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in

B.A Political Science

III Semester
Paper III
Indian Political Thought

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Even before nationalism emerged as a decisive ideology in India, there was a long,
rich, and diverse tradition of political thought. To understand modern Indian political
thought, it is essential to have a broad view of the historical processes through which
the modern polity has emerged. We have civilization which is comparable with the
Greek civilisation and as Plato and Aristotle are considered as the pioneers of western
political tradition, so are our ancient and medical texts on statecraft.
Whether it is the concept of monarchy, republicanism, council of ministers, welfare
state, diplomacy, espionage system or any other political concept/institution which
is known in modern political parlance, all these have references in our early political
traditions.
State, society and governance are interlinked to each other. If we look at our past,
we will find that there was a time when people used to live in small groups based on
kinship ties and there was no need felt for an authority to control people's life. But
with the growth of population and clashes between groups of people, the need was
felt for an authority who would provide the required protection to his people and
whose order would be obeyed by all.
With the coming of groups of people together, society came into existence which was
followed by the emergence of state and the art of governance.
So, in a way we can say that individual needs led to the emergence of society and it
is the collective need of the society which in turn led to the formulation of various
structures and theories related to state and governance.
Thus, the social-historical context becomes a determinant factor in the evolution of
state as well as the ideas related to statecraft.
Keeping this in mind when we look at our past, we find that starting from the Vedic
society till the establishment of the British rule India passed through various
phases and also had undergone various political experiments.
All these traditions and experiences in one way or other have contributed in
making what we call modem Indian political thought.
State and Sovereignty in Ancient India
Transformation from lineage to state. In lineage society the basic unit was the
extended family under control of the eldest male member. The size of the family was
dependent on economy and environment and it was the genealogical relationships
which tied the families together. It was through kinship and rituals, that the chief
exercised his authority over the clans.
Differentiation came in within society between the ruler and the ruled because of kin
connections and wealth. However, shift from pastoral to peasant economy,
population growth, social and cultural heterogeneity along with other factors led to
the emergence of state systems.
Conquest, extensive trade, the decline of political elite and democratic processes led
to the change towards state system.
The Vedic period represented the lineage system but later on growing stratification
in society indicated the tendency towards state formation. With the formation of
state, the issue of governance of the state became a major concern of the society.

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In the Shanti Parva of the Mahabharata we find the reference to Matsyanyaya, a

condition in which small fishes become prey to big fishes. This analogy was given to
explain the anarchic condition in a society where no authority exists. To avoid this
type of crisis, people collectively agreed to have a set of laws and to appeal to the God
for a king who will maintain law and order in society. It is also argued that without
appealing to any divine agency people on their own selected a person on whom the
authority was vested to protect human society.
We find references to both Divine Origin of Kingship as well as Social Contract Theory
of Kingship. Whether it was a Divine Origin of Kingship or Social Contract, we find
monarchy as the dominant form of government in the early Indian polity.
The seven constituents of the state as prescribed in the Shanti Parva of the
Mahabharata are as follows:
Swamin or the sovereign,
Amatya or the officials,
Janapada or the territory,
Durga or the fort,
Kosa or the treasury,
Danda or the Army,
Mitra or the Allies.
All these are considered as the natural constituents of a state. State is visualised as
an organic body having seven organs. Swamin or the king is considered as the head
of this structure. Next to him is the Amatya or the council of ministers through which
the king governs the state. Janapada means territory having agricultural land,
mines, forests, etc. Durga or fort suggests the fortification of the capital. Kosa or
treasury, the place where collected revenues are kept. Danda refers to the power of
law and of authority. Mitra is the friendly state. Looking at this structure of state one
finds lot of resemblance with the attributes of the modern state.
Manusmriti strongly advocated for a political authority. Manu was of the opinion that
in the absence of a political authority, there would be disorder in society. It is the
duty of the king to ensure justice in the society and protect the weak.‘By taking his
due, by preventing the confusion of the castes (varna), and by protecting the weak,
the power of the king grows, and he prospers in this (world) and after death.’
Manu was in favour of social hierarchy and caste system and his notion of justice
was based on diverse customs and practices of different castes. He suggested that
though the king derived his authority from God, in practice he should be guided by
the Brahmanas.
The rationale behind it was the assumption that Brahmanas possess knowledge and
knowledge should rule. Manu prescribed the structure of state in terms of villages,
districts and provinces which resembles our present-day structure of administration.
If one looks at the rationale behind this organisational structure, one may easily find
that the principle of decentralisation of authority was the guiding principle behind
this organisation.

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He also advocated an assembly of the learned as well as the officers of the state to
advise the king and this shows his concern for the public opinion. Members were
expected to be objective and fearless in taking decisions on the basis of dharma.
Village and district authorities were suggested to function independently and only
when there was any need, the king was expected to help.
Welfare of the general people was one of the major concerns of the king. Commenting
on the political ideas explained in the Manusmriti, V.R.Mehta in his Indian Political
Thought has remarked that 'It is indeed astounding to know that very early in the
development of Indian political thought, the ideas of decentralisation, welfare state
and public opinion are so clearly spelled out'.
In terms of early Indian political thought, Arthashastra by Kautilya gives a more
detailed picture of statecraft. Scholars are of the opinion that Arthashastra is not the
work of one Kautilya and the date of Kautilya is also a matter of debate among
historians. It is also argued that there are interpolations in the Arthashastra.
Whatever be the truth the fact remains that Arthashastra , as a text, deals with
various functions as well as the methods of running the state.
Moving ahead of Manu, Kautilya advocated a strong monarchy but he was not
favourable to the idea of absolute monarchy. While in the earlier tradition, the king
was guided by Brahminical authority, in Arthashastra, the king is considered to have
the last word in all matters. On the chapters dealing with the king and his family,
Arthashastra tells us as to how a king should control his senses and discharge his
duties, how a king should protect himself from any threat on his life and the
importance of selection of right counsellors and priests. There is an elaborate
discussion on the civil law explaining various measures required for an effective
administration and on criminal law to take care of those people who are considered
as a threat to the country.
Kautilya cautioned the king to be vigilant about the motives and integrity of his
ministers and also talked about general selfish nature of people, - bribery and
corruption inherent in administration. He suggested that through reward and
punishment, the king should set a standard for others to follow. In his opinion, the
king is above others but not above 'dharma'. Here dharma means obeying customary
and sacred law and protection of his subjects' life and property. This was considered
as the basic duty of a king.
The notion of welfare state is strengthened in Arthashastra. The king is expected to
protect agriculturists from oppression and to take care of the orphans, the aged and
the helpless. Happiness of his people should always be the concern of a wise king,
otherwise he may lose people's support; a good king should take up welfare activities
in the interest of all. According to Kautilya 'in the happiness of his subjects lies the
happiness of a king, in their welfare, his welfare.
Another important concept which we come across in the ancient political tradition is
the concept of Danda. Danda primarily implies the sense of coercion or punishment.
Danda is required for discipline. If the laid down norms of the state which are
basically determined by sacred and customary laws are not obeyed by any individual
or if anybody is involved in an activity which goes against the interest of the state,
the king has every right to punish the guilty. So disciplining the citizens was an
important activity of the king.

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The Buddhist literature suggests that a monarch should rule on the basis of the Law
of truth and righteousness; he should not allow any wrongdoing in his kingdom and
should look after the poor. A king was considered as a chosen leader of the people
and his important duty was to protect his people and to punish the wrongdoers.
Tiru-k-Kural, composed by Tiruvalluvar during the second century AD, is considered
as one of the famous classics of Tamil literature. In this text, along with other facets
of life, we find important ideas related to polity. It talks about an adequate army, an
industrious people, ample food, resources, wise and alert ministers, alliance with
foreign powers and dependable fortifications as essentials of a state. King's qualities
and duties, responsibilities of the ministers, importance of spies to keep watch on
various activities within the state, diplomacy, etc. are other important issues on
which we find mention in Tiru-k-Kural. 'Statecraft consists in getting support
without letting your weakness be known’.
Though monarchy was predominant in the ancient Indian polity, references to
republic are also found in literary traditions. Since Alexander, the Great's invasion
of India in 327-324 B.C. we come across references to many places governed by
oligarchies from Greek and Roman accounts of India.
Later on, the Buddhist Pali canon tells us about the existence of many republics,
mainly in the foothills of the Himalayas and in North Bihar. It is suggested that these
were mostly tributary to the greater kingdoms but enjoyed internal autonomy. An
example of this was the Sakyas who were on the borders of modern Nepal and to
whom the Buddha himself belonged.
‘In ancient India, monarchical thinking was constantly battling with another vision,
of self-rule by members of a guild, a village, or an extended kin-group, in other words,
any group of equals with a common set of interests. This vision of cooperative self-
government often produced republicanism and even democracy comparable to
classical Greek democracy.’
From various accounts, the picture of North India-between the Himalayas and the
Ganges-during the 6th and 5th centuries B.C suggest the existence of a number of
Janapadas and that this was also the period of growth of towns and cities in India.
In the Janapadas, there were Sanghas or Ganas managing independently their
territory. Details of the working of such assemblies can be found both in Brahminical
and Buddhist literature. From Panini's account (5th B.C), we find references to the
process of decision making through voting.
All these point to the fact that democratic values and public opinion were very much
respected in ancient political tradition in spite of the dominant trend of monarchical
government.

UNIT I: State and Society in Ancient India

MANU
In the history of ancient Indian Political Philosophy, Manu, the author of Manusmriti,
is regarded as the first teacher to reveal the essence of humanity. He also prescribed
the norms of social life and politics. His writing encompasses pragmatic visualization
as well as idealization of life primarily consumed with Dharma which includes the
concept of religion, duty, law, rights and justice.

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Manusmriti is also called Manu Dharmashastra and Manu Dharma Samhita. It is a

comprehensive and encyclopaedic text that contains 12 chapters with 2685 verses,
written in Sanskrit. Manusmriti was even given a new name by British Colonial
Rulers of India as “The Law Book” of Hindus. As it not only contains civil and criminal
laws but also the rule of inheritance, laws regarding families and marriage. It actually
gave every details of the daily life of an individual.
Manusmriti can be divided it into three sections and they are
1) Origin of the World
2) Sources of the Law
3) Dharma of the four Social classes (Brahamanas/ Kshatriyas/ Vaishyas/ Shudras)

Central idea of Dharma:

As being a human out of an evolutionary process, well distinguished from other
animal species, one should have the ability to differentiate between good and evil.
So, it can even be said that Dharma represents the moral principle that makes
human life worthy and provides meaning to the system that has been evolved to
support human life. Dharma is related with Karma- the act, deed or work. Karma is
considered to be the law which pervades the whole world, which all God and men
must obey.
Theory of Karma:
Hindu ethics emphasizes on karma and reincarnation. It focuses on one’s deeds that
determine the future state of the person. So, the foundation of Hindu ethics is the
Hindu religious texts from Vedas to Upanishads, from Puranas to Ramayana/
Mahabharata. They are often considered to be cultural and philosophical texts.

