that the enemy may snatch at
it.
20. By holding out baits, he keeps him on the march; then with a
body of picked men he lies in wait for him.163
21. The clever combatant looks to the effect of combined energy,
and does not require too much from individuals.164 Hence his
159 See supra, ss. 1.
160 The commentators strongly understand a certain Chinese word here differently than anywhere else in this
chapter. Thus Tu Mu says: ‟seeing that we are favorably circumstanced and yet make no move, the enemy will
believe that we are really afraid.”
161 Chang Yu relates the following anecdote of Kao Tsu, the first Han Emperor: ‟Wishing to crush the Hsiung-nu,
he sent out spies to report on their condition. But the Hsiung-nu, forewarned, carefully concealed all their able-
bodied men and well-fed horses, and only allowed infirm soldiers and emaciated cattle to be seen. The result
was that spies one and all recommended the Emperor to deliver his attack. Lou Ching alone opposed them,
saying: ‟When two countries go to war, they are naturally inclined to make an ostentatious display of their
strength. Yet our spies have seen nothing but old age and infirmity. This is surely some ruse on the part of the
enemy, and it would be unwise for us to attack.” The Emperor, however, disregarding this advice, fell into the
trap and found himself surrounded at Po-teng.”
162 Ts'ao Kung's note is ‟Make a display of weakness and want.” Tu Mu says: ‟If our force happens to be superior to
the enemy's, weakness may be simulated in order to lure him on; but if inferior, he must be led to believe that
we are strong, in order that he may keep off. In fact, all the enemy's movements should be determined by the
signs that we choose to give him.” Note the following anecdote of Sun Pin, a descendent of Sun Wu: In 341 B.C.,
the Ch'i State being at war with Wei, sent T'ien Chi and Sun Pin against the general P'ang chuan, who happened
to be a deadly personal enemy of the later. Sun Pin said: ‟The Ch'i State has a reputation for cowardice, and
therefore our adversary despises us. Let us turn this circumstance to account.” Accordingly, when the army had
crossed the border into Wei territory, he gave orders to show 100,000 fires on the first night, 50,000 on the next,
and the night after only 20,000. P'ang chuan pursued them hotly, saying to himself: ‟I knew these men of Ch'i
were cowards: their numbers have already fallen away by more than half.” In his retreat, Sun Pin came to a
narrow defile, which he calculated that his pursuers would reach after dark. Here he had a tree stripped of its
bark, and inscribed upon it the words: ‟Under this tree shall P'ang chuan die.” Then, as night began to fall, he
placed a strong body of archers in ambush near by, with orders to shoot directly if they saw a light. Later on,
P'ang chuan arrived at the spot, and noticing the tree, struck a light in order to read what was written on it. His
body was immediately riddled by a volley of arrows, and his whole army thrown into confusion. [The above is
Tu Mu's version of the story; the Shi Chi, less dramatically but probably with more historical truth, makes P'ang
chuan cut his own throat with an exclamation of despair, after the rout of his army.]
163 With an emendation suggested by Li Ching, this then reads, ‟He lies in wait with the main body of his troops.”
164 Tu Mu says: ‟He first of all considers the power of his army in the bulk; afterwards he takes individual talent
into account, and uses each men according to his capabilities. He does not demand perfection from the
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ability to pick out the right men and utilize combined energy.
22. When he utilizes combined energy, his fighting men become as
it were like unto rolling logs or stones. For it is the nature of a log
or stone to remain motionless on level ground, and to move
when on a slope; if four-cornered, to come to a standstill, but if
round-shaped, to go rolling down.165
23. Thus the energy developed by good fighting men is as the
momentum of a round stone rolled down a mountain thousands
of feet in height. So much on the subject of energy.166
VI. WEAK POINTS AND STRONG167
1. Sun Tzu said: Whoever is first in the field and awaits the coming
of the enemy, will be fresh for the fight; whoever is second in the
field and has to hasten to battle will arrive exhausted.
2. Therefore the clever combatant imposes his will on the enemy,
but does not allow the enemy's will to be imposed on him.168
3. By holding out advantages to him, he can cause the enemy to
approach of his own accord; or, by inflicting damage, he can
make it impossible for the enemy to draw near.169
4. If the enemy is taking his ease, he can harass him;170 if well
supplied with food, he can starve him out; if quietly encamped,
he can force him to move.
untalented.”
165 Ts'au Kung calls this ‟the use of natural or inherent power.”
166 The chief lesson of this chapter, in Tu Mu's opinion, is the paramount importance in war of rapid evolutions
and sudden rushes. ‟Great results,” he adds, ‟can thus be achieved with small forces.”
167 Chang Yu attempts to explain the sequence of chapters as follows: ‟Chapter IV, on Tactical Dispositions, treated
of the offensive and the defensive; chapter V, on Energy, dealt with direct and indirect methods. The good
general acquaints himself first with the theory of attack and defense, and then turns his attention to direct and
indirect methods. He studies the art of varying and combining these two methods before proceeding to the
subject of weak and strong points. For the use of direct or indirect methods arises out of attack and defense,
and the perception of weak and strong points depends again on the above methods. Hence the present chapter
comes immediately after the chapter on Energy.”
168 One mark of a great soldier is that he fight on his own terms or fights not at all.
169 In the first case, he will entice him with a bait; in the second, he will strike at some important point which the
enemy will have to defend.
170 This passage may be cited as evidence against Mei Yao-Ch'en's interpretation of I. ss. 23.
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5. Appear at points which the enemy must hasten to defend; march

swiftly to places where you are not expected.
6. An army may march great distances without distress, if it
marches through country where the enemy is not.171
7. You can be sure of succeeding in your attacks if you only attack
places which are undefended.172 You can ensure the safety of your
defense if you only hold positions that cannot be attacked.173
8. Hence that general is skillful in attack whose opponent does not
know what to defend; and he is skillful in defense whose
opponent does not know what to attack.174
9. O divine art of subtlety and secrecy! Through you we learn to be
invisible, through you inaudible;175 and hence we can hold the
enemy's fate in our hands.
10. You may advance and be absolutely irresistible, if you make for
the enemy's weak points; you may retire and be safe from pursuit
if your movements are more rapid than those of the enemy.
11. If we wish to fight, the enemy can be forced to an engagement
even though he be sheltered behind a high rampart and a deep
ditch. All we need do is attack some other place that he will be
171 Ts'ao Kung sums up very well: ‟Emerge from the void [q.d. like ‟a bolt from the blue”], strike at vulnerable
points, shun places that are defended, attack in unexpected quarters.”
172 Wang Hsi explains ‟undefended places” as ‟weak points; that is to say, where the general is lacking in capacity,
or the soldiers in spirit; where the walls are not strong enough, or the precautions not strict enough; where
relief comes too late, or provisions are too scanty, or the defenders are variance amongst themselves.”
173 I.e., where there are none of the weak points mentioned above. There is rather a nice point involved in the
interpretation of this later clause. Tu Mu, Ch'en Hao, and Mei Yao-ch'en assume the meaning to be: ‟In order to
make your defense quite safe, you must defend even those places that are not likely to be attacked;” and Tu Mu
adds: ‟How much more, then, those that will be attacked.” Taken thus, however, the clause balances less well
with the preceding—always a consideration in the highly antithetical style which is natural to the Chinese.
Chang Yu, therefore, seems to come nearer the mark in saying: ‟He who is skilled in attack flashes forth from
the topmost heights of heaven [see IV. ss. 7], making it impossible for the enemy to guard against him. This
being so, the places that I shall attack are precisely those that the enemy cannot defend…. He who is skilled in
defense hides in the most secret recesses of the earth, making it impossible for the enemy to estimate his
whereabouts. This being so, the places that I shall hold are precisely those that the enemy cannot attack.”
174 An aphorism which puts the whole art of war in a nutshell.
175 Literally, ‟without form or sound,” but it is said of course with reference to the enemy.
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obliged to relieve.176
12. If we do not wish to fight, we can prevent the enemy from
engaging us even though the lines of our encampment be merely
traced out on the ground. All we need do is to throw something
odd and unaccountable in his way.177
13. By discovering the enemy's dispositions and remaining invisible
ourselves, we can keep our forces concentrated, while the
enemy's must be divided.178
14. We can form a single united body, while the enemy must split up
into fractions. Hence there will be a whole pitted against
separate parts of a whole, which means that we shall be many to
the enemy's few.
15. And if we are able thus to attack an inferior force with a superior
one, our opponents will be in dire straits.
16. The spot where we intend to fight must not be made known; for
then the enemy will have to prepare against a possible attack at
several different points;179 and his forces being thus distributed
in many directions, the numbers we shall have to face at any
given point will be proportionately few.
17. For should the enemy strengthen his van, he will weaken his
rear; should he strengthen his rear, he will weaken his van;
176 Tu Mu says: ‟If the enemy is the invading party, we can cut his line of communications and occupy the roads by
which he will have to return; if we are the invaders, we may direct our attack against the sovereign himself.” It is
clear that Sun Tzu, unlike certain generals in the late Boer war, was no believer in frontal attacks.
177 This extremely concise expression is intelligibly paraphrased by Chia Lin: ‟even though we have constructed
neither wall nor ditch.” Li Ch'uan says: ‟we puzzle him by strange and unusual dispositions;” and Tu Mu finally
clinches the meaning by three illustrative anecdotes—one of Chu-ko Liang, who when occupying Yang-p'ing
and about to be attacked by Ssu-ma I, suddenly struck his colors, stopped the beating of the drums, and flung
open the city gates, showing only a few men engaged in sweeping and sprinkling the ground. This unexpected
proceeding had the intended effect; for Ssu-ma I, suspecting an ambush, actually drew off his army and
retreated. What Sun Tzu is advocating here, therefore, is nothing more nor less than the timely use of ‟bluff.”
178 The conclusion is perhaps not very obvious, but Chang Yu (after Mei Yao-ch'en) rightly explains it thus: ‟If the
enemy's dispositions are visible, we can make for him in one body; whereas, our own dispositions being kept
secret, the enemy will be obliged to divide his forces in order to guard against attack from every quarter.”
179 Sheridan once explained the reason of General Grant's victories by saying that ‟while his opponents were kept
fully employed wondering what he was going to do, he was thinking most of what he was going to do himself.”
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should he strengthen his left, he will weaken his right; should he

strengthen his right, he will weaken his left. If he sends
reinforcements everywhere, he will everywhere be weak. 180
18. Numerical weakness comes from having to prepare against
possible attacks; numerical strength, from compelling our
adversary to make these preparations against us.181
19. Knowing the place and the time of the coming battle, we may
concentrate from the greatest distances in order to fight. 182
20. But if neither time nor place be known, then the left wing will be
impotent to succor the right, the right equally impotent to
succor the left, the van unable to relieve the rear, or the rear to
support the van. How much more so if the furthest portions of
the army are anything under a hundred Li apart, and even the
nearest are separated by several Li!183
21. Though according to my estimate the soldiers of Yueh exceed
our own in number, that shall advantage them nothing in the
matter of victory. I say then that victory can be achieved.184
180 In Frederick the Great's Instructions To His Generals we read: ‟A defensive war is apt to betray us into too
frequent detachment. Those generals who have had but little experience attempt to protect every point, while
those who are better acquainted with their profession, having only the capital object in view, guard against a
decisive blow, and acquiesce in small misfortunes to avoid greater.”
181 The highest generalship, in Col. Henderson's words, is ‟to compel the enemy to disperse his army, and then to
concentrate superior force against each fraction in turn.”
182 What Sun Tzu evidently has in mind is that nice calculation of distances and that masterly employment of
strategy which enable a general to divide his army for the purpose of a long and rapid march, and afterwards to
effect a junction at precisely the right spot and the right hour in order to confront the enemy in overwhelming
strength. Among many such successful junctions which military history records, one of the most dramatic and
decisive was the appearance of Blucher just at the critical moment on the field of Waterloo.
183 The Chinese of this last sentence is a little lacking in precision, but the mental picture we are required to draw
is probably that of an army advancing towards a given rendezvous in separate columns, each of which has
orders to be there on a fixed date. If the general allows the various detachments to proceed at haphazard,
without precise instructions as to the time and place of meeting, the enemy will be able to annihilate the army
in detail. Chang Yu's note may be worth quoting here: ‟If we do not know the place where our opponents mean
to concentrate or the day on which they will join battle, our unity will be forfeited through our preparations for
defense, and the positions we hold will be insecure. Suddenly happening upon a powerful foe, we shall be
brought to battle in a flurried condition, and no mutual support will be possible between wings, vanguard or
rear, especially if there is any great distance between the foremost and hindmost divisions of the army.”
184 Alas for these brave words! The long feud between the two states ended in 473 B.C. with the total defeat of Wu
by Kou Chien and its incorporation in Yueh. This was doubtless long after Sun Tzu's death. With his present
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22. Though the enemy be stronger in numbers, we may prevent him

from fighting. Scheme so as to discover his plans and the
likelihood of their success.185
23. Rouse him, and learn the principle of his activity or inactivity.186
Force him to reveal himself, so as to find out his vulnerable
spots.
24. Carefully compare the opposing army with your own, so that you
may know where strength is superabundant and where it is
deficient.187
25. In making tactical dispositions, the highest pitch you can attain
is to conceal them;188 conceal your dispositions, and you will be
safe from the prying of the subtlest spies, from the machinations
of the wisest brains.189
26. How victory may be produced for them out of the enemy's own
tactics—that is what the multitude cannot comprehend.
27. All men can see the tactics whereby I conquer, but what none
can see is the strategy out of which victory is evolved.190
28. Do not repeat the tactics which have gained you one victory, but
let your methods be regulated by the infinite variety of
assertion compare IV. ss. 4. Chang Yu is the only one to point out the seeming discrepancy, which he thus goes
on to explain: ‟In the chapter on Tactical Dispositions it is said, 'One may know how to conquer without being
able to do it,' whereas here we have the statement that 'victory' can be achieved.' The explanation is, that in the
former chapter, where the offensive and defensive are under discussion, it is said that if the enemy is fully
prepared, one cannot make certain of beating him. But the present passage refers particularly to the soldiers of
Yueh who, according to Sun Tzu's calculations, will be kept in ignorance of the time and place of the impending
struggle. That is why he says here that victory can be achieved.”
185 An alternative reading offered by Chia Lin is: ‟Know beforehand all plans conducive to our success and to the
enemy's failure.”
186 Chang Yu tells us that by noting the joy or anger shown by the enemy on being thus disturbed, we shall be able
to conclude whether his policy is to lie low or the reverse. He instances the action of Cho-ku Liang, who sent
the scornful present of a woman's head-dress to Ssu-ma I, in order to goad him out of his Fabian tactics.
187 Cf. IV. ss. 6.
188 The piquancy of the paradox evaporates in translation. Concealment is perhaps not so much actual invisibility
(see supra ss. 9) as ‟showing no sign” of what you mean to do, of the plans that are formed in your brain.
189 Tu Mu explains: ‟Though the enemy may have clever and capable officers, they will not be able to lay any plans
against us.”
190 I.e., everybody can see superficially how a battle is won; what they cannot see is the long series of plans and
combinations which has preceded the battle.
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circumstances.191
29. Military tactics are like unto water; for water in its natural course
runs away from high places and hastens downwards.
30. So in war, the way is to avoid what is strong and to strike at what
is weak.192
31. Water shapes its course according to the nature of the ground
over which it flows; the soldier works out his victory in relation
to the foe whom he is facing.
32. Therefore, just as water retains no constant shape, so in warfare
there are no constant conditions.
33. He who can modify his tactics in relation to his opponent and
thereby succeed in winning, may be called a heaven-born
captain.
34. The five elements (water, fire, wood, metal, earth) are not always
equally predominant;193 the four seasons make way for each other
in turn.194 There are short days and long; the moon has its
periods of waning and waxing.195
VII. MANEUVERING
1. Sun Tzu said: In war, the general receives his commands from
the sovereign.
2. Having collected an army and concentrated his forces, he must
blend and harmonize the different elements thereof before
pitching his camp.196
191 As Wang Hsi sagely remarks: ‟There is but one root- principle underlying victory, but the tactics which lead up
to it are infinite in number.” With this compare Col. Henderson: ‟The rules of strategy are few and simple. They
may be learned in a week. They may be taught by familiar illustrations or a dozen diagrams. But such
knowledge will no more teach a man to lead an army like Napoleon than a knowledge of grammar will teach
him to write like Gibbon.”
192 Like water, taking the line of least resistance.
193 That is, as Wang Hsi says: ‟they predominate alternately.”
194 Literally, ‟have no invariable seat.”
195 Cf. V. ss. 6. The purport of the passage is simply to illustrate the want of fixity in war by the changes constantly
taking place in Nature. The comparison is not very happy, however, because the regularity of the phenomena
which Sun Tzu mentions is by no means paralleled in war.
196 ‟Chang Yu says: ‟the establishment of harmony and confidence between the higher and lower ranks before
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3. After that, comes tactical maneuvering, than which there is

nothing more difficult.197 The difficulty of tactical maneuvering
consists in turning the devious into the direct, and misfortune
into gain.198
4. Thus, to take a long and circuitous route, after enticing the
enemy out of the way, and though starting after him, to contrive
to reach the goal before him, shows knowledge of the artifice of
deviation.199
5. Maneuvering with an army is advantageous; with an
undisciplined multitude, most dangerous.200
venturing into the field;” and he quotes a saying of Wu Tzu (chap. 1 ad init.): ‟Without harmony in the State, no
military expedition can be undertaken; without harmony in the army, no battle array can be formed.” In an
historical romance Sun Tzu is represented as saying to Wu Yuan: ‟As a general rule, those who are waging war
should get rid of all the domestic troubles before proceeding to attack the external foe.”
197 I have departed slightly from the traditional interpretation of Ts'ao Kung, who says: ‟From the time of receiving
the sovereign's instructions until our encampment over against the enemy, the tactics to be pursued are most
difficult.” It seems to me that the tactics or maneuvers can hardly be said to begin until the army has sallied
forth and encamped, and Ch'ien Hao's note gives color to this view: ‟For levying, concentrating, harmonizing
and entrenching an army, there are plenty of old rules which will serve. The real difficulty comes when we
engage in tactical operations.” Tu Yu also observes that ‟the great difficulty is to be beforehand with the enemy
in seizing favorable position.”
198 This sentence contains one of those highly condensed and somewhat enigmatical expressions of which Sun Tzu
is so fond. This is how it is explained by Ts'ao Kung: ‟Make it appear that you are a long way off, then cover the
distance rapidly and arrive on the scene before your opponent.” Tu Mu says: ‟Hoodwink the enemy, so that he
may be remiss and leisurely while you are dashing along with utmost speed.” Ho Shih gives a slightly different
turn: ‟Although you may have difficult ground to traverse and natural obstacles to encounter this is a drawback
which can be turned into actual advantage by celerity of movement.” Signal examples of this saying are afforded
by the two famous passages across the Alps—that of Hannibal, which laid Italy at his mercy, and that of
Napoleon two thousand years later, which resulted in the great victory of Marengo.
199 Tu Mu cites the famous march of Chao She in 270 B.C. to relieve the town of O-yu, which was closely invested
by a Ch'in army. The King of Chao first consulted Lien P'o on the advisability of attempting a relief, but the
latter thought the distance too great, and the intervening country too rugged and difficult. His Majesty then
turned to Chao She, who fully admitted the hazardous nature of the march, but finally said: ‟We shall be like
two rats fighting in a whole—and the pluckier one will win!” So he left the capital with his army, but had only
gone a distance of 30 Li when he stopped and began throwing up entrenchments. For 28 days he continued
strengthening his fortifications, and took care that spies should carry the intelligence to the enemy. The Ch'in
general was overjoyed, and attributed his adversary's tardiness to the fact that the beleaguered city was in the
Han State, and thus not actually part of Chao territory. But the spies had no sooner departed than Chao She
began a forced march lasting for two days and one night, and arrive on the scene of action with such
astonishing rapidity that he was able to occupy a commanding position on the ‟North hill” before the enemy
had got wind of his movements. A crushing defeat followed for the Ch'in forces, who were obliged to raise the
siege of O-yu in all haste and retreat across the border.
200 I adopt the reading of the T'ung Tien, Cheng Yu-hsien and the T'u Shu, since they appear to apply the exact
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6. If you set a fully equipped army in march in order to snatch an

