351 Gunnink 2022

A grammar of
Fwe
Hilde Gunnink
language
African Language Grammars science
press
and Dictionaries 6
Chief Editor: Adams Bodomo
Editor: Firmin Ahoua
In this series:
1. Schrock, Terrill B. The Ik language: Dictionary and grammar sketch.
2. Brindle, Jonathan. A dictionary and grammatical outline of Chakali.
3. Friesen, Dianne. A grammar of Moloko.
4. Ali, Mark, Scott Grimm & Adams Bodomo. A dictionary and grammatical sketch of Dagaare.
5. Namyalo, Saudah, Alena Witzlack-Makarevich, Anatole Kiriggwajjo, Amos Atuhairwe,

Zarina Molochieva, Ruth Gimbo Mukama & Margaret Zellers. A dictionary and grammatical
sketch of Ruruuli-Lunyala.
6. Gunnink, Hilde. A grammar of Fwe.
ISSN: 2512-4862
A grammar of
Fwe
Hilde Gunnink
language
science
press
Hilde Gunnink. 2022. A grammar of Fwe (African Language Grammars and
Dictionaries 6). Berlin: Language Science Press.
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Contents
Acknowledgments vii
Abbreviations ix
1 Introduction 1
1.1 Classification . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
1.2 Sociolinguistic profile . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
1.3 Language vitality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
1.4 Regional variation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
1.5 Earlier research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
1.6 Data collection and transcription . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8
2 Segmental phonology 11
2.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
2.2 Consonants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
2.2.1 Stops . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
2.2.2 Affricates . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
2.2.3 Fricatives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
2.2.4 Prenasalization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
2.2.5 Nasals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24
2.2.6 Taps . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24
2.2.7 Glides . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
2.2.8 Clicks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
2.3 Vowels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31
2.3.1 Phonemic vowels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31
2.3.2 Phonemic vowel length . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32
2.3.3 Automatic vowel lengthening . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34
2.3.4 Penultimate lengthening . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
2.4 Syllable structure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41
2.4.1 Syllable types . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41
2.4.2 Co-occurrence restrictions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44
2.5 Morphophonology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51
2.5.1 Prenasalization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51
Contents
2.5.2 Vowel hiatus resolution . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56

2.5.3 Vowel harmony . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66
2.5.4 Nasal harmony . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70
3 Tone 73
3.1 Tonal processes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75
3.1.1 Meeussen’s Rule . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76
3.1.2 Downstep . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78
3.1.3 Bimoraic doubling . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81
3.1.4 H retraction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82
3.1.5 H > F . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84
3.1.6 High tone spread . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86
3.1.7 The order of tonal processes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88
3.2 Lexical tone . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89
3.2.1 Tone on noun stems . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89
3.2.2 Tone on verb stems . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97
3.3 Melodic tone . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102
3.3.1 Melodic Tone 1: H on the last mora . . . . . . . . . . . . 104
3.3.2 Melodic Tone 2: H on the subject marker . . . . . . . . . 106
3.3.3 Melodic Tone 3: H on second stem syllable . . . . . . . . 107
3.3.4 Melodic Tone 4: deletion of underlying high tones . . . 109
3.3.5 No melodic high tones . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111
4 Nominal morphology 113

4.1 Noun classes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113
4.1.1 Nominal prefixes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 114
4.1.2 The augment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121
4.1.3 Singular and plural pairings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127
4.1.4 The semantics of noun classes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131
4.1.5 The locative noun classes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143
4.1.6 Noun class assignment of loanwords . . . . . . . . . . . 150
4.2 Word formation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153
4.2.1 Verb-to-noun derivation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153
4.2.2 Noun-to-noun derivation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 161
4.3 Nominal modifiers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 169
4.3.1 Adjectives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 169
4.3.2 Demonstratives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173
4.3.3 Connectives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 183
4.3.4 Quantifiers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191
ii
Contents
4.3.5 Possessives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 194
5 Minor word categories 199

5.1 Personal pronouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 199
5.2 Comitatives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 201
5.3 Copulatives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 210
5.4 Appositives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 216
5.5 Adverbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 218
6 Verbal derivation 223

6.1 Passive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 224
6.2 Causative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 230
6.3 Applicative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 241
6.4 Neuter . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 252
6.5 Separative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 254
6.6 Impositive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 259
6.7 Pluractional . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 262
6.7.1 Pluractional 1: completeness . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 263
6.7.2 Pluractional 2: low intensity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 270
6.8 Intensive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 277
6.9 Reciprocal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 280
6.10 Extensive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 282
6.11 Tentive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 282
6.12 Partial reduplication . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 284
7 Subject, object, and locative marking 287

7.1 Subject marking . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 287
7.2 Object marking . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 289
7.3 Reflexive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 292
7.4 Locative marking . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 295
8 Tense 299
8.1 TAM constructions in Fwe . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 299
8.2 Present . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 304
8.3 Past . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 316
8.3.1 Near past perfective . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 318
8.3.2 Remote past perfective . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 326
8.3.3 Near past imperfective . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 331
8.3.4 Remote past imperfective . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 335
iii
Contents
8.4 Future . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 340

8.4.1 Near future . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 340
8.4.2 Remote future . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 345
8.5 Consecutive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 349
9 Aspect 353
9.1 Progressive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 353
9.1.1 Progressive auxiliary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 354
9.1.2 Fronted infinitive construction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 358
9.2 Habitual . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 365
9.2.1 Habitual 1 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 366
9.2.2 Habitual 2 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 369
9.3 Stative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 370
9.4 Persistive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 388
9.5 Inceptive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 391
10 Mood 399
10.1 Imperative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 399
10.2 Perfective subjunctive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 401
10.3 Imperfective subjunctive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 406
11 Space 409
11.1 Distal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 409
11.2 Locative pluractional . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 412
12 Negation 417
12.1 Negation of indicative verb forms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 417
12.2 Negation of imperative and subjunctive verb forms . . . . . . . 420
12.3 Negation of infinitive verb forms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 421
12.4 Negation with auxiliaries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 422
13 Syntax and information structure 429

13.1 Canonical word order . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 429
13.2 Left dislocation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 430
13.3 Right dislocation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 432
13.4 Locative inversion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 435
13.5 Dependent clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 437
13.5.1 Relative clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 437
13.5.2 Other types of dependent clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . 446
iv
Contents
13.6 Cleft constructions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 452
Appendix A: A man who does not like dogs 461
Appendix B: Useful phrases 485
Appendix C: Word list 489
References 521
Index 531
Name index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 531
v
Acknowledgments
This book would not have been possible without the aid of numerous people and
institutions in different parts of the world. I gratefully acknowledge the finan-
cial support of Ghent University, for funding my PhD position and two of my
field trips. The financial support of the research organization Flanders (FWO) is
acknowledged for another two field trips, as well as a number of conferences in
which I presented ongoing research on Fwe to a wider audience. Within Ghent
University, I want to thank all my colleagues, but especially my PhD supervisors
Prof. Michael Meeuwis and Prof. Koen Bostoen, for their valuable support and
input. Numerous others have contributed feedback and suggestions to improve
this grammar. I am especially thankful to the members of my jury, Prof. Nancy
Kula, Prof. Mark Van de Velde, Dr Maud Devos, and Dr Thera Crane, as well as
two anonymous reviewers of this book. At Language Science Press, I am grateful
to the editors, reviewers and proofreaders, and especially to Sebastian Nordhoff
for his tireless assistance during the publication process.
In Southern Africa, I thank the University of Namibia and the Livingstone Mu-
seum of Zambia for their practical and official support with setting up my field-
work. I am also thankful to Hennie Schoonwinkel, Lieneke de Visser and Orbet
Pilaelo for everything they did to make fieldwork possible and enjoyable. Words
(in English or Fwe) cannot express how grateful I am to all the Fwe speakers who
contributed to my research: Mr. Bonard Simasiku, Mr. Ephraim Mafaya Mbango,
Mr. Sishwashwa Muketwa Nector, Mr. Mutoiwa Namangolwa; Mr. Felix, Mrs Re-
becca Maunda, Ms Betty Muyendekwa, induna Jared; Ms. Grace Muyendekwa;
Mr. Event Mubika Linyando, and Mr. Aldrin Mahulilo Haluzibi. It is to them, and
all the other Fwe speakers of the present and future, that I dedicate this work.
Abbreviations
adv adverb neut neuter
aug augment nmlz nominalizer
appl applicative np nominal prefix
caus causative npst near past
com comitative om object marker
con connective pass passive
cond conditional pers personal pronoun
cop copulative pfv perfective
dem demonstrative pl pluractional
dim diminutive poss possessive
dist distal pp pronominal prefix
emph emphatic prog progressive
(demonstratives) prs persistive
ext extensive pst past
fv final vowel rec reciprocal
hab habitual refl reflexive
imp impositive rel relative
inc inceptive rem remoteness
inf infinitive rem.fut remote future
ins instrumental sep separative
intr intransitive sbjv subjunctive
ipfv imperfective sm subject marker
loc locative stat stative
loc.pl locative pluractional tent tentive
near.fut near future tr transitive
neg negative
1 Introduction
This book describes the grammar of Fwe, a Bantu language spoken in Zambia
and Namibia. In this chapter, background will be given about the language, its
classification (§1.1) and its sociolinguistic situation (§1.2), an estimate of the lan-
guage’s vitality (§1.3), and a brief overview of regional variation in Fwe (§1.4). §1.5
discusses the small body of earlier research that mentions Fwe, and §1.6 discusses
the purpose of the current study and the data on which it is based.
The Fwe language is called cìfwè by its speakers; the initial syllable ci- is a
prefix of noun class 7 indicating a language. As is common when referring to
Bantu language names in English, the nominal prefix is omitted and the language
is referred to as Fwe in this work. Another name that many speakers, as well as
speakers of surrounding languages, use for the language is sifwe, where si- is the
class 7 prefix in the regional lingua franca Lozi.
1.1 Classification
Fwe belongs to the Bantu language family, which is part of the Niger-Congo phy-
lum, Africa’s largest language family. Although Bantu languages clearly form
a genealogical unit, its subclassification is notoriously difficult because of ex-
tensive horizontal contact between Bantu languages. An influential attempt at
subgrouping Bantu languages, not as genealogical subgroups but mainly for ref-
erential purposes, was made by Guthrie (1948), though this work did not include
Fwe. In the most recent referential classification of Bantu languages, by Ham-
marström (2019), Fwe is classified as K402, sharing the K40 group with Ikuhane
(Subiya) and Zambian and Namibian Totela.
Genealogical classification has placed Fwe in a subgroup called Bantu Botatwe
(Bostoen 2009, de Luna 2010). Bantu Botatwe consists of an eastern branch, made
up of Toka, Leya, Ila, Tonga, Sala, Lenje, Lundwe and Soli, and a western branch,
made up of Shanjo, Fwe, Mbalangwe, Subiya and Totela (de Luna 2010: 69).1
Within western Bantu Botatwe, Fwe is most closely related to Shanjo. Seidel
1
According to Crane (2011: 54-55), only Namibian Totela is part of the western branch, and
Zambian Totela should be grouped with the eastern branch.
1 Introduction
(2005) also found a slight similarity between Fwe and Yeyi, although he contends,
together with many others (Andersson 1997, Elderkin 1998, Sommer 1995), that
Yeyi is an isolate within Bantu, and that its closest genealogical relative, if any,
is yet to be determined.
1.2 Sociolinguistic profile

Fwe is spoken on both sides of the Zambian-Namibian border. In Zambia, the
Fwe-speaking area is concentrated in the southwestern tip of the Western Prov-
ince, in the Imusho and Sinjembela areas, and parts of the Mutomena area. The
western boundary of the Fwe-speaking area is the Kwando river, which is also
the national border between Zambia and Angola. In Namibia, Fwe is spoken in
the area formerly known as the Caprivi strip, which was officially renamed “Zam-
bezi region” in 2013. Fwe is mainly spoken in the area surrounding the village of
Kongola, stretching north to Singalamwe and into Zambia, east up to Sibbinda,
and south to Lizauli. For a detailed overview of the areal distribution of the lan-
guages in the Zambezi region, see Seidel (2005). The maps in Figure 1.12 give an
approximation of the area in which Fwe is spoken.
The area where Fwe is spoken is an area of high linguistic diversity. The
Zambian Fwe-speaking area is bordered by a Kwamashi-speaking area in the
north, and a Shanjo-speaking area in the north-east. In Namibia, Fwe speakers
are surrounded by Yeyi speakers in the south and Totela speakers in the east.
To the west lies the sparsely inhabited Caprivi Game Park. In both Zambia and
Namibia, Fwe-speaking villages are interspersed with Mbukushu-speaking vil-
lages, though Fwe speakers form a clear majority; Mbukushu is a Bantu language
that is not closely related to Fwe, but instead to Kwamashi, and to Manyo and
Kwangali spoken further to the west in Namibia (Möhlig 1997). Larger numbers
of Mbukushu speakers are found further east in Namibia and further south in
Botswana. Small pockets of Khwe-speakers are also found living close to the Fwe-
speaking area (Brenzinger 1998, Jones & Dieckmann 2014); Khwe is a Khoisan
language of the Khoe family, formerly called Central Khoisan (see Güldemann
2014 for an overview of Khoisan linguistic classification).
In all of the Zambezi region and most of the Western province of Zambia,
Lozi is the most important contact language. Lozi is recognized as one of Zam-
bia’s seven national languages, and is among the country’s largest languages, in
terms of both first and second language speakers (Marten & Kula 2008). Lozi is a
Bantu language that came into being when speakers of Kololo, a southern Sotho
2
I am grateful to Jan Gunnink from TNO Geomodelling for designing these maps.
2
1.2 Sociolinguistic profile
Figure 1.1: The distribution of Fwe
3
1 Introduction
variety, fled South Africa in the nineteenth century and settled in western Zam-
bia, where they came into contact with the local elite speaking Luyi, a Zambian
Bantu language. The resulting Lozi language maintains a mostly Sotho grammar
and lexicon, but with a clear Luyi phonology (Gowlett 1989). Because of its South
African origin, Lozi is not mutually intelligible with any of the Bantu languages
of the Western Province or the Zambezi region (Seidel 2005). Lozi plays an im-
portant role as language of wider communication, especially in Zambia, and vir-
tually all Fwe speakers speak it fluently as a second language. In the Zambezi
region in Namibia, English is also widely used as a language of wider communi-
cation, and among older generations, Afrikaans. In addition to these languages of
wider communication, many Zambian Fwe speakers also speak Mbukushu as a
second language, especially those who live in mixed Fwe-Mbukushu villages. In
Namibia, Yeyi, Totela and Subiya are common as second languages among Fwe
speakers, especially for people in mixed marriages and their offspring. In general,
multilingualism among Fwe speakers appears to be extremely common, and I in-
terviewed several speakers who spoke up to eight different (Bantu) languages.
The number of native Fwe speakers is difficult to determine. National cen-
sus data are too broad-meshed: the Population and Housing Census of Namibia
from 2011 counts 22,484 households whose main languages were “Caprivian lan-
guages”. Ethnologue mentions 13,700 Fwe speakers in Namibia (Eberhard et al.
2021). A preliminary report compiled as a preparation for a Bible translation
project mentions an estimate of 12,000 to 14,000 Fwe speakers in Zambia, and
a total of more than 20,000 (Sakuhuka et al. 2011). Estimates of second language
speakers of Fwe are even more difficult, though I observed during my fieldwork
numerous cases where adults moving to the Fwe-speaking areas for work or
family reasons learned Fwe as a second language. Second language acquisition
of Fwe is also motivated by intermarriage.
Speakers of Fwe call themselves màfwè, where ma- is a prefix of noun class 6,
indicating an ethnic group. In Namibia, the connection between the ethnic desig-
nation Mafwe and the use of the language Fwe is very complex. The German colo-
nial administration, which had little active interest in the Caprivi strip, subsumed
all but the Subiya under the label “Mafwe”: Totela, Mbukushu, Mbalangwe, Yeyi,
and speakers of Khoisan languages, presumably Khwe. The use of Mafwe as an
ethnic label covering a linguistically diverse group has since been accepted, and
was taken over when the South African government took control of Namibia
(then South-West Africa). This broad, non-linguistic use of the term “Mafwe”
persisted after independence, and in Namibia the term “Mafwe” usually desig-
nates those inhabitants of the Zambezi region living between the town of Katima
Mulilo up to the western boundary of the Zambezi region, and therefore includes
4
1.3 Language vitality
speakers of Fwe as well as Yeyi, Totela, Mbukushu and Khwe. For a detailed his-
tory of the Zambezi region, see Kangumu (2011).
1.3 Language vitality