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Varna: Manusmriti has developed Hindu culture society divided into caste i.e. Varna.
Brahamanas (Teacher/ Priests)
Kshatriyas (Administrators and Army men)
Vaishyas/ Aryans (Traders/ Farmers/ Herdsmen)
Shudras (Unholy slaves)
Comparison between Manusmriti and Mimamsa Philosophy
It is clear that Manusmriti has its roots in Dharma and so does Mimamsa philosophy.
Mimamsa philosophy too considers the primacy of dharma in human life. Veda is the
final and supreme authority for both Mimamsa and Manusmriti. As in Mimamsa,
Manu too associates dharma with karma i.e. emphasis on good act or work and
believing that the law of karma is inevitable. The karma yogya is the essence of
manusmriti which seeks morality, fair play and justice in every human activity. For
Manu, dharma is the touchstone of ethics and morality. He has provided the tenfold
principles which are as follows:
· Dhairya or Dhriti- Contentment
· Kshama- Forgiveness
· Dama- Self- control
· Asteya- Refraining from unrighteous appropriating anything
· Saucha- Cleanliness
· Indriya nigraha- Control of immoral desires
· Dhi- Wisdom
· Vidya- Knowledge
· Satya- Truthfulness
· Akrodha- Refraining from anger
Origins of Varna
There are different theories regarding the origin of Varna.
Theory of Parasara:
According to Parasara, the whole of mankind has emerged from the Brahmana. It is
the law of nature that the children share the common nature of their parents and
therefore all the men have been of the same Varna when they were created. The
question arises as to why there is distinction between the various Varnas. Parasara
replies. It is true that the offspring begotten by one is none else than the begetter
himself, but if the soil and the seed are inferior, the offspring born of these will be
inferior. Parasara says that mankind has originated from the great Brahmana
himself but all sections of society did not emerge from the same parts of the body.
The Brahmana have emerged from the mouth, the Kshatriya from arms, the Vaishya
from thighs, and the Sudra from the feet. Originally, the four Varnas were created
and the other classes were the result of inter – mixture. Parasara has given a list of
fourteen subclasses.
Theory of Mahabharata:

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In the Mahabharata, the origin of the Varna has been described from the various
parts of the body of the creator. The Brahmana originated from the mouth of the
Brahma or the creator, the Kshatriya from his arms, the Sudra-from his feet. The
Brahmana was created to preserve the Vedas, the Kshatriya to rule the world and to
protect it, the Vaishyas to support the other two Varnas and himself by agriculture,
and the Sudras to serve the other three Varnas.
Theory of Manu:
According to Manusmriti, the four Varnas have been created from various parts of
the body of the creator. To protect the universe, different duties and occupations
were assigned to the different Varnas. Brahmana Varna has been regarded as the
supreme creation of God. Manu has asserted that the Brahmana, the Kshatriya, the
Vaishya and the Sudra are the only Varnas in existence and there is no Pancham
Varna.

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BUDDHA
Introduction
Buddhist tradition owes its origin to the teachings of Gautam Buddha (563-483 B.C),
a great philosopher and social reformer in ancient India. While Dharmashastra and
Arthashastra traditions were embedded in Hindu philosophy, Buddhist tradition
marks a clear departure from Hindu mode of thought.
Buddha (originally Prince Siddhartha) was born into a Vedic Kshatriya family. He
grew up in an environment of luxury and opulence. He discovered at an early agree
that sensual pleasures and wealth did not provide genuine and enduring satisfaction
to the human being. He abandoned worldly life to devote himself to meditation and
eventually gained Enlightenment, where upon he came to be known as Buddha (the
Enlightened one).
Buddha repudiated the conventional Hindu belief that Brahmans were the genuine
children of Brahma (the Creator of the Universe), born of his mouth. Buddha denied
to link individual’s status with his position in the hierarchy of the caste system. He
asserted that men should be judged by their deeds with reference to the standard of
righteousness, and not by their birth in a particular class. Buddha declared that all
those who became his followers and observed Dhamma (the virtuous path prescribed
by Buddha) would be treated was equal without discrimination of caste, gender, race
or region.

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➢ Buddha argued that as all rivers (great and small) lose their distinct identities
on joining the ocean, so all castes and classes acquire identical status on
joining his Sangha (Buddhist Organisation).
Foundations of Buddhism
The basic tenets of Buddhism are enshrined in “four noble truths” (Arya Satyas).
These are
1) All existence is afflicted with suffering. (Dukkha)
2) Desire, appetite or craving is the source of suffering that binds all beings to
the cycle of birth and rebirth. (Samudaya)
3) Through the elimination of craving, suffering can be brought to an end.
(Nirodha)
4) In worldly life, men should follow the ‘eightfold path’ which is the key to their
redemption from suffering. (Magga)
Eight Fold Paths: the path consists of various interconnected activities related to
knowledge, conduct, and meditative practices.
1) Right thinking
2) Right intention
3) Right speech
4) Right action/conduct
5) Right livelihood
6) Right mindfulness or control of thought
7) Right effort
8) Right concentration
Buddha advised his followers to refrain from extremes and always follow the “middle
path” (Madhyam Marg) to mitigate their suffering. In contrast to Hindu mode of
thought, Buddhism does not recognise any supernatural deity. It holds that by
following the “eightfold path”, one will eventually attain Enlightenment or Nirvana,
that is the state of liberation of the soul from the passions and frustrations of
ordinary living. Buddhism holds that individual’s self is linked with the lives of all
other creatures and to his or her past and future incarnations. This
interconnectedness of the universe is often invoked to assert a strong sense of social
solidarity and individual’s moral obligation towards others.
Dhamma
The Dhamma, as taught by the Buddha, is about overcoming dissatisfaction or
suffering (dukkha). Dhamma refers to Buddhist doctrine and is often interpreted to
mean the ‘teachings of the Buddha’. The Dhamma reveals truths as taught by the
Buddha. It also gives people a way to live life that can lead them towards achieving
enlightenment. It encourages Buddhists to follow the Noble Eightfold Path and to

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practise meditation. Buddhists believe that following the Dhamma in their daily
practice, can help them to overcome suffering.
What the Buddha calls Dhamma differs fundamentally from what is called Religion.
Dhamma is righteousness, which means right relations between man and man in all
spheres of life. Dhamma means truth, that which really is. It also means law, the law
which exists in a man's own heart and mind. It is the principle of righteousness.
Dhamma means 'to uphold', and therefore it is central to Buddhist belief as it 'holds
up' the religion and Buddhists may also believe that it upholds the natural order of
the universe. Since dhamma is based upon the actions and teachings of the Buddha,
Buddhists are encouraged to follow it. For example, a Buddhist may follow the Noble
Eightfold Path to overcome extremes of behaviour.

Sangha
One of the oldest ways of expressing faith in Buddhism is by taking refuge in the
three jewels. Also known as the triple gem and the three treasures, the three jewels
are the Buddha (the exemplar), the dharma (the teachings), and the sangha (the
community of practitioners). Many rituals and ceremonies in Buddhist communities
around the world, as well as the daily practice for individuals, begin with recitation
of the three refuge vows:
I take refuge in the Buddha.
I take refuge in the dhamma.
I take refuge in the sangha.
Sangha, meaning 'company' or 'community', refers to the monastic communities of
monks and nuns across the Buddhist world. The word “Sangha” is a Sanskrit word
that means, literally, a community that joins and lives together. Traditionally one
joins the Sangha by a formal act of renouncing all possessions and worldly
relationships, and then “goes forth” into the homeless life of a monk or nun. This is
when one shaves the head, puts on the robes of a mendicant, and lives only on freely
offered food.
In the early days this was normally a lifetime commitment, but today ordination can
be temporary. Sangha members in ancient India gathered together as a community
twice a month, on the days of the full and new moon, at which point they would
recite the memorized discourses together. They would also admit openly to any
transgressions of the monastic rules (227 for the monks, 331 for the nuns).
The early Buddhist community was actually composed of four parts, with the
addition of a community of lay followers (literally, those who hear the teachings)
divided into male and female adherents. The Buddha is often depicted as teaching
the “fourfold assembly,” surrounded by monks, nuns, and male and female lay
followers. One would formally join the lay community by chanting “I go for refuge to
the Buddha, Dhamma, and Sangha” three times.
More recently the word sangha has been extended even wider in the West to include
almost anyone with an interest in Buddhist thought and practice. Local temples and
retreat centers refer to their participants as sangha members, and people look to join
meditation communities or affinity groups that self-identify as sanghas.

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Finally, the word can be extended to encompass all sentient beings as members of a
single sangha. This inspiring vision brings with it a heightened sense of connection,
a greater appreciation of mutual interdependence, and a shared responsibility for all
beings to respect and care for one another.

Eightfold Path
The Noble Eightfold Path consists of eight ways of thinking, speaking and behaving
that Buddha said people should follow if they want to reach the end of Suffering, i.e.
Nirvana. The idea of the Eightfold Path appears in what is regarded as the first
sermon of Buddha, which he delivered after his enlightenment.
Eight Fold Paths: the path consists of various interconnected activities related to
knowledge, conduct, and meditative practices.
1) Right understanding (Samma ditthi)
2) Right thought (Samma sankappa)
3) Right speech (Samma vaca)
4) Right action (Samma kammanta)
5) Right livelihood (Samma ajiva)
6) Right effort (Samma vayama)
7) Right mindfulness (Samma sati)
8) Right concentration (Samma samadhi)

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RIGHT UNDERSTANDING
Right understanding is the understanding of things as they are, and it is the four
noble truths that explain things as they really are. Right understanding therefore is
ultimately reduced to the understanding of the four noble truths. This understanding
is the highest wisdom which sees the Ultimate Reality. According to Buddhism there
are two sorts of understanding. What we generally call “understanding” is knowledge,
an accumulated memory, an intellectual grasping of a subject according to certain
given data. This is called “knowing accordingly” (anubodha). It is not very deep. Real
deep understanding or “penetration” (pativedha) is seeing a thing in its true nature,
without name and label. This penetration is possible only when the mind is free from
all impurities and is fully developed through meditation.
RIGHT THOUGHT
Right thought denotes the thoughts of selfless renunciation or detachment, thoughts
of love and thoughts of non-violence, which are extended to all beings. It is very
interesting and important to note here that thoughts of selfless detachment, love and
non-violence are grouped on the side of wisdom. This clearly shows that true wisdom
is endowed with these noble qualities, and that all thoughts of selfish desire, ill-will,
hatred, and violence are the result of a lack of wisdom in all spheres of life whether
individual, social, or political.
RIGHT SPEECH
Right speech means abstention (1) from telling lies, (2) from backbiting and slander
and talk that may bring about hatred, enmity, disunity, and disharmony among
individuals or groups of people, (3) from harsh, rude, impolite, malicious, and
abusive language, and (4) from idle, useless, and foolish babble and gossip. When
one abstains from these forms of wrong and harmful speech one naturally has to
speak the truth, has to use words that are friendly and benevolent, pleasant and
gentle, meaningful, and useful. One should not speak carelessly: speech should be
at the right time and place. If one cannot say something useful, one should keep
“noble silence.”
RIGHT ACTION
Right action aims at promoting moral, honorable, and peaceful conduct. It
admonishes us that we should abstain from destroying life, from stealing, from
dishonest dealings, from illegitimate sexual intercourse, and that we should also help
others to lead a peaceful and honorable life in the right way.
RIGHT LIVELIHOOD
Right livelihood means that one should abstain from making one’s living through a
profession that brings harm to others, such as trading in arms and lethal weapons,
intoxicating drinks or poisons, killing animals, cheating, etc., and should live by a
profession which is honorable, blameless, and innocent of harm to others. One can
clearly see here that Buddhism is strongly opposed to any kind of war, when it lays
down that trade in arms and lethal weapons is an evil and unjust means of livelihood.