advantage, the chances are that you will be too late. On the other
hand, to detach a flying column for the purpose involves the
sacrifice of its baggage and stores.201
7. Thus, if you order your men to roll up their buff-coats, and make
forced marches without halting day or night, covering double
the usual distance at a stretch,202 doing a hundred li in order to
wrest an advantage, the leaders of all your three divisions will fall
into the hands of the enemy.
8. The stronger men will be in front, the jaded ones will fall
behind, and on this plan only one-tenth of your army will reach
its destination.203
9. If you march fifty li in order to outmaneuver the enemy, you will
lose the leader of your first division, and only half your force will
reach the goal.204
10. If you march thirty li with the same object, two-thirds of your
army will arrive.205
11. We may take it then that an army without its baggage-train is
lost; without provisions it is lost; without bases of supply it is
lost.206
nuance required in order to make sense. The commentators using the standard text take this line to mean that
maneuvers may be profitable, or they may be dangerous: it all depends on the ability of the general.
201 Some of the Chinese text is unintelligible to the Chinese commentators, who paraphrase the sentence. I submit
my own rendering without much enthusiasm, being convinced that there is some deep-seated corruption in the
text. On the whole, it is clear that Sun Tzu does not approve of a lengthy march being undertaken without
supplies. Cf. infra, ss. 11.
202 The ordinary day's march, according to Tu Mu, was 30 li; but on one occasion, when pursuing Liu Pei, Ts'ao
Ts'ao is said to have covered the incredible distance of 300 li within twenty-four hours.
203 The moral is, as Ts'ao Kung and others point out: Don't march a hundred li to gain a tactical advantage, either
with or without impedimenta. Maneuvers of this description should be confined to short distances. Stonewall
Jackson said: ‟The hardships of forced marches are often more painful than the dangers of battle.” He did not
often call upon his troops for extraordinary exertions. It was only when he intended a surprise, or when a rapid
retreat was imperative, that he sacrificed everything for speed.
204 Literally, ‟the leader of the first division will be torn away.”
205 In the T'ung Tien is added: ‟From this we may know the difficulty of maneuvering.”
206 I think Sun Tzu meant ‟stores accumulated in depots.” But Tu Yu says ‟fodder and the like,” Chang Yu says
‟Goods in general,” and Wang Hsi says ‟fuel, salt, foodstuffs, etc.”
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12. We cannot enter into alliances until we are acquainted with the
designs of our neighbors.
13. We are not fit to lead an army on the march unless we are
familiar with the face of the country—its mountains and forests,
its pitfalls and precipices, its marshes and swamps.
14. We shall be unable to turn natural advantage to account unless
we make use of local guides.207
15. In war, practice dissimulation, and you will succeed.208
16. Whether to concentrate or to divide your troops, must be
decided by circumstances.
17. Let your rapidity be that of the wind,209 your compactness that of
the forest.210
18. In raiding and plundering be like fire,211 in immovability like a
mountain.212
19. Let your plans be dark and impenetrable as night, and when you
move, fall like a thunderbolt.213
20. When you plunder a countryside, let the spoil be divided
amongst your men;214 when you capture new territory, cut it up
into allotments for the benefit of the soldiery.215
207 ss. 12-14 are repeated in chap. XI. ss. 52.
208 In the tactics of Turenne, deception of the enemy, especially as to the numerical strength of his troops, took a
very prominent position.
209 The simile is doubly appropriate, because the wind is not only swift but, as Mei Yao-ch'en points out, ‟invisible
and leaves no tracks.”
210 Meng Shih comes nearer to the mark in his note: ‟When slowly marching, order and ranks must be
preserved”—so as to guard against surprise attacks. But natural forest do not grow in rows, whereas they do
generally possess the quality of density or compactness.
211 Cf. Shi Ching, IV. 3. iv. 6: ‟Fierce as a blazing fire which no man can check.”
212 That is, when holding a position from which the enemy is trying to dislodge you, or perhaps, as Tu Yu says,
when he is trying to entice you into a trap.
213 Tu Yu quotes a saying of T'ai Kung which has passed into a proverb: ‟You cannot shut your ears to the thunder
or your eyes to the lighting—so rapid are they.” Likewise, an attack should be made so quickly that it cannot be
parried.
214 Sun Tzu wishes to lessen the abuses of indiscriminate plundering by insisting that all booty shall be thrown
into a common stock, which may afterwards be fairly divided amongst all.
215 Ch'en Hao says ‟quarter your soldiers on the land, and let them sow and plant it.” It is by acting on this
principle, and harvesting the lands they invaded, that the Chinese have succeeded in carrying out some of their
most memorable and triumphant expeditions, such as that of Pan Ch'ao who penetrated to the Caspian, and in
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21. Ponder and deliberate before you make a move.216

22. He will conquer who has learnt the artifice of deviation.217 Such
is the art of maneuvering.218
23. The Book of Army Management says:219 On the field of battle,220
the spoken word does not carry far enough: hence the institution
of gongs and drums. Nor can ordinary objects be seen clearly
enough: hence the institution of banners and flags.
24. Gongs and drums, banners and flags, are means whereby the
ears and eyes of the host may be focused on one particular
point.221
25. The host thus forming a single united body, it is impossible
either for the brave to advance alone, or for the cowardly to
retreat alone.222 This is the art of handling large masses of men.
26. In night-fighting, then, make much use of signal-fires and
drums, and in fighting by day, of flags and banners, as a means
of influencing the ears and eyes of your army.223
more recent years, those of Fu-k'ang-an and Tso Tsung-t'ang.
216 Chang Yu quotes Wei Liao Tzu as saying that we must not break camp until we have gained the resisting power
of the enemy and the cleverness of the opposing general. Cf. the ‟seven comparisons” in I. ss. 13.
217 See supra, SS. 3, 4.
218 With these words, the chapter would naturally come to an end. But there now follows a long appendix in the
shape of an extract from an earlier book on War, now lost, but apparently extant at the time when Sun Tzu
wrote. The style of this fragment is not noticeably different from that of Sun Tzu himself, but no commentator
raises a doubt as to its genuineness.
219 It is perhaps significant that none of the earlier commentators give us any information about this work. Mei
Yao-Ch'en calls it ‟an ancient military classic,” and Wang Hsi, ‟an old book on war.” Considering the enormous
amount of fighting that had gone on for centuries before Sun Tzu's time between the various kingdoms and
principalities of China, it is not in itself improbable that a collection of military maxims should have been made
and written down at some earlier period.
220 Implied, though not actually in the Chinese.
221 Chang Yu says: ‟If sight and hearing converge simultaneously on the same object, the evolutions of as many as a
million soldiers will be like those of a single man.”!
222 Chuang Yu quotes a saying: ‟Equally guilty are those who advance against orders and those who retreat against
orders.” Tu Mu tells a story in this connection of Wu Ch'i, when he was fighting against the Ch'in State. Before
the battle had begun, one of his soldiers, a man of matchless daring, sallied forth by himself, captured two
heads from the enemy, and returned to camp. Wu Ch'i had the man instantly executed, whereupon an officer
ventured to remonstrate, saying: ‟This man was a good soldier, and ought not to have been beheaded.” Wu Ch'i
replied: ‟I fully believe he was a good soldier, but I had him beheaded because he acted without orders.”
223 Ch'en Hao alludes to Li Kuang-pi's night ride to Ho-yang at the head of 500 mounted men; they made such an
imposing display with torches, that though the rebel leader Shih Ssu-ming had a large army, he did not dare to
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27. A whole army may be robbed of its spirit;224 a commander-in-

chief may be robbed of his presence of mind.225
28. Now a soldier's spirit is keenest in the morning;226 by noonday it
has begun to flag; and in the evening, his mind is bent only on
returning to camp.
29. A clever general, therefore, avoids an army when its spirit is
keen, but attacks it when it is sluggish and inclined to return.
This is the art of studying moods.
30. Disciplined and calm, to await the appearance of disorder and
hubbub amongst the enemy:—this is the art of retaining self-
possession.
31. To be near the goal while the enemy is still far from it, to wait at
ease while the enemy is toiling and struggling, to be well-fed
while the enemy is famished:—this is the art of husbanding
one's strength.
32. To refrain from intercepting an enemy whose banners are in
perfect order, to refrain from attacking an army drawn up in
dispute their passage.

224 ‟In war,” says Chang Yu, ‟if a spirit of anger can be made to pervade all ranks of an army at one and the same
time, its onset will be irresistible. Now the spirit of the enemy's soldiers will be keenest when they have newly
arrived on the scene, and it is therefore our cue not to fight at once, but to wait until their ardor and enthusiasm
have worn off, and then strike. It is in this way that they may be robbed of their keen spirit.” Li Ch'uan and
others tell an anecdote (to be found in the Tso Chuan, year 10, ss. 1) of Ts'ao Kuei, a protege of Duke Chuang of
Lu. The latter State was attacked by Ch'i, and the duke was about to join battle at Ch'ang-cho, after the first roll
of the enemy's drums, when Ts'ao said: ‟Not just yet.” Only after their drums had beaten for the third time, did
he give the word for attack. Then they fought, and the men of Ch'i were utterly defeated. Questioned afterwards
by the Duke as to the meaning of his delay, Ts'ao Kuei replied: ‟In battle, a courageous spirit is everything. Now
the first roll of the drum tends to create this spirit, but with the second it is already on the wane, and after the
third it is gone altogether. I attacked when their spirit was gone and ours was at its height. Hence our victory.”
Wu Tzu (chap. 4) puts ‟spirit” first among the ‟four important influences” in war, and continues: ‟The value of a
whole army—a mighty host of a million men—is dependent on one man alone: such is the influence of spirit!”
225 Chang Yu says: ‟Presence of mind is the general's most important asset. It is the quality which enables him to
discipline disorder and to inspire courage into the panic- stricken.” The great general Li Ching (A.D. 571-649)
has a saying: ‟Attacking does not merely consist in assaulting walled cities or striking at an army in battle array;
it must include the art of assailing the enemy's mental equilibrium.”
226 Always provided, I suppose, that he has had breakfast. At the battle of the Trebia, the Romans were foolishly
allowed to fight fasting, whereas Hannibal's men had breakfasted at their leisure. See Livy, XXI, liv. 8, lv. 1 and
8.
65
calm and confident array:—this is the art of studying

circumstances.
33. It is a military axiom not to advance uphill against the enemy,
nor to oppose him when he comes downhill.
34. Do not pursue an enemy who simulates flight; do not attack
soldiers whose temper is keen.
35. Do not swallow bait offered by the enemy.227 Do not interfere
with an army that is returning home.228
36. When you surround an army, leave an outlet free.229 Do not press
a desperate foe too hard.230
37. Such is the art of warfare.
227 Li Ch'uan and Tu Mu, with extraordinary inability to see a metaphor, take these words quite literally of food and
drink that have been poisoned by the enemy. Ch'en Hao and Chang Yu carefully point out that the saying has a
wider application.
228 The commentators explain this rather singular piece of advice by saying that a man whose heart is set on
returning home will fight to the death against any attempt to bar his way, and is therefore too dangerous an
opponent to be tackled. Chang Yu quotes the words of Han Hsin: ‟Invincible is the soldier who hath his desire
and returneth homewards.” A marvelous tale is told of Ts'ao Ts'ao's courage and resource in ch. 1 of the San Kuo
Chi: In 198 A.D., he was besieging Chang Hsiu in Jang, when Liu Piao sent reinforcements with a view to cutting
off Ts'ao's retreat. The latter was obliged to draw off his troops, only to find himself hemmed in between two
enemies, who were guarding each outlet of a narrow pass in which he had engaged himself. In this desperate
plight Ts'ao waited until nightfall, when he bored a tunnel into the mountain side and laid an ambush in it. As
soon as the whole army had passed by, the hidden troops fell on his rear, while Ts'ao himself turned and met his
pursuers in front, so that they were thrown into confusion and annihilated. Ts'ao Ts'ao said afterwards: ‟The
brigands tried to check my army in its retreat and brought me to battle in a desperate position: hence I knew
how to overcome them.”
229 This does not mean that the enemy is to be allowed to escape. The object, as Tu Mu puts it, is ‟to make him
believe that there is a road to safety, and thus prevent his fighting with the courage of despair.” Tu Mu adds
pleasantly: ‟After that, you may crush him.”
230 Ch'en Hao quotes the saying: ‟Birds and beasts when brought to bay will use their claws and teeth.” Chang Yu
says: ‟If your adversary has burned his boats and destroyed his cooking-pots, and is ready to stake all on the
issue of a battle, he must not be pushed to extremities.” Ho Shih illustrates the meaning by a story taken from
the life of Yen-ch'ing. That general, together with his colleague Tu Chung-wei was surrounded by a vastly
superior army of Khitans in the year 945 A.D. The country was bare and desert-like, and the little Chinese force
was soon in dire straits for want of water. The wells they bored ran dry, and the men were reduced to squeezing
lumps of mud and sucking out the moisture. Their ranks thinned rapidly, until at last Fu Yen-ch'ing exclaimed:
‟We are desperate men. Far better to die for our country than to go with fettered hands into captivity!” A strong
gale happened to be blowing from the northeast and darkening the air with dense clouds of sandy dust. To
Chung-wei was for waiting until this had abated before deciding on a final attack; but luckily another officer, Li
Shou- cheng by name, was quicker to see an opportunity, and said: ‟They are many and we are few, but in the
midst of this sandstorm our numbers will not be discernible; victory will go to the strenuous fighter, and the
wind will be our best ally.” Accordingly, Fu Yen-ch'ing made a sudden and wholly unexpected onslaught with his
cavalry, routed the barbarians and succeeded in breaking through to safety.
66
VIII.VARIATION IN TACTICS231
1. Sun Tzu said: In war, the general receives his commands from
the sovereign, collects his army and concentrates his forces.232
2. When in difficult country, do not encamp. In country where high
roads intersect, join hands with your allies. Do not linger in
dangerously isolated positions.233 In hemmed-in situations, you
must resort to stratagem. In desperate position, you must fight.
3. There are roads which must not be followed,234 armies which
must be not attacked,235 towns which must not be besieged,236
positions which must not be contested, commands of the
sovereign which must not be obeyed.237
4. The general who thoroughly understands the advantages that
231 The heading means literally ‟The Nine Variations,” but as Sun Tzu does not appear to enumerate these, and as,
indeed, he has already told us (V SS. 6-11) that such deflections from the ordinary course are practically
innumerable, we have little option but to follow Wang Hsi, who says that ‟Nine” stands for an indefinitely large
number. ‟All it means is that in warfare we ought to vary our tactics to the utmost degree…. I do not know what
Ts'ao Kung makes these Nine Variations out to be, but it has been suggested that they are connected with the
Nine Situations” - of chapt. XI. This is the view adopted by Chang Yu. The only other alternative is to suppose
that something has been lost—a supposition to which the unusual shortness of the chapter lends some weight.
232 Repeated from VII. ss. 1, where it is certainly more in place. It may have been interpolated here merely in order
to supply a beginning to the chapter.
233 The last situation is not one of the Nine Situations as given in the beginning of chap. XI, but occurs later on
(ibid. ss. 43. q.v.). Chang Yu defines this situation as being situated across the frontier, in hostile territory. Li
Ch'uan says it is ‟country in which there are no springs or wells, flocks or herds, vegetables or firewood;” Chia
Lin, ‟one of gorges, chasms and precipices, without a road by which to advance.”
234 ‟Especially those leading through narrow defiles,” says Li Ch'uan, ‟where an ambush is to be feared.”
235 More correctly, perhaps, ‟there are times when an army must not be attacked.” Ch'en Hao says: ‟When you see
your way to obtain a rival advantage, but are powerless to inflict a real defeat, refrain from attacking, for fear of
overtaxing your men's strength.”
236 Cf. III. ss. 4 Ts'ao Kung gives an interesting illustration from his own experience. When invading the territory of
Hsu-chou, he ignored the city of Hua-pi, which lay directly in his path, and pressed on into the heart of the
country. This excellent strategy was rewarded by the subsequent capture of no fewer than fourteen important
district cities. Chang Yu says: ‟No town should be attacked which, if taken, cannot be held, or if left alone, will
not cause any trouble.” Hsun Ying, when urged to attack Pi-yang, replied: ‟The city is small and well-fortified;
even if I succeed intaking it, it will be no great feat of arms; whereas if I fail, I shall make myself a laughing-
stock.” In the seventeenth century, sieges still formed a large proportion of war. It was Turenne who directed
attention to the importance of marches, countermarches and maneuvers. He said: ‟It is a great mistake to waste
men in taking a town when the same expenditure of soldiers will gain a province.”
237 This is a hard saying for the Chinese, with their reverence for authority, and Wei Liao Tzu (quoted by Tu Mu) is
moved to exclaim: ‟Weapons are baleful instruments, strife is antagonistic to virtue, a military commander is
the negation of civil order!” The unpalatable fact remains, however, that even Imperial wishes must be
subordinated to military necessity.
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accompany variation of tactics knows how to handle his troops.