Some linguists estimate that within the next hundred years, half of the world’s
languages will disappear (Austin & Sallabank 2011). Although speaker numbers
are not a failsafe predictor of language endangerment, it is clear that languages
with smaller numbers of speakers are more likely to become endangered. The
number of Fwe speakers is small, and the Fwe speech community is further hin-
dered by the national border that cuts across it. In neither Zambia nor Namibia
does Fwe have any institutional support or recognition. In Zambia, Fwe is under
pressure from Lozi, one of the national languages of Zambia that is used in educa-
tion and other formal domains. In Namibia, Fwe is also under pressure from Lozi,
as well as from Subiya, which at approximately 30,000 speakers (Ethnologue) is a
larger language than Fwe. Many Fwe speakers have at least a passive knowledge
of Subiya, whereas few Subiya speakers speak or even understand Fwe. Both Fwe
and Subiya speakers contend that Fwe is a “more difficult” language than Subiya.
All these factors indicate that the vitality of Fwe is threatened, both in Zambia
and Namibia. However, data on its actual usage contradict this. Children in Fwe-
speaking areas typically begin life with Fwe as their first and only language, and
only start learning Lozi when they enter school. This also appears to be the case
with children of Fwe-speaking parents who grow up in urban areas, where Fwe is
not the dominant language. Migrants moving to Fwe-speaking areas mostly learn
Fwe as a second language. Fwe speakers use their language online, on Facebook
and WhatsApp, and in text messages. There is popular music in Fwe, and in
Zambia, a Bible translation in Fwe is being prepared. The findings of Sakuhuka
et al. (2011), who surveyed Fwe in Zambia, also underscore the stable use of Fwe
across all social domains, with the exception of formal education, where both
Fwe and Lozi are used, and church settings, where Lozi is preferred.
Speakers tend to have a positive attitude towards Fwe, and speaking Fwe is of-
ten considered an important part of one’s identity. Illustrative in this regard is an
affair in 2008 where Fwe-speaking chiefs fined Yeyi-speaking chiefs for speaking
Yeyi. They reasoned that Yeyi speakers are part of the Mafwe ethnic group, and
as such should speak Fwe rather than Yeyi (Lieneke de Visser, personal commu-
nication). This incident is part of a long-standing and complex power struggle
between various ethnic groups in the Zambezi region. It shows that speaking Fwe
is considered a relevant component of identity and ethnic identification, and thus
underscores the vitality of the language.
5
1 Introduction
In conclusion, it appears that despite the strong functions of Subiya, Lozi, and
English, and widespread bi- and multilingualism, Fwe does not appear to be en-
dangered, and Fwe speakers opt for stable multilingualism instead.
1.4 Regional variation

Though I have not undertaken a dedicated study focusing on regional variation in
Fwe, some observations can be made. An obvious divide, both offered by speakers
and seen in the data, is that between Zambian Fwe and Namibian Fwe. The main
phonological differences between Zambian and Namibian Fwe are summarized
in Table 1.1.
Table 1.1: Main phonological differences between Zambian and Namib-
ian Fwe
Zambian Fwe Namibian Fwe

loss of clicks maintenance of clicks
overgeneralization of /l/ [l] only as conditioned allophone of /r/
epenthetic [h] frequently used epenthetic [h] rarely used
Morphological differences between the two varieties are more salient than
phonological or lexical differences. Table 1.2 presents an overview of grammati-
cal morphemes that differ between Zambian and Namibian Fwe. The two main
tendencies are the interchangeability of /s/ and /sh/ in Namibian Fwe, which is
not seen in Zambian Fwe, and the correspondence between /a/ in Zambian Fwe
with /i/ in Namibian Fwe. This correspondence is seen only in the remote past
and inceptive prefixes, both verbal prefixes that occur at the very beginning of
the verb.
The linguistic border between Namibian and Zambian Fwe does not directly
follow the national border; the Imusho area in Zambia, directly north of the bor-
der, displays many features also found in Namibian Fwe. Furthermore, not all
regional differences follow the same geographical distribution.
1.5 Earlier research

Earlier research on the Fwe language is very limited, and mostly dates from after
2000. The earliest mention of Fwe in the scientific literature is in publications
6
1.5 Earlier research
Table 1.2: Morphological differences between Zambian and Namibian

Fwe
Zambian Fwe Namibian Fwe

past na- a-
reflexive kí- rí-
remote past na- ni-
remote future na- (á)ra-
inceptive sha- shi-
connective pp - o pp - a
persistive shí- shí-/sí-
negative imperative ásha- ásha- / ása-
negative infinitive shá- shá-/sá-
negative subjunctive sha- sha-/sa-
near future mbo-/mba- mbo-
by Fortune (1970), which is limited to listing languages and their approximate

geographic locations. Baumbach (1997) gives a grammar sketch of five languages
of the (then) Eastern Caprivi, including an 18-page grammar sketch of Fwe. This
is based, as he states in the introduction, “on very sketchy data” (Baumbach 1997:
308), which undoubtedly explains the many differences between his findings and
those presented in this work, such as the omission of noun class 18, the analysis
of three rather than four paradigms of demonstratives, or the analysis of stative
verbs as present tense verbs and present tense verbs as future tense verbs, to
name a few.
Seidel (2005) presents a dialectometrical classification of Caprivian languages,
including Fwe, which he groups with Subiya, Mbalangwe and Totela, though dis-
regarding Shanjo, which is not spoken in the Caprivi. As the focus of this article
is on classification, it presents little in the way of analysis, though the appendix
contains a small word list and a list of modern reflexes for reconstructed Bantu
phonemes. Bostoen (2009) describes the synchronic phoneme inventory and its
diachronic development of both Fwe and Shanjo; as shown in chapters 2 and 3,
his findings on the phonology of Fwe mostly tally with mine. A discussion of the
history of western Zambian peoples, including Fwe speakers, is presented by de
Luna (de Luna 2008, 2010, 2016), though, as it is focused on historical analysis,
it contains very little linguistic data. Bostoen & Sands (2012) discuss the use of
clicks in Fwe as well as three other Bantu languages of northern Namibia; as dis-
cussed in §2.2, the click inventory that they present for Fwe differs slightly from
7
1 Introduction
the findings presented in this work. Crane (2012) discusses the use of the verbal
suffix -ite in various Bantu Botatwe languages, including a brief discussion of its
use in Fwe; her analysis of this suffix in Fwe is taken over in the current study
(see §9.3).
1.6 Data collection and transcription

The data on which this study is based were all collected by me over a total of
seven months, on four separate occasions. The first field trip took place between
April and June 2013 and was mainly spent in the town of Sesheke, Zambia, as
well as a week in the village of Imusho, Zambia. The second trip was undertaken
in May and June 2014 and took place in the villages of Imusho and Sinjembela
in Zambia. The third field trip, from July to September 2015, was mainly spent in
the town of Katima Mulilo, Namibia, as well as a week in the village of Imusho,
Zambia. A fourth field trip was undertaken in May 2017, and was spent in its
entirety in Katima Mulilo, Namibia, combined with a one-day visit to Makanga
village, about 70 kilometers east of Katima Mulilo. Although the towns of Sesheke
and Katima Mulilo are not predominantly Fwe-speaking, many Fwe speakers can
be found there, especially in Katima Mulilo, who have moved there recently from
more rural areas.
As Fwe is a virtually undescribed language, data collection consisted mainly
of elicitation, especially at the beginning stages. In elicitation, speakers were
presented with as much detail and context as possible to ensure that the data
were as close to natural speech as possible. With this method, a total of about
10,000 elicited phrases and sentences were collected, transcribed and translated,
as well as about 2,200 lexemes.
In addition to elicitation, natural speech data were collected in the form of sto-
ries and conversational data. A total of seventeen stories were collected: eleven
fictional tales, five personal (true) narratives, and a Fwe version of the pear story,
a small video clip without spoken text, frequently used in linguistic elicitation
(Chafe 1980), amounting to about two hours of narrative. A 45-minute conver-
sation between two speakers was recorded, which was almost completely tran-
scribed and translated. I also acquired songs from the pop artist Tuzizyi, who
performs in Lozi, Fwe, and Totela, and transcribed eight of his Fwe songs. Tran-
scription and translation of all data was done by replaying the recording to a
native speaker, who slowly repeated the recording sentence by sentence in Fwe
(allowing me to transcribe it), and supplied an English translation.
For all examples used in this work (except isolated words and short phrases),
the source is indicated with a code: NF for Namibian Fwe and ZF for Zambian
8
1.6 Data collection and transcription
Fwe, followed by Elic for elicited data, Narr for narrative data, Conv for conversa-
tional data, and Song for pop music. The number at the end of each code indicates
the year the data were collected. For example, ZF_Elic13 represents elicited data
from Zambian Fwe collected in 2013.
Fwe is mainly an oral language, but the increased use of cell phones has cre-
ated the need for speakers to reduce it to writing. Fwe is usually written with an
orthography inspired by the Lozi orthography, which is fairly suitable for this
purpose thanks to the overlap between the phoneme inventories of the two lan-
guages. An official orthography for Fwe is currently being developed as part of
a Bible translation project (Bow 2013). The practical orthography used in this
work deviates from this orthography in a number of respects. There are a num-
ber of reasons for not adopting the official orthography wholesale: firstly, it was
developed in Zambia and for Zambian Fwe, and makes use of certain orthograph-
ical conventions that are common in Zambia but are not well-known in Namibia,
such as <zh> for [ʒ]. It also makes use of certain orthographical conventions
that are not commonly used in Bantu languages, such as <n~ > for [ŋ], and in
certain cases the orthography is not the most faithful representation of the spo-
ken form, such as the use of <l> for /r/; although [l] is a conditioned allophone
of /r/ in Fwe, it occurs in more restricted contexts than /r/, and therefore /r/ is
clearly the underlying form. All these considerations are, of course, of minor
importance for speakers, who will be able to deal equally well with either the
official orthography or with the practical orthography used in this work. The
practical orthography used in this work is therefore for the benefit of linguists,
who lack prior knowledge of the language, and therefore need a more detailed
and cross-linguistically common orthography, which is not necessary for Fwe
speakers.
The symbols used in this practical orthography will be explained in chapter 2
on segmental phonology. Each Fwe example in this work consists of four lines.
The first line represents the phonetic realization of the entire sentence, phrase, or
word, in which the surface realization of tones are marked. Phonetic and penul-
timate vowel lengthening are not marked, in order to distinguish them from
phonemic vowel length, which is marked. No punctuation is used, as punctu-
ation presumes an understanding of the syntactic structure, which is not avail-
able for every example. Periods to indicate the end of sentences are not used,
because it is often unclear to me where a sentence ends, and what criteria can be
used to establish sentence boundaries. Capitalization is not used, as tone mark-
ing is difficult to read on capitalized vowels, and because capitalized words may
have grammatical prefixes or clitics. In order to avoid the question of which let-
ter should be capitalized, capitalization is left out altogether. The second line of
9
1 Introduction
each example gives the underlying form, in which underlying tones are marked,
and in which hyphens indicate morpheme boundaries. The third line gives a mor-
pheme by morpheme gloss, and the last line gives a free translation into English.
These orthographical conventions only apply to the Fwe data. Whenever data on
other languages are cited, the orthography of the original source is maintained.
10
2 Segmental phonology
2.1 Introduction
This chapter discusses the segmental phonology of Fwe. Tone is discussed in
Chapter 3, which also explains transcription conventions of tones used through-
out this book. Earlier sketches of the phonology of Fwe can be found in Baum-
bach (1997) and Seidel (2005), who describe the Namibian variety of Fwe, and
Bostoen (2009), who describes the Zambian variety. The analysis presented here
largely confirms their findings, but also adds many details on previously unde-
scribed patterns.
2.2 Consonants
Table 2.1 gives an overview of the contrastive consonants of Fwe, in the practi-
cal orthography that is used in this book. Wherever this deviates from the con-
ventions of the International Phonetic Alphabet, the corresponding IPA symbol
is given in brackets. The practical orthography is partly based on widespread
Africanist or Bantuist conventions, such as the use of <y> for the palatal glide
[j], and partly on orthographical conventions that are commonly used in Zambia,
such as <bb> for the voiced bilabial stop [b].
2.2.1 Stops
Of the six simple (non-prenasalized) stops in Fwe, only the voiceless alveolar
stop /t/ and the voiceless velar stop /k/ are frequently attested. /t/ and /k/ are
contrastive phonemes, as illustrated by the minimal pair in (1).
(1) kùtôːrà - kùkôːrà