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RIGHT EFFORT
Right effort is the energetic will (1) to prevent evil and unwholesome states of mind
from arising, and (2) to get rid of such evil and unwholesome states that have already
arisen within a man, and also (3) to produce, to cause to arise, good, and wholesome
states of mind not yet arisen, and (4) to develop and bring to perfection the good and
wholesome states of mind already present in a man.
RIGHT MINDFULNESS
Right mindfulness is to be diligently aware, mindful, and attentive with regard to (1)
the activities of the body (kaya), (2) sensations or feelings (vedana), (3) the activities
of the mind (citta) and (4) ideas, thoughts, conceptions, and things (dhamma).
RIGHT CONCENTRATION
The third and last factor of mental discipline is right concentration. Once the mind
is uncluttered, it may then be concentrated to achieve whatever is desired. Right
Concentration is turning the mind to focus on an object, such as a flower, or a lit
candle, or a concept such as loving compassion.
Right concentration implies that we select worthy directions for the concentration of
the mind, although everything in nature, beautiful and ugly, may be useful for
concentration.
Thus, the mind is trained and disciplined and developed through right effort, right
mindfulness, and right concentration.
The benefits of Right Mindfulness and Right Concentration are significant as they
teach the mind to see things, not as we are conditioned to seeing them, but as they
really are. At the same time, they also lead to a feeling of calm and peace with the
world. By being in the moment and being able to concentrate effectively, a sense of
joy in the moment is felt. Release from the control of past pains and future mind
games takes us closer to freedom from suffering.
Thus, Buddha sets forth a middle way, the Eightfold Path, between the extremes of
asceticism and sensual indulgence.

KAUTILYA (c. 350 - 283 B.C.E.)

In the happiness of the people, lies the ruler’s happiness. Their welfare is his welfare.
The ruler shall not consider what pleases and benefits him personally, but what is
pleasing and beneficial to the people.
(Kautilya- Arthashastra)
Kings rule over willing subjects but tyrants rule over unwilling subjects; the king pursues
honour, the tyrant pleasure. (Aristotle- Politics)

Kautilya is also known as Chanakya, Vishnugupta. He was an adviser and a Prime

Minister to the first Maurya Emperor Chandragupta (c. 340-293 B.C.E.), and
architect of his rise to power. Kautilya helped the young Chandragupta Maurya, who
was a Vaishya, to ascend to the Nanda throne in 321 BC. Kautilya’s counsel is

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particularly remarkable because the young Maurya’s supporters were not as well
armed as the Nandas. Kautilya continued to help Chandragupta Maurya in his
campaigns and his influence was crucial in consolidating the great Mauryan empire.
He has often been likened to Machiavelli by political theorists, and the name of
Chanakya is still reminiscent of a vastly scheming and clever political adviser.
Much of our knowledge about state policy under the Mauryas comes from the
Arthashastra written by Kautilya. It was discovered in 1904 by Sharmashatri and
was translated into German by Jacobi in 1909.
The book, written in Sanskrit, discusses theories and principles of governing a state.
It is not an account of Mauryan administration. It is a primeval Indian discourse on
statecraft, economic policy and military strategy.The title, Arthashastra, means “the
Science of Material Gain” or “Science of Polity”. Arthashastra entails the science
(sastra) of wealth/earth/polity (artha).
In simple way, ‘arthashastra’ can be explained as ‘science and art of politics and
diplomacy’. This treatise is divided into sixteen books dealing with virtually every
topic concerned with the running of a state, taxation, law, diplomacy, military
strategy, economics, bureaucracy etc. The book is a masterwork which includes an
array of topics like statecraft, politics, strategy, selection and training of employees,
leadership skills, legal systems, accounting systems, taxation, fiscal policies, civil
rules, internal and foreign trade etc. Arthashastra backs rational ethics to the
conduct of the affairs of the state. The emphasis is on systematisation of law and
uniformity of law throughout the empire. It is the most important work on Public
Administration in Ancient India.

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Saptanga Theory
Kautilya enumerated seven prakritis or essential organs of the state. They are as
follows:

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Mandala Theory
Kautilya, in the boldest of his promised, claimed that one who knew his science of
politics could conquer the world, that “one possessed of personal qualities, though
ruling over a small territory . . . conversant with the science of politics, did conquer
the entire earth, never lost.”
The concept of mandala (the circle of states) was laid down for the first time by Manu
and it was destined to become the foundation of the foreign policy of the state in
ancient India.
A total and comprehensive picture of the Mandala theory that of Manu and its relative
importance for the security and survival of the state was presented for the first time
by Kautilya. It was perfected to such an extent that it became applicable to his later
ages also.
Mandala Siddhant is a theory of geostrategy. It tells us the strategy of war. Mandal
comprises of 12 kings. 12 kings multiplied by 7 elements of sovereignty means 84
elements.
The measures that were to be adopted by kings to carry into effect their foreign policy
were four, namely: (i) conciliation (sama); (ii) making of gifts (dana); (iii) sowing of
dissensions (bheda); and (iv) punishment (danda). In order to determine the kind of
policy to be adopted in each case, foreign rulers were classified by Kautilya under
four heads, namely, enemies (Ari), friends (Mitra), mediators (Madhyama), and
neutrals (Udasma),

“Your neighbor is your natural enemy and the neighbor’s neighbor is your friend”
this was the basic thought behind Kautilya’s Mandala theory. Mandala theory of
foreign policy, is based on the geographical assumption that the immediate neighbor
state is most likely to be an enemy (real or potential) and a state next to the
immediate neighbor is likely to be ones friend, after a friendly state comes an
unfriendly state (friend of the enemy state) and next to that a friendly state (friend of

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a friendly state) and so on. According to Kautilya, the states which are one’s
neighbours and are also neighbours of one’s enemies are neutral and should always
be treated with respect.
According to him, this circle is dynamic and the King should strive to expand his
central position and reduce the power of the other kings in his vicinity. As per the
theory it is advised to build alliances with states which are two degrees away from
the center to create a balance of power. Moral principles or obligations have little or
no force in altering the actions among nations because every nation acts to maximize
power and self-interest. Even if it is good to have an ally, the alliance should last long
only as long as both the parties’ self-interests are served.
As per the Mandala theory, states participate in diplomacy and war using the six methods of foreign
policy which are
Sandhi: - The peace treaties should be made with specific conditions to promote
welfare and development. They should also strengthen alliances or use the period
as one arm of dual policy. According to Chanakya, one can enter into a treaty with
one’s enemy and it could be broken when one grows strong. The interests of one’s
state should always be held supreme.
Vigraha: - The policy of hostility is recommended to be followed by the stronger
state. The hostilities can be conducted as open, secret, undeclared or clandestine
attacks. Diplomatic wars too are justified on all levels.
Asana: - The policy of remaining neutral is highly recommended when both states
are equal.
Yana: - Very careful consideration is to be made before taking the important
decision on wars. Since the preparation for war and the long march entailed heavy
expenditure and prolonged absence from the capital.
Samsraya:- The policy of seeking protection of a stronger king/authority can be
practised by entering into alliances or by signing a treaty.
Dvaidhibhava:- This is the policy of seeking peace with one king/authority in order
to pursue hostilities with another.
Keeping in mind the six methods of foreign policy, we can find the relevance of
Mandala Theory in international relations and geopolitics even today.

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Statecraft
Kautilya sees the state as a product of practical necessity. In his view, before the
emergence of the authority of the king, the world was afflicted by anarchy. Kautilya’s
political thought is centred around the idea of ‘kingship’ which was widely prevalent
in ancient India. In other words, his prescriptions are particularly suitable for
monarchy, and not for any other form of government like aristocracy or democracy.
As regards to the state, Kautilya particularly advise the king to ensure the safety of
women and property of his subjects. Broadly speaking, a king should protect his
subjects from eight types of natural calamities: fire, flood, epidemic, famine, rats,
snakes, tigers and evil spirits. Kautilya suggests the ways to catch hold of criminals
with the help of spies. He also prescribes different punishments for different types of
crimes. In short, a king’s function of defence may be divided into three parts:
1) Defence from external enemies and assailants;
2) Maintenance of law and order within the state; and
3) Protection of the subjects from natural calamities.
Kautilya advises the king to abstain from arrogance. He should not give up
righteousness while enjoying worldly pleasures. Proper education as well as self-
control is the keynote of good administration. Kautilya has sought to make the state
machinery as instrument of material, cultural and spiritual well-being of the people.
The state shall be responsible not only for the maintenance of Dharma, i.. The
prescribed duties of all human beings, but also for maintaining the sanctity of
relations between husband and wife, father and son, brother and sister, teacher and
taught, etc.
Kautilya holds the state responsible for giving due assistance to the destitute,
pregnant women, newly born children, orphans and the aged people. Thus, he has
created a vast network of social security. Kautilya has made elaborate provisions for
the regulation of dissolution of marriages, desertion, remarriage, protection of the
dignity and chastity of women and rules governing the profession of prostitutes.
The responsibility of regulation and control of the means of entertainment like
theatres and gambling dens also devolves on the state. Kautilya has ruled that the
state itself should set up liquour shops at a reasonable distance within the city and
town, or issue license to traders to open such shops. Public buildings should be
suitably decorated and equipped with the means of rest and recreation for the people.
Kautilya has also laid down elaborate rules for the slaughter of animals and sale of
meat.
Kautilya favours state control of all trade and occupations. He requires all physicians
to report all cases of serious illness to government. If a physician fails to report such
a case, and the patient dies, the physician shall be liable to punishment. Similarly,
Arthashastra lays down elaborate rules governing the occupations of goldsmiths,
weavers and washerman.
Kautilya has also determined the rates of tax, profit and interest. He wants the state
to fix pillars beside the highways to indicate distance of different destinations.