5. The general who does not understand these, may be well
acquainted with the configuration of the country, yet he will not
be able to turn his knowledge to practical account.238
6. So, the student of war who is unversed in the art of war of
varying his plans, even though he be acquainted with the Five
Advantages, will fail to make the best use of his men.239
7. Hence in the wise leader's plans, considerations of advantage
and of disadvantage will be blended together. 240
8. If our expectation of advantage be tempered in this way, we may
succeed in accomplishing the essential part of our schemes.241
9. If, on the other hand, in the midst of difficulties we are always
ready to seize an advantage, we may extricate ourselves from
misfortune.242
10. Reduce the hostile chiefs by inflicting damage on them;243 and
238 Literally, ‟get the advantage of the ground,” which means not only securing good positions, but availing oneself
of natural advantages in every possible way. Chang Yu says: ‟Every kind of ground is characterized by certain
natural features, and also gives scope for a certain variability of plan. How is it possible to turn these natural
features to account unless topographical knowledge is supplemented by versatility of mind?”
239 Chia Lin tells us that these imply five obvious and generally advantageous lines of action, namely: ‟if a certain
road is short, it must be followed; if an army is isolated, it must be attacked; if a town is in a parlous condition,
it must be besieged; if a position can be stormed, it must be attempted; and if consistent with military
operations, the ruler's commands must be obeyed.” But there are circumstances which sometimes forbid a
general to use these advantages. For instance, ‟a certain road may be the shortest way for him, but if he knows
that it abounds in natural obstacles, or that the enemy has laid an ambush on it, he will not follow that road. A
hostile force may be open to attack, but if he knows that it is hard-pressed and likely to fight with desperation,
he will refrain from striking,” and so on.
240 ‟Whether in an advantageous position or a disadvantageous one,” says Ts'ao Kung, ‟the opposite state should be
always present to your mind.”
241 Tu Mu says: ‟If we wish to wrest an advantage from the enemy, we must not fix our minds on that alone, but
allow for the possibility of the enemy also doing some harm to us, and let this enter as a factor into our
calculations.”
242 Tu Mu says: ‟If I wish to extricate myself from a dangerous position, I must consider not only the enemy's ability
to injure me, but also my own ability to gain an advantage over the enemy. If in my counsels these two
considerations are properly blended, I shall succeed in liberating myself…. For instance; if I am surrounded by
the enemy and only think of effecting an escape, the nervelessness of my policy will incite my adversary to
pursue and crush me; it would be far better to encourage my men to deliver a bold counter-attack, and use the
advantage thus gained to free myself from the enemy's toils.” See the story of Ts'ao Ts'ao, VII. ss. 35, note.
243 Chia Lin enumerates several ways of inflicting this injury, some of which would only occur to the Oriental
mind:—‟Entice away the enemy's best and wisest men, so that he may be left without counselors. Introduce
68
make trouble for them,244 and keep them constantly engaged;245

hold out specious allurements, and make them rush to any given
point.246
11. The art of war teaches us to rely not on the likelihood of the
enemy's not coming, but on our own readiness to receive him;
not on the chance of his not attacking, but rather on the fact that
we have made our position unassailable.
12. There are five dangerous faults which may affect a general:
(1) Recklessness, which leads to destruction;247
(2) cowardice, which leads to capture;248
traitors into his country, that the government policy may be rendered futile. Foment intrigue and deceit, and
thus sow dissension between the ruler and his ministers. By means of every artful contrivance, cause
deterioration amongst his men and waste of his treasure. Corrupt his morals by insidious gifts leading him into
excess. Disturb and unsettle his mind by presenting him with lovely women.” Chang Yu (after Wang Hsi) makes
a different interpretation of Sun Tzu here: ‟Get the enemy into a position where he must suffer injury, and he
will submit of his own accord.”
244 Tu Mu, in this phrase, in his interpretation indicates that trouble should be made for the enemy affecting their
‟possessions,” or, as we might say, ‟assets,” which he considers to be ‟a large army, a rich exchequer, harmony
amongst the soldiers, punctual fulfillment of commands.” These give us a whip-hand over the enemy.
245 Literally, ‟make servants of them.” Tu Yu says ‟prevent them from having any rest.”
246 Meng Shih's note contains an excellent example of the idiomatic use of: ‟cause them to forget pien (the reasons
for acting otherwise than on their first impulse), and hasten in our direction.”
247 ‟Bravery without forethought,” as Ts'ao Kung analyzes it, which causes a man to fight blindly and desperately
like a mad bull. Such an opponent, says Chang Yu, ‟must not be encountered with brute force, but may be lured
into an ambush and slain.” Cf. Wu Tzu, chap. IV. ad init.: ‟In estimating the character of a general, men are wont
to pay exclusive attention to his courage, forgetting that courage is only one out of many qualities which a
general should possess. The merely brave man is prone to fight recklessly; and he who fights recklessly, without
any perception of what is expedient, must be condemned.” Ssu-ma Fa, too, make the incisive remark: ‟Simply
going to one's death does not bring about victory.”
248 Ts'ao Kung defines the Chinese word translated here as ‟cowardice” as being of the man ‟whom timidity
prevents from advancing to seize an advantage,” and Wang Hsi adds ‟who is quick to flee at the sight of danger.”
Meng Shih gives the closer paraphrase ‟he who is bent on returning alive,” this is, the man who will never take a
risk. But, as Sun Tzu knew, nothing is to be achieved in war unless you are willing to take risks. T'ai Kung said:
‟He who lets an advantage slip will subsequently bring upon himself real disaster.” In 404 A.D., Liu Yu pursued
the rebel Huan Hsuan up the Yangtsze and fought a naval battle with him at the island of Ch'eng-hung. The
loyal troops numbered only a few thousands, while their opponents were in great force. But Huan Hsuan,
fearing the fate which was in store for him should be be overcome, had a light boat made fast to the side of his
war-junk, so that he might escape, if necessary, at a moment's notice. The natural result was that the fighting
spirit of his soldiers was utterly quenched, and when the loyalists made an attack from windward with fireships,
all striving with the utmost ardor to be first in the fray, Huan Hsuan's forces were routed, had to burn all their
baggage and fled for two days and nights without stopping. Chang Yu tells a somewhat similar story of Chao
Ying-ch'i, a general of the Chin State who during a battle with the army of Ch'u in 597 B.C. had a boat kept in
readiness for him on the river, wishing in case of defeat to be the first to get across.
69
(3) a hasty temper, which can be provoked by insults;249

(4) a delicacy of honor which is sensitive to shame;250
(5) over-solicitude for his men, which exposes him to worry and
trouble.251
13. These are the five besetting sins of a general, ruinous to the
conduct of war.
14. When an army is overthrown and its leader slain, the cause will
surely be found among these five dangerous faults. Let them be a
subject of meditation.
IX. THE ARMY ON THE MARCH252
1. Sun Tzu said: We come now to the question of encamping the
army, and observing signs of the enemy. Pass quickly over
mountains, and keep in the neighborhood of valleys.253
249 Tu Mu tells us that Yao Hsing, when opposed in 357 A.D. by Huang Mei, Teng Ch'iang and others shut himself
up behind his walls and refused to fight. Teng Ch'iang said: ‟Our adversary is of a choleric temper and easily
provoked; let us make constant sallies and break down his walls, then he will grow angry and come out. Once
we can bring his force to battle, it is doomed to be our prey.” This plan was acted upon, Yao Hsiang came out to
fight, was lured as far as San-yuan by the enemy's pretended flight, and finally attacked and slain.
250 This need not be taken to mean that a sense of honor is really a defect in a general. What Sun Tzu condemns is
rather an exaggerated sensitiveness to slanderous reports, the thin-skinned man who is stung by opprobrium,
however undeserved. Mei Yao-ch'en truly observes, though somewhat paradoxically: ‟The seek after glory
should be careless of public opinion.”
251 Here again, Sun Tzu does not mean that the general is to be careless of the welfare of his troops. All he wishes to
emphasize is the danger of sacrificing any important military advantage to the immediate comfort of his men.
This is a shortsighted policy, because in the long run the troops will suffer more from the defeat, or, at best, the
prolongation of the war, which will be the consequence. A mistaken feeling of pity will often induce a general to
relieve a beleaguered city, or to reinforce a hard-pressed detachment, contrary to his military instincts. It is now
generally admitted that our repeated efforts to relieve Ladysmith in the South African War were so many
strategical blunders which defeated their own purpose. And in the end, relief came through the very man who
started out with the distinct resolve no longer to subordinate the interests of the whole to sentiment in favor of
a part. An old soldier of one of our generals who failed most conspicuously in this war, tried once, I remember,
to defend him to me on the ground that he was always ‟so good to his men.” By this plea, had he but known it,
he was only condemning him out of Sun Tzu's mouth.
252 The contents of this interesting chapter are better indicated in ss. 1 than by this heading.
253 The idea is, not to linger among barren uplands, but to keep close to supplies of water and grass. Cf. Wu Tzu,
ch. 3: ‟Abide not in natural ovens,” i.e. ‟the openings of valleys.” Chang Yu tells the following anecdote: Wu-tu
Ch'iang was a robber captain in the time of the Later Han, and Ma Yuan was sent to exterminate his gang.
Ch'iang having found a refuge in the hills, Ma Yuan made no attempt to force a battle, but seized all the
favorable positions commanding supplies of water and forage. Ch'iang was soon in such a desperate plight for
want of provisions that he was forced to make a total surrender. He did not know the advantage of keeping in
the neighborhood of valleys.”
70
2. Camp in high places,254 facing the sun.255 Do not climb heights in

order to fight. So much for mountain warfare.
3. After crossing a river, you should get far away from it.256
4. When an invading force crosses a river in its onward march, do
not advance to meet it in mid-stream. It will be best to let half
the army get across, and then deliver your attack.257
5. If you are anxious to fight, you should not go to meet the invader
near a river which he has to cross.258
6. Moor your craft higher up than the enemy, and facing the sun.259
Do not move up-stream to meet the enemy.260 So much for river
warfare.
7. In crossing salt-marshes, your sole concern should be to get over
them quickly, without any delay.261
8. If forced to fight in a salt-marsh, you should have water and
254 Not on high hills, but on knolls or hillocks elevated above the surrounding country.
255 Tu Mu takes this to mean ‟facing south,” and Ch'en Hao ‟facing east.” Cf. infra, SS. 11, 13.
256 ‟In order to tempt the enemy to cross after you,” according to Ts'ao Kung, and also, says Chang Yu, ‟in order not
to be impeded in your evolutions.” The T'ung Tien reads, ‟If the enemy crosses a river,” etc. But in view of the
next sentence, this is almost certainly an interpolation.
257 Li Ch'uan alludes to the great victory won by Han Hsin over Lung Chu at the Wei River. Turning to the Ch'ien
Han Shu, ch. 34, fol. 6 verso, we find the battle described as follows: ‟The two armies were drawn up on opposite
sides of the river. In the night, Han Hsin ordered his men to take some ten thousand sacks filled with sand and
construct a dam higher up. Then, leading half his army across, he attacked Lung Chu; but after a time,
pretending to have failed in his attempt, he hastily withdrew to the other bank. Lung Chu was much elated by
this unlooked-for success, and exclaiming: ‟I felt sure that Han Hsin was really a coward!” he pursued him and
began crossing the river in his turn. Han Hsin now sent a party to cut open the sandbags, thus releasing a great
volume of water, which swept down and prevented the greater portion of Lung Chu's army from getting across.
He then turned upon the force which had been cut off, and annihilated it, Lung Chu himself being amongst the
slain. The rest of the army, on the further bank, also scattered and fled in all directions.
258 For fear of preventing his crossing.
259 See supra, ss. 2. The repetition of these words in connection with water is very awkward. Chang Yu has the note:
‟Said either of troops marshaled on the river-bank, or of boats anchored in the stream itself; in either case it is
essential to be higher than the enemy and facing the sun.” The other commentators are not at all explicit.
260 Tu Mu says: ‟As water flows downwards, we must not pitch our camp on the lower reaches of a river, for fear the
enemy should open the sluices and sweep us away in a flood. Chu-ko Wu-hou has remarked that 'in river
warfare we must not advance against the stream,' which is as much as to say that our fleet must not be anchored
below that of the enemy, for then they would be able to take advantage of the current and make short work of
us.” There is also the danger, noted by other commentators, that the enemy may throw poison on the water to
be carried down to us.
261 Because of the lack of fresh water, the poor quality of the herbage, and last but not least, because they are low,
flat, and exposed to attack.
71
grass near you, and get your back to a clump of trees.262 So much
for operations in salt-marches.
9. In dry, level country, take up an easily accessible position with
rising ground to your right and on your rear,263 so that the danger
may be in front, and safety lie behind. So much for campaigning
in flat country.
10. These are the four useful branches of military knowledge264
which enabled the Yellow Emperor to vanquish four
sovereigns.265
11. All armies prefer high ground to low,266 and sunny places to dark.
12. If you are careful of your men,267 and camp on hard ground, the
army will be free from disease of every kind,268 and this will spell
victory.
13. When you come to a hill or a bank, occupy the sunny side, with
the slope on your right rear. Thus you will at once act for the
benefit of your soldiers and utilize the natural advantages of the
ground.
14. When, in consequence of heavy rains up-country, a river which
you wish to ford is swollen and flecked with foam, you must wait
until it subsides.
262 Li Ch'uan remarks that the ground is less likely to be treacherous where there are trees, while Tu Mu says that
they will serve to protect the rear.
263 Tu Mu quotes T'ai Kung as saying: ‟An army should have a stream or a marsh on its left, and a hill or tumulus on
its right.”
264 Those, namely, concerned with (1) mountains, (2) rivers, (3) marshes, and (4) plains. Compare Napoleon's
‟Military Maxims,” no. 1.
265 Regarding the ‟Yellow Emperor”: Mei Yao-ch'en asks, with some plausibility, whether there is an error in the text
as nothing is known of Huang Ti having conquered four other Emperors. The Shi Chi (ch. 1 ad init.) speaks only
of his victories over Yen Ti and Ch'ih Yu. In the Liu T'ao it is mentioned that he ‟fought seventy battles and
pacified the Empire.” Ts'ao Kung's explanation is, that the Yellow Emperor was the first to institute the feudal
system of vassals princes, each of whom (to the number of four) originally bore the title of Emperor. Li Ch'uan
tells us that the art of war originated under Huang Ti, who received it from his Minister Feng Hou.
266 ‟High Ground,” says Mei Yao-ch'en, ‟is not only more agreeable and salubrious, but more convenient from a
military point of view; low ground is not only damp and unhealthy, but also disadvantageous for fighting.”
267 Ts'ao Kung says: ‟Make for fresh water and pasture, where you can turn out your animals to graze.”
268 Chang Yu says: ‟The dryness of the climate will prevent
the outbreak of illness.”
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15. Country in which there are precipitous cliffs with torrents

running between, deep natural hollows,269 confined places,270
tangled thickets,271 quagmires272 and crevasses,273 should be left
with all possible speed and not approached.
16. While we keep away from such places, we should get the enemy
to approach them; while we face them, we should let the enemy
have them on his rear.
17. If in the neighborhood of your camp there should be any hilly
country, ponds surrounded by aquatic grass, hollow basins filled
with reeds, or woods with thick undergrowth, they must be
carefully routed out and searched; for these are places where
men in ambush or insidious spies are likely to be lurking.274
18. When the enemy is close at hand and remains quiet, he is
relying on the natural strength of his position.275
19. When he keeps aloof and tries to provoke a battle, he is anxious
for the other side to advance.276
20. If his place of encampment is easy of access, he is tendering a
bait.
21. Movement amongst the trees of a forest shows that the enemy is
269 The latter defined as ‟places enclosed on every side by steep banks, with pools of water at the bottom.”
270 Defined as ‟natural pens or prisons” or ‟places surrounded by precipices on three sides—easy to get into, but
hard to get out of.”
271 Defined as ‟places covered with such dense undergrowth that spears cannot be used.”
272 Defined as ‟low-lying places, so heavy with mud as to be impassable for chariots and horsemen.”
273 Defined by Mei Yao-ch'en as ‟a narrow difficult way between beetling cliffs.” Tu Mu's note is ‟ground covered
with trees and rocks, and intersected by numerous ravines and pitfalls.” This is very vague, but Chia Lin explains
it clearly enough as a defile or narrow pass, and Chang Yu takes much the same view. On the whole, the weight
of the commentators certainly inclines to the rendering ‟defile.” But the ordinary meaning of the Chinese in
one place is ‟a crack or fissure” and the fact that the meaning of the Chinese elsewhere in the sentence indicates
something in the nature of a defile, make me think that Sun Tzu is here speaking of crevasses.
274 Chang Yu has the note: ‟We must also be on our guard against traitors who may lie in close covert, secretly
spying out our weaknesses and overhearing our instructions.”
275 Here begin Sun Tzu's remarks on the reading of signs, much of which is so good that it could almost be
included in a modern manual like Gen. Baden-Powell's ‟Aids to Scouting.”
276 Probably because we are in a strong position from which he wishes to dislodge us. ‟If he came close up to us,
says Tu Mu, ‟and tried to force a battle, he would seem to despise us, and there would be less probability of our
responding to the challenge.”
73
advancing.277 The appearance of a number of screens in the

midst of thick grass means that the enemy wants to make us
suspicious.278
22. The rising of birds in their flight is the sign of an ambuscade.279
Startled beasts indicate that a sudden attack is coming.
23. When there is dust rising in a high column, it is the sign of
chariots advancing; when the dust is low, but spread over a wide
area, it betokens the approach of infantry.280 When it branches
out in different directions, it shows that parties have been sent to
collect firewood. A few clouds of dust moving to and fro signify
that the army is encamping.281
24. Humble words and increased preparations are signs that the
enemy is about to advance.282 Violent language and driving
277 Ts'ao Kung explains this as ‟felling trees to clear a passage,” and Chang Yu says: ‟Every man sends out scouts to
climb high places and observe the enemy. If a scout sees that the trees of a forest are moving and shaking, he
may know that they are being cut down to clear a passage for the enemy's march.”
278 Tu Yu's explanation, borrowed from Ts'ao Kung's, is as follows: ‟The presence of a number of screens or sheds in
the midst of thick vegetation is a sure sign that the enemy has fled and, fearing pursuit, has constructed these
hiding-places in order to make us suspect an ambush.” It appears that these ‟screens” were hastily knotted
together out of any long grass which the retreating enemy happened to come across.
279 Chang Yu's explanation is doubtless right: ‟When birds that are flying along in a straight line suddenly shoot
upwards, it means that soldiers are in ambush at the spot beneath.”
280 ‟High and sharp,” or rising to a peak, is of course somewhat exaggerated as applied to dust. The commentators
explain the phenomenon by saying that horses and chariots, being heavier than men, raise more dust, and also
follow one another in the same wheel-track, whereas foot-soldiers would be marching in ranks, many abreast.
According to Chang Yu, ‟every army on the march must have scouts some way in advance, who on sighting dust
raised by the enemy, will gallop back and report it to the commander-in-chief.” Cf. Gen. Baden-Powell: ‟As you
move along, say, in a hostile country, your eyes should be looking afar for the enemy or any signs of him: figures,
dust rising, birds getting up, glitter of arms, etc.”
281 Chang Yu says: ‟In apportioning the defenses for a cantonment, light horse will be sent out to survey the
position and ascertain the weak and strong points all along its circumference. Hence the small quantity of dust
and its motion.”
282 ‟As though they stood in great fear of us,” says Tu Mu. ‟Their object is to make us contemptuous and careless,
after which they will attack us.” Chang Yu alludes to the story of T'ien Tan of the Ch'i-mo against the Yen forces,
led by Ch'i Chieh. In ch. 82 of the Shi Chi we read: ‟T'ien Tan openly said: 'My only fear is that the Yen army may
cut off the noses of their Ch'i prisoners and place them in the front rank to fight against us; that would be the
undoing of our city.' The other side being informed of this speech, at once acted on the suggestion; but those
within the city were enraged at seeing their fellow-countrymen thus mutilated, and fearing only lest they
should fall into the enemy's hands, were nerved to defend themselves more obstinately than ever. Once again
T'ien Tan sent back converted spies who reported these words to the enemy: ‟What I dread most is that the men
of Yen may dig up the ancestral tombs outside the town, and by inflicting this indignity on our forefathers
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forward as if to the attack are signs that he will retreat.

25. When the light chariots come out first and take up a position on
the wings, it is a sign that the enemy is forming for battle.
26. Peace proposals unaccompanied by a sworn covenant indicate a
plot.283
27. When there is much running about284 and the soldiers fall into
rank, it means that the critical moment has come.
28. When some are seen advancing and some retreating, it is a lure.
29. When the soldiers stand leaning on their spears, they are faint
from want of food.
30. If those who are sent to draw water begin by drinking
themselves, the army is suffering from thirst.285
31. If the enemy sees an advantage to be gained and makes no effort
cause us to become faint-hearted.' Forthwith the besiegers dug up all the graves and burned the corpses lying in
them. And the inhabitants of Chi-mo, witnessing the outrage from the city-walls, wept passionately and were
all impatient to go out and fight, their fury being increased tenfold. T'ien Tan knew then that his soldiers were
ready for any enterprise. But instead of a sword, he himself took a mattock in his hands, and ordered others to
be distributed amongst his best warriors, while the ranks were filled up with their wives and concubines. He
then served out all the remaining rations and bade his men eat their fill. The regular soldiers were told to keep
out of sight, and the walls were manned with the old and weaker men and with women. This done, envoys were
dispatched to the enemy's camp to arrange terms of surrender, whereupon the Yen army began shouting for joy.
T'ien Tan also collected 20,000 ounces of silver from the people, and got the wealthy citizens of Chi-mo to send
it to the Yen general with the prayer that, when the town capitulated, he would allow their homes to be
plundered or their women to be maltreated. Ch'i Chieh, in high good humor, granted their prayer; but his army
now became increasingly slack and careless. Meanwhile, T'ien Tan got together a thousand oxen, decked them
with pieces of red silk, painted their bodies, dragon-like, with colored stripes, and fastened sharp blades on
their horns and well-greased rushes on their tails. When night came on, he lighted the ends of the rushes, and
drove the oxen through a number of holes which he had pierced in the walls, backing them up with a force of
5000 picked warriors. The animals, maddened with pain, dashed furiously into the enemy's camp where they
caused the utmost confusion and dismay; for their tails acted as torches, showing up the hideous pattern on
their bodies, and the weapons on their horns killed or wounded any with whom they came into contact. In the
meantime, the band of 5000 had crept up with gags in their mouths, and now threw themselves on the enemy.
At the same moment a frightful din arose in the city itself, all those that remained behind making as much
noise as possible by banging drums and hammering on bronze vessels, until heaven and earth were convulsed
by the uproar. Terror-stricken, the Yen army fled in disorder, hotly pursued by the men of Ch'i, who succeeded
in slaying their general Ch'i Chien…. The result of the battle was the ultimate recovery of some seventy cities
which had belonged to the Ch'i State.”
283 The reading here is uncertain. Li Ch'uan indicates ‟a treaty confirmed by oaths and hostages.” Wang Hsi and
Chang Yu, on the other hand, simply say ‟without reason,” ‟on a frivolous pretext.”
284 Every man hastening to his proper place under his own regimental banner.
285 As Tu Mu remarks: ‟One may know the condition of a whole army from the behavior of a single man.”
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to secure it, the soldiers are exhausted.