ku-tóːr-a ku-kóːr-a
inf-pick_up-fv inf-cough-fv
‘to pick up’ ‘to cough’
Table 2.1: Contrastive consonants
bilabial dental alveolar palatal velar glottal

stop p bb t d k g
[b]
affricate c j
[tʃ] [dʒ]
fricative b f v s z sh zy h
[ß] [ʃ] [ʒ]
nasal m n ny ŋ
[ɲ]
tap r
[ɾ]
glide y w
[j]
click ǀ ᵍǀ
prenasalized mp mb nt nd nk ng
stop [ᵐp] [ᵐb] [ⁿt] [ⁿd] [ᵑk] [ᵑg]
prenasalized mf mv ns nz nsh
fricative [ᶬf] [ᶬv] [ⁿs] [ⁿz] [ᶮʃ]
prenasalized nc nj
affricate [ᶮtʃ] [ᶮdʒ]
prenasalized ⁿǀ ̥ ⁿǀ
click
The voiceless bilabial stop /p/ as well as the voiced stops /b/ (written <bb>),
/d/ and /g/ are less frequent. The (near-)minimal pairs in (2–4) show that they
are contrastive phonemes.
(2) kùpàrà - kùgàrà

ku-par-a ku-gar-a
inf-fail-fv inf-search-fv
‘to fail, refuse’ ‘to search/dig around’
12
2.2 Consonants
(3) kùdùnkà - kùgùnkà

ku-dunk-a ku-gunk-a
inf-swim-fv inf-bump-fv
‘to swim’ ‘to bump into; lean against’
(4) cìbbákù - cìbàkà

ci-bbakú ci-baka
np7 -snake np7 -place
‘snake sp.’ ‘place’
/p, bb, d, g/ are relatively infrequent in the lexicon: out of a 2200 word database,
/bb/, /d/, and /g/ each occur in about 20 lexemes, and /p/ in about 80 lexemes. The
plosives /p/, /bb/, /d/ and /g/ are not reflexes of *p, *b, *d and *g as reconstructed
for Proto-Bantu (Bostoen 2009), but mainly appear in loanwords1 , as in (5–12),
or sound-symbolic words and ideophones, as in (13–16).
(5) cìpúrà ‘chair’ < Lozi sipula ‘chair’ (Burger 1960: 27)
(6) kùpàpàùrà ‘divide a dead animal into pieces’ < Mbukushu papaghura
‘dismember (animal after skinning)’ (Wynne 1980: 175)
(7) kúpàkà ‘carry (a child) on one’s back’ < Yeyi paka ‘carry in a cradle on
the back as a baby’ (Lukusa 2009: 140-141)
(8) kàpíkírì ‘nail’ < Afrikaans spyker ‘nail’
(9) kàpêrù ‘pail’ < English pail
(10) kùdàbbàmà ‘jump into water’ < Mbukushu dabwama ‘throw oneself,
jump into water, dive’ (Wynne 1980: 393)
(11) kùdùrà ‘be expensive’ < Afrikaans duur ‘expensive’
(12) màgrázì ‘glasses’ < English glasses
(13) bbùndù bbúndù

‘ideophone expressing sudden appearance’
1
Some words with /g/ may be borrowings from Shanjo, because unlike Fwe, Shanjo has main-
tained proto-Bantu *g. However, the available documentation on Shanjo is too limited to trace
Fwe borrowings to this language. Some Fwe speakers consider the Fwe verb gùnkàmà ‘kneel’
to be of Shanjo origin.
13
(14) cìsùbírà cò bbûkù

ci-subir-á̲ co bbúku
sm7 -be_red-fv dem.iii7 very_red
‘It is very red.’ (NF_Elic17)
(15) kùbbôzà
ku-bbóz-a
inf-bark-fv
‘to bark’
(16) kùdòkòrà
ku-dokor-a
inf-belch-fv
‘to belch; to clear one’s throat’
In Namibian Fwe, /p, bb, d, g/ also occur when prenasalized consonants lose
the homorganic nasal as the result of a change in noun class; ò-ndávù ‘lion’, kà-
dávù ‘small lion’. This is explained in detail in §4.1.1 on nominal prefixes. There
are also a number of lexemes, listed in (17–19), where /g/ appears as an appar-
ently unconditioned allophone of /k/. This variation is limited to Namibian Fwe,
Zambian Fwe only uses the variant with /g/.
(17) cìkùrùbè (NF) ~ cìgùrùbè (ZF/NF)

ci-kurube
np7 -pig
‘pig’
(18) cìkébéngà (NF) ~ cìgébéngà (ZF/NF)

ci-kebengá
np7 -criminal
‘criminal’
(19) mùkwàkwà (NF) ~ mùgwàgwà (ZF/NF)

mu-kwakwa
np3 -road
‘road’
The voiced velar plosive /g/ also appears as an unconditioned allophone of the
voiced oral click /ᵍǀ/, as in (20).
14
2.2 Consonants
(20) mùᵍǀênè ~ mù-gênè

mu-ᵍǀéne
np1 -thin
‘thin person’
/g/ is also found in words that do not have an alternative pronunciation with
a click, but whose etymology suggests that they originally contained a click, as
in (21).
(21) mùgwégwèsì
mu-gwégwesi
np3 -ankle_bone
‘ankle bone’ (from Neitsas/Nurugas !Xung gwé: ‘ankle’ (Doke 1925), or
Juǀ’hoan ǂˈhòèǂˈhòrè ‘enkelknop [ankle bone]’) (Snyman 1975: 107)2
One word with /ᵍǀ/ has an alternative pronunciation with either /g/ or /d/, as
in (22); possibly, other words with /d/ used to have an alternative pronunciation
with /ᵍǀ/ as well.
(22) ᵍǀúkùmù ~ gúkùmù ~ dúkùmù

∅-ᵍǀúkumu
np5 -fruit
‘fruit sp.’
2.2.2 Affricates
Fwe has two postalveolar affricates, voiceless /tʃ/, written as <c>, and voiced /dʒ/,
written as <j>. Minimal pairs contrasting /c/ with /ʃ/ (written as <sh>), and /k/
are given in (23–24), and (near-)minimal pairs contrasting /j/ with /ʒ/ (written as
<zy>) and /g/ are given in (25–26).
(23) kùcírìrà - kùshírìrà

ku-círir-a ku-shírir-a
inf-follow-fv inf-desire-fv
‘to follow’ ‘to desire’
(24) kùcâːnà - kùkâːnà

ku-cáːn-a ku-káːn-a
inf-hunt-fv inf-reject-fv
‘to hunt’ ‘to refuse, reject, divorce’
2
I am indebted to Bonny Sands for suggesting these possible etymologies.
15
(25) kùjánàmà - kùzyánàmà

ku-jánam-a ku-zyánam-a
inf-gape-fv inf-hang-fv
‘to gape’ ‘to hang to dry
(26) kùjùmbà - kùgùmbàmà
ku-jumb-a ku-gumbam-a
inf-leave-fv inf-stand_next_to-fv
‘to leave in protest’ ‘to stand next to each other’
The near-minimal pairs in (27–28) show the contrast between /c/ and /j/. How-
ever, /j/ also occurs as a free variant of /c/, as in (29–30). Like the voiced stops,
the voiced affricate /j/ is less frequently attested than its voiceless counterpart
/c/.
(27) kùcérùkà - kùjérùmùkà
ku-céruk-a ku-jérumuk-a
inf-tear-fv inf-be_sour-fv
‘to be torn’ ‘to be sour’
(28) kùcùkùnsà - kùjùkùtà
ku-cukuns-a ku-jukut-a
inf-shake-fv inf-rinse-fv
‘to shake’ ‘to rinse out clothes’
(29) kùjânà ~ kùcânà
ku-ján-a
inf-gape-fv
‘to gape’
(30) bù-cwàrà ~ bù-jwàrà
bu-cwara
np14 -beer
‘beer’
2.2.3 Fricatives
As shown in Table 2.1, Fwe has eight fricative phonemes: /β/, written as <b>, /f/,
/v/, /s/, /z/, /ʃ/, written as <sh>, /ʒ/, written as <zy>, and /h/. The labiodental,
alveolar and post-alveolar fricatives occur as both voiceless and voiced; (near-
)minimal pairs are given in (31) and (32).
16
2.2 Consonants
(31) kùvùrùrà - kùfùrà

ku-vur-ur-a ku-fur-a
inf-winnow-sep.tr-fv inf-pick-fv
‘to winnow’ ‘to pick (fruit)’
(32) a. kùfûmà
ku-fúm-a
inf-become_rich-fv
‘to become rich’
b. kùsûmà
ku-súm-a
inf-sew-fv
‘to sew’
c. kùshûmà
ku-shúm-a
inf-bite-fv
‘to bite’
d. kùzûmà
ku-zúm-a
inf-hum-fv
‘to hum’
e. kùzyûmà
ku-zyúm-a
inf-dry-fv
‘to dry’
The bilabial fricative /b/ has no voiceless counterpart. Its phonemic status is
shown by the (near-)minimal pairs in (33) and (34).
(33) kùbûrà - kùfûrà

ku-búr-a ku-fúr-a
inf-miss-fv inf-sharpen-fv
‘to miss’ ‘to sharpen’
(34) cìràbò - ràmbò

ci-rabo ∅-rambo
np7 -paddle np5 -pit
‘paddle’ ‘pit’
17
Many speakers realize /v/ as a bilabial fricative /b/, as in (35–36). Comparative

data and reconstructions suggest that /v/ is the older realization: /v/ in Fwe is the
result of spirantization of *b or *g before a high back vowel (Bostoen 2009: 118, see
also §2.4.2). The change of /v/ to /b/ could be the result of the higher frequency
of the latter; whereas /v/ only occurs before /u/, /b/ occurs in all environments,
and is therefore much more common.
(35) kùvwângà ~ kùbwângà

ku-vwáng-a
inf-wrap-fv
‘to wrap’
cf. *búang ‘mix’ (Bastin et al. 2002)
(36) cìvwângà ~ cìbwângà

ci-vwánga
np7 -frog
‘frog’
The bilabial fricative tends to be more open than a canonical fricative, and is
pronounced with a minimal amount of friction, in between a fricative and an ap-
proximant. Previous descriptions of the phonology of Fwe also differ in describ-
ing this phoneme as an approximant (Seidel 2005: 228) or a fricative (Baumbach
1997: 398; Bostoen 2009: 113).
/s/ and /sh/ are contrastive in lexical roots, as seen in the minimal pairs in (31),
as well as the minimal pair in (37).
(37) kùsèkà - kùshèkà

ku-sek-a ku-shek-a
inf-insert-fv inf-laugh-fv
‘to insert’ ‘to laugh’
In grammatical prefixes in Namibian Fwe, /s/ and /sh/ are allophones in free
variation, as illustrated in (38) with the inceptive she-, which can be realized as
se- or she-.
(38) shèndìrère ~ sèndìrèrè

she-ndi-reH re
inc-sm1SG -sleep.stat
‘I am now sleeping.’ (NF_Elic17)
18
2.2 Consonants
The alternation between /s/ and /sh/ affects all grammatical prefixes in which
the phoneme occurs. The only grammatical suffix with /s/ is the causative -is/-es,
which is invariably realized with /s/, never with /sh/. As this suffix is derivational,
it may be conceptualized as part of the lexical verb, and as such not be subject to [s
~ sh] variation, as this does not occur in lexemes3 . A complete list of grammatical
prefixes in which [s] and [sh] alternate is given in (39).
(39) ásha- ~ ása- negative imperative

sha- ~ sa- negative subjunctive
shá- ~ sá- negative infinitive
shí- ~ sí- persistive
shi- ~ si- inceptive
shi- ~ si- conditional
shí- ~ sí- associative
shaké ~ saké conditional
In Zambian Fwe, only the realization with [sh] is used. In Namibian Fwe, the
alternation between [s] and [sh] mostly concerns inter-speaker variation, with
each speaker consistently using his or her preferred pronunciation. A possible
explanation for this variation and its geographic distribution is contact between
Fwe and the closely-related languages Subiya and Totela; Fwe /sh/ corresponds to
Subiya and Totela /s/ (Bostoen 2009: 116), and given the high mutual intelligibility
between Fwe, Subiya and Totela, and wide-spread multilingualism, this may have
led Fwe speakers in Namibia to interchange /sh/ with /s/. This may also explain
why this free variation is not seen in Zambian Fwe, as this variety of Fwe is not
in active contact with Totela and Subiya. It fails to explain, however, why [s ~ sh]
variation in Fwe only targets grammatical prefixes, and not lexical stems.
The phonemic status of the glottal fricative /h/ is shown by the minimal pair
in (40), which shows the contrast between /h/ and /t/, and in (41), which shows
the contrast between /h/ and zero.
(40) mùhàrà - mùtàrà

mu-hara mu-tara
np3 -rope np3 -footprint
‘rope’ ‘footprint’
3
I am indebted to an anonymous reviewer for this analysis.
19
(41) kùhùrà - kùùrà