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UNIT II: Medieval Political Thought

BASAVA
Basava philosophy takes the name from Sree Basaveshwar who was born in Bagevadi
(of undivided Bijapur district in Karnataka) during 1134 AD. He is the founding saint
of the Lingayat sect. His spiritual discipline was based on the principles of Arivu (true
knowledge), Achara (right conduct), and Anubhava (divine experience) and it brought
social, religious and economical revolution in the 12th century.
This path advocates a holistic approach of Lingangayoga (union with the divine). This
comprehensive discipline encompasses bhakti (devotion), jnana (knowledge), and
kriye (action) in a well-balanced manner. In Kalyana, the king Bijjala (1157-1167,
AD) appointed Basaveshwara as a karanika (Accountant) in the initial stage, in his
court and later as the Prime minister.
Basaveshwara revolted against all the social evils of the traditionalistic society and
brought a drastic change in various facets. He fought the caste system prevalent in

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India. He preached the eradication of untouchability and the establishment of

equality of all human beings, including gender equality. His vachanas (teachings)
became an invaluable source of knowledge, and were instrumental in spreading
social awareness.
His practical approach and act of establishment of ‘Kalyana Rajya’ (Welfare state)
brought a new status and position for all the citizens of the society, irrespective of
class, caste, creed and sex.
Anubhava Mantapa
Sree Basava is regarded as one of the pioneers of the concept of democracy. He
created a model parliament called the “Anubhava Mantapa,” which not only gave
equal representation to men and women, but also had representatives from different
socioeconomic backgrounds. He was a man ahead of his time. He believed that
conflict should be resolved through debate and not violence.

Anubhava Mantapa was an academy of mystics, saints and philosophers of the

'Lingayath's' faith in the 12th century. It was the fountainhead of all religious and
philosophical thought pertaining to the human values, ethics. It was a common
forum for all to discuss the prevailing problems of socio, economic and political
strata including religious and spiritual principles along with personal problems.

Anubhava Mantapa criticized sharply the meaningless differentiation of human

beings as high or low either on their birth or on their occupation. It was the first and
foremost Parliament of India, where Sharanas (citizens of welfare society) sat together
and discussed the socialistic principles of a Democratic set up. All those discussions
of Sharanas were written in the form of Vachanas. Vachanas were an innovative
literary form written in simple Kannada language.
The fundamental principles accepted Anubhava Mantapa may be summarized as
follows:
❖ All are equal;
❖ No man is high or low either by birth, sex or occupation.
❖ Woman has equal rights with man to follow the path of self-evolution.
❖ Universal brotherhood, Community approach (team work) and Practice
before preach.
❖ Each one should follow a profession of his own choice.
❖ All Kayaka 's are honorable professions. No Kayaka is either low or high.
❖ Varnas (or castes) and Ashrams (or stages) are to be discarded.
❖ Renunciation and dwelling in forest are ruled out as cowardly tendencies to
escape from life.
❖ Inter-group marriages and free dining should be encouraged.
❖ Untouchability has no place in the society.

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❖ Every man is free to think on all spiritual and social subjects.

❖ Reason and experience are the only guiding lights for free thinking and
spiritual advancement.
❖ Language of the people should be the medium for imparting spiritual and
secular education.
❖ All men have equal rights to participate in spiritual discussions, to acquire
spiritual knowledge and follow the same path of self-evolution.
Gender Equality
One, among Basava’s manifold contributions towards the rejuvenation of the
contemporary tradition-ridden society, was his recognition of woman’s individuality
and her rights. There is no denying the fact that the position of woman in any society
is a significant pointer to the level of culture of that society.
In a progressive society as woman’s position improves, her subjection diminishes.
The ideal society envisaged by Basava and the Sharanas in the 12th century was a
significant step towards the emancipation of women.
There is good evidence to believe that in the early Vedic age’s women enjoyed equal
rights with men. The wife and husband were regarded equal in every respect and
both took equal part in all duties religious and social.
Women also took part in the intellectual and spiritual life of the community. Some of
the hymns of the Rigveda were composed by women. Višvavara, Apala, Lopamudra,
Ghosa, Indräni and Sachi are mentioned among others as composers of hymns.
That woman continued to enjoy freedom and respect even in ages following the Vedic
period can be inferred from references in Dharma Shastras. But the period is very
brief. The dark period of subjugation of women seems to have begun soon thereafter.
Manu has something good to say about women. Where women are honoured, he
ordains, there the Gods arc pleased; but where they are not honoured, no sacred rite
yields rewards.
But the deprecatory remark which he heaps on them almost outweighs the good
ones. He regards them as morally low creatures. “It is the nature of the woman to
seduce man in this world; for that reason the wise are never unguarded in the
company of females. Such verses abound; and it is needless to multiply them. Manu
lays down that a woman is never fit for independence. Her father protects her in
childhood, her husband in youth, and her sons in her old age.
Basava revolted against the ill treatment of woman - the refusal to grant her the
status of a human being. He felt a religion that discriminates against women could
not last long. Buddhism and Jainism marked a revolt against the class distinctions
preached by the followers of decadent Brahmanism.
The twelfth century society in which Basava was born was the same as the traditional
post-Vedic society ridden with blind beliefs and faiths. It was a society where women
were treated as slaves and chattels. And it was left to Basava to redeem women from
the traditional fetters and give them an honourable existence. Basava was the main
force behind the founding of Anubhava Mantapa, the forum for religious discussion
and experience.

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A closer study of the functioning of the Mantapa is bound to give us a more definitive
idea of Basava’s attitude towards womanhood. The Mantapa had a good number of
women as its members. By introducing the ceremony of ‘Linga Dikshã’ Lingayatism
threw open its doors to men and women alike, of all castes and creeds. Women were
regarded as in no way inferior to men in spiritual matters. Consequently, the
contributions in religious experience from women were not only heartily welcomed
but also highly appreciated and encouraged.
There are seven vachanas where Basava makes reference to how woman is to be
looked upon. In all these vachanas the main Point which Basava drives home to his
followers is that to desire another man’s wife is a sin; and to look upon a woman not
otherwise as sister or mother is a deadlier sin. Basava, who was himself happily
married never laid down that a wife could be an obstacle to high spiritual attainment.
There are a good number of reformers who worked for securing social, economic and
political rights for women. None, however, worked to secure equal rights for them in
the field of religion, too. While the Jains and the Buddhists opened doors to woman,
Basava declared that a woman is entitled to religious initiation and salvation same
as man!

ZIAUDDIN BARANI (1285-1357)

Ziauddin Barani was a historian and political thinker who lived in Delhi Sultanate
during Mohammed –bin-Tughlaq and Firuz Shah’s reign. He was best known for
composing Tarikh-I- Firozshahi. It was a major historical work of Medieval India. He
was born in aristocratic Muslim family in 1285 in which his father, uncle, and
grandfather all working in high government post under Sultan of Delhi.
He has been regarded as one of the most important historian and political theorist
of Medieval India. His writings are invaluable source for acquiring the knowledge of
nearly hundred years of the Delhi Sultanate.
His importance lies not only in composing the history of this period but also in writing
on the nature of kingship, its rationale, duties and obligations. He represented the
idea of political expediency in the Islamic history. His Fatawa-i-Jahandari, written
as nasihat (advices) for the Muslim kings, is a classic work on statecraft which can
be compare with Kautilya’s Arthashastra and Machiavelli’s Prince.
Barani was a great scholar. Apart from cultivating interest in law and philosophy, he
took keen interest in history. He dwells on the uses of History. He looks upon history
as a panorama of human activity unfolded before man to guide his faltering steps in
life’s journey. A study of history gives a rare insight into human affairs and helps
him to distinguish between good and bad and to learn from the experience of others.
Barani also makes a reference to the qualities of a good historian in the introductory
chapter of Tarikh-i-Firozshahi.
According to him truthfulness, impartiality, honesty and fearlessness are some of
these qualities. He also insists that a historian should be correct in his statements
and should avoid exaggerations or hyperboles, which is a unusual quality of the
poets. Barani is usually credited with eight historical works, most of which cannot
be traced at present. The two most well-known works of Baruni are Tarikh-i-
Firozshahi and Fatawa-i-Jahandari, which provide valuable information about the
History of that period. He completed his work “Tarikh-i-Firozshahi” in 1357 and

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dedicated the same to the ruling Sovereign. It may be noted that the book does not
exclusively deal with the reign of Firozshah. It begins with Balban and ends with the
sixth regnal year of Firozshah.
Theory of Kingship (Ideal Sultan)
Barani made a distinction between the personal life of the Sultan and his political
role. In both aspects, however, he envisaged in him an ideal person, noble born,
preferably belonging to the family of the monarch, having innate sense of justice,
wise enough to understand the deception and conspiracies of the wicked,
understanding the importance of his time and dividing it judiciously between his
personal needs and political requirement.
The king should and following the path of the Shariat, which laid down that he was
an agent of god on earth to do the ‘welfare’ of the people. As far as following the
Shariat was concerned, Barani conceded that in the personal realm the Sultan may
choose to be lax but he opposed the idea of laxity in the political sphere as it might
lead to disease in the administration. He advised the Sultan to achieve the objectives
of Islam and possess the attributes of terror, prestige, pride, high status, domination
and superiority.
Courage to react to any idea or anyone’s wishes at the appropriate time was to be
the essential ingredient of his political existence. Nonetheless, he must desist from
five mean qualities such as falsehood, changeability, deception, wrathfulness and
injustice. As people were influenced by the character and actions of the monarch, it
was necessary for him to maintain all the regalities associated with kingship.
Counsellors and army and intelligence officers were indispensable parts of these
royal functions. Their selection, gradation, etc. were obviously the duty of the Sultan
and required careful attention. It was on the basis of their advice and reporting,
either on policy matters or about conspiracies, corruption, the condition of people,
etc. that the administration could function harmoniously. It was the king’s
responsibility to protect the old political families, to check their possible usurpation
of power and to ensure they are not left to live in material deprivation.
Barani’s intimate knowledge about such affairs, and the fact that he was himself a
victim of such circumstances, might have compelled him to pen down such advice.
The supremacy of the Sultan and the safety of his Sultanate, however, couldn’t have
been secured without delivering justice to the subjects. ‘The real justification for the
supremacy of the kings and of their power and dignity’, Barani had remarked, ‘is the
need for enforcing justice’.
Accordingly, the first act had to be the appointment and gradation of judges, with
the king himself being at the apex, and the functions delineated for them were
‘protection of money, property, women and children of the weak, the obedient, the
helpless, the young, the submissive and the friendless. While delivering justice,
‘however, the king should know the appropriate occasions for both forgiveness and
punishment’.
➢ Punishment to the rebellious, cruel, mischievous, etc. had to be combined
with mercy and forgiveness for those who accepted their sins and were
repentant.