32. If birds gather on any spot, it is unoccupied.286 Clamor by night
betokens nervousness.
33. If there is disturbance in the camp, the general's authority is
weak. If the banners and flags are shifted about, sedition is
afoot. If the officers are angry, it means that the men are
weary.287
34. When an army feeds its horses with grain and kills its cattle for
food,288 and when the men do not hang their cooking-pots over
the camp- fires, showing that they will not return to their tents,
you may know that they are determined to fight to the death.289
35. The sight of men whispering together in small knots or speaking
in subdued tones points to disaffection amongst the rank and
file.
36. Too frequent rewards signify that the enemy is at the end of his
resources;290 too many punishments betray a condition of dire
distress.291
37. To begin by bluster, but afterwards to take fright at the enemy's
numbers, shows a supreme lack of intelligence.292
286 A useful fact to bear in mind when, for instance, as Ch'en Hao says, the enemy has secretly abandoned his
camp.
287 Tu Mu understands the sentence differently: ‟If all the officers of an army are angry with their general, it means
that they are broken with fatigue” owing to the exertions which he has demanded from them.
288 In the ordinary course of things, the men would be fed on grain and the horses chiefly on grass.
289 I may quote here the illustrative passage from the Hou Han Shu, ch. 71, given in abbreviated form by the P'ei
Wen Yun Fu: ‟The rebel Wang Kuo of Liang was besieging the town of Ch'en- ts'ang, and Huang-fu Sung, who
was in supreme command, and Tung Cho were sent out against him. The latter pressed for hasty measures, but
Sung turned a deaf ear to his counsel. At last the rebels were utterly worn out, and began to throw down their
weapons of their own accord. Sung was not advancing to the attack, but Cho said: 'It is a principle of war not to
pursue desperate men and not to press a retreating host.' Sung answered: 'That does not apply here. What I am
about to attack is a jaded army, not a retreating host; with disciplined troops I am falling on a disorganized
multitude, not a band of desperate men.' Thereupon he advances to the attack unsupported by his colleague,
and routed the enemy, Wang Kuo being slain.”
290 Because, when an army is hard pressed, as Tu Mu says, there is always a fear of mutiny, and lavish rewards are
given to keep the men in good temper.
291 Because in such case discipline becomes relaxed, and unwonted severity is necessary to keep the men to their
duty.
292 I follow the interpretation of Ts'ao Kung, also adopted by Li Ch'uan, Tu Mu, and Chang Yu. Another possible
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38. When envoys are sent with compliments in their mouths, it is a

sign that the enemy wishes for a truce.293
39. If the enemy's troops march up angrily and remain facing ours
for a long time without either joining battle or taking themselves
off again, the situation is one that demands great vigilance and
circumspection.294
40. If our troops are no more in number than the enemy, that is
amply sufficient; it only means that no direct attack can be
made.295 What we can do is simply to concentrate all our
available strength, keep a close watch on the enemy, and obtain
reinforcements.296
41. He who exercises no forethought but makes light of his
opponents is sure to be captured by them.297
42. If soldiers are punished before they have grown attached to you,
they will not prove submissive; and, unless submissive, then will
be practically useless. If, when the soldiers have become
attached to you, punishments are not enforced, they will still be
useless.
meaning set forth by Tu Yu, Chia Lin, Mei Tao-ch'en and Wang Hsi, is: ‟The general who is first tyrannical
towards his men, and then in terror lest they should mutiny, etc.” This would connect the sentence with what
went before about rewards and punishments.
293 Tu Mu says: ‟If the enemy open friendly relations be sending hostages, it is a sign that they are anxious for an
armistice, either because their strength is exhausted or for some other reason.” But it hardly needs a Sun Tzu to
draw such an obvious inference.
294 Ts'ao Kung says a maneuver of this sort may be only a ruse to gain time for an unexpected flank attack or the
laying of an ambush.
295 Literally, ‟no martial advance.” That is to say, cheng tactics and frontal attacks must be eschewed, and stratagem
resorted to instead.
296 This is an obscure sentence, and none of the commentators succeed in squeezing very good sense out of it. I
follow Li Ch'uan, who appears to offer the simplest explanation: ‟Only the side that gets more men will win.”
Fortunately we have Chang Yu to expound its meaning to us in language which is lucidity itself: ‟When the
numbers are even, and no favorable opening presents itself, although we may not be strong enough to deliver a
sustained attack, we can find additional recruits amongst our sutlers and camp-followers, and then,
concentrating our forces and keeping a close watch on the enemy, contrive to snatch the victory. But we must
avoid borrowing foreign soldiers to help us.” He then quotes from Wei Liao Tzu, ch. 3: ‟The nominal strength of
mercenary troops may be 100,000, but their real value will be not more than half that figure.”
297 Ch'en Hao, quoting from the Tso Chuan, says: ‟If bees and scorpions carry poison, how much more will a
hostile state! Even a puny opponent, then, should not be treated with contempt.”
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43. Therefore soldiers must be treated in the first instance with

humanity, but kept under control by means of iron discipline.298
This is a certain road to victory.
44. If in training soldiers commands are habitually enforced, the
army will be well-disciplined; if not, its discipline will be bad. 45.
If a general shows confidence in his men but always insists on
his orders being obeyed,299 the gain will be mutual.300
X. TERRAIN301
1. Sun Tzu said: We may distinguish six kinds of terrain, to wit:
(1) Accessible ground;302
(2) entangling ground;303
(3) temporizing ground;304
(4) narrow passes;
(5) precipitous heights;
(6) positions at a great distance from the enemy.305
2. Ground which can be freely traversed by both sides is called
accessible.
3. With regard to ground of this nature, be before the enemy in
occupying the raised and sunny spots, and carefully guard your
298 Yen Tzu [B.C. 493] said of Ssu-ma Jang-chu: ‟His civil virtues endeared him to the people; his martial prowess
kept his enemies in awe.” Cf. Wu Tzu, ch. 4 init.: ‟The ideal commander unites culture with a warlike temper;
the profession of arms requires a combination of hardness and tenderness.”
299 Tu Mu says: ‟A general ought in time of peace to show kindly confidence in his men and also make his authority
respected, so that when they come to face the enemy, orders may be executed and discipline maintained,
because they all trust and look up to him.” What Sun Tzu has said in ss. 44, however, would lead one rather to
expect something like this: ‟If a general is always confident that his orders will be carried out,” etc.”
300 Chang Yu says: ‟The general has confidence in the men under his command, and the men are docile, having
confidence in him. Thus the gain is mutual” He quotes a pregnant sentence from Wei Liao Tzu, ch. 4: ‟The art
of giving orders is not to try to rectify minor blunders and not to be swayed by petty doubts.” Vacillation and
fussiness are the surest means of sapping the confidence of an army.
301 Only about a third of the chapter, comprising ss. ss. 1-13, deals with ‟terrain,” the subject being more fully
treated in ch. XI. The ‟six calamities” are discussed in SS. 14-20, and the rest of the chapter is again a mere string
of desultory remarks, though not less interesting, perhaps, on that account.
302 Mei Yao-ch'en says: ‟plentifully provided with roads and means of communications.”
303 The same commentator says: ‟Net-like country, venturing into which you become entangled.”
304 Ground which allows you to ‟stave off” or ‟delay.”
305 It is hardly necessary to point out the faultiness of this classification. A strange lack of logical perception is
shown in the Chinaman's unquestioning acceptance of glaring cross- divisions such as the above.
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line of supplies.306 Then you will be able to fight with advantage.

4. Ground which can be abandoned but is hard to re-occupy is
called entangling.
5. From a position of this sort, if the enemy is unprepared, you may
sally forth and defeat him. But if the enemy is prepared for your
coming, and you fail to defeat him, then, return being
impossible, disaster will ensue.
6. When the position is such that neither side will gain by making
the first move, it is called temporizing ground.307
7. In a position of this sort, even though the enemy should
offer us an attractive bait,308 it will be advisable not to stir forth,
but rather to retreat, thus enticing the enemy in his turn; then,
when part of his army has come out, we may deliver our attack
with advantage.
8. With regard to narrow passes, if you can occupy them first, let
them be strongly garrisoned and await the advent of the
enemy.309
9. Should the army forestall you in occupying a pass, do not go after
him if the pass is fully garrisoned, but only if it is weakly
garrisoned.
10. With regard to precipitous heights, if you are beforehand with
306 The general meaning of the last phrase is doubtlessly, as Tu Yu says, ‟not to allow the enemy to cut your
communications.” In view of Napoleon's dictum, ‟the secret of war lies in the communications,” we could wish
that Sun Tzu had done more than skirt the edge of this important subject here and in I. ss. 10, VII. ss. 11. Col.
Henderson says: ‟The line of supply may be said to be as vital to the existence of an army as the heart to the life
of a human being. Just as the duelist who finds his adversary's point menacing him with certain death, and his
own guard astray, is compelled to conform to his adversary's movements, and to content himself with warding
off his thrusts, so the commander whose communications are suddenly threatened finds himself in a false
position, and he will be fortunate if he has not to change all his plans, to split up his force into more or less
isolated detachments, and to fight with inferior numbers on ground which he has not had time to prepare, and
where defeat will not be an ordinary failure, but will entail the ruin or surrender of his whole army.”
307 Tu Mu says: ‟Each side finds it inconvenient to move, and the situation remains at a deadlock.”
308 Tu Yu says, ‟turning their backs on us and pretending to flee.” But this is only one of the lures which might
induce us to quit our position.
309 Because then, as Tu Yu observes, ‟the initiative will lie with us, and by making sudden and unexpected attacks
we shall have the enemy at our mercy.”
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your adversary, you should occupy the raised and sunny spots,
and there wait for him to come up.310
11. If the enemy has occupied them before you, do not follow him,
but retreat and try to entice him away.311
12. If you are situated at a great distance from the enemy, and the
strength of the two armies is equal, it is not easy to provoke a
battle,312 and fighting will be to your disadvantage.
13. These six are the principles connected with Earth.313 The general
who has attained a responsible post must be careful to study
them.
14. Now an army is exposed to six several calamities, not arising
from natural causes, but from faults for which the general is
responsible. These are:
(1) Flight;
(2) insubordination;
(3) collapse;
(4) ruin;
(5) disorganization;
310 Ts'ao Kung says: ‟The particular advantage of securing heights and defiles is that your actions cannot then be
dictated by the enemy.” [For the enunciation of the grand principle alluded to, see VI. ss. 2]. Chang Yu tells the
following anecdote of P'ei Hsing-chien (A.D. 619-682), who was sent on a punitive expedition against the Turkic
tribes. ‟At night he pitched his camp as usual, and it had already been completely fortified by wall and ditch,
when suddenly he gave orders that the army should shift its quarters to a hill near by. This was highly
displeasing to his officers, who protested loudly against the extra fatigue which it would entail on the men. P'ei
Hsing- chien, however, paid no heed to their remonstrances and had the camp moved as quickly as possible.
The same night, a terrific storm came on, which flooded their former place of encampment to the depth of over
twelve feet. The recalcitrant officers were amazed at the sight, and owned that they had been in the wrong.
'How did you know what was going to happen?' they asked. P'ei Hsing-chien replied: 'From this time forward be
content to obey orders without asking unnecessary questions.' From this it may be seen,” Chang Yu continues,
‟that high and sunny places are advantageous not only for fighting, but also because they are immune from
disastrous floods.”
311 The turning point of Li Shih-min's campaign in 621 A.D. against the two rebels, Tou Chien-te, King of Hsia, and
Wang Shih-ch'ung, Prince of Cheng, was his seizure of the heights of Wu-lao, in spite of which Tou Chien-te
persisted in his attempt to relieve his ally in Lo-yang, was defeated and taken prisoner. See Chiu T'ang, ch. 2, fol.
5 verso, and also ch. 54.
312 The point is that we must not think of undertaking a long and wearisome march, at the end of which, as Tu Yu
says, ‟we should be exhausted and our adversary fresh and keen.”
313 Or perhaps, ‟the principles relating to ground.” See, however, I. ss. 8.
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(6) rout.
15. Other conditions being equal, if one force is hurled against
another ten times its size, the result will be the flight of the
former.
16. When the common soldiers are too strong and their officers too
weak, the result is insubordination.314 When the officers are too
strong and the common soldiers too weak, the result is
collapse.315
17. When the higher officers are angry and insubordinate, and on
meeting the enemy give battle on their own account from a
feeling of resentment, before the commander-in-chief can tell
whether or no he is in a position to fight, the result is ruin.316
18. When the general is weak and without authority; when his
orders are not clear and distinct;317 when there are no fixes duties
assigned to officers and men,318 and the ranks are formed in a
slovenly haphazard manner, the result is utter disorganization.
19. When a general, unable to estimate the enemy's strength, allows
an inferior force to engage a larger one, or hurls a weak
detachment against a powerful one, and neglects to place picked
314 Tu Mu cites the unhappy case of T'ien Pu [Hsin T'ang Shu, ch. 148], who was sent to Wei in 821 A.D. with orders
to lead an army against Wang T'ing-ts'ou. But the whole time he was in command, his soldiers treated him with
the utmost contempt, and openly flouted his authority by riding about the camp on donkeys, several thousands
at a time. T'ien Pu was powerless to put a stop to this conduct, and when, after some months had passed, he
made an attempt to engage the enemy, his troops turned tail and dispersed in every direction. After that, the
unfortunate man committed suicide by cutting his throat.
315 Ts'ao Kung says: ‟The officers are energetic and want to press on, the common soldiers are feeble and suddenly
collapse.”
316 Wang Hsi's note is: ‟This means, the general is angry without cause, and at the same time does not appreciate
the ability of his subordinate officers; thus he arouses fierce resentment and brings an avalanche of ruin upon
his head.”
317 Wei Liao Tzu (ch. 4) says: ‟If the commander gives his orders with decision, the soldiers will not wait to hear
them twice; if his moves are made without vacillation, the soldiers will not be in two minds about doing their
duty.” General Baden-Powell says, italicizing the words: ‟The secret of getting successful work out of your
trained men lies in one nutshell—in the clearness of the instructions they receive.” Cf. also Wu Tzu ch. 3: ‟the
most fatal defect in a military leader is difference; the worst calamities that befall an army arise from
hesitation.”
318 Tu Mu says: ‟Neither officers nor men have any regular routine.”
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soldiers in the front rank, the result must be rout.319

20. These are six ways of courting defeat, which must be carefully
noted by the general who has attained a responsible post. 320
21. The natural formation of the country is the soldier's best ally; 321
but a power of estimating the adversary, of controlling the forces
of victory, and of shrewdly calculating difficulties, dangers and
distances, constitutes the test of a great general.
22. He who knows these things, and in fighting puts his knowledge
into practice, will win his battles. He who knows them not, nor
practices them, will surely be defeated.
23. If fighting is sure to result in victory, then you must fight, even
though the ruler forbid it; if fighting will not result in victory,
then you must not fight even at the ruler's bidding.322
24. The general who advances without coveting fame and retreats
without fearing disgrace,323 whose only thought is to protect his
country and do good service for his sovereign, is the jewel of the
kingdom.324
25. Regard your soldiers as your children, and they will follow you
into the deepest valleys; look upon them as your own beloved
sons, and they will stand by you even unto death. 325
319 Chang Yu paraphrases the latter part of the sentence and continues: ‟Whenever there is fighting to be done, the
keenest spirits should be appointed to serve in the front ranks, both in order to strengthen the resolution of our
own men and to demoralize the enemy.” Cf. the primi ordines of Caesar (‟De Bello Gallico,” V. 28, 44, et al.).
320 See supra, ss. 13.
321 Ch'en Hao says: ‟The advantages of weather and season are not equal to those connected with ground.”
322 Cf. VIII. ss. 3 fin. Huang Shih-kung of the Ch'in dynasty, who is said to have been the patron of Chang Liang
and to have written the San Lueh, has these words attributed to him: ‟The responsibility of setting an army in
motion must devolve on the general alone; if advance and retreat are controlled from the Palace, brilliant
results will hardly be achieved. Hence the god-like ruler and the enlightened monarch are content to play a
humble part in furthering their country's cause [lit., kneel down to push the chariot wheel].” This means that
‟in matters lying outside the zenana, the decision of the military commander must be absolute.” Chang Yu also
quote the saying: ‟Decrees from the Son of Heaven do not penetrate the walls of a camp.”
323 It was Wellington, I think, who said that the hardest thing of all for a soldier is to retreat.
324 A noble presentiment, in few words, of the Chinese ‟happy warrior.” Such a man, says Ho Shih, ‟even if he had
to suffer punishment, would not regret his conduct.”
325 Cf. I. ss. 6. In this connection, Tu Mu draws for us an engaging picture of the famous general Wu Ch'i, from
whose treatise on war I have frequently had occasion to quote: ‟He wore the same clothes and ate the same food
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26. If, however, you are indulgent, but unable to make your
authority felt; kind-hearted, but unable to enforce your
commands; and incapable, moreover, of quelling disorder: then
your soldiers must be likened to spoilt children; they are useless
for any practical purpose.326
27. If we know that our own men are in a condition to attack, but are
unaware that the enemy is not open to attack, we have gone only
halfway towards victory.327
28. If we know that the enemy is open to attack, but are unaware
that our own men are not in a condition to attack, we have gone
only halfway towards victory.328
29. If we know that the enemy is open to attack, and also know that
our men are in a condition to attack, but are unaware that the
nature of the ground makes fighting impracticable, we have still
gone only halfway towards victory.
30. Hence the experienced soldier, once in motion, is never
as the meanest of his soldiers, refused to have either a horse to ride or a mat to sleep on, carried his own surplus
rations wrapped in a parcel, and shared every hardship with his men. One of his soldiers was suffering from an
abscess, and Wu Ch'i himself sucked out the virus. The soldier's mother, hearing this, began wailing and
lamenting. Somebody asked her, saying: 'Why do you cry? Your son is only a common soldier, and yet the
commander-in-chief himself has sucked the poison from his sore.' The woman replied, 'Many years ago, Lord
Wu performed a similar service for my husband, who never left him afterwards, and finally met his death at the
hands of the enemy. And now that he has done the same for my son, he too will fall fighting I know not where.'”
Li Ch'uan mentions the Viscount of Ch'u, who invaded the small state of Hsiao during the winter. The Duke of
Shen said to him: ‟Many of the soldiers are suffering severely from the cold.” So he made a round of the whole
army, comforting and encouraging the men; and straightway they felt as if they were clothed in garments lined
with floss silk.
326 Li Ching once said that if you could make your soldiers afraid of you, they would not be afraid of the enemy. Tu
Mu recalls an instance of stern military discipline which occurred in 219 A.D., when Lu Meng was occupying the
town of Chiang-ling. He had given stringent orders to his army not to molest the inhabitants nor take anything
from them by force. Nevertheless, a certain officer serving under his banner, who happened to be a fellow-
townsman, ventured to appropriate a bamboo hat belonging to one of the people, in order to wear it over his
regulation helmet as a protection against the rain. Lu Meng considered that the fact of his being also a native of
Ju-nan should not be allowed to palliate a clear breach of discipline, and accordingly he ordered his summary
execution, the tears rolling down his face, however, as he did so. This act of severity filled the army with
wholesome awe, and from that time forth even articles dropped in the highway were not picked up.
327 That is, Ts'ao Kung says, ‟the issue in this case is uncertain.”
328 Cf. III. ss. 13 (1).
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bewildered; once he has broken camp, he is never at a loss.329