ku-hur-a ku-ur-a
inf-arrive-fv inf-buy-fv
‘to arrive’ ‘to buy’
Though there are numerous cases where /h/ contrasts with zero, i.e. where /h/
cannot be omitted, [h] is also often used as an epenthetic consonant, in which
case it can be freely interchanged with [w], [y] and zero (see §2.5.2). Phonemic
/h/, on the other hand, cannot be interchanged with a glide nor can it be dropped.
Furthermore, phonemic /h/ can be accompanied by slight nasalization of the fol-
lowing vowel. These differences between phonemic /h/ and epenthetic [h] are
shown in (42–43).
(42) Phonemic /h/

a. [rùhã́tì ~ rùhátì ]
*rùwáti ~ rùátì
ru-hatí
np11 -rib
‘rib’
b. rûhò ~ rûhò̰
*rûwò ~ rûò
ru-úho
np11 -wind
‘wind’
(43) Epenthetic [h]

a. kùròhà ~ kùròwà ~ kùròà
*kùròhã̀
ku-ro-a
inf-bewitch-fv
‘to bewitch’
b. rùsíꜝhízà ~ rùsíꜝyízà ~ rùsíꜝízà
*rùsíꜝhı̰ź à
ru-síizá
np11 -darkness
‘darkness before rain’
20
2.2 Consonants
2.2.4 Prenasalization
Fwe also makes use of contrastive prenasalization on stops, fricatives and af-
fricates. With stops, Fwe distinguishes bilabial, alveolar and velar prenasalized
stops. The (near-)minimal pairs in (44–47) show the phonemic status of prenasal-
ized stops.
(44) mántà - mátà

ma-ntá ma-tá
np6 -power np6 -bow
‘power’ ‘bows’
(45) kùdùnà - ìndúnà

ku-dun-a ∅-induná
inf-stare-fv np1a -induna
‘to stare’ ‘induna (political figure)’
(46) mùnêː - mùnkêː

mu-néː mu-nkéː
np1 -four np1 -one
‘four’ ‘one’
(47) bûːngìː - è-gîː

búː-ngiː e-∅-gíː
np14 -many aug-np5 -egg
‘many’ ‘egg’
Fwe contrasts voiceless and voiced prenasalized stops, as shown by the mini-
mal pairs in (48–50).
(48) mpùndù - mbùndù

N-pundu N-bundu
np9 -bush np9 -dew
‘sandpaper raisin bush’ ‘dew’
(49) ndìtântà - ndìtândà

ndi-taH nt-a ndi-taH nd-a
sm1SG -overtake-fv sm1SG -chase-fv
‘I overtake.’ ‘I chase.’
21
(50) kùsìnkà - kùsìngà

ku-sink-a ku-sing-a
inf-patch-fv inf-paint-fv
‘to patch’ ‘to paint’
Fwe has two prenasalized post-alveolar affricates, voiceless /nc/ and voiced
/nj/. The near-minimal pairs in (51) and (52) show that these two phonemes are
contrastive, even though the voiceless and voiced affricate without prenasaliza-
tion are not.
(51) bâncè - rùbánjè

ba-ánce ru-banjé
np2 -child np11 -cannabis
‘children’ ‘cannabis’
(52) ncèrè - njèwè

∅-ncere ∅-njewe
np1a -snake np1a -poor
‘snake sp.’ ‘poor person’
It is more difficult to prove that prenasalization is also contrastive in affricates.

The sound /j/, the non-prenasalized counterpart of the voiced prenasalized af-
fricate /nj/, does occur, but it has a low frequency and mainly occurs in loan-
words. When prenasalization is involved in a morphophonological process, /nj/
commutes with /zy/ (see §2.5.1 on prenasalization as a result of a morphophono-
logical process). The voiceless affricate /nc/ does have a non-prenasalized coun-
terpart /c/ as a regular phoneme. There are, however, no minimal or near-mini-
mal pairs to prove that /c/ and /nc/ are contrastive phonemes, though there is also
no clear conditioning for the distribution of /c/ and /nc/, should they be analyzed
as allophones.
Fwe also has prenasalized fricatives: labiodental /mf/ and /mv/, alveolar /ns/
and /nz/ and postalveolar /nsh/. Prenasalized fricatives contrast with non-prena-
salized fricatives, as shown for the alveolar fricatives in (53).
(53) bànsâ - bàsâ

ba-nsá ba-sá
np2 -duiker np2 -thief
‘duikers’ ‘thieves’
22
2.2 Consonants
Prenasalized labiodental fricatives occur, though they are infrequent; only four
examples of /mf/ and five examples of /mv/ are found in the data. Examples of
both voiceless and voiced prenasalized labiodental fricatives are given in (54).
(54) mfùmò
∅-mfumo
np1a -rhinoceros
‘rhinoceros’
(55) mvûrà
∅-mvúra
np1a -rain
‘rain’
The contrast between prenasalized and non-prenasalized fricatives appears to

be diminishing: /ns/, /nz/ and /nsh/ are occasionally pronounced without pre-
nasalization, without apparent conditioning, as shown in (56–58).
(56) mpásì ~ mpánsì

N-pansí
np9 -grasshopper
‘grasshopper’
(57) kùbîzwà ~ kùbînzwà

ku-bínzw-a
inf-ripen-fv
‘to ripen’
(58) rùshònshò ~ rùshòshò

ru-shonsho
np11 -tibia
‘tibia’
/sh/ is occasionally realized as prenasalized /nsh/ in words where comparative

data and reconstruction suggest that the sound was never prenasalized, as in
(59–60). The prenasalization may be related to the preceding /m/, though as seen
in (56–58), variation between prenasalized and non-prenasalized fricatives also
occurs outside this context.
23
(59) mùshêmpù ~ mùnshêmpù (< shémpèkà ‘shoulder a load’)

mu-shémpu
np3 -load
‘load’
(60) mùshûː ~ mùnshûː (< shûbà ‘urinate’, *cʊ ‘urine’ (Bastin et al. 2002)
mu-shúː
np3 -urine
‘urine’
2.2.5 Nasals
Fwe has four contrastive nasal consonants: bilabial /m/, alveolar /n/, palatal /ɲ/
(written as <ny>) and velar /ŋ/. Their phonemic status is shown by the near-
minimal pairs in (61–64).
(61) ŋàngà - nángà

∅-ŋanga nangá
np1a -doctor
‘doctor’ ‘even, even though’
(62) ŋórò - cìnyôrò

∅-ŋoró ci-nyóro
np5 -letter np7 -plant_remains
‘letter’ ‘plant remains in the field’
(63) kùnyènsà - káꜝnénsà

ku-nyens-a ká-nensá
inf-defeat-fv np12 -pinkie
‘to defeat’ ‘pinkie, little toe’
(64) nyôtà - mótà

N-nyóta ∅-motá
np9 -thirst np5 -car
‘thirst’ ‘car’
2.2.6 Taps
The alveolar tap /r/ is phonemic, as seen from its contrast with /d/ in (65) and /t/
in (66).
24
2.2 Consonants
(65) kùrùrà - kùdùrà

ku-rur-a ku-dur-a
inf-be_bitter-fv inf-be_expensive-fv
‘to be bitter’ ‘to be expensive’
(66) kùrâmbà - kùtâmbà
ku-rámb-a ku-támb-a
inf-plaster-fv inf-give_herbs-fv
‘to plaster’ ‘to give herbs (as medicine)’
The alveolar tap /r/ has an allophone [l]. /r/ is realized as [l] before a high front
vowel /i/ and as [r] elsewhere, as illustrated in (67) and (68).
(67) [mùlìrò]
mu-riro
np3 -fire
‘fire’
(68) [kùkûrà]
ku-kúr-a
inf-grow-fv
‘to grow’
(69) [rùlímà]
ru-rimá
np11 -bat
‘bat’
Before the palatal glide /y/, /r/ is always realized as [l], as in (70), because /y/
is often (but not always) an allophonic realization of /i/. Before the labial glide
/w/, /r/ is always realized as [r], as in (71), because /w/ is often (but not always)
an allophonic realization of /u/.
(70) [èzílyò]
e-zi-ryó
aug-np8 -food
‘food’
(71) [kùrwârà]
ku-rwár-a
inf-be_sick-fv
‘to be sick’
25
In Zambian Fwe, /r/ is occasionally realized as [l] even when it is not followed
by /i/. The proliferation of [l] in Zambian Fwe may be the result of the growing
influence of Lozi in this area. Lozi resembles Fwe in that [l] and [ɾ] are allophones
of the same phoneme, although their distribution is reversed with respect to Fwe;
/l/ is realized as [ɾ] before the high front vowel, and as [l] elsewhere (Gowlett 1989:
129).
2.2.7 Glides
Fwe has two glides, labial /w/ and palatal /y/. These occur as allophones of the
vowels /u/ and /i/, or as epenthetic consonants (see §2.5.2), but also in envi-
ronments where their occurrence cannot be explained allophonically, and there-
fore /w/ and /y/ must be considered phonemes.
[w] can be inserted when the first of two vowels is a back vowel /u/ or /o/ (see
§2.5.2). When /w/ is preceded by a vowel other than /u/ or /o/, its occurrence is
phonemic, as in (72–75).
(72) mbwâwà
∅-mbwáwa
np1a -jackal
‘jackal’
(73) máꜝnshwáwánshàwà
má-nshawánshawa
np6 -berry
‘berries of Grewia sp.’
(74) bùnjèwè
bu-njewe
np14 -poor
‘poverty’
(75) cìwàkàkà
ci-wakaka
np7 -horned_melon
‘horned melon (Cucumis metuliferus)’
[y] may be used as an epenthetic consonant when one of two adjacent vowels
is a front vowel, or when both vowels are /a/ (see §2.5.2). /y/ also occurs in other
contexts, as illustrated in (76–78), motivating its analysis as a phoneme.
26
2.2 Consonants
(76) mòyà
mu-oya
np3 -wind
‘wind’
(77) ngûyà
∅-ngúya
np1a -baboon
‘baboon’
(78) kùyòcà
ku-bake-a
inf-bake-fv
‘to bake’
The palatal glide may occur as an allophonic realization of /i/ before another
vowel, but only when the preceding consonant is /r/ (in its allophonic realization
[l], conditioned by the vowel /i/). There are also, however, sequences of /ri/ that
are realized as /ri/, and not as /ry/, showing that /i/ is not automatically changed
to a glide when preceded by /r/, and therefore the glide /y/ must be analyzed as a
contrastive phoneme. An example is given in (79), where the root ríya contains
a sequence /ri/ that is not changed to /ry/. The following glide is an epenthetic
consonant inserted to separate the vowel /i/ from the vowel /a/ in the following
syllable (see §2.5.2).
(79) rùrîyà
ru-ríya
np11 -taro
‘taro’
Glides may be preceded by another consonant, in which case they are subject
to certain co-occurence restrictions, as discussed in §2.4.2.
2.2.8 Clicks
As shown in Table 2.1, Fwe has four click phonemes. Their functional load is fairly
low, with only 84 words (out of a 2200 word database) with a click attested. Clicks
are used in the variety of Fwe spoken in Namibia, and the variety of Zambian
Fwe that is spoken close to the Namibian border, which forms a transition zone
between Zambian and Namibian Fwe. In the northernmost variety of Fwe spoken
27
in Zambia, clicks are not used. A more detailed discussion of clicks in Fwe can
be found in Gunnink (2020).
Fwe uses different click types, the dental, lateral and post-alveolar, but click
type is not contrastive; instead, the same word may be realized with a dental,
lateral or palatal click without change in meaning, as in (80).
(80) kùǀàpùrà ~ kùǂàpùrà ~ kùǁàpùrà

ku-ǀapur-a
inf-tear-fv
‘to tear’
Which click type is used depends mainly on the speaker, with the dental click
being the most common. Of the thirteen speakers interviewed for a contrastive
study, the majority used only the dental click, and those who used a click type
other than the dental, would also use the dental click.
Voicing and nasality, on the other hand, are used contrastively on clicks, and
Fwe distinguishes four click phonemes on the basis of a combination of these
features: a voiceless oral click /ǀ/, as in (81) a voiced oral click /ᵍǀ/, as in (82), a
prenasalized voiceless click /ⁿǀ˳/, as in (83), and a voiced nasal click /ⁿǀ/, as in (84).
(81) rùǀómà
ru-ǀomá
np11 -papyrus
‘papyrus’
(82) kù ɡ ǀárùmùkà
ku- ɡ ǀárumuk-a
inf-shout-fv
‘to shout loudly’
(83) mùⁿǀ ̥ápì

mu-ⁿǀ ̥apí
np3 -frog
‘small frog sp.’
(84) kùⁿǀàmbùrà
ku-ⁿǀambur-a
inf-strip-fv
‘to strip (a tree)’
28
2.2 Consonants
Due to the small number of click words, the phonemic status of these four
clicks is difficult to prove with minimal pairs. Two minimal pairs proving the
contrast between the voiceless and voiced oral click are given in (85) and (86).
(85) kùǀàpùrà - kùᵍǀàpùrà

ku-ǀapur-a ku-ᵍǀapur-a
inf-tear-fv inf-stand-fv
‘to tear’ ‘to stand with legs apart’
(86) kùǀòpòrà - kùᵍǀòpòrà

ku-ǀopor-a ku-ᵍǀopor-a
inf-run-fv inf-remove_flesh-fv
‘to run fast’ ‘to remove flesh, an eye’
Minimal pairs to prove the contrastive use of nasality in clicks are not attested,
but nasality does seem to be a contrastive feature. When comparing the pronun-
ciation of clicks of thirteen different Fwe speakers, no variation was found in
the realization of nasality: the same click words were consistently realized with
a nasal click by all speakers. The near-minimal pairs in (87–88) provide further
support for the analysis of nasality as a contrastive feature in clicks.
(87) ᵍǀúmù - kùⁿǀûmà