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➢ However, in all these deliberations on justice, one aspect was conspicuous by

its absence, i.e., the deliverance of justice was to be according to the religious
practices of the subjects, though Barani nowhere mentioned separate kinds
of justice for Hindus and Muslims.
Ideal State
The following are the features of an Ideal State as enunciated by Barani.
1) Laws
Barani categorized laws into two kinds, the Shariat and the Zawabit. While the
shariat meant the teachings and practices of the Prophet and of the pious Caliphs,
the Zawabit were the state laws formulated by the monarch in consultation with the
nobility to cater to the new requirements which the shariat was unable to fulfill. It
was ideal for the king, nobility and the personnel of administration to follow the
Shariat, both in personal domain and in public policies.
Barani defines zawabit as "a rule of action which a king imposes as an obligatory
duty on himself for realising the welfare of the state and from which he never
deviates." It is obvious that these zawabit would often tend to favour the royalty and
the officers of the king. Barani also expresses a pious wish that the zawabit framed
by the sultan should not be violative of the provisions of shariat. But at the same
time he makes it very explicit that the zawabit were not based on any religious text
or texts or their interpretation by the Ulema. These were legislated by the king solely
on the basis of his understanding of what was good for his kingdom.
2) Army
After the Mauryas, the Sultanate was the largest and most powerful state in India.
Obviously, the administration played varied roles, from revenue collection to
maintaining law and order, and from public works to dispensing ‘justice’. Out of the
three main pillars of the administration, the army was the prominent one which was
based on the Turkish- Mongol model. It was divided into four parts, viz., infantry,
cavalry, war elephants and auxiliary. The cavalry was further divided into three
wings, viz., soldiers without horse, soldiers with a single horse and soldiers with two
horses. The monarch also maintained personal troops called qalb for his safety and
ultimate reliability in case of rebellion occurring from within the nobility. The army,
apart from performing its basic functions of security and expansion of the state,
acquired importance for another reasons as well.
3) Bureaucracy
The bureaucracy was another necessary component of the Sultanate whose basic
function was to measure the land and fix and collect the taxes and in its absence the
very existence of the ruling class would have become redundant and neither would
have the army sustained itself. It operated at three levels, viz., centre, province and
village.
The Diwan-i Wazarat headed by a wazir (Minister) and assisted by a naib (Deputy),
Mushrif-i-Mamalik (Accountant) , Mustawfi-i-Mamalik (Auditor) and dabirs
(Secretary) , was at the apex of the revenue department. Corresponding to it at the
provincial level,

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the administration was headed by muqtis or walis. Below him was the Diwan, the
counterpart of the central wazir. The revenue was collected on the basis of the
estimate prepared for each loyalty, based on their revenue- paying capacity; and the
salary of the staff was paid from this revenue as per their status.
4) Justice
Justice was an essential element of the administration, which to Barani was all
encompassing, from remission of land tax to supply of commodities to buyers at
production cost, and from dispensing civil and criminal cases, to granting monetary
help to the needy from the state treasury. For instance, he suggested that the Diwan-
i-Riyasat, the controller general of the market, the Shahana-i-Mandi, the
superintendent of the grain market, and other officials should control irregularities
in the market such as checking the weight and measures, deliberate hike in prices,
hoarding etc.
The reasons behind this suggestion were two fold; first, a hike in the prices of
commodities would affect the army, particularly the subaltern rank, directly, and,
second, it might lead to discontentment among the general populace. Therefore, in
order to avert it, the need for such justice was imperative.
Another aspect related with justice and consequently with the security of the state
was remission of taxes. At least during calamities, Barani suggested, the king should
remit and reduce taxes and extend monetary help from the treasury till the time it
was possible and necessary.
To dispense justice the courts were divided into civil and criminal categories and they
operated at central and provincial levels. The judges were to be appointed by the
king, with himself at the apex of the judicial structure. Below him were Chief Judges,
Provincial Judge, Central Judicial Officers, Judicial Officers at Provincial Level,
Municipal Officers and Moral Censors and so on in the respective order.
Justice had two operational levels: one, operating in rural areas, another, operating
in the urban- administrative centers. But in both cases, there was one common
factor- there was no discriminatory justice rather it was differential justice based on
the merits of the cases and on the religion of the individuals.
Conclusion
Barani’s Fatawa-i-Jahandari and Tarikh-i-Feroz Shahi are considered the greatest
works of middle ages. The entire theory of Barani had a definite interest. On the
surface, his Fatawa or Tarikh may look like a bundle of contradictions, but beneath
it lays the consistency of his interest- the protection, consolidation and expansion of
the Sultanate. Essentially a conservative aristocrat in his outlook, he craved for
stability but was surpassed by the changing circumstances of his time, and sidelined
by the class whom he desired to represent.

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UNIT III: Renaissance Thought

RAJA RAM MOHAN ROY

Raja Ram Mohan Roy (1772-1833) is famous as a political thinker and social
reformer of modern India, and as the founder of Brahmo Samaj. He is regarded the
pioneer of the Indian Renaissance. Rabindranath Tagore commended him as
“Inaugurator of modern India” and “a luminous star in the firmament of Indian
history.”
Roy is recognized as a modern thinker because he believed in the primacy of Reason
in conducting all human affairs. He severely attacked the medieval superstitions and
the evil practices prevailing in his times and showed the way to modernization of
India.
His writings on Indian philosophy, including Vedanta Grantha (1815), Vedantasara
(1815), Ishopanishad (1816) etc contain a logical interpretation of Indian philosophy
as well as an enlightened analysis of the problems of Indian society. Besides, a lot of
petitions, letters and pamphlets written by him, may serve as the source material of
his social and political thought.
Roy was born in an age when Indian society was in the grip of irrational customs and
blind faith. Taking advantage of people’s apathy, the crooked and corrupt priests
sought to serve their sinister interests. Roy aroused popular concern for public
welfare and launched a systematic attack on the backward elements. Roy evolved a
mixture of oriental (eastern) and occidental (western) thought which paved the way
for regeneration of India.
For a logical interpretation of Hinduism, Roy undertook the study and analysis of
major religions of the world, apart from Indian philosophy. He learned more than ten
languages including Urdu, Hindi, Bangla, Sanskrit, Arabic, Persian, English, French,
Greek, Latin and Hebrew. Roy argued that human reason is the ultimate test of any
principle whether it is oriental or occidental.
One should not hesitate a bit to reject any belief that is against logic. In other words,
we should not pin our faith in the Indian tradition without reason, nor follow the
West blindly. Instead, we should decide the proper course judiciously after examining
both the traditions thoroughly.
Raja Ram Mohan Roy was a pioneer of Indian journalism. He started several
newspapers and periodicals in Bangla, Hindi, English and Persian in order to
propagate the scientific, literary and political knowledge among people, to create
enlightened public opinion about public issues, and to convey people’s demands and
grievances to the government. Through these papers and periodicals, he also
exhorted the Indians to abandon their superstitions as well as irrational practices.
Roy regards human being as a rational creature, entitled to freedom. No restraint on
man’s freedom can be allowed except in the interest of the wider freedom of the larger
society. Roy commended the ancient Indian principle of ‘Lok Samagraha’ which
required the state to promote public welfare.

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Social reform
Raja Ram Mohan Roy believed that individual freedom did not simply means the
country’s independence from foreign rule. If our social structure is infested with
deep-rooted injustice, individual freedom will be pointless even after the
independence of our country. No country would deserve political self-rule if it does
not grant the right to self-determination to the individual. Such a country should
undertake social reform before attaining national independence.
Roy argued that India’s ancient culture, which was based on the teachings of Vedas
and Upanishads, was really great. But his contemporary India was alienated from its
cultural legacy. It was dominated by the irrational beliefs and practices like idolatry,
polytheism, child marriage, ban on widow-remarriage, the custom of Sati, caste
system, priestdom, and adherence to superstition.
Under these circumstances, there was little scope for the individual to exercise his
free will or his right to self-determination. It was therefore imperative to liberate India
from the bondage of irrational beliefs and practices which required a rigorous effort
on the part of the state.
Roy argued that the state was obliged to abolish inhuman social practices, and to
enable individuals to exercise their freedom. Education should also be provided that
would help people to get rid of social evils. Roy himself established some schools and
colleges in order to promote modern education. He also insisted on the British
government to introduce certain legal reforms in India in the sphere of marriage,
inheritance, revenue and criminal law, judicial system.
Thus, Roy vigorously fought against all evil practices in religion and social spheres,
then prevalent in Hindu society. In 1828, he founded the famous Brahmo Samaj
(Society for the followers of the Absolute) which aimed at cleansing Hinduism and
persuading the Hindus to believe in monotheism (the existence of only one God). This
new school of thought urged on its followers to abandon dogmatism and adopt
rational teachings of other religions.
Major features of Brahmo Samaj
It condemned the prevailing Hindu prejudice against going abroad. Worked for a
respectable status for women in society by condemning Sati, purdah system,
discouraging child marriages, polygamy, and crusaded for widow remarriage,
women’s education, right to inherit property etc.
Criticised the caste system as it created inequality, promoted inter-caste
marriages and inter-caste dining to promote social equality.
➢ Advocated for the worship of one formless God under the brotherhood of man.
Followers of all religions were invited to come and worship in the same temple
in the spirit of brotherhood.
➢ Opening of temples to all without discrimination on any basis.
➢ It discarded faith in divine avatars.
➢ Devoted to the promotion of piety, virtue and benevolence.

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Ram Mohan Roy made every effort to bring unity in all religions. The universalism
preached by ancient sages was revived by him. In the words of Ramsay MacDonald,
“The Brahma Samaj was unwilling to desert Hinduism but was willing to become
liberal and respond to the impact of western faith.”
Thus, Ram Mohan Roy was a prophet of universalism, an ardent champion of liberty,
a political agitator for the freedom of press, a crusader for the rights of the
downtrodden Indian peasantry, an exponent of the oppressed women folk and has
rightly been described as the leader in the evolution of modern political thought in
India. Roy’s original thinking earned him appreciation of foreign scholars like Max
Muller, Bentham, William Adam. He craved for building a new India. His Brahma
Samaj was instrumental for the realisation of this ideal, but on account of lack of
organisational strength, the movement could keep itself.

JYOTHI RAO PHULE

Mahatma Jyothi Rao Phule (1827-90) was a prominent social activist, reformer,
writer, editor, scholar, thinker and social revolutionary philosopher of 19th Century
India. He fought against social evils like caste system, untouchability, gender
inequality.
Phule was born in a Mali (Gardener) family of Maharashtra which belonged to the
Shudra caste. So he was directly exposed to the social injustice that was inherent in
Hindu caste system. He was educated in a Scottish Mission School where he became
well-versed in English as well as Marathi. Phule is credited with introducing the
Marathi word Dalit (the broken, the crushed) to describe the down-trodden castes.
He was bestowed with the title of Mahatma (the Great Soul) in 1888 by his followers.
He led the movement against the prevailing caste-restrictions in India. He revolted
against the domination of the Brahmins and struggled for the rights of peasants and
other low-caste people.
Mahatma Jyothiba Pule was also a pioneer for women education in India and fought
for education of girls throughout his life. He is believed to be the first Hindu to start
an orphanage for the unfortunate children and widows. He made remarkable works
in the fields of education, women liberation, human rights, political rights, and
economic development of marginalised.
Reflecting on Hindu caste system, Phule realized that the members of higher castes
had deliberately kept the members of the lowest caste illiterate, poor, ignorant and
slaves of superstition to carry on their exploitation. He felt that apart from eradicating
the blind faith in the caste system, a thorough social and economic transformation
was necessary to end the practice of exploitation.
Major works
1) Jaati Bhed Vivek Saar (1865) (In Inquiry into Caste Discrminiation)
2) Brahmanche Kasab (1869) (where Phule has exposed the exploitation done by
Brahman priests)
3) Gulamgiri (1873) (where Phule has given a historical survey of the slavery to
which lower castes were subjected)

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4) Sarvajanik Satya Dharma Pustak (1891) (A Book of True Religion for All)
In 1848, Phule started a school for girls and children of
the untouchable castes; his wife Savithribai greatly helped him in this venture. In
1851, he opened two more schools for girls. He campaigned for widow remarriage
and in 1863, he started a home for upper caste widows as well as a home for
unwanted newborn infants in order to prevent female infanticide. In 1873 he founded
Satyashodhak Samaj (Society for the Seekers of Truth), in collaboration with other
dedicated social workers. This society opposed idolatry and denounced the rigidity of
the caste system. It also campaigned for the spread of rational thinking, and rejected
the need of priests. Major part of Phule’s life was devoted towards the emancipation
of the untouchables. Phule worked incessantly for the upliftment of all vulnerable
sections of society.