31. Hence the saying: If you know the enemy and know yourself,
your victory will not stand in doubt; if you know Heaven and
know Earth, you may make your victory complete.330
XI. THE NINE SITUATIONS
1. Sun Tzu said: The art of war recognizes nine varieties of ground:
(1) Dispersive ground;
(2) facile ground;
(3) contentious ground;
(4) open ground;
(5) ground of intersecting highways;
(6) serious ground;
(7) difficult ground;
(8) hemmed-in ground;
(9) desperate ground.
2. When a chieftain is fighting in his own territory, it is dispersive
ground.331
3. When he has penetrated into hostile territory, but to no great
distance, it is facile ground.332
4. Ground the possession of which imports great advantage to
either side, is contentious ground.333
329 The reason being, according to Tu Mu, that he has taken his measures so thoroughly as to ensure victory
beforehand. ‟He does not move recklessly,” says Chang Yu, ‟so that when he does move, he makes no mistakes.”
330 Li Ch'uan sums up as follows: ‟Given a knowledge of three things—the affairs of men, the seasons of heaven
and the natural advantages of earth—, victory will invariably crown your battles.”
331 So called because the soldiers, being near to their homes and anxious to see their wives and children, are likely
to seize the opportunity afforded by a battle and scatter in every direction. ‟In their advance,” observes Tu Mu,
‟they will lack the valor of desperation, and when they retreat, they will find harbors of refuge.”
332 Li Ch'uan and Ho Shih say ‟because of the facility for retreating,” and the other commentators give similar
explanations. Tu Mu remarks: ‟When your army has crossed the border, you should burn your boats and
bridges, in order to make it clear to everybody that you have no hankering after home.”
333 Tu Mu defines the ground as ground ‟to be contended for.” Ts'ao Kung says: ‟ground on which the few and the
weak can defeat the many and the strong,” such as ‟the neck of a pass,” instanced by Li Ch'uan. Thus,
Thermopylae was of this classification because the possession of it, even for a few days only, meant holding the
entire invading army in check and thus gaining invaluable time. Cf. Wu Tzu, ch. V. ad init.: ‟For those who have
to fight in the ratio of one to ten, there is nothing better than a narrow pass.” When Lu Kuang was returning
from his triumphant expedition to Turkestan in 385 A.D., and had got as far as I-ho, laden with spoils, Liang
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5. Ground on which each side has liberty of movement is open

ground.334
6. Ground which forms the key to three contiguous states,335 so that
he who occupies it first has most of the Empire at his
command,336 is a ground of intersecting highways.
7. When an army has penetrated into the heart of a hostile country,
leaving a number of fortified cities in its rear, it is serious
ground.337
8. Mountain forests,338 rugged steeps, marshes and fens—all
country that is hard to traverse: this is difficult ground.
9. Ground which is reached through narrow gorges, and from
which we can only retire by tortuous paths, so that a small
number of the enemy would suffice to crush a large body of our
men: this is hemmed in ground.
10. Ground on which we can only be saved from destruction by
fighting without delay, is desperate ground.339
Hsi, administrator of Liang-chou, taking advantage of the death of Fu Chien, King of Ch'in, plotted against him
and was for barring his way into the province. Yang Han, governor of Kao-ch'ang, counseled him, saying: ‟Lu
Kuang is fresh from his victories in the west, and his soldiers are vigorous and mettlesome. If we oppose him in
the shifting sands of the desert, we shall be no match for him, and we must therefore try a different plan. Let us
hasten to occupy the defile at the mouth of the Kao-wu pass, thus cutting him off from supplies of water, and
when his troops are prostrated with thirst, we can dictate our own terms without moving. Or if you think that
the pass I mention is too far off, we could make a stand against him at the I-wu pass, which is nearer. The
cunning and resource of Tzu-fang himself would be expended in vain against the enormous strength of these
two positions.” Liang Hsi, refusing to act on this advice, was overwhelmed and swept away by the invader.
334 There are various interpretations of the Chinese adjective for this type of ground. Ts'ao Kung says it means
‟ground covered with a network of roads,” like a chessboard. Ho Shih suggested: ‟ground on which
intercommunication is easy.”
335 Ts'au Kung defines this as: ‟Our country adjoining the enemy's and a third country conterminous with both.”
Meng Shih instances the small principality of Cheng, which was bounded on the north-east by Ch'i, on the west
by Chin, and on the south by Ch'u.
336 The belligerent who holds this dominating position can constrain most of them to become his allies.
337 Wang Hsi explains the name by saying that ‟when an army has reached such a point, its situation is serious.”
338 Or simply ‟forests.”
339 The situation, as pictured by Ts'ao Kung, is very similar to the ‟hemmed-in ground” except that here escape is
no longer possible: ‟A lofty mountain in front, a large river behind, advance impossible, retreat blocked.” Ch'en
Hao says: ‟to be on 'desperate ground' is like sitting in a leaking boat or crouching in a burning house.” Tu Mu
quotes from Li Ching a vivid description of the plight of an army thus entrapped: ‟Suppose an army invading
hostile territory without the aid of local guides: — it falls into a fatal snare and is at the enemy's mercy. A ravine
on the left, a mountain on the right, a pathway so perilous that the horses have to be roped together and the
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11. On dispersive ground, therefore, fight not. On facile ground,

halt not. On contentious ground, attack not.340
12. On open ground, do not try to block the enemy's way.341 On the
ground of intersecting highways, join hands with your allies.342
13. On serious ground, gather in plunder.343 In difficult ground, keep
steadily on the march.344
14. On hemmed-in ground, resort to stratagem.345 On desperate
chariots carried in slings, no passage open in front, retreat cut off behind, no choice but to proceed in single
file. Then, before there is time to range our soldiers in order of battle, the enemy is overwhelming strength
suddenly appears on the scene. Advancing, we can nowhere take a breathing-space; retreating, we have no
haven of refuge. We seek a pitched battle, but in vain; yet standing on the defensive, none of us has a moment's
respite. If we simply maintain our ground, whole days and months will crawl by; the moment we make a move,
we have to sustain the enemy's attacks on front and rear. The country is wild, destitute of water and plants; the
army is lacking in the necessaries of life, the horses are jaded and the men worn-out, all the resources of
strength and skill unavailing, the pass so narrow that a single man defending it can check the onset of ten
thousand; all means of offense in the hands of the enemy, all points of vantage already forfeited by ourselves:—
in this terrible plight, even though we had the most valiant soldiers and the keenest of weapons, how could they
be employed with the slightest effect?” Students of Greek history may be reminded of the awful close to the
Sicilian expedition, and the agony of the Athenians under Nicias and Demonsthenes. [See Thucydides, VII. 78
sqq.].
340 But rather let all your energies be bent on occupying the advantageous position first. So Ts'ao Kung. Li Ch'uan
and others, however, suppose the meaning to be that the enemy has already forestalled us, sot that it would be
sheer madness to attack. In the Sun Tzu Hsu Lu, when the King of Wu inquires what should be done in this
case, Sun Tzu replies: ‟The rule with regard to contentious ground is that those in possession have the
advantage over the other side. If a position of this kind is secured first by the enemy, beware of attacking him.
Lure him away by pretending to flee—show your banners and sound your drums—make a dash for other places
that he cannot afford to lose—trail brushwood and raise a dust—confound his ears and eyes—detach a body of
your best troops, and place it secretly in ambuscade. Then your opponent will sally forth to the rescue.”
341 Because the attempt would be futile, and would expose the blocking force itself to serious risks. There are two
interpretations available here. I follow that of Chang Yu. The other is indicated in Ts'ao Kung's brief note:
‟Draw closer together”—i.e., see that a portion of your own army is not cut off.
342 Or perhaps, ‟form alliances with neighboring states.”
343 On this, Li Ch'uan has the following delicious note: ‟When an army penetrates far into the enemy's country,
care must be taken not to alienate the people by unjust treatment. Follow the example of the Han Emperor Kao
Tsu, whose march into Ch'in territory was marked by no violation of women or looting of valuables. [Nota bene:
this was in 207 B.C., and may well cause us to blush for the Christian armies that entered Peking in 1900 A.D.]
Thus he won the hearts of all. In the present passage, then, I think that the true reading must be, not 'plunder,'
but 'do not plunder.'” Alas, I fear that in this instance the worthy commentator's feelings outran his judgment.
Tu Mu, at least, has no such illusions. He says: ‟When encamped on 'serious ground,' there being no
inducement as yet to advance further, and no possibility of retreat, one ought to take measures for a protracted
resistance by bringing in provisions from all sides, and keep a close watch on the enemy.”
344 Or, in the words of VIII. ss. 2, ‟do not encamp.”
345 Ts'au Kung says: ‟Try the effect of some unusual artifice;” and Tu Yu amplifies this by saying: ‟In such a position,
some scheme must be devised which will suit the circumstances, and if we can succeed in deluding the enemy,
the peril may be escaped.” This is exactly what happened on the famous occasion when Hannibal was hemmed
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ground, fight.346
15. Those who were called skillful leaders of old knew how to drive a
wedge between the enemy's front and rear;347 to prevent co-
operation between his large and small divisions; to hinder the
good troops from rescuing the bad, the officers from rallying
their men.
16. When the enemy's men were united, they managed to keep
them in disorder.
17. When it was to their advantage, they made a forward move;
when otherwise, they stopped still.348
18. If asked how to cope with a great host of the enemy in orderly
array and on the point of marching to the attack, I should say:
‟Begin by seizing something which your opponent holds dear;
then he will be amenable to your will.”349
19. Rapidity is the essence of war:350 take advantage of the enemy's
in among the mountains on the road to Casilinum, and to all appearances entrapped by the dictator Fabius. The
stratagem which Hannibal devised to baffle his foes was remarkably like that which T'ien Tan had also
employed with success exactly 62 years before. [See IX. ss. 24, note.] When night came on, bundles of twigs
were fastened to the horns of some 2000 oxen and set on fire, the terrified animals being then quickly driven
along the mountain side towards the passes which were beset by the enemy. The strange spectacle of these
rapidly moving lights so alarmed and discomfited the Romans that they withdrew from their position, and
Hannibal's army passed safely through the defile. [See Polybius, III. 93, 94; Livy, XXII. 16 17.]
346 For, as Chia Lin remarks: ‟if you fight with all your might, there is a chance of life; where as death is certain if
you cling to your corner.”
347 More literally, ‟cause the front and rear to lose touch with each other.”
348 Mei Yao-ch'en connects this with the foregoing: ‟Having succeeded in thus dislocating the enemy, they would
push forward in order to secure any advantage to be gained; if there was no advantage to be gained, they would
remain where they were.”
349 Opinions differ as to what Sun Tzu had in mind. Ts'ao Kung thinks it is ‟some strategical advantage on which
the enemy is depending.” Tu Mu says: ‟The three things which an enemy is anxious to do, and on the
accomplishment of which his success depends, are: (1) to capture our favorable positions; (2) to ravage our
cultivated land; (3) to guard his own communications.” Our object then must be to thwart his plans in these
three directions and thus render him helpless. [Cf. III. ss. 3.] By boldly seizing the initiative in this way, you at
once throw the other side on the defensive.
350 According to Tu Mu, ‟this is a summary of leading principles in warfare,” and he adds: ‟These are the
profoundest truths of military science, and the chief business of the general.” The following anecdotes, told by
Ho Shih, shows the importance attached to speed by two of China's greatest generals. In 227 A.D., Meng Ta,
governor of Hsin-ch'eng under the Wei Emperor Wen Ti, was meditating defection to the House of Shu, and
had entered into correspondence with Chu-ko Liang, Prime Minister of that State. The Wei general Ssu-ma I
was then military governor of Wan, and getting wind of Meng Ta's treachery, he at once set off with an army to
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unreadiness, make your way by unexpected routes, and attack

unguarded spots.
20. The following are the principles to be observed by an invading
force: The further you penetrate into a country, the greater will
be the solidarity of your troops, and thus the defenders will not
prevail against you.
21. Make forays in fertile country in order to supply your army with
food.351
22. Carefully study the well-being of your men,352 and do not overtax
them. Concentrate your energy and hoard your strength.353 Keep
anticipate his revolt, having previously cajoled him by a specious message of friendly import. Ssu-ma's officers
came to him and said: ‟If Meng Ta has leagued himself with Wu and Shu, the matter should be thoroughly
investigated before we make a move.” Ssu-ma I replied: ‟Meng Ta is an unprincipled man, and we ought to go
and punish him at once, while he is still wavering and before he has thrown off the mask.” Then, by a series of
forced marches, be brought his army under the walls of Hsin-ch'eng within a space of eight days. Now Meng Ta
had previously said in a letter to Chu-ko Liang: ‟Wan is 1200 Li from here. When the news of my revolt reaches
Ssu-ma I, he will at once inform his imperial master, but it will be a whole month before any steps can be taken,
and by that time my city will be well fortified. Besides, Ssu-ma I is sure not to come himself, and the generals
that will be sent against us are not worth troubling about.” The next letter, however, was filled with
consternation: ‟Though only eight days have passed since I threw off my allegiance, an army is already at the
city-gates. What miraculous rapidity is this!” A fortnight later, Hsin-ch'eng had fallen and Meng Ta had lost his
head. [See Chin Shu, ch. 1, f. 3.] In 621 A.D., Li Ching was sent from K'uei-chou in Ssu-ch'uan to reduce the
successful rebel Hsiao Hsien, who had set up as Emperor at the modern Ching-chou Fu in Hupeh. It was
autumn, and the Yangtsze being then in flood, Hsiao Hsien never dreamt that his adversary would venture to
come down through the gorges, and consequently made no preparations. But Li Ching embarked his army
without loss of time, and was just about to start when the other generals implored him to postpone his
departure until the river was in a less dangerous state for navigation. Li Ching replied: ‟To the soldier,
overwhelming speed is of paramount importance, and he must never miss opportunities. Now is the time to
strike, before Hsiao Hsien even knows that we have got an army together. If we seize the present moment when
the river is in flood, we shall appear before his capital with startling suddenness, like the thunder which is
heard before you have time to stop your ears against it. [See VII. ss. 19, note.] This is the great principle in war.
Even if he gets to know of our approach, he will have to levy his soldiers in such a hurry that they will not be fit
to oppose us. Thus the full fruits of victory will be ours.” All came about as he predicted, and Hsiao Hsien was
obliged to surrender, nobly stipulating that his people should be spared and he alone suffer the penalty of
death.
351 Cf. supra, ss. 13. Li Ch'uan does not venture on a note here.
352 For ‟well-being”, Wang Hsi means, ‟Pet them, humor them, give them plenty of food and drink, and look after
them generally.”
353 Ch'en recalls the line of action adopted in 224 B.C. by the famous general Wang Chien, whose military genius
largely contributed to the success of the First Emperor. He had invaded the Ch'u State, where a universal levy
was made to oppose him. But, being doubtful of the temper of his troops, he declined all invitations to fight
and remained strictly on the defensive. In vain did the Ch'u general try to force a battle: day after day Wang
Chien kept inside his walls and would not come out, but devoted his whole time and energy to winning the
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your army continually on the move,354 and devise unfathomable

plans.
23. Throw your soldiers into positions whence there is no escape,
and they will prefer death to flight. If they will face death, there
is nothing they may not achieve.355 Officers and men alike will
put forth their uttermost strength.356
24. Soldiers when in desperate straits lose the sense of fear. If there
is no place of refuge, they will stand firm. If they are in hostile
country, they will show a stubborn front. If there is no help for it,
they will fight hard.
25. Thus, without waiting to be marshaled, the soldiers will be
constantly on the qui vive; without waiting to be asked, they will
do your will;357 without restrictions, they will be faithful; without
giving orders, they can be trusted.
26. Prohibit the taking of omens, and do away with superstitious
doubts. Then, until death itself comes, no calamity need be
feared.358
affection and confidence of his men. He took care that they should be well fed, sharing his own meals with
them, provided facilities for bathing, and employed every method of judicious indulgence to weld them into a
loyal and homogenous body. After some time had elapsed, he told off certain persons to find out how the men
were amusing themselves. The answer was, that they were contending with one another in putting the weight
and long-jumping. When Wang Chien heard that they were engaged in these athletic pursuits, he knew that
their spirits had been strung up to the required pitch and that they were now ready for fighting. By this time the
Ch'u army, after repeating their challenge again and again, had marched away eastwards in disgust. The Ch'in
general immediately broke up his camp and followed them, and in the battle that ensued they were routed with
great slaughter. Shortly afterwards, the whole of Ch'u was conquered by Ch'in, and the king Fu-ch'u led into
captivity.
354 In order that the enemy may never know exactly where you are. It has struck me, however, that the true reading
might be ‟link your army together.”
355 Chang Yu quotes his favorite Wei Liao Tzu (ch. 3): ‟If one man were to run amok with a sword in the market-
place, and everybody else tried to get out of his way, I should not allow that this man alone had courage and
that all the rest were contemptible cowards. The truth is, that a desperado and a man who sets some value on
his life do not meet on even terms.”
356 Chang Yu says: ‟If they are in an awkward place together, they will surely exert their united strength to get out of
it.”
357 Literally, ‟without asking, you will get.”
358 The superstitious, ‟bound in to saucy doubts and fears,” degenerate into cowards and ‟die many times before
their deaths.” Tu Mu quotes Huang Shih-kung: ”'Spells and incantations should be strictly forbidden, and no
officer allowed to inquire by divination into the fortunes of an army, for fear the soldiers' minds should be
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27. If our soldiers are not overburdened with money, it is not

because they have a distaste for riches; if their lives are not
unduly long, it is not because they are disinclined to longevity. 359
28. On the day they are ordered out to battle, your soldiers may
weep,360 those sitting up bedewing their garments, and those
lying down letting the tears run down their cheeks.361 But let
them once be brought to bay, and they will display the courage of
a Chu or a Kuei.362
29. The skillful tactician may be likened to the Shuai-Jan. Now the
Shuai-Jan is a snake that is found in the Ch'ang mountains.363
Strike at its head, and you will be attacked by its tail; strike at its
tail, and you will be attacked by its head; strike at its middle, and
seriously perturbed.' The meaning is,” he continues, ‟that if all doubts and scruples are discarded, your men will
never falter in their resolution until they die.”
359 Chang Yu has the best note on this passage: ‟Wealth and long life are things for which all men have a natural
inclination. Hence, if they burn or fling away valuables, and sacrifice their own lives, it is not that they dislike
them, but simply that they have no choice.” Sun Tzu is slyly insinuating that, as soldiers are but human, it is for
the general to see that temptations to shirk fighting and grow rich are not thrown in their way.
360 The word in the Chinese is ‟snivel.” This is taken to indicate more genuine grief than tears alone.
361 Not because they are afraid, but because, as Ts'ao Kung says, ‟all have embraced the firm resolution to do or
die.” We may remember that the heroes of the Iliad were equally childlike in showing their emotion. Chang Yu
alludes to the mournful parting at the I River between Ching K'o and his friends, when the former was sent to
attempt the life of the King of Ch'in (afterwards First Emperor) in 227 B.C. The tears of all flowed down like rain
as he bade them farewell and uttered the following lines: ‟The shrill blast is blowing, Chilly the burn; Your
champion is going—Not to return.”
362 Chu was the personal name of chuan Chu, a native of the Wu State and contemporary with Sun Tzu himself,
who was employed by Kung-tzu Kuang, better known as Ho Lu Wang, to assassinate his sovereign Wang Liao
with a dagger which he secreted in the belly of a fish served up at a banquet. He succeeded in his attempt, but
was immediately hacked to pieced by the king's bodyguard. This was in 515 B.C. The other hero referred to,
Ts'ao Kuei (or Ts'ao Mo), performed the exploit which has made his name famous 166 years earlier, in 681 B.C.
Lu had been thrice defeated by Ch'i, and was just about to conclude a treaty surrendering a large slice of
territory, when Ts'ao Kuei suddenly seized Huan Kung, the Duke of Ch'i, as he stood on the altar steps and held
a dagger against his chest. None of the duke's retainers dared to move a muscle, and Ts'ao Kuei proceeded to
demand full restitution, declaring the Lu was being unjustly treated because she was a smaller and a weaker
state. Huan Kung, in peril of his life, was obliged to consent, whereupon Ts'ao Kuei flung away his dagger and
quietly resumed his place amid the terrified assemblage without having so much as changed color. As was to be
expected, the Duke wanted afterwards to repudiate the bargain, but his wise old counselor Kuan Chung pointed
out to him the impolicy of breaking his word, and the upshot was that this bold stroke regained for Lu the
whole of what she had lost in three pitched battles.
363 ‟Shuai-jan” means ‟suddenly” or ‟rapidly,” and the snake in question was doubtless so called owing to the
rapidity of its movements. Through this passage, the term in the Chinese has now come to be used in the sense
of ‟military maneuvers.”
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you will be attacked by head and tail both.