∅-ᵍǀumú ku-ⁿǀúm-a
np5 -reed inf-suck-fv
‘edible reed’ ‘to suck out blood (to treat disease, injury or curse)’
(88) kùǀáꜝpwízà - kùŋ ǀâmpà

ku-ǀámpwíz-a ku-ŋ ǀámp-a
inf-click-fv inf-be_flat-fv
‘to click in anger or resentment’ ‘to be flat (of stomach)’
Although click type is not used contrastively, and click types can be inter-
changed by speakers, there do seem to be a few words where there is a preference
for a click type, even for speakers who consistently use dental clicks elsewhere.
This is the case for various interjection-like words, such as ǃakuroko ‘it’s not true!’,
which always takes a post-alveolar click, and ndi-ǁose ‘it’s true’, which always
takes a lateral click. A preference for the lateral click is also seen in nǁáꜝmpwízà
‘to click in anger or resentment’; although the pronunciation with the dental
click can also be heard, the pronunciation with the lateral click was preferred.
This most likely relates to the meaning of the word, which is to produce a lateral
29
click as a sign of anger or resentment. The same word occurs in Yeyi as kùnǁàpìzá
‘disapprove by making a lateral click’ (Seidel 2008: 43), which also has a lateral
click, even though lateral clicks are otherwise marginal in the language.
In addition to the free variation between click types, speakers of Fwe in some
areas also alternate clicks with non-click consonants. These non-click conso-
nants share the voicing and nasality contrasts of their click counterparts, and
are always velar, even though clicks are usually dental. The alternation between
clicks and non-click consonants is the result of the loss of the front closure of
the click, which is usually dental, so that only the back closure, which is always
velar, remains. The voiceless click may alternate with [k], as in (89).
(89) rùǀómà ~ rùkómà
ru-ǀomá
np11 -papyrus
‘papyrus’
The voiced click may alternate with [g], as in (90). There is also one example,
given in (91), of a voiced click alternating with either [g] or [d].
(90) èᵍǀìmà ~ ègìmà
e-∅-ᵍǀima
aug-np5 -fish
‘small fish sp.’
(91) ᵍǀúkùmù ~ gúkùmù ~ dúkùmù
∅-ᵍǀúkumu
np5 -fruit
‘fruit sp.’
The prenasalized voiceless click may alternate with [ᵑk], as in (92).
(92) mùⁿǀ ̥ápì ~ mùᵑkápì
mu-ⁿǀ ̥apí
np3 -frog
‘frog sp.’
The voiced nasal click may alternate with [ŋ], as in (93).
(93) kùⁿǀúmèntà ~ kùŋúmèntà
ku-ⁿǀúment-a
inf-kiss-fv
‘to kiss’
30
2.3 Vowels
Free variation between clicks and non-click velars is mainly seen in the central
region of the Fwe-speaking area, close to the Namibian/Zambian border, where
the Zambian clickless variety and the Namibian click-using variety come into
contact with each other. Gunnink (2020) therefore analyzes this free variation as
the result of contact between these two varieties.
2.3 Vowels
Fwe has five contrastive vowel phonemes, which are discussed in §2.3.1 together
with evidence for their phonemic status. Vowel length plays a role in Fwe in three
different ways. Firstly, there is a phonemic distinction between long and short
vowels, even though long vowels are quite rare (§2.3.2). Secondly, there are two
environments in which Fwe automatically lengthens vowels: before and after
certain consonants (§2.3.3), and in the penultimate mora of a phrase-final word
(§2.3.4). Although vowel length and the two processes of automatic lengthening
differ in their conditioning, they are very similar in their phonetic properties:
phonemically long vowels, automatically lengthened vowels and vowels affected
by penultimate lengthening are equally long, and the distinction between short
vowels and long or lengthened vowels is very minimal and possibly diminishing,
though their importance in the tonal system remains. Furthermore, both long
vowels and automatically lengthened vowels contain two tone-bearing units,
rather than one. Penultimate lengthening, however, does not affect the number
of moras.
2.3.1 Phonemic vowels

Fwe has five contrastive vowel phonemes, /i, ɛ, a, ɔ, u/, as attested by the minimal
pairs in (94–97). Throughout this book, /ɛ/ will be written as <e> and /ɔ/ will be
written as <o>.
(94) kùkûmbà - kùkômbà - kùkâmbà

ku-kúmb-a ku-kómb-a ku-kámb-a
inf-howl-fv inf-lick-fv inf-clap-fv
‘to howl’ ‘to lick’ ‘to clap’
(95) kùmìnà - kùmènà

ku-min-a ku-men-a
inf-swallow-fv inf-sprout-fv
‘to swallow’ ‘to sprout (of wild plants)’
31
(96) kùsîkà - kùsûkà

ku-sík-a ku-súk-a
inf-light-fv inf-descend-fv
‘to light’ ‘to descend’
(97) kùrêːtà - kùrôːtà

ku-réːt-a ku-róːt-a
inf-bring-fv inf-dream-fv
‘to bring’ ‘to dream’
2.3.2 Phonemic vowel length

Fwe has a phonemic opposition between short and long vowels, as shown by the
minimal pairs in (98) and (99). Phonemic vowel length is marked in the orthog-
raphy used in this book with the symbol /ː/.
(98) kùkûrà - kùkûːrà

ku-kúr-a ku-kúːr-a
inf-grow-fv inf-shift-fv
‘to grow’ ‘to shift, move house’
(99) kùkôrà - kùkôːrà

ku-kór-a ku-kóːr-a
inf-irritate-fv inf-cough-fv
‘to irritate’ ‘to cough’
All five vowel qualities occur as either short or long; examples of /oː/ and /uː/
are given in (98–99). Examples of /aː/, /eː/ and /iː/ are given in (100–102). Long
vowels can occur in any position of the word, and word-final long vowels are not
shortened, as seen in (102–103).
(100) kùrâːrà
ku-ráːr-a
inf-sleep-fv
‘to sleep’
(101) kùkèːzyà
ku-keːzy-a
inf-come-fv
‘to come’
32
2.3 Vowels
(102) ègîː
e-∅-gíː
aug-np5 -egg
‘egg’
(103) yènkêː
ye-nkéː
pp1 -one
‘alone’
In some cases, a long vowel in Fwe is a reflex of a reconstructed long vowel or

vowel sequence for Proto-Bantu, as in (104–106).
(104) kùrôːtà (from *dóot ‘dream’ (Bastin et al. 2002))

ku-róːt-a
inf-dream-fv
‘to dream’
(105) kùkâːnà (from *káan ‘deny, refuse’ (Bastin et al. 2002))

ku-káːn-a
inf-reject-fv
‘to reject, divorce’
(106) bùrêː (from *dàì ‘long’ (Bastin et al. 2002))

bu-réː
np14 -long
‘length’
Long vowels may also be the result of the historical merger of two vowels
across a morpheme boundary. Example (107) shows that the verb root coːr his-
torically consisted of a root cò and a separative suffix -or, because the transitive
separative suffix -or can be replaced by an intransitive separative suffix -ok. (For
more on the separative derivation, see §6.5.) The underived root co is not attested
in Fwe.
(107) a. kùcòːrà
ku-coːr-a
inf-break-fv
‘to break’
33
b. kùcòːkà
ku-co-ok-a
inf-break-sep.intr-fv
‘to break’
In other verb roots where the long vowel appears to result from a historical
merger of two short vowels, the modern form of the verb can no longer take
different suffixes. Nonetheless, formal similarities between the verb root and at-
tested derivational suffixes in Fwe do show that the long vowels in these verbs
go back to a historical merger of the vowel of the root with the vowel of a deriva-
tional suffix, which has subsequently become unanalyzable. This is in line with
the fact that many derivational suffixes in Fwe are lexicalized. Examples include
the verb root ziːk ‘hide’, which appears to contain the transitive impositional suf-
fix -ik (for more on the impositional, see §6.6), and the verb root zúːr ‘undress’,
which appears to contain the transitive separative suffix -ur (see §6.5 for the
various allomorphs of this suffix).
Long vowels only arise from historical processes of vowel juxtaposition; syn-
chronic vowel juxtaposition does not always lead to vowel lengthening. This is
discussed in more detail in §2.5.2.
Vowel length plays an important role in the tonal system of Fwe. Long vowels
are bimoraic, and a high tone can be assigned to either of the two moras. Sub-
sequently, however, the high tone is copied onto the other mora of the vowel,
so that the surface realizations of tones on bimoraic vowels are identical to the
surface realizations of tones on monomoraic vowels. This is discussed in more
detail in chapter 3 on tone.
Long vowels are not common in Fwe: only 30 words (out of a 2,200-word list)
with a long vowel have been identified. Furthermore, the phonetic realization
of phonemic vowel length is fairly subtle, and its effects are mainly found in the
tonal system. It seems then that phonemic vowel length is becoming increasingly
marginal in Fwe.
2.3.3 Automatic vowel lengthening

In addition to phonemic vowel length, Fwe has automatic, non-contrastive vowel
lengthening, which is conditioned by the nature of the consonants following
and preceding the vowel. In order to distinguish it from phonemic lengthening,
automatic lengthening is not marked in the orthography used in this book, with
the exception of the examples given in this section, where lengthening is marked
with the symbol [ː].
34
2.3 Vowels
There are a number of different phonological environments that condition

vowel lengthening. Firstly, vowels are lengthened when preceded by the a con-
sonant cluster involving a glide /w/ or /y/. Lengthening can target vowels in
word-medial position, as in (108), but also in word-final position, as in (109–110).
(108) kùtwâːrà
ku-twár-a
inf-bring-fv
‘to bring’
(109) kúryàː
ku-rí-a
inf-eat-fv
‘to eat’
(110) kàmwîː
ka-mwí
np12 -heat
‘heat; afternoon’
Vowels are also lengthened if immediately followed by a prenasalized conso-

nant, as illustrated in (111) and (112).
(111) kùrâːmbà
ku-rámb-a
inf-plaster-fv
‘to plaster’
(112) kùtùːmpà
ku-tump-a
inf-sprout-fv
‘to sprout (of wild plants)’
Vowel lengthening also occurs when the vowel /a/ is preceded by an alveolar
fricative. Both the prenasalized fricatives /ns/ and /nz/ and the non-prenasalized
fricatives /s/ and /z/ cause the following /a/ to lengthen, as shown in (113–115).
The post-alveolar fricatives /sh/ and /zy/, however, do not cause the following
vowels to lengthen, as shown in (116–117).
35
(113) kùyáshìmìsàː
ku-yáshimis-a
inf-sneeze-fv
‘to sneeze’
(114) òːnsâː
o-∅-nsá
aug-np1a -duiker
‘duiker (antelope sp.)’
(115) kùzàːnà
ku-zan-a
inf-play-fv
‘to play’
(116) kùshàkà
ku-shak-a
inf-want-fv
‘to want, like, love’
(117) kùzyàbàrà
ku-zyabar-a
inf-dress-fv
‘to get dressed’
Lengthening of /a/ before alveolar fricatives is the last step in a process of
sound change and analogical extension very similar to what is described for
Ganda (Hyman 2003a). In Ganda, a causative suffix -i caused spirantization of
the last consonant of the root of the verb to /s/. The vowel /i/ of the causative
was subsequently absorbed into the preceding consonant, combined with com-
pensatory lengthening of the final vowel -a of the verb. In other verbs ending
in /sa/, where no causative morphology is present, the lengthening was added
in analogy with the lengthening in causative verbs. A similar process appears
to have taken place in Fwe, where an earlier causative suffix *i also triggered
spirantization of the previous consonant to /s/ or /z/, leading to the loss of /i/
and compensatory lengthening.4 Although this process is no longer productive
4
In Ganda, this process involved glide formation from /i/ to /y/ (Hyman 2003a). In Fwe, there
is no clear evidence for glide formation, e.g. no causative verbs are attested where /s/ is fol-
lowed by /y/. It is possible that glide formation historically took place, and that the glide was
subsequently lost, as Fwe does not allow (or no longer allows) combinations of /s/ and /y/ (see
§2.4.2 on co-occurrence restrictions).
36
2.3 Vowels
in Fwe, examples such as (118) and (119) show that the change of a final stem con-
sonant to /s/ or /z/ was part of causative formation (see §6.2 for more examples).
(118) a. kùtùkùtà
ku-tukut-a
inf-become_warm-fv
‘to become warm’
b. kùtùkùsàː
ku-tukus-a
inf-become_warm.caus-fv
‘to warm (something) up’
c. from ku-tukut-i-a > ku-tukus-i-a > ku-tukus-aː
(119) a. kùhârà
ku-hár-a
inf-live-fv
‘to live’
b. kùhâzàː
ku-ház-a
inf-save.caus-fv
‘to save (lit. ‘make someone live’)’
c. from ku-har-i-a > ku-haz-i-a > ku-haz-aː
The lengthening of the final vowel /a/ in causative verbs is the result of com-
pensatory lengthening triggered by the loss of the earlier vowel /i/. Subsequently,
all instances of /a/ after an alveolar fricative where lengthened, not only those
that were the result of causative formation. Whereas in Ganda, this analogical
extension was limited to /sa/ sequences at the end of a verb, in Fwe the analogi-
cal extension includes all instances of /a/ before an alveolar fricative, also when
such a sequence is not the last syllable of a verb stem, as in (120–121), and even
in nouns, as in (122–125).
(120) kùzàːnà
ku-zan-a
inf-dance-fv
‘to dance, play’
37
(121) kùzâːrà
ku-zár-a
inf-give_birth-fv
‘to give birth (of animals)’
(122) èsàːbúrè
e-∅-saburé
aug-np5 -machete
‘machete’
(123) káꜝnéːnsàː
ká-nensá
np12 -pinkie
‘pinkie, little toe’
(124) ⁿǀórꜝézàː
N-ⁿǀórezá
np9 -resin
‘resin’
(125) nzâːsì
N-zási
np10 -spark
‘sparks’
That the lengthening of /a/ before /s/ and /z/ is the result of analogical ex-
tension, and not of individual cases of spirantization in each of the words that
contain a /sa/ or /za/ sequence, can be seen from the fact that many words with
/sa/ and /za/ sequences are borrowings, such as mù-sâː ‘thief’ from Khwe tc’á̰à̰
‘to steal’ (Kilian-Hatz 2003: 355)5 , kù-sèbèz-àː ‘to work’, from Lozi ku sebeza ‘to
work’ (Burger 1960: 168).6
Although phonemically long vowels and automatically lengthened vowels dif-
fer in their conditioning, their behavior is otherwise parallel. Both long vowels
5
In this case, however, the source word also has a long vowel.
6
An alternative explanation for the origin of lengthening of /a/ before /s/ and /z/ would be a
more general rule of spirantization followed by glide absorption and compensatory lengthen-
ing, not only in causative verbs. This would fail to explain, however, why only the alveolar
fricatives are affected, and not the labiodental fricatives, which are also the result of spiranti-
zation.
38
2.3 Vowels
and lengthened vowels contain two tone-bearing units rather than one, an im-
portant distinction in the tonal system of Fwe (see Chapter 3). Furthermore, the
difference between both long vowels and lengthened vowels, and short vowels, is
very minimal, and the actual length or lengthening is barely perceptible. This is
a trait Fwe shares with closely related Totela, which also lengthens vowels under
conditions comparable to those in Fwe, but barely so. As Crane (2011: 71) states, “I
found vowel length somewhat hard to perceive, especially in nouns, and speak-
ers did not correct my productions for it as they corrected for tone and other
segmental errors”. Precise phonetic measurements of short and long vowels in
Fwe should be done in order to understand the degree of vowel lengthening in
Fwe.
2.3.4 Penultimate lengthening