Nationalism in India cannot develop as long as restrictions on intercaste dining

and intercaste marriage continue to exist.
Downtrodden sections are in urgent need of education in order to enrich them with
wisdom, morality, progress and prosperity.
Discrimination between human beings on grounds of caste, creed or gender is a
sin.

Satya Shodhak Samaj

In 1873, Jyotiba Phule formed the Satya Shodhak Samaj (Society for Seekers of
Truth). This organisation aimed to mobilize and represent all oppressed groups,
including women and the marginalized castes. It sought to reform and create political
awareness among the downtrodden sections of the society. It must be noted that the
name Phule chose for his association stressed the search for truth as a primary goal.
Phule’s main mission was to fight against widespread casteism in the society and to
eradicate untouchability. He revolutionised the spirit of liberty among the weaker
sections of the society. He gave a slogan stating that ‘unless you fight for your rights,
you will not get back your rights.”
Phule took the support his Brahmin friends to establish the society. He became the
first President and Narayan Rao Govind became its first secretary. The Samaj stood
for progressive ideology, social awakening of the depressed class, creating awareness
among the Dalit class about their fundamental rights. The society strived to eradicate
bonded labour among the weaker sections of the society.
Major objectives
1) Resist Brahmin hegemony in social, education and colonial institutions.
2) Represent the case of the subaltern to British policy makers.
Principles of the Samaj
1. All human beings are the children of one God. Almighty God is both Mother
and Father to all beings.
2. There are no middlemen or agents between God and the human beings.

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3. Any individual human being agreeing with the principles of the Samaj is
eligible to seek membership in the organisation.
4. All sections of the human society who believe in the worship of one God shall
become the members of the Samaj.
Phule and his associates toured the length and breadth of the country and set up
branches of the Samaj. The Samaj used to conduct meetings in the houses of the
members on every Sunday. The discussions of the meetings mostly highlighted the
following aspects:
1. Undertaking compulsory education programme to the weaker sections of the
society. The Samaj concentrated more on the education of the Dalit
community in Maharashtra.
2. The Samaj popularised the wearing of Swadeshi clothes in India and
vehemently opposed the foreign clothes.
3. Reducing the importance of the Brahmin priests in the functions, marriages
and social functions.
4. 4. Performing the marriage at the cost of less expenditure.
5. 5. The Samaj organised small groups to fight against casteism as a social
evil.
Significance
The Samaj played a significant role during the early freedom struggle. It was a
pioneering organisation to revolt against the colonial British rule in India. The
branches of Samaj transformed into a full-fledged movement of the peasants and
working class. The Samaj mobilised peasants against Brahmin moneylenders and
petty officials as well as in discarding the services of the Brahmin priests and
introducing progressive Satyashodhak practices in all rituals, including marriages.
The Satyashodhak Samaj developed presence in the political and cultural affairs of
the region and laid the foundation of non-Brahman peasant movement in
Maharashtra.

Education
Phule was the first Indian social reformer who repeatedly urged the British
government to pay attention to primary education which was neglected. He was
making people aware about the education and compelling the British government to
make arrangement for education of all people of India.
He fought for the right of education equally for all the people regardless of the caste
and class. He knew once the people are educated, they would fight themselves for
their rights without any outside help and support. He said that progress of
individuals was possible only with education.
Phule says in the introduction to the book “Shetkaryacha Asood”.
“Without education wisdom was lost;
Without wisdom morals were lost;

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Without morals development was lost;

Without development wealth was lost;
Without wealth the Shudras were ruined;
So much has happened through lack of education.”
For that, Phule suggested compulsory, universal and creative education. Education
of women and the lower caste, he believed, deserved priority. Hence at home he began
educating his wife Savithribai and open girl’s first school in India in August 1848.
Only eight girls were admitted on the first day. Steadily, the number of students
increased.
Two more schools were opened in 1851 and 1852. Phule also started a school for the
lower classes, especially the Mahars and the Mangs. Thus, the pioneering work done
by Phule in the field of female and lower castes’ education was unparalleled in the
history of education in India.
Savithri Bai and Jyoti Rao dedicated themselves for the amelioration of inequality of
women and untouchables. The school that opened at Nana Peth in 1851 was
historical. Savithri Bai had to face the day-to-day discrimination from the
retrogressive Brahmins. They threw stones and cow dung on her and several times
accused her of being an immoral woman. Nevertheless, in the first school of 1848,
the majority were Brahmin girls.
According to Phule’s statement to the Hunter Commission on Education, submitted
in 1882, he showed an alternative approach to school education. Phule demanded
separate schools for lower classes and recruitment of teachers from the cultivating
(peasant) classes, who would “be able to mix themselves readily with lower classes of
society.” He suggested that children should be taught to read and write; they should
be helped to acquire a “rudimentary knowledge” of general history, geography, and
“elementary” knowledge of agriculture, and they should be given a few lessons on
moral duties and sanitation.
Phule viewed the liberation of the lower castes rested primarily on education. He
emphatically laid down that lack of education was the root cause of the degradation
of lower castes. He stressed on universalisation of education, i.e. education for all
irrespective of caste, colour, creed, sex and poverty. As he wanted education for all,
same is the motto of the present Indian education system, to provide education to
all. Following his principles, Dr. Ambedkar inserted in the constitution, the provision
of free and compulsory education and universalisation of education.

UNIT IV: Reformist Thought

M. K. GANDHI

Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi (1869-1948) was an Indian lawyer, anti-colonial

nationalist, and political ethicist, who employed nonviolent resistance to lead the
successful campaign for India's independence from British rule, and in turn inspired
movements for civil rights and freedom across the world.

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His social and political thought is compendiously described as Gandhism. He did not
write any treatise on his philosophy. His thought is scattered in a large number of
notes and pamphlets as well as his Autobiography (My Experiments With Truth;
1929).
POLITICS AND ETHICS
As a moral philosopher, Gandhi treated ethics as the guiding star of all human
behaviour, including politics. Gandhi's ethics was based in moral teachings of all
religions, although he paid special attention to time-honoured Hindu religion
(sanatana dharma). He expressed his firm faith in the spiritualization of politics. This
meant that if politics was to be a blessing, and not a curse to mankind, it should be
informed by the highest ethical and spiritual principles. In other words, politics
should be guided by high moral standards, and not by expediency.
Gandhi believed in purity of means as well as ends. Only right means should be
adopted for the pursuit of right ends. He strongly refuted the idea that ‘end justifies
the means' or that 'if a noble end is achieved by adopting ignoble means, their use
would be excused'.
Gandhi observed, “They say 'means are after all means'. I would say 'means are after
all everything'. As the means so the end... Realization of the goal is in exact
proportion to that of the means. This is a proposition that admits of no exception.”
Gandhi was convinced that if we take care of our means, end will take care of itself.
Means and ends may be compared to the seed and the tree respectively. The nature
of tree is determined by the nature of seed. Only the right type of see will grow into
the right type of tree. As you sow, so shall you reap. Again, means and end may be
compared to the action (karma) and its consequence (phala). Man has full control
over his action, not over its consequences. That is the famous teaching of Bhagwad-
Gita—Hindu sacred book. Means and ends are the two sides of a coin. They cannot
be separated. Immoral means cannot be used to achieve moral ends. Wrong way can
never lead to a right destination. The authority founded on fear and coercion cannot
inspire love and respect among people.
Gandhi adopted the path of satyagraha (reliance on the force of truth) for achieving
the goal of swaraj (independence from the foreign rule) because this path was as
sacred as its destination. Satyagraha involved the practice of ahimsa (non-violence)
which embodied the right course of action. So, Gandhi declared: "For me, ahimsa
comes before swaraj."
For Gandhi the terms 'spiritual', 'religious' and 'moral or ethical' conveyed the same
idea. They taught man to abstain from vice and follow the path of virtue. In Gandhi's
view, the essence of all religions was identical. God of Hindus was not different from
God of Muslims or God of Christians. All religions taught piety and charity toward
fellow-beings. No religion was superior or inferior to any other religion. Religious
tolerance was the keynote of social harmony. For Gandhi, adherence to religion was
the part of his pursuit of truth. This very pursuit induced him to participate in
politics. He believed that politics bereft of religion was nothing short of a death trap,
which kills the soul.
Gandhi wrote in his Autobiography: “My devotion to Truth has drawn me into the
field of politics; and I can say without the slightest hesitation and yet in all humility,

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that those who say that religion has nothing to do with politics do not know what
religion means.” In short, politics and ethics were inseparable in Gandhian system
of thought.
Truth and Non-violence
Devotion to truth is the essence of Gandhism. But how to discover truth? It is as
difficult as finding God Himself. In Gandhi's view, God and truth are inseparable.
Devotion to God can be carried out through devotion to His creation, particularly
through the service to the down-trodden. As Gandhi wrote in Harijan (1939):

I recognize no God except the God that is to be found in the hearts of the dumb
millions. They do not recognize His presence; I do. And I worship the God that is
Truth or Truth which is God, through service of these millions.

Non-violence is also the part of pursuit of truth. Non-violence or non-injury (ahimsa)

literally means: abstention from violence in one's behaviour toward other living
beings. This represents only the negative side of non-violence. On positive side, it
implies love of all. We should extend our love not only to those who love us, but also
to those who hate us. In Gandhi's own words:

It is non-violence only when we love those that hate us. I know how difficult it is
to follow this grand law of love. But are not all great and good things difficult to
do? Love of the hater is the most difficult of all. But by the grace of God even this
most difficult thing becomes easy to accomplish if we want to do it.

In Gandhi's view, even the intention to harm somebody or wishing him ill is a form
of violence which should be eschewed. Hatred or malice to anyone is also violence.
Acquiring material things beyond one's immediate need is also a form of violence
because thereby we deprive others of their share. Even the acts of spreading
atmospheric pollution and damaging public health amount to violence. Thus, the
principle of nonviolence embraces all rules of good citizenship and human decency.
When it comes to confrontation with injustice, non-violence does not imply showing
weakness. Non-violence is not the resort of the weak; it is the power of the strong—
of course, his moral power. This power comes from the firm adherence to truth.
When one fights for a just cause, and shows firm faith in truth, it results in the
'change of heart’ of the mighty opponent and makes him bend. In short, non-violence
is the art of gaining victory over physical force by spiritual force. Non-violence is the
method of self-purification. Practitioner of non-violence gains ample power to defeat
the forces of untruth.
Gandhi's technique of struggle against the mighty British Empire was throughout
based on the principle of non-violence (ahimsa). His method of civil disobedience and
satyagraha (reliance on the force of truth) were strongly based in nonviolence. His
doctrines of trusteeship and the vision of a classless society are also the
manifestation of his adherence to truth and non-violence.