30. Asked if an army can be made to imitate the Shuai-Jan,364 I
should answer, Yes. For the men of Wu and the men of Yueh are
enemies;365 yet if they are crossing a river in the same boat and
are caught by a storm, they will come to each other's assistance
just as the left hand helps the right.366
31. Hence it is not enough to put one's trust in the tethering of
horses, and the burying of chariot wheels in the ground. 367
32. The principle on which to manage an army is to set up one
standard of courage which all must reach.368
33. How to make the best of both strong and weak—that is a
question involving the proper use of ground.369
34. Thus the skillful general conducts his army just as though he
were leading a single man, willy-nilly, by the hand.370
35. It is the business of a general to be quiet and thus ensure secrecy;
364 That is, as Mei Yao-ch'en says, ‟Is it possible to make the front and rear of an army each swiftly responsive to
attack on the other, just as though they were part of a single living body?”
365 Cf. VI. ss. 21.
366 The meaning is: If two enemies will help each other in a time of common peril, how much more should two
parts of the same army, bound together as they are by every tie of interest and fellow-feeling. Yet it is notorious
that many a campaign has been ruined through lack of cooperation, especially in the case of allied armies.
367 These quaint devices to prevent one's army from running away recall the Athenian hero Sophanes, who carried
the anchor with him at the battle of Plataea, by means of which he fastened himself firmly to one spot. [See
Herodotus, IX. 74.] It is not enough, says Sun Tzu, to render flight impossible by such mechanical means. You
will not succeed unless your men have tenacity and unity of purpose, and, above all, a spirit of sympathetic
cooperation. This is the lesson which can be learned from the Shuai-Jan.
368 Literally, ‟level the courage [of all] as though [it were that of] one.” If the ideal army is to form a single organic
whole, then it follows that the resolution and spirit of its component parts must be of the same quality, or at
any rate must not fall below a certain standard. Wellington's seemingly ungrateful description of his army at
Waterloo as ‟the worst he had ever commanded” meant no more than that it was deficient in this important
particular—unity of spirit and courage. Had he not foreseen the Belgian defections and carefully kept those
troops in the background, he would almost certainly have lost the day.
369 Mei Yao-ch'en's paraphrase is: ‟The way to eliminate the differences of strong and weak and to make both
serviceable is to utilize accidental features of the ground.” Less reliable troops, if posted in strong positions, will
hold out as long as better troops on more exposed terrain. The advantage of position neutralizes the inferiority
in stamina and courage. Col. Henderson says: ‟With all respect to the text books, and to the ordinary tactical
teaching, I am inclined to think that the study of ground is often overlooked, and that by no means sufficient
importance is attached to the selection of positions… and to the immense advantages that are to be derived,
whether you are defending or attacking, from the proper utilization of natural features.”
370 Tu Mu says: ‟The simile has reference to the ease with which he does it.”
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upright and just, and thus maintain order.

36. He must be able to mystify his officers and men by false reports
and appearances,371 and thus keep them in total ignorance.372
37. By altering his arrangements and changing his plans,373 he keeps
the enemy without definite knowledge.374 By shifting his camp
and taking circuitous routes, he prevents the enemy from
anticipating his purpose.
38. At the critical moment, the leader of an army acts like one who
has climbed up a height and then kicks away the ladder behind
him. He carries his men deep into hostile territory before he
shows his hand.375
371 Literally, ‟to deceive their eyes and ears.”
372 Ts'ao Kung gives us one of his excellent apophthegms: ‟The troops must not be allowed to share your schemes
in the beginning; they may only rejoice with you over their happy outcome.” ‟To mystify, mislead, and surprise
the enemy,” is one of the first principles in war, as had been frequently pointed out. But how about the other
process—the mystification of one's own men? Those who may think that Sun Tzu is over-emphatic on this
point would do well to read Col. Henderson's remarks on Stonewall Jackson's Valley campaign: ‟The infinite
pains,” he says, ‟with which Jackson sought to conceal, even from his most trusted staff officers, his movements,
his intentions, and his thoughts, a commander less thorough would have pronounced useless”—etc. etc. In the
year 88 A.D., as we read in ch. 47 of the Hou Han Shu, ‟Pan Ch'ao took the field with 25,000 men from Khotan
and other Central Asian states with the object of crushing Yarkand. The King of Kutcha replied by dispatching
his chief commander to succor the place with an army drawn from the kingdoms of Wen-su, Ku-mo, and Wei-
t'ou, totaling 50,000 men. Pan Ch'ao summoned his officers and also the King of Khotan to a council of war,
and said: 'Our forces are now outnumbered and unable to make head against the enemy. The best plan, then, is
for us to separate and disperse, each in a different direction. The King of Khotan will march away by the easterly
route, and I will then return myself towards the west. Let us wait until the evening drum has sounded and then
start.' Pan Ch'ao now secretly released the prisoners whom he had taken alive, and the King of Kutcha was thus
informed of his plans. Much elated by the news, the latter set off at once at the head of 10,000 horsemen to bar
Pan Ch'ao's retreat in the west, while the King of Wen-su rode eastward with 8000 horse in order to intercept
the King of Khotan. As soon as Pan Ch'ao knew that the two chieftains had gone, he called his divisions
together, got them well in hand, and at cock-crow hurled them against the army of Yarkand, as it lay encamped.
The barbarians, panic-stricken, fled in confusion, and were closely pursued by Pan Ch'ao. Over 5000 heads
were brought back as trophies, besides immense spoils in the shape of horses and cattle and valuables of every
description. Yarkand then capitulating, Kutcha and the other kingdoms drew off their respective forces. From
that time forward, Pan Ch'ao's prestige completely overawed the countries of the west.” In this case, we see that
the Chinese general not only kept his own officers in ignorance of his real plans, but actually took the bold step
of dividing his army in order to deceive the enemy.
373 Wang Hsi thinks that this means not using the same stratagem twice.
374 Chang Yu, in a quotation from another work, says: ‟The axiom, that war is based on deception, does not apply
only to deception of the enemy. You must deceive even your own soldiers. Make them follow you, but without
letting them know why.”
375 Literally, ‟releases the spring” (see V. ss. 15), that is, takes some decisive step which makes it impossible for the
army to return—like Hsiang Yu, who sunk his ships after crossing a river. Ch'en Hao, followed by Chia Lin,
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39. He burns his boats and breaks his cooking-pots; like a shepherd
driving a flock of sheep, he drives his men this way and that, and
nothing knows whither he is going.376
40. To muster his host and bring it into danger:—this may be
termed the business of the general.377
41. The different measures suited to the nine varieties of ground;378
the expediency of aggressive or defensive tactics; and the
fundamental laws of human nature: these are things that must
most certainly be studied.
42. When invading hostile territory, the general principle is, that
penetrating deeply brings cohesion; penetrating but a short way
means dispersion.379
43. When you leave your own country behind, and take your army
across neighborhood territory, you find yourself on critical
ground.380 When there are means of communication on all four
sides, the ground is one of intersecting highways.
44. When you penetrate deeply into a country, it is serious ground.
When you penetrate but a little way, it is facile ground.
45. When you have the enemy's strongholds on your rear, and
narrow passes in front, it is hemmed-in ground. When there is
no place of refuge at all, it is desperate ground.
understands the words less well as ‟puts forth every artifice at his command.”
376 Tu Mu says: ‟The army is only cognizant of orders to advance or retreat; it is ignorant of the ulterior ends of
attacking and conquering.”
377 Sun Tzu means that after mobilization there should be no delay in aiming a blow at the enemy's heart. Note
how he returns again and again to this point. Among the warring states of ancient China, desertion was no
doubt a much more present fear and serious evil than it is in the armies of today.
378 Chang Yu says: ‟One must not be hide-bound in interpreting the rules for the nine varieties of ground.”
379 Cf. supra, ss. 20.
380 This ‟ground” is curiously mentioned in VIII. ss. 2, but it does not figure among the Nine Situations or the Six
Calamities in chap. X. One's first impulse would be to translate it distant ground,” but this, if we can trust the
commentators, is precisely what is not meant here. Mei Yao-ch'en says it is ‟a position not far enough advanced
to be called 'facile,' and not near enough to home to be 'dispersive,' but something between the two.” Wang Hsi
says: ‟It is ground separated from home by an interjacent state, whose territory we have had to cross in order to
reach it. Hence, it is incumbent on us to settle our business there quickly.” He adds that this position is of rare
occurrence, which is the reason why it is not included among the Nine Situations.
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46. Therefore, on dispersive ground, I would inspire my men with

unity of purpose.381 On facile ground, I would see that there is
close connection between all parts of my army.382
47. On contentious ground, I would hurry up my rear.383
48. On open ground, I would keep a vigilant eye on my defenses. On
ground of intersecting highways, I would consolidate my
alliances.
49. On serious ground, I would try to ensure a continuous stream of
supplies.384 On difficult ground, I would keep pushing on along
the road.
50. On hemmed-in ground, I would block any way of retreat.385 On
desperate ground, I would proclaim to my soldiers the
381 This end, according to Tu Mu, is best attained by remaining on the defensive, and avoiding battle. Cf. supra, ss.
11.
382 As Tu Mu says, the object is to guard against two possible contingencies: ”(1) the desertion of our own troops;
(2) a sudden attack on the part of the enemy.” Cf. VII. ss. 17. Mei Yao-ch'en says: ‟On the march, the regiments
should be in close touch; in an encampment, there should be continuity between the fortifications.”
383 This is Ts'ao Kung's interpretation. Chang Yu adopts it, saying: ‟We must quickly bring up our rear, so that head
and tail may both reach the goal.” That is, they must not be allowed to straggle up a long way apart. Mei Yao-
ch'en offers another equally plausible explanation: ‟Supposing the enemy has not yet reached the coveted
position, and we are behind him, we should advance with all speed in order to dispute its possession.” Ch'en
Hao, on the other hand, assuming that the enemy has had time to select his own ground, quotes VI. ss. 1, where
Sun Tzu warns us against coming exhausted to the attack. His own idea of the situation is rather vaguely
expressed: ‟If there is a favorable position lying in front of you, detach a picked body of troops to occupy it, then
if the enemy, relying on their numbers, come up to make a fight for it, you may fall quickly on their rear with
your main body, and victory will be assured.” It was thus, he adds, that Chao She beat the army of Ch'in. (See p.
57.)
384 The commentators take this as referring to forage and plunder, not, as one might expect, to an unbroken
communication with a home base.
385 Meng Shih says: ‟To make it seem that I meant to defend the position, whereas my real intention is to burst
suddenly through the enemy's lines.” Mei Yao-ch'en says: ‟in order to make my soldiers fight with desperation.”
Wang Hsi says, ‟fearing lest my men be tempted to run away.” Tu Mu points out that this is the converse of VII.
ss. 36, where it is the enemy who is surrounded. In 532 A.D., Kao Huan, afterwards Emperor and canonized as
Shen-wu, was surrounded by a great army under Erh- chu Chao and others. His own force was comparatively
small, consisting only of 2000 horse and something under 30,000 foot. The lines of investment had not been
drawn very closely together, gaps being left at certain points. But Kao Huan, instead of trying to escape, actually
made a shift to block all the remaining outlets himself by driving into them a number of oxen and donkeys
roped together. As soon as his officers and men saw that there was nothing for it but to conquer or die, their
spirits rose to an extraordinary pitch of exaltation, and they charged with such desperate ferocity that the
opposing ranks broke and crumbled under their onslaught.
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hopelessness of saving their lives.386

51. For it is the soldier's disposition to offer an obstinate resistance
when surrounded, to fight hard when he cannot help himself,
and to obey promptly when he has fallen into danger.387
52. We cannot enter into alliance with neighboring princes until we
are acquainted with their designs. We are not fit to lead an army
on the march unless we are familiar with the face of the country
386 Tu Yu says: ‟Burn your baggage and impedimenta, throw away your stores and provisions, choke up the wells,
destroy your cooking-stoves, and make it plain to your men that they cannot survive, but must fight to the
death.” Mei Yao-ch'en says: ‟The only chance of life lies in giving up all hope of it.” This concludes what Sun Tzu
has to say about ‟grounds” and the ‟variations” corresponding to them. Reviewing the passages which bear on
this important subject, we cannot fail to be struck by the desultory and unmethodical fashion in which it is
treated. Sun Tzu begins abruptly in VIII. ss. 2 to enumerate ‟variations” before touching on ‟grounds” at all, but
only mentions five, namely nos. 7, 5, 8 and 9 of the subsequent list, and one that is not included in it. A few
varieties of ground are dealt with in the earlier portion of chap. IX, and then chap. X sets forth six new grounds,
with six variations of plan to match. None of these is mentioned again, though the first is hardly to be
distinguished from ground no. 4 in the next chapter. At last, in chap. XI, we come to the Nine Grounds par
excellence, immediately followed by the variations. This takes us down to ss. 14. In SS. 43-45, fresh definitions
are provided for nos. 5, 6, 2, 8 and 9 (in the order given), as well as for the tenth ground noticed in chap. VIII;
and finally, the nine variations are enumerated once more from beginning to end, all, with the exception of 5, 6
and 7, being different from those previously given. Though it is impossible to account for the present state of
Sun Tzu's text, a few suggestive facts maybe brought into prominence: (1) Chap. VIII, according to the title,
should deal with nine variations, whereas only five appear. (2) It is an abnormally short chapter. (3) Chap. XI is
entitled The Nine Grounds. Several of these are defined twice over, besides which there are two distinct lists of
the corresponding variations. (4) The length of the chapter is disproportionate, being double that of any other
except IX. I do not propose to draw any inferences from these facts, beyond the general conclusion that Sun
Tzu's work cannot have come down to us in the shape in which it left his hands: chap. VIII is obviously defective
and probably out of place, while XI seems to contain matter that has either been added by a later hand or ought
to appear elsewhere.
387 Chang Yu alludes to the conduct of Pan Ch'ao's devoted followers in 73 A.D. The story runs thus in the Hou Han
Shu, ch. 47: ‟When Pan Ch'ao arrived at Shan-shan, Kuang, the King of the country, received him at first with
great politeness and respect; but shortly afterwards his behavior underwent a sudden change, and he became
remiss and negligent. Pan Ch'ao spoke about this to the officers of his suite: 'Have you noticed,' he said, 'that
Kuang's polite intentions are on the wane? This must signify that envoys have come from the Northern
barbarians, and that consequently he is in a state of indecision, not knowing with which side to throw in his lot.
That surely is the reason. The truly wise man, we are told, can perceive things before they have come to pass;
how much more, then, those that are already manifest!' Thereupon he called one of the natives who had been
assigned to his service, and set a trap for him, saying: 'Where are those envoys from the Hsiung-nu who arrived
some day ago?' The man was so taken aback that between surprise and fear he presently blurted out the whole
truth. Pan Ch'ao, keeping his informant carefully under lock and key, then summoned a general gathering of
his officers, thirty-six in all, and began drinking with them. When the wine had mounted into their heads a
little, he tried to rouse their spirit still further by addressing them thus: 'Gentlemen, here we are in the heart of
an isolated region, anxious to achieve riches and honor by some great exploit. Now it happens that an
ambassador from the Hsiung-no arrived in this kingdom only a few days ago, and the result is that the
respectful courtesy extended towards us by our royal host has disappeared. Should this envoy prevail upon him
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—its mountains and forests, its pitfalls and precipices, its

marshes and swamps. We shall be unable to turn natural
advantages to account unless we make use of local guides.388
53. To be ignored of any one of the following four or five principles
does not befit a warlike prince.
54. When a warlike prince attacks a powerful state, his generalship
shows itself in preventing the concentration of the enemy's
forces. He overawes his opponents, and their allies are prevented
from joining against him.389
55. Hence he does not strive to ally himself with all and sundry, nor
does he foster the power of other states. He carries out his own
secret designs, keeping his antagonists in awe.390 Thus he is able
to capture their cities and overthrow their kingdoms.391
to seize our party and hand us over to the Hsiung-no, our bones will become food for the wolves of the desert.
What are we to do?' With one accord, the officers replied: 'Standing as we do in peril of our lives, we will follow
our commander through life and death.' For the sequel of this adventure, see chap. XII. ss. 1, note.
388 These three sentences are repeated from VII. SS. 12-14 — in order to emphasize their importance, the
commentators seem to think. I prefer to regard them as interpolated here in order to form an antecedent to the
following words. With regard to local guides, Sun Tzu might have added that there is always the risk of going
wrong, either through their treachery or some misunderstanding such as Livy records (XXII. 13): Hannibal, we
are told, ordered a guide to lead him into the neighborhood of Casinum, where there was an important pass to
be occupied; but his Carthaginian accent, unsuited to the pronunciation of Latin names, caused the guide to
understand Casilinum instead of Casinum, and turning from his proper route, he took the army in that
direction, the mistake not being discovered until they had almost arrived.
389 Mei Tao-ch'en constructs one of the chains of reasoning that are so much affected by the Chinese: ‟In attacking
a powerful state, if you can divide her forces, you will have a superiority in strength; if you have a superiority in
strength, you will overawe the enemy; if you overawe the enemy, the neighboring states will be frightened; and
if the neighboring states are frightened, the enemy's allies will be prevented from joining her.” The following
gives a stronger meaning: ‟If the great state has once been defeated (before she has had time to summon her
allies), then the lesser states will hold aloof and refrain from massing their forces.” Ch'en Hao and Chang Yu
take the sentence in quite another way. The former says: ‟Powerful though a prince may be, if he attacks a large
state, he will be unable to raise enough troops, and must rely to some extent on external aid; if he dispenses
with this, and with overweening confidence in his own strength, simply tries to intimidate the enemy, he will
surely be defeated.” Chang Yu puts his view thus: ‟If we recklessly attack a large state, our own people will be
discontented and hang back. But if (as will then be the case) our display of military force is inferior by half to
that of the enemy, the other chieftains will take fright and refuse to join us.”
390 The train of thought, as said by Li Ch'uan, appears to be this: Secure against a combination of his enemies, ‟he
can afford to reject entangling alliances and simply pursue his own secret designs, his prestige enable him to
dispense with external friendships.”
391 This paragraph, though written many years before the Ch'in State became a serious menace, is not a bad
summary of the policy by which the famous Six Chancellors gradually paved the way for her final triumph
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56. Bestow rewards without regard to rule,392 issue orders393 without