Fwe also makes use of a second type of predictable vowel lengthening, which
targets the penultimate mora of a phrase-final word. The automatic lengthen-
ing of phrase-final penultimate vowels is common in Bantu languages, and had
already been noted for Fwe by Bostoen (2009: 111). As penultimate lengthening
is predictable, it is not marked in the orthography used in this book, with the
exception of the examples in this section, where lengthening is marked with [ː].
Lengthening targets the penultimate mora of an utterance-final word, as seen
in (126–127).
(126) cìbàːkà
ci-baka
np7 -place
‘place
(127) kùbábàrèːrà
ku-bábarer-a
inf-guard-fv
‘to guard’
Penultimate lengthening targets the mora, and not the syllable; if the last syl-
lable of a phrase-final word is bimoraic, such as the bimoraic last syllable kwaː
in (128), lengthening does not target the penultimate syllable ro, but the penul-
timate mora of the last syllable. As such penultimate lengthening is realized on
the last syllable rather than the penultimate syllable.
39
(128) kùkósòròkwàː
*kùkósòròːkwà
ku-kósorokw-a
inf-sleep-fv
‘to sleep until rested’
Penultimate lengthening can target automatically lengthened vowels, in which

case both types of length are cumulative; an automatically lengthened vowel in
the penultimate position is pronounced with more length than an automatically
lengthened vowel in other positions.
Penultimate lengthening can also target phonemically long vowels. In this case
too, both types of length are cumulative, and long vowels in the penultimate
position are audibly longer than long vowels in other positions. This is illustrated
in (129–130) with the verbal root coːk, which contains a long vowel /oː/. If the
vowel /oː/ occurs in the penultimate syllable of an utterance, as in (129), it is
pronounced with more length (indicated by a double ː symbol) than when the
same vowel is used in a position other than the penultimate, as seen in (130).
(129) càcôːːkì
ci-a-có̲ːk-i
sm7 -pst-break-npst.pfv
‘It broke.’
(130) cìcóːkêtè
ci-coːk-é̲te
sm7 -break-stat
‘It is broken.’
This shows that phonetically, there is a three-way length distinction in Fwe.

Short vowels are pronounced with the least length; intermediate lengthening
is found with phonemically long vowels, and automatically lengthened vowels
or vowels in the penultimate position; and vowels where penultimate lengthen-
ing combines with contrastive vowel length or automatic lengthening are pro-
nounced with the most length. This three-way distinction is not phonemic, how-
ever, because the difference between intermediate and long is determined by at
least one non-contrastive factor, penultimate lengthening.
Impressionistically, penultimate lengthening is quite subtle, with only a very
small difference between vowels with and without penultimate lengthening. Its
phonetic realization is comparable to both phonemic vowel length and phonetic
40
2.4 Syllable structure
vowel lengthening, with the difference between short vowels on the one hand
and either long vowels, automatically lengthened vowels or penultimate length-
ened vowels on the other hand being quite small.
Whereas automatically lengthened vowels are counted as bimoraic in the tonal
system of Fwe (cf. §2.3.2), vowels targeted by penultimate lengthening are not
counted as bimoraic, but as monomoraic. Penultimate lengthening does influence
the tonal system, however, the realization of high tones as falling is only possible
on vowels that are targeted by penultimate lengthening (see §3.1.5 of Chapter 3
on tone).

Fwe has a strictly open syllable structure, which is discussed in §2.4.1. Certain
consonants are subject to co-occurrence restrictions, as shown in §2.4.2.
2.4.1 Syllable types

Fwe has a strictly open syllable structure, where coda consonants are never al-
lowed. Fwe allows for three different syllable types: CV, where the onset is a
consonant and the nucleus a vowel, CGV, where the onset is a consonant fol-
lowed by a glide, and V, which lacks an onset and consists of a vowel only. All
three syllable types can be seen to occur in (131).
(131) [ò.kù.rwà]
‘to fight’
A syllable onset may also consist of a nasal followed by another consonant.

These nasal-consonant combinations are analyzed as a single prenasalized pho-
neme rather than a combination of two phonemes, and have been discussed in
§2.2.
V syllables may occur word-initially or word-medially. In the latter case, the
resultant VV sequence is often broken up by an epenthetic consonant [h], [y]
or [w] (see §2.5.2). Consonant epenthesis is not obligatory, however, and word-
medial VV sequences are allowed, as shown in the following examples. VV se-
quences may contain two different vowels, as in (132), or two identical vowels,
as in (133).
41
(132) V.V sequences of two different vowels

a. mà.rì.â.njò
∅-mariánjo
np1a -virgin
‘virgin’
b. mbó.ꜝé.rà
∅-mbóerá
np1a -wild_dog
‘wild dog’
c. kù.fú.à.mà
ku-fú-am-a
inf-approach-imp.intr-fv
‘to approach’
(133) V.V sequences of two identical vowels

a. kù.bò.ò.rà
ku-boor-a
inf-return-fv
‘to return’
b. ndà.à.nò
N-daano
np9 -message
‘message’
c. kù.cù.ù.nà
ku-cuun-a
inf-limp-fv
‘to limp’
Vowel sequences are distinct from long vowels or lengthened vowels (see Sec-
tions 2.3.2-2.3.4). Vowel sequences are longer than long or lengthened vowels,
and also have different possible tonal realizations, as shown in Table 2.2. Vowels
in sequences can each take a different tone; the patterns L-L, H-H, H-L, L-H and
F-L are all attested. Long and lengthened vowels only take one of the following
three tonal melodies: L, H, and F.
The fact that both vowels can take a different tone shows that these vowels
are sequences of two separate vowels of identical vowel quality, and that each
vowel functions as its own tone-bearing unit. Furthermore, vowel sequences can
42
Table 2.2: Tonal patterns on vowel sequences and long vowels
Vowel sequences Lengthened vowels

LL kù.nyè.è.zà ‘to annoy’ L kù.nèː.ngà ‘to dance, play’
HH mvú.ú ‘hippopotamus’ H kù.túː.mbù.kà ‘to burn’
HL mvú.ù ‘hippopotamus’ F kù.bûː.mbà ‘to create, mould’
LH ndì.rà.á.nà ‘I say goodbye.’
FL ntû.ù ‘hyena’
be broken up by an epenthetic consonant [h], [y] or [w], as shown with the vowel
sequence /o.o/ in (134) (see also §2.5.2), but lengthened or long vowels can never
be separated by an epenthetic consonant, as shown with the long vowel [oː] in
(135).
(134) [kù.bò.ò.rà] ~ [kù.bò.hò.rà]
/kù-bòòr-à/
inf-return-fv
‘to return’
(135) [kù.còː.kà]
*[kù.cò.hò.kà]
/ku-coːk-a/
inf-break-fv
‘to break’
Vowel sequences and lengthened vowels are also distinct from a historical
point of view; vowel sequences (of either identical or different vowels) mostly de-
rive from original CV.CV sequences, from which the second consonant was lost
through regular diachronic sound changes. This has affected *p and *g, which
were both lost before non-high vowels (Bostoen 2009). Examples of such vowel
sequences and their etymology are given in (136–138).
(136) fwî.ì (from *kúpɪ ‘short’ (Bastin et al. 2002))
‘short’
(137) njú.ù (from *jʊgʊ ‘groundnut’ (Bastin et al. 2002))
N-juú
np10 -pea
‘peas’
43
(138) njûò (from *jʊgò ‘house’ (Bastin et al. 2002))

N-júo
np9 -house
‘house’
Long vowels, on the other hand, derive from earlier long vowels or vowel
sequences, as discussed in §2.3.2, and lengthened vowels are the result of pre-
dictable synchronic processes as discussed in Sections 2.3.3 and 2.3.4. Based on
both synchronic and diachronic evidence, it is clear that vowel sequences of ei-
ther identical or different vowels are distinct from long or lengthened vowels.
2.4.2 Co-occurrence restrictions

There are a number of restrictions on which vowel can be preceded by which
consonant. Labiodental and alveolar fricatives are mainly followed by high vow-
els or glides. This is the result of the diachronic sound change of Bantu Spiranti-
zation, whereby stops followed by a high vowel changed into a fricative, followed
by a merger of high vowels and near-high vowels. No restrictions apply to the
postalveolar fricatives /sh/ and /zy/, the bilabial fricative /b/ and the glottal frica-
tive /h/ because they are not the result of Bantu Spirantization, but of a change
of the reconstructed stops to fricatives before non-high vowels (Bostoen 2009).
The alveolar fricatives /s/ and /z/, as well as their prenasalized counterparts,
can only be followed by a high vowel /i/ or /u/, or a glide /w/. Examples are given
for /s/ and /ns/ in (139), and for /z/ and /nz/ in (143).
(139) kùsîkà
ku-sík-a
inf-light-fv
‘to light’
(140) mùsùmò
mu-sumo
np3 -pole
‘pole’
(141) múswà
mu-swá
np3 -rope
‘small rope’
44
(142) mùsûnsù
mu-súnsu
np3 -lower_leg
‘front part of lower leg’
(143) zìbà
∅-ziba
np5 -lake
‘lake’
(144) cìzùmà
ci-zuma
np7 -basket
‘basket’
(145) rùbênzwà
ru-bénzwa
np11 -pancreas
‘pancreas’
A number of exceptions are found, which are mostly borrowings; some exam-
ples are given in (146–148).
(146) sákà (from Afrikaans sak ‘bag’)
∅-saká
np5 -bag
‘bag’
(147) kùsèpà (from Lozi ku sepa ‘to trust’ (Burger 1960))
ku-sep-a
inf-trust-fv
‘to trust, hope’
(148) mùsâ (from Khwe tc’á̰à̰ ‘to steal’ (Kilian-Hatz 2003: 355))
mu-sá
np1 -thief
‘thief’
Another exception occurs when the alveolar fricative is part of a causative.
The synchronically productive causative suffix -is can be followed by the vowels
/a/, as in (149), or /e/, as in (150), functioning as inflectional suffixes, or the vowel
/o/, as in (151), functioning as a nominalizing suffix.
45
(149) kùùrìsà
ku-ur-is-a
inf-buy-caus-fv
‘to sell’
(150) òndìtúsè
o-ndi-tus-é̲
sm2SG -om1SG -help-pfv.sbjv
‘You should help me.’
(151) cìkùrìsò
ci-kur-is-o
np7 -sweep-caus-ins
‘broom’
Some instances of /s/ or /z/ are the result of an earlier causative suffix -i, which
caused spirantization of the preceding consonant. In these lexicalized causative
forms, alveolar fricatives may also combine with vowels other than /i/ or /u/, as
in (152–155).
(152) kùbûsà
ku-bús-a
inf-wake-fv
‘to wake (someone) up’
(153) mbòndímùbúsè
mbo-ndí̲-mu-buH s-é̲
near.fut-sm1SG -om1 -wake-pfv.sbjv
‘I will wake her/him up.’
(154) kùfwìnsà
ku-fwins-a
inf-seal-fv
‘to seal’
(155) cìfwìnsò
ci-fwins-o
np7 -seal-ins
‘stopper’
46
Alveolar fricatives followed by non-high vowels are also seen in the alterna-
tive pronunciation of grammatical prefixes with a post-alveolar fricative; some
speakers of Namibian Fwe realize these as alveolar fricatives (see §2.2 for exam-
ples).
The labio-dental fricatives /f/ and /v/ are subject to even stronger co-occurrence
restrictions; these phonemes can only be followed by a high back vowel /u/ or
by the glide /w/, see (156–159).
(156) màfútà
ma-futá
np6 -oil
‘oil, lotion’
(157) kùfwèbà
ku-fweb-a
inf-smoke-fv
‘to smoke’
(158) vùmò
∅-vumo
np5 -stomach
‘stomach’
(159) kùrívwàngà
ku-rí-vwang-a
inf-refl-wrap-fv
‘to put on a chitenge’
For the labiodental fricatives too, a few exceptions are found where a labioden-
tal fricative is followed by a vowel other than /u/, which are mostly loanwords,
as in (160–161).
(160) fônì (borrowed from English phone)
∅-fóni
np5 -phone
‘phone’
(161) cìfàtéhò (borrowed from Lozi sifateho ‘face’ (Burger 1960: 54))
ci-fatehó
np7 -face
‘face’
47
Another co-occurrence restriction concerns the velar stop /k/, which is not
found with the high front vowel /i/. This is the result of the diachronic shift
from *k to /c/ before /i/ (Bostoen 2009: 118-119). One of the main exceptions is
the reflexive prefix kí- (see §7.3), used in Zambian Fwe. Namibian Fwe uses a
different reflexive prefix rí-; in combination with the unexpected maintenance of
/k/ before /i/, this suggests that the reflexive form kí- in northern Fwe may be a
borrowing from another Bantu language.
Clicks also appear to be subject to certain co-occurrence restrictions. Although
click words are not common in Fwe, in 78 out of 84 click words collected the click
is followed by a vowel /a/, /o/ or /u/. The only six click words in which clicks are
followed by a front vowel /i/ or /e/ are listed in (162)- (167); the two words in (165)
and (166) may be borrowings from Yeyi, and the words listed in (167) appear to
contain the same (ideophonic) root. With the exception of the Yeyi borrowing in
(165), all cases of clicks followed by front vowels involve a voiced click.
(162) ᵍǀìmà
∅-ᵍǀima
np5 -fish
‘small fish sp.’
(163) cìᵍǀìnjò
ci-ᵍǀinjo
np7 -tree
‘tree sp.’
(164) kùᵍǀìntùrà
ku-ᵍǀintur-a
inf-lie-fv
‘to lie with bent knees’
(165) ⁿǀ ̥íⁿǀ ̥à (from Yeyi zĩǀĩǀa ‘fruits of the date palm tree’ (Seidel 2008: 28))
N-ⁿǀ ̥iⁿǀ ̥á
np10 -date
‘dates’
(166) ᵍǀênè (from Yeyi nc’ene ‘thin’)