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DOCTRINE OF TRUSTEESHIP
Gandhi believed in simple living, at the level of production as well as consumption.
He gave primacy to simple technology over heavy industries.Simple technology had
the capacity of mass employment, whereas advanced technology would create vast
unemployment, particularly in a country like India, and would promote consumerism
with all its ill effects. Gandhi preferred 'production by the masses' over 'mass
production' by heavy machinery.
Gandhian doctrine of trusteeship is addressed to the conscience of the rich and
resourceful members of society. He urges landlords and capitalists not to consider
themselves as the sole proprietors of their possessions, but only as 'trustees' of a gift
bestowed upon them by God for the service of humanity. This view is in consonance
with the basic philosophy of Gandhi, non-possession (aparigraha) which means one
should not take more than his immediate needs.
Gandhian principle of non-stealing (asteya) implies that amassing of wealth, or even
the possession of more than one’s immediate needs amounts to theft because it is
meant to fulfil others’ needs. Any attempt to satisfy one’s greed means theft. However,
Gandhi does not favour overthrowing the existing economic system. He believed that
if the organisers of agriculture and industry could be persuaded to act as public
servants, they will win wide public respect instead of the existing hatred.
The feeling of class conflict would be replaced by the sentiment of class cooperation.
Gandhi relied on the power of truth and non-violence (ahimsa) to accomplish 'change
of heart' of the rich and resourceful members of society.

Problems of Political Obligation

Gandhi recognized severe limits of political obligation, as his principle of ‘civil
disobedience’ indicates. Civil disobedience implies deliberately disobeying an unjust
authority and breaking an unjust law. The duty of civil disobedience to an unjust
law is the counterpart of the duty of civil obedience to a just law. Civil disobedience
may be resorted as a protest against an unjust policy of government or in order to
draw attention of the government to a demand for political reform.

Political Obligation
Set of conditions which determine as to how far, when and why an individual is
obliged to obey the law and commands of political authority. This may be
accompanied by such duties as the payment of taxes, participation in voting, jury
service and military duty, etc. which are considered to be necessary for the
maintenance of political institutions.

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Mahatma Gandhi sought to combine the principle of civil disobedience with his
principle of non-violent struggle and Satyagraha (the principle of reliance on the force
of truth) during India’s struggle for independence. Gandhi set a practical example of
civil disobedience when he led the march to the seashore in 1930 to defy the ban on
making salt by the Indians. This ban was imposed by British colonial rulers which
was thought to be unjust by Gandhi and his followers.
Gandhi firmly believed that civil disobedience was based on a profound respect for
law in general; only unjust law should be broken- that too when all methods of
persuasion and petition for withdrawal of such law had been tried and had failed.
The act of civil disobedience should be performed non-violently and in full public
view; and penalties entailed by this act should be accepted willingly.

Disobedience to be civil must be sincere, respectful, restrained, never defiant, must

be based upon some well-understood principle, must not be capricious and above
all, must have no ill-will or hatred behind it.
Mahatma Gandhi (Young India; 1920)

Conclusion
❖ It is important to note that the true object of civil disobedience is ‘change of
heart’ of the authorities concerned. This should be resorted to only against a
tyrannical regime, foreign ruler or unjust government.
❖ If a government generally maintains the citizens’ rights and can be influenced
through democratic means, resorting to civil disobedience will not be
necessary.
❖ Finally, civil disobedience should not be resorted to for pressing the demands
of any particular section against the general or public interest.

Dr. B.R. AMBEDKAR

Dr. B. R. Ambedkar (Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar) (1891-1956), popularly known as
Babasaheb Ambedkar, was one of the most talented, modern Indian political
thinkers. He is remembered as an ardent champion of the oppressed classes and the
chief architect of the Indian Constitution (1950).
He was a great educationist, parliamentarian and statesman. He was born in the
Mahar caste of Maharashtra, which was treated as ‘untouchable’ among Hindus, and
had to face untold humiliation in his school days because of his traditional inferior
status. However, due to his extraordinary talent and strong will, he obtained Ph.D.
degree from Columbia University in New York and D. Sc. Degree from London School
of Economics. He spent a lifetime fighting against the caste prejudices and injustices
to which the untouchables were widely subjected during those days. He was
convinced that the untouchables themselves could do something to eradicate the
curse of untouchability from the Indian society.
Ambedkar proceeded to organise the untouchables by means of their own
newspapers (particularly ‘Mook Nayak’, ‘Bahishkrit Bharat’ and ‘Janata’), social and
cultural forums and conferences. He fought for their due representation in
legislatures and government services, and for promoting their education.

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Ambedkar was deeply influenced by the revolutionary thinking of Buddha, Phule and
American philosopher John Dewey. Ambedkar founded many organisations to
mobilise the Indian Dalits in their struggle for justice, dignity, and freedom. He also
fought for Dalits’ entry into Hindu temples which was denied to them because of
their condemned status as ‘untouchables.’
He also participated in Round Table Conferences with the British rulers in order to
protect the interests of the oppressed classes. Dr Ambedkar was posthumously
awarded the Bharat Ratna in 1990.
Important organisations founded by Ambedkar
1. Bahishkrit Hitakarini Sabha (Society for the Amelioration of the Outcastes)
2. Independent Labour Party
3. All India Scheduled Castes Federation
Famous books
1. Castes in India: Their Mechanism, Genesis and Development (1916)
2. The Annihilation of Caste (1936)
3. State and Minorities (1947)
4. Who were the Shudras (1946)
5. The Untouchables (1948)
6. The Buddha and his Dhamma (1957)
7. Problem of the rupee (1923)

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UNIT V: Socialist Thought

M. N. ROY
Manabendra Nath Roy born Narendra Nath Bhattacharya, was an Indian
revolutionary, radical activist and political theorist, as well as a noted philosopher in
the 20th century. Roy was a founder of the Mexican Communist Party and the
Communist Party of India.

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He was India’s first communist theorist who attempted to apply Marxism to achieve
liberation from foreign rule. During the years that he was growing up, Bengal and
rest of the country was witnessing an anti-colonial struggle. In Bengal, there was an
agitation against the partition in 1911. These were the years when the politics of
representation and constitutional agitation were being questioned and militant
nationalism was inspiring many young activists.
Influenced by the climate of militant nationalism, Roy was involved in bomb making
and dacoity to secure funds for revolutionary activities. He was first arrested in
connection with the Howrah conspiracy case, but was acquitted in 1911.
Ideational Journey of M. N. Roy
As a thinker, there is transformation in M.N. Roy’s views. His political philosophy
shows a connection of events of his life. He began his career as a revolutionary
nationalist. He was a member of Yugantar society. He was jailed in Howrah
conspiracy case. He went to Mexico where he got influenced by communism. He
came to be acknowledged as important authority on communism on colonial issues.
He was invited by Lenin to outline communist international strategy with respect to
issue of colonialism. When M.N Roy was staunch Marxist, he was a critic of Gandhi.
Later, he changed his views on Gandhi and became his admirer. Roy’s position in
Indian politics got marginalized and ultimately, he gave the theory of radical
humanism.
Thus, M. N Roy’s ideational journey begins as admirer of Karl Marx and critic of
Gandhi and then he becomes critic of Marx and admirer of Gandhi and ultimately
gave his own philosophy of radical humanism.
Radical Humanism
Humanism is a philosophical stance that emphasizes the value and agency of human
beings, individually and collectively. The concept of humanism refers primarily to a
system 0f thought, which focuses on the autonomy of the individual. Humanism is
a doctrine according to which man is point of departure and point of reference of
human action. Humanism was a product of Renaissance and reformation in Europe
and found its fullest expression in the American and French Revolutions.
Humanism expresses that human being has great potentiality and if developed fully,
one can reach to the greatest height, provided one gets proper opportunities to
develop. Gandhi ji, Russel and Tolstoy were great humanists of the twentieth
century.
In humanist thought, man becomes free in his private life. He was not only unique
but also different and could not be reduced to the other. Man acquired inherent
natural right to decide the rules of moral living. Man claimed freedom in the public
domain and asserted the right to choose his political regime.
Human beings are in complete charge of themselves, they will decide their own
values and they are materialists. Everyone wants to be a freeman. Everyone
occupies a unique position, in communion with oneself, everyone is alone, and
responsible for his actions. The final decision in all matters now rests with the
individual. Since man has the capacity to decide true and false as he is endowed
with reason, he has a right to choose his political regime. Democracy is the only

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legitimate form of government as it is based on the idea of willing subjects. Thus,

humanism has links with the materialism, individualism and democratism. The
basic framework of the philosophy of Radical Humanism was prepared by Roy in
1946. It was published in the form of twenty-two theses.
Roy wrote his philosophy under the title New Humanism-A Manifesto. The manifesto
deals with the inadequacy of current ideologies and the degeneration of communist
theory and practice. It presents an outline of the philosophy of New Humanism, later
designated as Radical Humanism.
Roy's humanism is variously called New, Scientific, Radical and Integral Humanism.
He argues that his humanism is 'New’ because it is enriched and reinforced by
scientific knowledge and social experience gained by modern civilization. It is
'scientific’ because it conceives human reality as a byproduct - the highest one
though - of the mechanistic process of nature. It can also be called 'Radical' because
it goes to the root of the problem of the origin of the human being. The objective is to
ensure the freedom of individual. Radical humanism is based on the concept of
sovereignty of man. It means man is important than nation or class. It is humanism
because it aims at preserving the integrity of the individual. It is radical because it
penetrates through all abstractions to reach at the roots of society i.e., individual
human beings. It studies man in its originality.
The basic elements of New Humanism are three: Rationality, morality and freedom.
Roy argued that human beings are subject to their environment but the rational
nature of man compels him to offer better explanations of the events of nature. When
reason is applied in social life, it becomes ethics. Thus, ethics have materialistic
origin. Materialism is not vulgar but it is natural. Radical humanism is based on
concept of moral man and humanist politics. Humanist politics means politics with
ethics. One can’t be revolutionary without scientific knowledge. Hence education is
a means of revolution.
JAWAHARLAL NEHRU (1889-1964)
Jawaharlal Nehru was the first and longest serving Prime Minister of independent
India. He was born in Allahabad on November 14, 1889. He the son of Motilal Nehru
whose family was originally from Kashmir. He was educated in England, at Harrow
School, and then at Trinity College, Cambridge. He studied law at the Inner Temple
in London. He returned to India in 1912 and practised law for some years. In 1916,
he married Kamala Kaul and the following year they had a daughter, Indira.
In 1919, Nehru joined the Indian National Congress which was fighting for greater
autonomy from the British. He was heavily influenced by the organisation's leader
Mohandas Gandhi. During the 1920s and 1930s Nehru was repeatedly imprisoned
by the British for civil disobedience. In 1928, he was elected president of the
Congress. By the end of World War Two, Nehru was recognised as Gandhi's
successor. He played a central role in the negotiations over Indian independence. He
opposed the Muslim League's insistence on the division of India on the basis of
religion. Louis Mountbatten, the last British viceroy, advocated the division as the
fastest and most workable solution and Nehru reluctantly agreed.
On 15 August 1947, Nehru became the first prime minister of independent India. He
held the post until his death in 1964. He implemented moderate socialist economic
reforms and committed India to a policy of industrialisation.