regard to previous arrangements;394 and you will be able to
handle a whole army as though you had to do with but a single
man.395
57. Confront your soldiers with the deed itself; never let them know
your design.396 When the outlook is bright, bring it before their
eyes; but tell them nothing when the situation is gloomy.
58. Place your army in deadly peril, and it will survive; plunge it into
desperate straits, and it will come off in safety.397
under Shih Huang Ti. Chang Yu, following up his previous note, thinks that Sun Tzu is condemning this
attitude of cold-blooded selfishness and haughty isolation.
392 Wu Tzu (ch. 3) less wisely says: ‟Let advance be richly rewarded and retreat be heavily punished.”
393 Literally, ‟hang” or ‟post up.”
394 ‟In order to prevent treachery,” says Wang Hsi. The general meaning is made clear by Ts'ao Kung's quotation
from the Ssu-Ma Fa: ‟Give instructions only on sighting the enemy; give rewards when you see deserving deeds.”
Ts'ao Kung's paraphrase: ‟The final instructions you give to your army should not correspond with those that
have been previously posted up.” Chang Yu simplifies this into ‟your arrangements should not be divulged
beforehand.” And Chia Lin says: ‟there should be no fixity in your rules and arrangements.” Not only is there
danger in letting your plans be known, but war often necessitates the entire reversal of them at the last
moment.
396 Literally, ‟do not tell them words;” i.e. do not give your reasons for any order. Lord Mansfield once told a junior
colleague to ‟give no reasons” for his decisions, and the maxim is even more applicable to a general than to a
judge.
397 These words of Sun Tzu were once quoted by Han Hsin in explanation of the tactics he employed in one of his
most brilliant battles, already alluded to on p. 28. In 204 B.C., he was sent against the army of Chao, and halted
ten miles from the mouth of the Ching-hsing pass, where the enemy had mustered in full force. Here, at
midnight, he detached a body of 2000 light cavalry, every man of which was furnished with a red flag. Their
instructions were to make their way through narrow defiles and keep a secret watch on the enemy. ‟When the
men of Chao see me in full flight,” Han Hsin said, ‟they will abandon their fortifications and give chase. This
must be the sign for you to rush in, pluck down the Chao standards and set up the red banners of Han in their
stead.” Turning then to his other officers, he remarked: ‟Our adversary holds a strong position, and is not likely
to come out and attack us until he sees the standard and drums of the commander-in-chief, for fear I should
turn back and escape through the mountains.” So saying, he first of all sent out a division consisting of 10,000
men, and ordered them to form in line of battle with their backs to the River Ti. Seeing this maneuver, the
whole army of Chao broke into loud laughter. By this time it was broad daylight, and Han Hsin, displaying the
generalissimo's flag, marched out of the pass with drums beating, and was immediately engaged by the enemy.
A great battle followed, lasting for some time; until at length Han Hsin and his colleague Chang Ni, leaving
drums and banner on the field, fled to the division on the river bank, where another fierce battle was raging.
The enemy rushed out to pursue them and to secure the trophies, thus denuding their ramparts of men; but the
two generals succeeded in joining the other army, which was fighting with the utmost desperation. The time
had now come for the 2000 horsemen to play their part. As soon as they saw the men of Chao following up their
advantage, they galloped behind the deserted walls, tore up the enemy's flags and replaced them by those of
Han. When the Chao army looked back from the pursuit, the sight of these red flags struck them with terror.
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59. For it is precisely when a force has fallen into harm's way that is
capable of striking a blow for victory.398
60. Success in warfare is gained by carefully accommodating
ourselves to the enemy's purpose.399
61. By persistently hanging on the enemy's flank,400 we shall succeed
in the long run401 in killing the commander-in-chief.402
62. This is called ability to accomplish a thing by sheer cunning.
63. On the day that you take up your command, block the frontier
passes, destroy the official tallies,403 and stop the passage of all
emissaries.404
64. Be stern in the council-chamber,405 so that you may control the
situation.406
Convinced that the Hans had got in and overpowered their king, they broke up in wild disorder, every effort of
their leader to stay the panic being in vain. Then the Han army fell on them from both sides and completed the
rout, killing a number and capturing the rest, amongst whom was King Ya himself…. After the battle, some of
Han Hsin's officers came to him and said: ‟In the Art of War we are told to have a hill or tumulus on the right
rear, and a river or marsh on the left front. [This appears to be a blend of Sun Tzu and T'ai Kung. See IX ss. 9,
and note.] You, on the contrary, ordered us to draw up our troops with the river at our back. Under these
conditions, how did you manage to gain the victory?” The general replied: ‟I fear you gentlemen have not
studied the Art of War with sufficient care. Is it not written there: 'Plunge your army into desperate straits and it
will come off in safety; place it in deadly peril and it will survive'? Had I taken the usual course, I should never
have been able to bring my colleague round. What says the Military Classic—'Swoop down on the market-place
and drive the men off to fight.' [This passage does not occur in the present text of Sun Tzu.] If I had not placed
my troops in a position where they were obliged to fight for their lives, but had allowed each man to follow his
own discretion, there would have been a general debandade, and it would have been impossible to do anything
with them.” The officers admitted the force of his argument, and said: ‟These are higher tactics than we should
have been capable of.” [See Ch'ien Han Shu, ch. 34, ff. 4, 5.]
398 Danger has a bracing effect.
399 Ts'ao Kung says: ‟Feign stupidity”—by an appearance of yielding and falling in with the enemy's wishes. Chang
Yu's note makes the meaning clear: ‟If the enemy shows an inclination to advance, lure him on to do so; if he is
anxious to retreat, delay on purpose that he may carry out his intention.” The object is to make him remiss and
contemptuous before we deliver our attack.
400 I understand the first four words to mean ‟accompanying the enemy in one direction.” Ts'ao Kung says: ‟unite
the soldiers and make for the enemy.” But such a violent displacement of characters is quite indefensible.
401 Literally, ‟after a thousand li.”
402 Always a great point with the Chinese.
403 These were tablets of bamboo or wood, one half of which was issued as a permit or passport by the official in
charge of a gate. Cf. the ‟border-warden” of Lun Yu III. 24, who may have had similar duties. When this half was
returned to him, within a fixed period, he was authorized to open the gate and let the traveler through.
404 Either to or from the enemy's country.
405 Show no weakness, and insist on your plans being ratified by the sovereign.
406 Mei Yao-ch'en understands the whole sentence to mean: Take the strictest precautions to ensure secrecy in your
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65. If the enemy leaves a door open, you must rush in.
66. Forestall your opponent by seizing what he holds dear, 407 and
subtly contrive to time his arrival on the ground.408
67. Walk in the path defined by rule,409 and accommodate yourself
to the enemy until you can fight a decisive battle.410
68. At first, then, exhibit the coyness of a maiden, until the enemy
gives you an opening; afterwards emulate the rapidity of a
running hare, and it will be too late for the enemy to oppose
you.411
XII. THE ATTACK BY FIRE412
1. Sun Tzu said: There are five ways of attacking with fire. The first
deliberations.
408 Ch'en Hao's explanation: ‟If I manage to seize a favorable position, but the enemy does not appear on the scene,
the advantage thus obtained cannot be turned to any practical account. He who intends therefore, to occupy a
position of importance to the enemy, must begin by making an artful appointment, so to speak, with his
antagonist, and cajole him into going there as well.” Mei Yao-ch'en explains that this ‟artful appointment” is to
be made through the medium of the enemy's own spies, who will carry back just the amount of information
that we choose to give them. Then, having cunningly disclosed our intentions, ‟we must manage, though
starting after the enemy, to arrive before him (VII. ss. 4). We must start after him in order to ensure his
marching thither; we must arrive before him in order to capture the place without trouble. Taken thus, the
present passage lends some support to Mei Yao-ch'en's interpretation of ss. 47.
409 Chia Lin says: ‟Victory is the only thing that matters, and this cannot be achieved by adhering to conventional
canons.” It is unfortunate that this variant rests on very slight authority, for the sense yielded is certainly much
more satisfactory. Napoleon, as we know, according to the veterans of the old school whom he defeated, won his
battles by violating every accepted canon of warfare.
410 Tu Mu says: ‟Conform to the enemy's tactics until a favorable opportunity offers; then come forth and engage in
a battle that shall prove decisive.”
411 As the hare is noted for its extreme timidity, the comparison hardly appears felicitous. But of course Sun Tzu
was thinking only of its speed. The words have been taken to mean: You must flee from the enemy as quickly as
an escaping hare; but this is rightly rejected by Tu Mu.
412 Rather more than half the chapter (SS. 1-13) is devoted to the subject of fire, after which the author branches off
into other topics.
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is to burn soldiers in their camp;413 the second is to burn stores;414

the third is to burn baggage trains;415 the fourth is to burn
arsenals and magazines;416 the fifth is to hurl dropping fire
amongst the enemy.417
2. In order to carry out an attack, we must have means available. 418
The material for raising fire should always be kept in readiness.419
3. There is a proper season for making attacks with fire, and special
413 So Tu Mu. Li Ch'uan says: ‟Set fire to the camp, and kill the soldiers” (when they try to escape from the flames).
Pan Ch'ao, sent on a diplomatic mission to the King of Shan-shan [see XI. ss. 51, note], found himself placed in
extreme peril by the unexpected arrival of an envoy from the Hsiung-nu [the mortal enemies of the Chinese]. In
consultation with his officers, he exclaimed: ‟Never venture, never win! The only course open to us now is to
make an assault by fire on the barbarians under cover of night, when they will not be able to discern our
numbers. Profiting by their panic, we shall exterminate them completely; this will cool the King's courage and
cover us with glory, besides ensuring the success of our mission.' the officers all replied that it would be
necessary to discuss the matter first with the Intendant. Pan Ch'ao then fell into a passion: 'It is today,' he cried,
'that our fortunes must be decided! The Intendant is only a humdrum civilian, who on hearing of our project
will certainly be afraid, and everything will be brought to light. An inglorious death is no worthy fate for valiant
warriors.' All then agreed to do as he wished. Accordingly, as soon as night came on, he and his little band
quickly made their way to the barbarian camp. A strong gale was blowing at the time. Pan Ch'ao ordered ten of
the party to take drums and hide behind the enemy's barracks, it being arranged that when they saw flames
shoot up, they should begin drumming and yelling with all their might. The rest of his men, armed with bows
and crossbows, he posted in ambuscade at the gate of the camp. He then set fire to the place from the windward
side, whereupon a deafening noise of drums and shouting arose on the front and rear of the Hsiung-nu, who
rushed out pell-mell in frantic disorder. Pan Ch'ao slew three of them with his own hand, while his companions
cut off the heads of the envoy and thirty of his suite. The remainder, more than a hundred in all, perished in the
flames. On the following day, Pan Ch'ao, divining his thoughts, said with uplifted hand: 'Although you did not
go with us last night, I should not think, Sir, of taking sole credit for our exploit.' This satisfied Kuo Hsun, and
Pan Ch'ao, having sent for Kuang, King of Shan-shan, showed him the head of the barbarian envoy. The whole
kingdom was seized with fear and trembling, which Pan Ch'ao took steps to allay by issuing a public
proclamation. Then, taking the king's sons as hostage, he returned to make his report to Tou Ku.” Hou Han Shu,
ch. 47, ff. 1, 2.]
414 Tu Mu says: ‟Provisions, fuel and fodder.” In order to subdue the rebellious population of Kiangnan, Kao Keng
recommended Wen Ti of the Sui dynasty to make periodical raids and burn their stores of grain, a policy which
in the long run proved entirely successful.
415 An example given is the destruction of Yuan Shao's wagons and impedimenta by Ts'ao Ts'ao in 200 A.D.
416 Tu Mu says that the things contained in ‟arsenals” and ‟magazines” are the same. He specifies weapons and
other implements, bullion and clothing. Cf. VII. ss. 11.
417 Tu Yu says in the T'ung Tien: ‟To drop fire into the enemy's camp. The method by which this may be done is to
set the tips of arrows alight by dipping them into a brazier, and then shoot them from powerful crossbows into
the enemy's lines.”
418 T'sao Kung thinks that ‟traitors in the enemy's camp” are referred to. But Ch'en Hao is more likely to be right in
saying: ‟We must have favorable circumstances in general, not merely traitors to help us.” Chia Lin says: ‟We
must avail ourselves of wind and dry weather.”
419 Tu Mu suggests as material for making fire: ‟dry vegetable matter, reeds, brushwood, straw, grease, oil, etc.”
Here we have the material cause. Chang Yu says: ‟vessels for hoarding fire, stuff for lighting fires.”
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days for starting a conflagration.

4. The proper season is when the weather is very dry; the special
days are those when the moon is in the constellations of the
Sieve, the Wall, the Wing or the Cross-bar;420 for these four are
all days of rising wind.
5. In attacking with fire, one should be prepared to meet five
possible developments:
6. (1) When fire breaks out inside to enemy's camp, respond at
once with an attack from without.
7. (2) If there is an outbreak of fire, but the enemy's soldiers
remain quiet, bide your time and do not attack.421
8. (3) When the force of the flames has reached its height, follow it
up with an attack, if that is practicable; if not, stay where you
are.422
9. (4) If it is possible to make an assault with fire from without, do
not wait for it to break out within, but deliver your attack at a
favorable moment.423
420 These are, respectively, the 7th, 14th, 27th, and 28th of the Twenty-eight Stellar Mansions, corresponding
roughly to Sagittarius, Pegasus, Crater and Corvus.
421 The prime object of attacking with fire is to throw the enemy into confusion. If this effect is not produced, it
means that the enemy is ready to receive us. Hence the necessity for caution.
422 Ts'ao Kung says: ‟If you see a possible way, advance; but if you find the difficulties too great, retire.”
423 Tu Mu says that the previous paragraphs had reference to the fire breaking out (either accidentally, we may
suppose, or by the agency of incendiaries) inside the enemy's camp. ‟But,” he continues, ‟if the enemy is settled
in a waste place littered with quantities of grass, or if he has pitched his camp in a position which can be burnt
out, we must carry our fire against him at any seasonable opportunity, and not await on in hopes of an outbreak
occurring within, for fear our opponents should themselves burn up the surrounding vegetation, and thus
render our own attempts fruitless.” The famous Li Ling once baffled the leader of the Hsiung-nu in this way.
The latter, taking advantage of a favorable wind, tried to set fire to the Chinese general's camp, but found that
every scrap of combustible vegetation in the neighborhood had already been burnt down. On the other hand,
Po-ts'ai, a general of the Yellow Turban rebels, was badly defeated in 184 A.D. through his neglect of this simple
precaution. ‟At the head of a large army he was besieging Ch'ang-she, which was held by Huang-fu Sung. The
garrison was very small, and a general feeling of nervousness pervaded the ranks; so Huang-fu Sung called his
officers together and said: ‟In war, there are various indirect methods of attack, and numbers do not count for
everything. [The commentator here quotes Sun Tzu, V. SS. 5, 6 and 10.] Now the rebels have pitched their camp
in the midst of thick grass which will easily burn when the wind blows. If we set fire to it at night, they will be
thrown into a panic, and we can make a sortie and attack them on all sides at once, thus emulating the
achievement of T'ien Tan.' [See p. 90.] That same evening, a strong breeze sprang up; so Huang-fu Sung
instructed his soldiers to bind reeds together into torches and mount guard on the city walls, after which he
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10. (5) When you start a fire, be to windward of it. Do not attack
from the leeward.424
11. A wind that rises in the daytime lasts long, but a night breeze
soon falls.425
12. In every army, the five developments connected with fire must
be known, the movements of the stars calculated, and a watch
kept for the proper days.426
13. Hence those who use fire as an aid to the attack show
intelligence; those who use water as an aid to the attack gain an
accession of strength.
14. By means of water, an enemy may be intercepted, but not
robbed of all his belongings.427
15. Unhappy is the fate of one who tries to win his battles and
succeed in his attacks without cultivating the spirit of enterprise;
for the result is waste of time and general stagnation. 428
sent out a band of daring men, who stealthily made their way through the lines and started the fire with loud
shouts and yells. Simultaneously, a glare of light shot up from the city walls, and Huang-fu Sung, sounding his
drums, led a rapid charge, which threw the rebels into confusion and put them to headlong flight.” [Hou Han
Shu, ch. 71.]
424 Chang Yu, following Tu Yu, says: ‟When you make a fire, the enemy will retreat away from it; if you oppose his
retreat and attack him then, he will fight desperately, which will not conduce to your success.” A rather more
obvious explanation is given by Tu Mu: ‟If the wind is in the east, begin burning to the east of the enemy, and
follow up the attack yourself from that side. If you start the fire on the east side, and then attack from the west,
you will suffer in the same way as your enemy.”
425 Cf. Lao Tzu's saying: ‟A violent wind does not last the space of a morning.” (Tao Te Ching, chap. 23.) Mei Yao-
ch'en and Wang Hsi say: ‟A day breeze dies down at nightfall, and a night breeze at daybreak. This is what
happens as a general rule.” The phenomenon observed may be correct enough, but how this sense is to be
obtained is not apparent.
426 Tu Mu says: ‟We must make calculations as to the paths of the stars, and watch for the days on which wind will
rise, before making our attack with fire.” Chang Yu seems to interpret the text differently: ‟We must not only
know how to assail our opponents with fire, but also be on our guard against similar attacks from them.”
427 Ts'ao Kung's note is: ‟We can merely obstruct the enemy's road or divide his army, but not sweep away all his
accumulated stores.” Water can do useful service, but it lacks the terrible destructive power of fire. This is the
reason, Chang Yu concludes, why the former is dismissed in a couple of sentences, whereas the attack by fire is
discussed in detail. Wu Tzu (ch. 4) speaks thus of the two elements: ‟If an army is encamped on low-lying
marshy ground, from which the water cannot run off, and where the rainfall is heavy, it may be submerged by a
flood. If an army is encamped in wild marsh lands thickly overgrown with weeds and brambles, and visited by
frequent gales, it may be exterminated by fire.”
428 This is one of the most perplexing passages in Sun Tzu. Ts'ao Kung says: ‟Rewards for good service should not
be deferred a single day.” And Tu Mu: ‟If you do not take opportunity to advance and reward the deserving, your
102
16. Hence the saying: The enlightened ruler lays his plans well
ahead; the good general cultivates his resources.429
17. Move not unless you see an advantage; use not your troops
unless there is something to be gained; fight not unless the
position is critical.430
18. No ruler should put troops into the field merely to gratify his
own spleen; no general should fight a battle simply out of pique.
19. If it is to your advantage, make a forward move; if not, stay
where you are.431
20. Anger may in time change to gladness; vexation may be
succeeded by content.
21. But a kingdom that has once been destroyed can never come
again into being;432 nor can the dead ever be brought back to life.
22. Hence the enlightened ruler is heedful, and the good general full
of caution. This is the way to keep a country at peace and an
army intact.
XIII. THE USE OF SPIES
1. Sun Tzu said: Raising a host of a hundred thousand men and
marching them great distances entails heavy loss on the people
and a drain on the resources of the State. The daily expenditure
will amount to a thousand ounces of silver.433 There will be
subordinates will not carry out your commands, and disaster will ensue.” For several reasons, however, and in
spite of the formidable array of scholars on the other side, I prefer the interpretation suggested by Mei Yao-
ch'en alone, whose words I will quote: ‟Those who want to make sure of succeeding in their battles and assaults
must seize the favorable moments when they come and not shrink on occasion from heroic measures: that is to
say, they must resort to such means of attack of fire, water and the like. What they must not do, and what will
prove fatal, is to sit still and simply hold to the advantages they have got.”
429 Tu Mu quotes the following from the San Lueh, ch. 2: ‟The warlike prince controls his soldiers by his authority,
kits them together by good faith, and by rewards makes them serviceable. If faith decays, there will be
disruption; if rewards are deficient, commands will not be respected.”
430 Sun Tzu may at times appear to be over-cautious, but he never goes so far in that direction as the remarkable
passage in the Tao Te Ching, ch. 69. ‟I dare not take the initiative, but prefer to act on the defensive; I dare not
advance an inch, but prefer to retreat a foot.”
431 This is repeated from XI. ss. 17. Here I feel convinced that it is an interpolation, for it is evident that ss. 20 ought
to follow immediately on ss. 18.
432 The Wu State was destined to be a melancholy example of this saying.
433 Cf. II. ss. ss. 1, 13, 14.
103
commotion at home and abroad, and men will drop down

exhausted on the highways.434 As many as seven hundred
thousand families will be impeded in their labor. 435
2. Hostile armies may face each other for years, striving for the
victory which is decided in a single day. This being so, to remain
in ignorance of the enemy's condition simply because one
grudges the outlay of a hundred ounces of silver in honors and
emoluments,436 is the height of inhumanity.437
3. One who acts thus is no leader of men, no present help to his
sovereign, no master of victory.438
4. Thus, what enables the wise sovereign and the good general to
strike and conquer, and achieve things beyond the reach of
434 Cf. Tao Te Ching, ch. 30: ‟Where troops have been quartered, brambles and thorns spring up. Chang Yu has the
note: ‟We may be reminded of the saying: 'On serious ground, gather in plunder.' Why then should carriage and
transportation cause exhaustion on the highways?—The answer is, that not victuals alone, but all sorts of
munitions of war have to be conveyed to the army. Besides, the injunction to 'forage on the enemy' only means
that when an army is deeply engaged in hostile territory, scarcity of food must be provided against. Hence,
without being solely dependent on the enemy for corn, we must forage in order that there may be an
uninterrupted flow of supplies. Then, again, there are places like salt deserts where provisions being
unobtainable, supplies from home cannot be dispensed with.”
435 Mei Yao-ch'en says: ‟Men will be lacking at the plough- tail.” The allusion is to the system of dividing land into
nine parts, each consisting of about 15 acres, the plot in the center being cultivated on behalf of the State by the
tenants of the other eight. It was here also, so Tu Mu tells us, that their cottages were built and a well sunk, to be
used by all in common. [See II. ss. 12, note.] In time of war, one of the families had to serve in the army, while
the other seven contributed to its support. Thus, by a levy of 100,000 men (reckoning one able- bodied soldier
to each family) the husbandry of 700,000 families would be affected.
436 ‟For spies” is of course the meaning, though it would spoil the effect of this curiously elaborate exordium if
spies were actually mentioned at this point.
437 Sun Tzu's agreement is certainly ingenious. He begins by adverting to the frightful misery and vast expenditure
of blood and treasure which war always brings in its train. Now, unless you are kept informed of the enemy's
condition, and are ready to strike at the right moment, a war may drag on for years. The only way to get this
information is to employ spies, and it is impossible to obtain trustworthy spies unless they are properly paid for
their services. But it is surely false economy to grudge a comparatively trifling amount for this purpose, when
every day that the war lasts eats up an incalculably greater sum. This grievous burden falls on the shoulders of
the poor, and hence Sun Tzu concludes that to neglect the use of spies is nothing less than a crime against
humanity.
438 This idea, that the true object of war is peace, has its root in the national temperament of the Chinese. Even so
far back as 597 B.C., these memorable words were uttered by Prince Chuang of the Ch'u State: ‟The [Chinese]
character for 'prowess' is made up of [the characters for] 'to stay' and 'a spear' (cessation of hostilities). Military
prowess is seen in the repression of cruelty, the calling in of weapons, the preservation of the appointment of
Heaven, the firm establishment of merit, the bestowal of happiness on the people, putting harmony between
the princes, the diffusion of wealth.”
104
ordinary men, is foreknowledge.439