‘thin’
(167) ᵍǀí
‘sound of landing’
48
(168) kùᵍǀínkìtà
ku-ᵍǀínkit-a
inf-pound-fv
‘to pound with short, sharp movements’
(169) kùᵍǀìntà
ku-ᵍǀint-a
inf-hop-fv
‘to crash/fall down noisily; to hop up and down’
Despite the low number of click words and the handful of counterexamples,
there is thus a clear tendency for clicks to be followed by non-front vowels. Sim-
ilar tendencies are observed in various Khoisan languages, where a Back Vowel
Constraint (BVC) assimilates front vowels to back vowels when preceded by cer-
tain clicks (Miller 2011). This only affects vowels preceded by labial, alveolar and
lateral clicks, however, not vowels preceded by dental and palatal clicks. It is
therefore surprising that Fwe shows such a strong preference for back vowels
after clicks, as Fwe clicks are most commonly realized as dental. The preference
of back vowels after clicks in Fwe could be the result of borrowing from lan-
guages such as Juǀ’hoan, where the BVC is active (Miller 2013). Another possible
explanation is that the modern variation in click type, with a preference for the
dental, has not always existed, but that Fwe at an earlier stage had a preference
for alveolar or lateral clicks, thus explaining the prevalence of back vowels after
clicks, or even used alveolar and/or lateral clicks phonemically.
Co-occurrence restrictions on glides are also attested. Glides may be preceded
by another consonant; for the glide /w/, virtually all logically possible consonant-
glide combinations are attested. There are a few possible combinations that are
not attested, such as /dw/, /ᵍǀw/, /ⁿǀw/ and /ⁿǀ ̥w/. The absence of these combina-
tions is probably the result of the low frequency of /d/, /ᵍǀ/, /ⁿǀ/ and /ⁿǀ ̥/, and is
unlikely to represent some underlying constraint on their co-occurrence with
/w/, as /w/ does co-occur with other voiced stops, affricates and clicks, as shown
in (170–173).
(170) sìbbwê
∅-sibbwé
np1a -jackal
‘jackal’
49
(171) kùgwà
ku-gw-a
inf-fall-fv
‘to fall’
(172) bùcwàrà
bu-cwara
np14 -beer
‘beer’
(173) kùǀwámpìzà (variant of -ǀámpwìzà)

ku-ǀwámpiz-a
inf-click-fv
‘to click in anger’
A consonant followed by /w/ is never followed by a back vowel /o/ or /u/.

This constraint is likely to be related to the historical development of /w/, which
derives from an earlier vowel /u/ or /o/, as in (174–176).
(174) èbwè (from *bʊè ‘stone’ (Bastin et al. 2002))

e-∅-bwe
aug-np5 -stone
‘stone’
(175) kùkwâtà (from *kʊat ‘seize, grasp’ (Bastin et al. 2002))

ku-kwát-a
inf-touch-fv
‘to touch’
(176) kútwà (from *tó ‘stamp, pound, bite’ (Bastin et al. 2002))
ku-tw-á
inf-pound-fv
‘to pound’
The vocalic origin of glides still has its effects on modern Fwe. As discussed in
§2.3.2, vowels preceded by a consonant-glide combination are lengthened. This
lengthening may be interpreted as the effect of the length of the earlier vowel.
Combinations of a consonant with the glide /y/ also exist, though they may
only involve the consonant /r/, in which case /r/ is realized as [l]. This is part
of the same allophony that causes /r/ to be realized as [l] before the high front
50
2.5 Morphophonology
vowel /i/ (see also §2.2), because the palatal glide derives from an earlier vowel
/i/. Examples of syllables with an onset /ry/ are given in (177–178).
(177) kùryénkwètà
ku-ryénkwet-a
inf-bribe-fv
‘to bribe’
(178) shíryà
∅-shiryá
np5 -other_side
‘other/opposite side’
2.5 Morphophonology
In this section, I discuss a number of morphophonological processes: prenasaliza-
tion, which mainly plays a role as a noun class prefix of class 9/10; vowel hiatus
resolution, which affects juxtaposed vowels across morpheme boundaries, but
also occasionally across word boundaries or within morphemes; and vowel and
nasal harmony, which affect certain verbal suffixes.
2.5.1 Prenasalization
As shown in §2.2, prenasalized consonants are part of the phoneme inventory of
Fwe. In some cases, the homorganic nasal is a separate grammatical morpheme,
which is discussed in this section.
A homorganic nasal functions as the nominal prefix of class 9/10 (see also §4.1.1
on nominal prefixes). A comparison between nouns in class 9/10 and the same
root in a different construction, such as a verb, or a noun in another noun class,
allows for the identification of the underlying consonant and therefore also of
the phonological effect of prenasalization.
When the class 9/10 nominal prefix N- combines with a root where the initial
consonant is a stop, the stop is prenasalized, as illustrated in (179–182). This is
the case for the voiceless stops /p/, /t/ and /k/, and probably also for the more
peripheral voiced stop phonemes /bb, d, g/, though the number of examples is
too limited to fully describe the behavior of voiced stops when prenasalized.
(179) ntòrókò (cf. kù-tóròk-à ‘to translate, explain’)
N-torokó
np9 -meaning
‘meaning’
51
(180) nkáꜝmbámò (cf. kù-kámbàm-à ‘to ascend’)

N-kámbamó
np9 -slope
‘upward slope’
(181) mpâkwà (cf. kú-pàk-à ‘carry on one’s back (of a child)’ + -w passive)
N-pákwa
np9 -sling
‘sling’
(182) a. mbórà
N-bborá
np9 -ball
‘ball’
b. cf. èbbórà
e-∅-bborá
aug-np5 -ball
‘ball’
The effect of the prefix N- on fricatives is more varied. The alveolar fricatives
/s/ and /z/ become /ns/ and /nz/, as in (183) and (184).
(183) nsúrùmùkò (cf. kù-súrùmùk-à ‘to descend’)

N-súrumuko
np9 -slope
‘downward slope’
(184) nzâsì (cf. class 11 rù-zâsì ‘spark’)

N-zási
np10 -spark
‘sparks’
The post-alveolar fricative /sh/ becomes /nsh/, but its voiced counterpart /zy/
changes from a fricative to an affricate /j/ when combined with N-.
(185) nshíkà (cf. class 11 rú-ꜝshíkà ‘African mangosteen’)

N-shiká
np10 -mangosteen
‘African mangosteens’
52
2.5 Morphophonology
(186) njîmbò (cf. kù-zyîmb-à ‘to sing’)

N-jímbo
np10 -song
‘songs’
The bilabial fricative /b/ and the glottal fricative /h/ change to stops before N-:
the fricative /b/ becomes a prenasalized stop /mb/7 , as in (187), and fricative /h/
becomes a prenasalized stop /mp/, as in (188).
(187) mbèzyò (cf. kù-bèːzy-à ‘to carve’)

N-bezyo
NP9 -axe
‘small axe (for carving)’
(188) mpátì (cf. class 11 rù-hátì ‘rib’)

N-patí
np10 -rib
‘ribs’
The tap /r/ changes to a plosive /d/ before N-, as in (189).
(189) ndúngàtì (cf. kù-rûngà ‘make noise’)

N-dúngati
np9 -noise
‘noise’
The combination of N- with a vowel-initial root results in a prenasalized velar

stop /ng/, as in (190–191). This mostly concerns stems that had an initial con-
sonant /g/ originally, which is regularly lost in Fwe (Bostoen 2009: 115). In one
case, presented in (192), a vowel-initial stem takes /ny/ when used with a prefix
N-, even though this stem, too, is a reflex of a stem reconstructed with *g.
(190) a. ngômà (from *gòmà ‘drum’ (Bastin et al. 2002))

N-góma
np9 -drum
‘drum’
7
As the bilabial fricative /b/ always changes to a stop before /m/, the prenasalized fricative is
written as /mb/ in the practical orthography.
53
b. màômà
ma-óma
np6 -drum
‘drums’
(191) a. ngùrìsò (from *gʊ̀ d ‘buy’ (Bastin et al. 2002))

N-guriso
np9 -profit
‘profit’
b. kùùrìsà
ku-uris-a
inf-sell-fv
‘to sell’
(192) a. nyózì (from *-gòdí ‘string’ (Bastin et al. 2002))

ny-ozí
np10 -plant
‘plants (used for making ropes)’
b. rózì
ru-ozí
np11 -plant
‘plant (used for making ropes)’
The rules in (193) summarize the changes to root-initial phonemes caused by

the prefix N-.
(193) zy → nj / N
b → bb / N
h→p/N
r→d/N
∅→g/N
Interestingly, while nouns that shift from class 9/10 to another class for deriva-
tional purposes lose their nasal prefix, the realization of the initial consonant
remains plosive, and does not change back to a fricative or tap. This is shown in
(194) with the noun mpúzò ‘question’, which shifts to class 12 to derive a diminu-
tive: the homorganic nasal prefix of class 9 is lost, but the consonant /p/ does not
change back to /h/.
54
2.5 Morphophonology
(194) a. mpúzò
N-puzó
np9 -question
‘question’
b. kàpúzò
ka-puzó
np12 -question
‘small question’
Although the modern form of the first person singular subject and object
marker is a syllabic prefix ndi-, there are also traces of an earlier first person
singular object N- prefix. The form with the homorganic nasal in (195) was of-
fered by speakers as “archaic Fwe”, in contrast to the modern form with ndi-.
Another petrified trace of a first person singular object marker N- is seen in the
personal name Mùngúríkè in (196).
(195) a. Archaic form
ntámbìkè
N-támbik-e
om1SG -give-pfv.sbjv
‘Give me.’
b. Modern form
ndìtámbìkè
ndi-támbik-e
om1SG -give-pfv.sbjv
‘Give me.’
(196) a. Mùngúríkè
‘Mungurike (boy’s name)’
b. Putative historic source
mùngúríkè
mu-ng-urí̲k-e
sm2PL -om1SG -name-pfv.sbjv
‘Name me.’
c. Corresponding modern verb
kùùrìkà
ku-urik-a
inf-name-fv
‘to name’
55
One of the two forms of the copulative prefix also consists of a homorganic
nasal prefix; its phonological interaction with the phonemes it attaches to is dif-
ferent from what is described in this section, and is treated in detail in §5.3 on
copulas.
2.5.2 Vowel hiatus resolution

Sequences of two adjacent vowels are found within morphemes, across mor-
pheme boundaries, and across word boundaries. Fwe often, but not always, ap-
plies vowel hiatus resolution strategies to resolve such sequences. Which strat-
egy, if any, is used, depends on the morpheme in question, and is also partly lex-
ically determined. This section discusses the various ways Fwe deals with vowel
juxtaposition.
2.5.2.1 Maintenance of both vowels

As Fwe allows for syllables without a consonantal onset, one of the strategies
applied to juxtaposed vowels is to maintain both vowels without any changes.
This occurs, for instance, when a verbal prefix of CV shape is added to a vowel-
initial verb root, in which case both vowels are maintained unchanged. Examples
with different verbal prefixes are given in (197), using the vowel-initial verb root
ur ‘buy’.
(197) Infinitive
/ku-ur-a/ > kùùrà
inf-buy-fv
‘to buy’
(198) Subject marker

/ndi-ur-á̲/ > ndìúrà
sm1SG -buy-fv
‘I buy.’
(199) Object marker

/ku-í-ur-a/ > kùyíùrà
inf-om9 -buy-fv
‘to buy it’
56
2.5 Morphophonology
(200) TA marker
/ndi-na-ur-í̲/ > ndìnàúrì
sm1SG -pst-buy-npst.pfv
‘I bought.’
(201) Distal marker