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As a thinker he was passionately devoted to democracy and individual liberty. The

State was to function within the democratic set up and promote the value of
individuality. What mattered, therefore, were the people. Parliamentary politics is the
means of achieving socialism. Multiple social groups and ideological groups will
strengthen Indian democracy. Pluralism will become the ideological foundation of
individual liberty and societal demands must have a beautiful reconciliation.
For Nehru, the national struggle for freedom was not only for political freedom from
foreign domination, but for social equality and freedom from poverty as well. In other
words, he gave an economic content to it. If India remained as a modern state and
civil society and the fact that a large number of Muslims were living in freedom and
security in India than in Pakistan, it was because of Nehru’s continuous preaching
of secularism in India.
Nehru made it clear that religion has no function in public life, particularly in politics.
Nehru’s secular thinking shaped under the influence of liberal western education. As
a liberal, he separated politics and religion. Religion has no function in politics; if the
religious forces get active in politics, they become communal. In making the Indian
constitution secular, and in providing equal rights to all religious groups Nehru’s
contribution is significant.
Nehru believed that the methods and approach of science have revolutionised human
life more than anything else in the long course of history, and have opened doors and
avenues of further and even more radical changes, leading up to the very portals of
what has long been considered the unknown. Nehru said: "It is the scientific
approach, the adventures and yet critical temper of science, the search for truth and
new knowledge, the refusal to accept anything without testing and trial, the capacity
to change previous conclusions in the face of new evidence, the reliance on observed
facts and not on pre-conceived theory, the discipline of the mind, all that is necessary
not merely for the application of science but for life itself and the solution of its many
problems. “
Use of science and technology was that it would make India an independent and self-
reliant economic, political and military power. Nehru wrote to Gandhi in 1945: "I do
not think it is possible for India to be really independent unless she is a technically
advanced country. 1 am not thinking for the moment in terms of just scientific
growth. In the present context of the world, we cannot even advance culturally
without a strong background of scientific research in every department. There is
today a tremendous acquisitive tendency both in individuals and groups and nations,
which lead to conflicts and wars. “
According to Nehru, India should resist the foreign pressures by herself developing
her science and technology. Among many other factors, this was one of the reasons
for India's refusal to sign the nuclear non-proliferation treaty. Primarily, India wanted
to develop nuclear energy for peaceful purposes. And she also did not want to give
up the option to make any weapons for self-defence.
Nehru developed an independent thinking in the area of foreign policy. He could
understand the dynamics of global politics. Nehru states that, "we should approach
these problems, whether domestic or international problems in our own way. If by
any chance we align ourselves definitely with one power group, we may perhaps from
one point of view do some good, but I have not the shadow of a doubt that from a

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larger point of view, not only India but of world peace, it will do haw." Nehru wanted
that the non-aligned countries should function as a power block. They should share
their wealth for their prosperity.
Nehru was by no means for an India which would be isolated from the rest of the
world. His independent foreign policy was not negative. He realised that India is a
part of the world in regard to science, culture, economy and politics. He made the
following observation making his views clear on this matter: "Our entire society is
based on this more or less. This basis must go and be transformed into one of co-
operation, not isolated which is impossible. If this is admitted and is found feasible
then attempts should be made to realize, if not in terms of an economy which is cut
off from the rest of the world, but rather one which co-operates. From the economic
or political point of view, an isolated India may well be a vacuum which increases the
acquisitive tendencies of others and thus creates conflicts. “
After India became independent, Nehru's international outlook shaped his views and
action. He was against the cold war and the division of the powerful states into two
blocs. He tried to reduce international tension and, in some cases, tried to mediate
between the conflicting blocs.
To sum up, Nehru created political and social stability in
India and helped in the achievement and the extension of political freedom of the
country. In his era the promotion of a national consensus was possible. All kinds of
concessions could be made and conciliation among different political groups were
possible. India’s political stability helped it emerge as a major power in South Asia
and a middle power in the international field.

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R. M. LOHIA
Ram Manohar Lohia, (born March 23, 1910) was a prominent figure in socialist
politics and in the movement towards Indian independence.
He was born at Akbarpur in what is now the state of Uttar Pradesh on March 23,
1910. He lost his mother at a young age and was brought up by his father. He
graduated from Calcutta University in 1929 and did his doctoral studies in Germany
between 1929-33. Lohia wrote his Ph.D. thesis paper on the topic of ‘Salt Taxation
in India’, with a focus on Gandhi’s socio-economic theory. He lived a short and
intense life of thought and action and was an innovator of ideas. Much of his career
was devoted to combating injustice through the development of a distinctly Indian
version of socialism.
In 1934, Lohia became actively involved in the Congress Socialist Party (CSP), a left-
wing group within the Indian National Congress; he served on the CSP executive
committee and edited its weekly journal. He opposed the Indian participation on the
side of Great Britain in World War II and was arrested for anti-British remarks in
1939 and 1940.
Lohia was at the forefront of the ‘Quit India’ movement launched by the Congress in
1942 and founded the Azad Hind Radio during its underground phase. After
independence, he was against Portugal’s continuing sovereignty over Goa. He had
visited the area in 1946 to strengthen and inspire the fight against colonial rule.
Lohia and other CSP members left the Congress in 1948.
He became a member of the Praja Socialist Party upon its formation in 1952 and
served as general secretary for a brief period, but conflicts within the party led to his
resignation in 1955. Later that year Lohia established a new Socialist Party, for which
he became chairman as well as the editor of its journal, Mankind.
He thought that the industrialization of Western Europe was due to the exploitation
of their colonies. He wanted to bring out the close relationship between
industrialization and imperialism. Lohia desired to achieve economic equality and
end exploitation. He wanted public ownership of large scale industries and wanted
to reconstruct the Indian economy with land reforms with land to the tiller. He
wanted limits to be imposed on income and expenditure.
Lohia analyzed the caste system and advocated preferential treatment for the
backward castes. He felt that the abolition of the class system would lead to the
simultaneous abolition of the caste system. He believed that inequality was not only
economic but social too. In India where the caste system and patriarchy were part of
society, one had to fight for caste and gender equality along with economic equality.
He demanded a 60 percent reservation in all areas of public life for women, the
backward, and the backwards amongst the minority religious groups.
As an Internationalist, he advocated pacifism; opposed nuclear weapons; protested
against racial inequality; advocated Indo-Pak federacy; and dreamt of a world without
visas and passports in effect recommending the concept of Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam
(the world is one family). Lohia advocated devolution of politico-administrative power
and coined the phrase ‘Four-Pillar State’. He supported Panchayat Raj.

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Concept of Four Pillars of State (Chaukhamba Model)

Reiterating his faith in the idea of democracy, as a system of government, to provide
for basic institutional framework of government in India, Lohia; however, also
expressed his anxiety with democracy having the tendency of turning into a sterile—
and sometimes oppressive—model, if it was not properly supported by positive
orientations in the policies and programmes of the government.
He, therefore, argued for adapting the system of democracy to the complex and
unique socio-economic conditions prevailing in India. He was in favour of
guaranteeing basic fundamental freedoms of the people, provided it was ensured that
the basic needs of each and every citizen would be fulfilled.
In Lohia’s opinion, the notion of democracy must not be limited merely in allocating
certain civil and political rights to the people, but be understood in such a way that
it leads to generation of such socio-economic conditions where nobody remains
without securing the basic minimum needs of life.
Disenchanted with the existing two-pillar model of government, i.e., Centre and the
States, in India, he pioneered the notion of four-pillar model of government, which
envisaged an arrangement when a constitution was framed on the basis of the
fourpillar state, the village, the district, the province and the centre, being four pillars
of equal majesty and dignity.
It was construed as an integral part of Lohia’s conception of socialism. Lohia’s
‘Chaukhamba Model’ was apparently not a mere executive arrangement under which
the superior parliaments could legislate and the village and district organs were left
with the execution of the laws, rather it was both a legislative as well as a full-fledged
executive arrangement.
The ‘Chaukhamba Model’ provides a structure and a way in which the community of
a state is to be so organised and sovereign power so diffused that each little
community in it lives the way of life that it chose.
The state, therefore, was to be organised in such a manner that it could allow the
widest opportunity for popular participation, “Sovereign power must not reside alone
in centre and federating units. It must be broken up and diffused over smallest region
where a group of men and women live.”
In the ‘Chaukhamba Model’ or four-pillar state the armed forces of the state might
be controlled by the centre, the armed police by the province but all other police
might be brought under district and village control. While industries like the railways
or iron and steel might be controlled by the Centre, the small unit textile industry of
the future might be left to district and village ownership. While price fixing might be
a central subject the structure of agriculture and the ratio of capital and labour in it
might be left to the choice of the district and the village. A substantial part of state
revenues should stay with the village and the District.
Observations
Lohia opined that four-pillar state might indeed appear fanatic to many in view of
the special conditions of the country, its illiteracy, its fears and superstitions and
above all, its castes. The village representatives may indeed be selfish and ignorant
and raise caste above justice. And yet to give him power seemed the only way to

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deliver the people from inertia as well as an administration that was both top-heavy
and corrupt. Lohia believed that by giving power to small communities of men,
democracy of the first grade was possible. The four-pillar state ensured effective and
intelligent democracy to the common man.
Decentralisation of economic and political power was the core of his conception of
‘Chaukhamba Model.’ He asserted that there could be no political democracy without
economic democracy as there could be no economic democracy without political
democracy. He was opposed to political centralisation because it could engender
monopoly of the politician- business-bureaucracy nexus wherein masses are
victimised.
According to him, centralised political power renders the common people to become
mere pawns in the hands of those wielding power and thus rendered helpless under
the centralised power system and such a system defeats the very purpose of
democracy. Lohia wanted legislative decentralisation along with administrative
decentralisation.
In the opinion of Lohia, the citizens can become the architect of their destinies only
through decentralisation of power. And democratic participation of all citizens could
be possible under Chaukhamba Raj. Undoubtedly, Lohia acknowledged democracy
of the people, by the people and for the people; nevertheless, he averred that
Chaukhamba Raj was essential to making democracy really functional because it
facilitates the establishment of rule of the community, by the community and for the
community, which is essential for a vibrant democracy.
Conclusion
Lohia’s concept of Chaukhamba Raj represents a middle path between Gandhian
notion of self-reliant village and modern federalism. He has tried to provide a solid
shape to his political views, like his economic views, through his notion of
Chaukhamba Raj and administrative decentralisation. Gandhian influence on his
notion of political decentralisation is clearly visible. He endeavoured to build a true
democracy by vesting the control over bureaucracy in the hands of elected
representatives of the people. Such an arrangement, on the one hand, can be helpful
in putting an end of redtapism; and on the other hand, it can also be helpful in
reducing the chances of corruption and immoral practices because the ruling party
will not be able to make misuse of the bureaucracy. Besides, the government officials
can discharge their duties properly when they are free from political pressure.

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