5. Now this foreknowledge cannot be elicited from spirits; it cannot
be obtained inductively from experience,440 nor by any deductive
calculation.441
6. Knowledge of the enemy's dispositions can only be obtained
from other men.442
7. Hence the use of spies, of whom there are five classes:
(1) Local spies;
(2) inward spies;
(3) converted spies;
(4) doomed spies;
(5) surviving spies.
8. When these five kinds of spy are all at work, none can discover
the secret system. This is called ‟divine manipulation of the
threads.” It is the sovereign's most precious faculty.443
9. Having local spies means employing the services of the
inhabitants of a district.444
10. Having inward spies, making use of officials of the enemy.445
439 That is, knowledge of the enemy's dispositions, and what he means to do.
440 Tu Mu's note is: ”[knowledge of the enemy] cannot be gained by reasoning from other analogous cases.”
441 Li Ch'uan says: ‟Quantities like length, breadth, distance and magnitude, are susceptible of exact mathematical
determination; human actions cannot be so calculated.”
442 Mei Yao-ch'en has rather an interesting note: ‟Knowledge of the spirit-world is to be obtained by divination;
information in natural science may be sought by inductive reasoning; the laws of the universe can be verified by
mathematical calculation: but the dispositions of an enemy are ascertainable through spies and spies alone.”
443 Cromwell, one of the greatest and most practical of all cavalry leaders, had officers styled 'scout masters,' whose
business it was to collect all possible information regarding the enemy, through scouts and spies, etc., and
much of his success in war was traceable to the previous knowledge of the enemy's moves thus gained.”
444 Tu Mu says: ‟In the enemy's country, win people over by kind treatment, and use them as spies.”
445 Tu Mu enumerates the following classes as likely to do good service in this respect: ‟Worthy men who have been
degraded from office, criminals who have undergone punishment; also, favorite concubines who are greedy for
gold, men who are aggrieved at being in subordinate positions, or who have been passed over in the distribution
of posts, others who are anxious that their side should be defeated in order that they may have a chance of
displaying their ability and talents, fickle turncoats who always want to have a foot in each boat. Officials of
these several kinds,” he continues, ‟should be secretly approached and bound to one's interests by means of rich
presents. In this way you will be able to find out the state of affairs in the enemy's country, ascertain the plans
that are being formed against you, and moreover disturb the harmony and create a breach between the
sovereign and his ministers.” The necessity for extreme caution, however, in dealing with ‟inward spies,” appears
105
11. Having converted spies, getting hold of the enemy's spies and
using them for our own purposes.446
12. Having doomed spies, doing certain things openly for purposes
of deception, and allowing our spies to know of them and report
them to the enemy.447
13. Surviving spies, finally, are those who bring back news from the
from an historical incident related by Ho Shih: ‟Lo Shang, Governor of I-Chou, sent his general Wei Po to attack
the rebel Li Hsiung of Shu in his stronghold at P'i. After each side had experienced a number of victories and
defeats, Li Hsiung had recourse to the services of a certain P'o-t'ai, a native of Wu-tu. He began to have him
whipped until the blood came, and then sent him off to Lo Shang, whom he was to delude by offering to
cooperate with him from inside the city, and to give a fire signal at the right moment for making a general
assault. Lo Shang, confiding in these promises, march out all his best troops, and placed Wei Po and others at
their head with orders to attack at P'o-t'ai's bidding. Meanwhile, Li Hsiung's general, Li Hsiang, had prepared
an ambuscade on their line of march; and P'o-t'ai, having reared long scaling-ladders against the city walls, now
lighted the beacon-fire. Wei Po's men raced up on seeing the signal and began climbing the ladders as fast as
they could, while others were drawn up by ropes lowered from above. More than a hundred of Lo Shang's
soldiers entered the city in this way, every one of whom was forthwith beheaded. Li Hsiung then charged with
all his forces, both inside and outside the city, and routed the enemy completely.” [This happened in 303 A.D. I
do not know where Ho Shih got the story from. It is not given in the biography of Li Hsiung or that of his father
Li T'e, Chin Shu, ch. 120, 121.
446 By means of heavy bribes and liberal promises detaching them from the enemy's service, and inducing them to
carry back false information as well as to spy in turn on their own countrymen. On the other hand, Hsiao Shih-
hsien says that we pretend not to have detected him, but contrive to let him carry away a false impression of
what is going on. Several of the commentators accept this as an alternative definition; but that it is not what
Sun Tzu meant is conclusively proved by his subsequent remarks about treating the converted spy generously
(ss. 21 sqq.). Ho Shih notes three occasions on which converted spies were used with conspicuous success: (1) by
T'ien Tan in his defense of Chi-mo (see supra, p. 90); (2) by Chao She on his march to O-yu (see p. 57); and by
the wily Fan Chu in 260 B.C., when Lien P'o was conducting a defensive campaign against Ch'in. The King of
Chao strongly disapproved of Lien P'o's cautious and dilatory methods, which had been unable to avert a series
of minor disasters, and therefore lent a ready ear to the reports of his spies, who had secretly gone over to the
enemy and were already in Fan Chu's pay. They said: ‟The only thing which causes Ch'in anxiety is lest Chao
Kua should be made general. Lien P'o they consider an easy opponent, who is sure to be vanquished in the long
run.” Now this Chao Kua was a son of the famous Chao She. From his boyhood, he had been wholly engrossed
in the study of war and military matters, until at last he came to believe that there was no commander in the
whole Empire who could stand against him. His father was much disquieted by this overweening conceit, and
the flippancy with which he spoke of such a serious thing as war, and solemnly declared that if ever Kua was
appointed general, he would bring ruin on the armies of Chao. This was the man who, in spite of earnest
protests from his own mother and the veteran statesman Lin Hsiang-ju, was now sent to succeed Lien P'o.
Needless to say, he proved no match for the redoubtable Po Ch'i and the great military power of Ch'in. He fell
into a trap by which his army was divided into two and his communications cut; and after a desperate resistance
lasting 46 days, during which the famished soldiers devoured one another, he was himself killed by an arrow,
and his whole force, amounting, it is said, to 400,000 men, ruthlessly put to the sword.
447 Tu Yu gives the best exposition of the meaning: ‟We ostentatiously do thing calculated to deceive our own spies,
who must be led to believe that they have been unwittingly disclosed. Then, when these spies are captured in
106
enemy's camp.448
14. Hence it is that which none in the whole army are more intimate
relations to be maintained than with spies.449 None should be
more liberally rewarded. In no other business should greater
secrecy be preserved.450
15. Spies cannot be usefully employed without a certain intuitive
sagacity.451
the enemy's lines, they will make an entirely false report, and the enemy will take measures accordingly, only to
find that we do something quite different. The spies will thereupon be put to death.” As an example of doomed
spies, Ho Shih mentions the prisoners released by Pan Ch'ao in his campaign against Yarkand. (See p. 132.) He
also refers to T'ang Chien, who in 630 A.D. was sent by T'ai Tsung to lull the Turkish Kahn Chieh-li into fancied
security, until Li Ching was able to deliver a crushing blow against him. Chang Yu says that the Turks revenged
themselves by killing T'ang Chien, but this is a mistake, for we read in both the old and the New T'ang History
(ch. 58, fol. 2 and ch. 89, fol. 8 respectively) that he escaped and lived on until 656. Li I-chi played a somewhat
similar part in 203 B.C., when sent by the King of Han to open peaceful negotiations with Ch'i. He has certainly
more claim to be described a ‟doomed spy”, for the king of Ch'i, being subsequently attacked without warning
by Han Hsin, and infuriated by what he considered the treachery of Li I-chi, ordered the unfortunate envoy to
be boiled alive.
448 This is the ordinary class of spies, properly so called, forming a regular part of the army. Tu Mu says: ‟Your
surviving spy must be a man of keen intellect, though in outward appearance a fool; of shabby exterior, but with
a will of iron. He must be active, robust, endowed with physical strength and courage; thoroughly accustomed
to all sorts of dirty work, able to endure hunger and cold, and to put up with shame and ignominy.” Ho Shih tells
the following story of Ta'hsi Wu of the Sui dynasty: ‟When he was governor of Eastern Ch'in, Shen-wu of Ch'i
made a hostile movement upon Sha-yuan. The Emperor T'ai Tsu [? Kao Tsu] sent Ta-hsi Wu to spy upon the
enemy. He was accompanied by two other men. All three were on horseback and wore the enemy's uniform.
When it was dark, they dismounted a few hundred feet away from the enemy's camp and stealthily crept up to
listen, until they succeeded in catching the passwords used in the army. Then they got on their horses again and
boldly passed through the camp under the guise of night-watchmen; and more than once, happening to come
across a soldier who was committing some breach of discipline, they actually stopped to give the culprit a sound
cudgeling! Thus they managed to return with the fullest possible information about the enemy's dispositions,
and received warm commendation from the Emperor, who in consequence of their report was able to inflict a
severe defeat on his adversary.”
449 Tu Mu and Mei Yao-ch'en point out that the spy is privileged to enter even the general's private sleeping-tent.
450 Tu Mu gives a graphic touch: all communication with spies should be carried ‟mouth-to-ear.” The following
remarks on spies may be quoted from Turenne, who made perhaps larger use of them than any previous
commander: ‟Spies are attached to those who give them most, he who pays them ill is never served. They
should never be known to anybody; nor should they know one another. When they propose anything very
material, secure their persons, or have in your possession their wives and children as hostages for their fidelity.
Never communicate anything to them but what is absolutely necessary that they should know.
451 Mei Yao-ch'en says: ‟In order to use them, one must know fact from falsehood, and be able to discriminate
between honesty and double-dealing.” Wang Hsi in a different interpretation thinks more along the lines of
‟intuitive perception” and ‟practical intelligence.” Tu Mu strangely refers these attributes to the spies
themselves: ‟Before using spies we must assure ourselves as to their integrity of character and the extent of their
experience and skill.” But he continues: ‟A brazen face and a crafty disposition are more dangerous than
mountains or rivers; it takes a man of genius to penetrate such.” So that we are left in some doubt as to his real
107
16. They cannot be properly managed without benevolence and

straightforwardness.452
17. Without subtle ingenuity of mind, one cannot make certain of
the truth of their reports.453
18. Be subtle! be subtle! and use your spies for every kind of
business.454
19. If a secret piece of news is divulged by a spy before the time is
ripe, he must be put to death together with the man to whom
the secret was told.455
20. Whether the object be to crush an army, to storm a city, or to
assassinate an individual, it is always necessary to begin by
finding out the names of the attendants, the aides-de-camp, 456
and door-keepers and sentries of the general in command. Our
spies must be commissioned to ascertain these.457
21. The enemy's spies who have come to spy on us must be sought
out, tempted with bribes, led away and comfortably housed.
Thus they will become converted spies and available for our
service.
22. It is through the information brought by the converted spy that
we are able to acquire and employ local and inward spies.458
opinion on the passage.”
452 Chang Yu says: ‟When you have attracted them by substantial offers, you must treat them with absolute
sincerity; then they will work for you with all their might.”
453 Mei Yao-ch'en says: ‟Be on your guard against the possibility of spies going over to the service of the enemy.”
454 Cf. VI. ss. 9.
455 Word for word, the translation here is: ‟If spy matters are heard before [our plans] are carried out,” etc. Sun
Tzu's main point in this passage is: Whereas you kill the spy himself ‟as a punishment for letting out the secret,”
the object of killing the other man is only, as Ch'en Hao puts it, ‟to stop his mouth” and prevent news leaking
any further. If it had already been repeated to others, this object would not be gained. Either way, Sun Tzu lays
himself open to the charge of inhumanity, though Tu Mu tries to defend him by saying that the man deserves to
be put to death, for the spy would certainly not have told the secret unless the other had been at pains to worm
it out of him.”
456 Literally ‟visitors”, is equivalent, as Tu Yu says, to ‟those whose duty it is to keep the general supplied with
information,” which naturally necessitates frequent interviews with him.
457 As the first step, no doubt towards finding out if any of these important functionaries can be won over by
bribery.
458 Tu Yu says: ‟through conversion of the enemy's spies we learn the enemy's condition.” And Chang Yu says: ‟We
108
23. It is owing to his information, again, that we can cause the

doomed spy to carry false tidings to the enemy.459
24. Lastly, it is by his information that the surviving spy can be used
on appointed occasions.
25. The end and aim of spying in all its five varieties is knowledge of
the enemy; and this knowledge can only be derived, in the first
instance, from the converted spy.460 Hence it is essential that the
converted spy be treated with the utmost liberality.
26. Of old, the rise of the Yin dynasty461 was due to I Chih462 who had
served under the Hsia. Likewise, the rise of the Chou dynasty
was due to Lu Ya463 who had served under the Yin.464
27. Hence it is only the enlightened ruler and the wise general who
will use the highest intelligence of the army for purposes of
spying and thereby they achieve great results.465 Spies are a most
must tempt the converted spy into our service, because it is he that knows which of the local inhabitants are
greedy of gain, and which of the officials are open to corruption.”
459 Chang Yu says, ‟because the converted spy knows how the enemy can best be deceived.”
460 As explained in ss. 22-24. He not only brings information himself, but makes it possible to use the other kinds
of spy to advantage.
461 Sun Tzu means the Shang dynasty, founded in 1766 B.C. Its name was changed to Yin by P'an Keng in 1401.
462 Better known as I Yin, the famous general and statesman who took part in Ch'eng T'ang's campaign against
Chieh Kuei.
463 Lu Shang rose to high office under the tyrant Chou Hsin, whom he afterwards helped to overthrow. Popularly
known as T'ai Kung, a title bestowed on him by Wen Wang, he is said to have composed a treatise on war,
erroneously identified with the Liu T'ao.
464 There is less precision in the Chinese than I have thought it well to introduce into my translation, and the
commentaries on the passage are by no means explicit. But, having regard to the context, we can hardly doubt
that Sun Tzu is holding up I Chih and Lu Ya as illustrious examples of the converted spy, or something closely
analogous. His suggestion is, that the Hsia and Yin dynasties were upset owing to the intimate knowledge of
their weaknesses and shortcoming which these former ministers were able to impart to the other side. Mei Yao-
ch'en appears to resent any such aspersion on these historic names: ‟I Yin and Lu Ya,” he says, ‟were not rebels
against the Government. Hsia could not employ the former, hence Yin employed him. Yin could not employ the
latter, hence Hou employed him. Their great achievements were all for the good of the people.” Ho Shih is also
indignant: ‟How should two divinely inspired men such as I and Lu have acted as common spies? Sun Tzu's
mention of them simply means that the proper use of the five classes of spies is a matter which requires men of
the highest mental caliber like I and Lu, whose wisdom and capacity qualified them for the task. The above
words only emphasize this point.” Ho Shih believes then that the two heroes are mentioned on account of their
supposed skill in the use of spies. But this is very weak.
465 Tu Mu closes with a note of warning: ‟Just as water, which carries a boat from bank to bank, may also be the
means of sinking it, so reliance on spies, while production of great results, is oft-times the cause of utter
destruction.”
109
important element in war, because on them depends an army's

ability to move.466
466 Chia Lin says that an army without spies is like a man without ears or eyes.
110

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The Art of War Sun Tzu

The Art of War

Sun Wu and His Book

1 Shi Chi, ch. 65.

of command having been thus explained, he set up the

soldiers, Sire, are now properly drilled and disciplined, and

prince's sons who had formerly been generals of Wu. He was

4 The appellation of Nang Wa.

period in question. It will not be necessary, therefore, to say much of

importance of rapidity in taking the field,14 clearness of

books that people commonly refer to on the subject of military matters.

17 Yeh Shih of the Sung dynasty [1151-1223].

acknowledged or otherwise, are to be found in so many authors of

These two paragraphs are extremely valuable as evidence of the date

mention of Sun Wu in Shi Chi.

embarrassed on every side, seems to have convinced him that this

The Text of Sun Tzu

‟original edition (or text)” — a rather misleading name, for it cannot by

full use of artifice and measures of expediency.” He further declared that

fact that these sayings were intended for states engaged in

45 T'ung K'ao, ch. 221.

Appreciations of Sun Tzu

47 T'ung K'ao, loc. cit.

Tzu. The following short passage by him is preserved in the Yu Hai:54—

Apologies for War

intensely opposed to militarism in any form. It is such an uncommon

58 Shi Chi, ch. 25, fol. I.

‟civil” and the ‟military,” and the limitation of each to a

against the men of Lai, so that the marquis of Ch'i was

books to no purpose,67 as a proof that all military theory is

67 See XIII. ss. 11, note.

the strategical devices differ considerably from those of the

Considering the high popular estimation in which Chu-ko Liang has

THE ART OF WAR

8. Earth comprises distances, great and small; danger and security;

(7) In which army is there the greater constancy both in

21. If he is secure at all points, be prepared for him. If he is in

to carry them a thousand Li,96 the expenditure at home and at

homes of the people will be stripped bare, and three-tenths of

nation shall be in peace or in peril.

9. If equally matched, we can offer battle;121 if slightly inferior in

through ignorance of the military principle of adaptation to

will succumb in every battle.132

from the topmost heights of heaven.138 Thus on the one hand we

mistakes is what establishes the certainty of victory, for it means

20. The onrush of a conquering force is like the bursting of pent-up

4. That the impact of your army may be like a grindstone dashed

of subdivision;159 concealing courage under a show of timidity

5. Appear at points which the enemy must hasten to defend; march

should he strengthen his left, he will weaken his right; should he

22. Though the enemy be stronger in numbers, we may prevent him

3. After that, comes tactical maneuvering, than which there is

6. If you set a fully equipped army in march in order to snatch an

21. Ponder and deliberate before you make a move.216

27. A whole army may be robbed of its spirit;224 a commander-in-

dispute their passage.

calm and confident array:—this is the art of studying

accompany variation of tactics knows how to handle his troops.

make trouble for them,244 and keep them constantly engaged;245