/ndi-a-ka-ur-í̲/ > ndàkàúrì
sm1SG -pst-dist-buy-npst.pfv
‘I bought there.’
Maintenance of both juxtaposed vowels may also occur when a nominal pre-
fix of CV shape directly precedes a vowel-initial nominal stem, as in (202–204).
Changes to one of the two vowels is also common in this case however, as dis-
cussed in the following sections.
(202) /mu-ono/ > mùònò

np3 -snoring
‘snoring’
(203) /ka-inga/ > kàìngà

np12 -bowl
‘bowl made out of clay’
(204) /mi-ézi/ > mìêzì

np4 -month
‘months’
Maintenance of two juxtaposed vowels can also occur in other environments,

such as a verb root ending in a vowel that is followed by a vowel-initial suffix, as
in (205).
(205) /ku-bbu-a/ > kùbbùà

inf-swim-fv
‘to swim, splash about’
Two adjacent vowels can also be maintained unchanged when they occur
within a single lexical root, as in (206–208).
(206) /N-daano/ > ndàànò

np9 -message
‘message’
57
(207) /N-júo/ > njûò

np9 -house
‘house’
(208) /N-bao/ > mbàò

np9 -bird
‘bird sp.’
In many cases where maintenance of two juxtaposed vowels is possible, an

alternative strategy for maintenance of both vowels is consonant epenthesis (dis-
cussed below). Maintenance of both vowels without any changes is particularly
common when the two juxtaposed vowels are identical, as in (209–212).
(209) /ma-amba/ > mààmbà

np6 -scale
‘scales (of a fish)’
(210) /ku-zíiz-a/ > kùzíìzà

inf-imitate-fv
‘to imitate’
(211) /ku-teen-a/ > kùtèènà

inf-limp-fv
‘to limp’
(212) /ku-uru/ > kùùrù

np15 -leg
‘leg’
Another possible realization of two juxtaposed vowels is deletion of the first

vowel. This often takes place when vowel-initial nominal roots are combined
with a nominal prefix ending in a vowel (for an overview of nominal prefixes,
see §4.1.1). Nominal prefixes consist of a consonant followed by a vowel /i/, /a/
or /u/. When a nominal prefix with /i/ or /a/ is combined with a vowel-initial
nominal root, the vowel of the nominal prefix can be deleted, as in (213–214).
(213) /ci-úngu/ > cûngù

np7 -bird
‘bird sp. (with a red tail)’
58
2.5 Morphophonology
(214) /ma-ató/ > mátò

np6 -canoe
‘canoes’
Not all vowel-initial roots cause the vowel of the preceding nominal prefix to
be deleted; maintenance of the vowel is also possible, and which strategy applies
is lexically determined, although maintenance is more common than deletion.
Deletion of one of two juxtaposed vowels does not lead to compensatory length-
ening of the remaining vowel.
Deletion of the first of the two vowels also ocurs when a subject prefix, which
is always of (C)V shape (see §7.1 on subject agreement), is combined with a vowel-
initial verbal prefix, such as the past prefix a- in (215) and (216), or the remote
future prefix ára- in (217).
(215) /ndi-a-có̲ːr-i > ndàcôːrì

sm1SG -pst-break-npst.pfv
‘I broke.’
(216) /ní̲-ba-a-ráːr-a/ >níbàráːrà

rem-sm2 -pst-sleep-fv
‘They went to sleep.’
(217) /ndi-ára-end-a/ > ndáràyèndà

sm1SG -rem.fut-go-fv
‘I will go.’
2.5.2.2 Glide formation

Glide formation to [w] can take place when the first of two juxtaposed vowels is
a back vowel /u/ or /o/, but never when the second vowel is also a back vowel;
in this case, the first vowel is deleted, or both vowels are maintained. Glide for-
mation to [y] occurs when the first of two juxtaposed vowels is a front vowel /i/
or /e/. Glide formation is always accompanied by lengthening of the following
vowel (see §2.3.3 on phonetic vowel lengthening).
Glide formation to [w] occurs in subject markers with /u/ or /o/, as in (218).
(218) Glide formation to [w] in subject markers

a. ni-tú̲-a-rim-a > nìtwárìmà
rem-sm1PL -pst-farm-fv
‘We farmed.’
59
b. o-ásha-ndi-dam-í̲ > wáshàndìdámì

sm2SG -neg.sbjv-om1SG -beat-npst.pfv
‘Don’t beat me!’
c. bu-a-hík-iw-a > bwàhíkìwà
sm14 -pst-cook-pass-fv
‘It [relish] is cooked.’ (NF_Elic15)
Glide formation to [y] affects subject markers that contain a vowel /i/, but only
those of class 4 (i-), 5 (ri-), and 9 (i-).
(219) Glide formation to [y] in subject markers i-, ri-

a. /i-a-có̲ːk-i/ > yàcôːkì
‘They (pot legs) are broken.’ (NF_Elic17)
b. /ri-a-zyón-a-uk-i/ > ryàzyónàùkì
sm5 -pst-destroy-pl1-sep.intr-npst.pfv
‘It (field) is destroyed.’ (ZF_Elic13)
c. /i-ára-dur-a/ > yáràdùrà
sm9 -rem.fut-be_expensive-fv
‘It will be expensive.’ (NF_Elic15)
Other subject markers with /i/, namely ndi- (first person singular), ci- (class 7),
and zi- (class 8/10), never undergo glide formation, as illustrated in (220).
(220) No glide formation to [y] in subject markers ndi-, ci-, zi-

a. /ndi-a-pwac-ú̲r-i/ > ndàpwàcûrì
sm1SG -pst-break-sep.tr-npst.pfv
‘I broke.’
b. /ci-á-zyur-i/ > cázyùrì
sm7 -pst-become_full-npst.pfv
‘It is full.’
c. /zi-a-ndi-bús-i/ > zàndìbûsì
sm8 -pst-om1SG -wake-npst.pfv
‘They woke me up.’
The reason for this conditioning of y-formation is that only /ry/ and /y/ oc-
cur phonemically in Fwe, and sequences such as /ndy/, /cy/ and /zy/ (not to be
60
2.5 Morphophonology
confused with <zy>, representing the voiced postalveolar fricative [ʒ]), are not
found in the phonology.
Glide formation to [w] occurs when a nominal prefix with /u/ is combined with
a vowel-initial root, as in (221). Glide formation to [y] does not affect nominal
prefixes with /i/, even when combined with a vowel-initial root, as in (222).
(221) Glide formation to [w] in nominal prefixes with /u/

a. /mu-ánce/ > mwâncè
np1 -child
‘a child’
b. /mu-iní/ > mwínì
np3 -handle
‘handle’
c. /bu-eké/ > bwékè
np14 -grain
‘grains’
d. /ru-áta/ > rwâtà
np11 -crack
‘crack’
(222) No glide formation to [y] in nominal prefixes with /i/

a. /mi-áka/ >mìâkà
np4 -year
‘years’
b. /ci-ánda/ > cândà
np7 -pole
‘pole’
c. /zi-ongo/ > zìòngò
np8 -storage
‘storage huts’
When a high-toned vowel is changed to a glide, the high tone is maintained

and realized on the adjacent vowel. This is shown with the high-toned subject
markers ú- in (223) and í- in (224); when these vowels are changed to glides, their
high tones are realized on the following vowels.
61
(223) ni-ú̲-a-rih-iw-a > nìwárìhìwà

rem-sm3 -pst-pay-pass-fv
‘It has been paid.’ (NF_Elic15)
(224) ni-í̲-a-hond-iw-a > nìyáhòndìwà

rem-sm9 -pst-cook-pass-fv
‘It has been cooked.’
Glide formation also occurs across word boundaries, as in (225), where the
final vowel /u/ of ndùndávú is changed to a glide under influence of the initial
vowel of the following word.
(225) ndu-∅-ndavú á̲-shá̲mb-a > [ndùndávw’ áshâmbà]

cop1a -np1a -lion sm1 .rel-swim-fv
‘It’s a lion who swims.’
Glide formation across word boundaries is transcribed in the phonetic tran-

scription with an apostrophe after the glide. In the phonological transcription,
the underlying vowel is transcribed.
2.5.2.3 Vowel coalescence

Another vowel hiatus resolution strategy is vowel coalescence, the merger of
the two juxtaposed vowels into a third vowel that combines properties of both.
It often combines with glide formation if the first vowel is a back vowel /u/ or /o/.
It does not lead to lengthening, except when vowel coalescence combines with
glide formation.
Word-internally, vowel coalescence is rare, found only in Namibian Fwe in
certain constructions where a prefix with a vowel /u/, such as the class 17 prefix
ku-, is used with a noun that has an augment prefix e-, as in (226). The resultant
sequence /ku + e/ is realized as /kwi/, where the high back vowel /u/ changes
to a glide, and the vowel /i/ combines the height property of /u/ with the front
property of /e/.
(226) kú-e-∅-ténde > [kwítêndè]

np17 -aug-np5 -leg
‘on the leg’
Vowel coalescence is more common across word boundaries, when a vowel-

initial word is preceded by another word which, due to the strictly open syllable
62
2.5 Morphophonology
structure of Fwe, invariably ends in a vowel. In this context, /i/ can coalesce with
/o/ to become the vowel /u/, which carries the height feature of /i/ combined
with the back feature of /o/, as in (227). Vowel coalescence is represented in the
phonetic transcription with an apostrophe in place of the lost vowel, similar to
the representation of vowel deletion.
(227) ndi-kwesí o-∅-mbwá > [ndìkwès’ ûmbwà]
sm1SG -have aug-np1a -dog
‘I have a dog.’ (ZF_Elic14)
When /u/ coalesces with /e/, both vowel coalescence and glide formation take
place: /u/ is changed to a glide [w], and the vowel /e/ is raised to /i/, combined
the height feature of /u/ with the front feature of /e/.
(228) e-zi-ntú e-zo > [èzìntw’ ízò]
aug-np7 -things aug-dem.iii8
‘the things, that…’
Vowel coalescence is not observed in all cases of vowel juxtaposition across
word boundaries. Compare (229), where there is no vowel coalescence between
the final vowel of kwesi ‘have’ and the initial vowel of oburotu ‘something good’,
with (227), where vowel coalescence between the final vowel of kwesi ‘have’ and
the intial vowel of ombwa ‘dog’ does take place.
(229) ècìntù nècìntù cìkwèsì òbùrótù nòbúbbì
e-ci-ntu ne=ci-ntu ci-kwesi o-bu-rótu
aug-np7 -thing com=np7 -thing sm7 -have aug-np14 -good
no=bu-bbí
com=aug-np14 -bad
‘Everything has an advantage and a disadvantage.’ (ZF_Conv13)
2.5.2.4 Consonant epenthesis

Finally, vowel hiatus may be resolved by an epenthetic consonant, [h], [y] or [w].
This process only occurs word-internally. Consonant epenthesis is optional; in
any context where epenthetic consonants may occur, they may also be left out,
as in (230), which shows that epenthetic [h] is optional.
(230) kùàmbàhàmbà ~ kùàmbààmbà
ku-amba-amb-a
inf-pl2-talk-fv
‘to talk a lot’
63
The palatal glide [y] can be inserted when the first or the second juxtaposed
vowel is the front vowel /i/, as in (231), or /e/, as in (232). It is also occasionally
used as an epenthetic consonant between /a/ and /a/, especially in Zambian Fwe,
as seen in (233).
(231) /mi-áni/ > mìyânì

np4 -mopane
‘mopane trees’
(232) /ku-bíraer-a/ > kùbíràyèrà

inf-complain-fv
‘to complain’
(233) /kú-ya-a/ > kúyàyà

inf-kill-fv
‘to kill’
The labial glide [w] can be inserted when the first of the juxtaposed vowels is
a back vowel /o/, as in (234), or /u/, as in (235).
(234) /ku-ko-a/ > kùkòwà

inf-blink-fv
‘to blink’
(235) /N-kúa/ > nkûwà

np9 -tick
‘tick’
[h] can be used as an epenthetic consonant between any two vowels. As such
it is often used as a substitute for either [w], as in (236), or [y], as in (237), and
is also often inserted in contexts where [w] or [y] usually do not occur, such as
between /a/ and /a/ in (238).
(236) /ku-ko-a/ > kùkòwà ~ kùkòhà

inf-blink-fv
‘to blink’
(237) /N-peó/ > mpéyò ~ mpéhò

np9 -cold
‘cold, malaria’
64
2.5 Morphophonology
(238) /a-aH mb-a/ > àhâmbà

sm1 -speak-fv
‘S/He8 is speaking.’
Epenthetic [h] should not be confused with phonemic /h/ (see also §2.2), which
can never be dropped nor realized as a glide [y] or [w]. Furthermore, phonemic
/h/ can be pronounced with slight nasalization, which is never the case with
epenthetic [h]. In (239), examples of epenthetic [h] are given, which are con-
trasted with examples of phonemic /h/ in (240).
(239) Epenthetic [h]

a. /ci-uru/ > cìùrù ~ cìwùrù ~ cìhùrù
np7 -hill
‘hill’
*cìhṵrù
b. /bu-fwíi/ > bùfwîì ~ bùfwîyì ~ bùfwîhì
np14 -short
‘shortness’
*bùfwîhḭ̀
(240) Phonemic /h/

a. /bu-háro/ > bùhârò ~ bùhâ̰rò
np14 -life
‘life’
*bùwârò
*bùârò
b. /ku-hík-a/ > kùhîkà ~ kùhḭ̂kà
inf-cook-fv
‘to cook’
*kùîkà
*kùyîkà
Consonant epenthesis occurs in a variety of contexts. It can occur morpheme-

internally, for instance, in a lexical root as in (241). It can also occur across a
8
As agreement markers of class 1 refer to a singular human being and do not express biological
sex, examples such as this can be translated to English with ‘he’ or ‘she’. I use ‘s/he’ or ‘her/him’
in the translation of elicited examples. In natural text examples, and elicited examples where
the referent is known through the context, ‘he’ and ‘she’ will be used as appropriate.
65
morpheme boundary, where vowel juxtaposition is the result of the addition of

a prefix or suffix, as seen in (242–243).
(241) /ma-roa/ > màròhà ~ màròwà

np6 -blood
‘blood’
(242) /ma-ira/ > màyìrà ~ màhìrà

np6 -sorghum
‘sorghum’
(243) /e-N-swí-ana/ > ènswíyànà

aug-np10 -fish-dim
‘small fish’
2.5.3 Vowel harmony

Fwe has two related processes of vowel height harmony that affect a number of
verbal derivational suffixes, as well as one inflectional suffix, the stative -ite. Front
vowel harmony lowers /i/ in verbal suffixes to /e/ when preceded by the mid
vowel /e/ or /o/; in all other cases, the vowel remains /i/. This affects causative
-is, as in (244), applicative -ir, as in (245), transitive impositive -ik, as in (246),
epenthetic causative/applicative -ik, as in (247), and stative -ite, as in (248).
(244) Vowel harmony affecting the causative -is

kù-fúm-ìs-à ‘to make rich’
kù-bìr-ìs-à ‘to bring to a boil’
kú-kàr-ìs-à ‘to sit with someone’
kù-shèk-ès-à ‘to make laugh’
kù-gòr-ès-à ‘to make strong, insist’
(245) Vowel harmony affecting the applicative -ir

kù-bútùk-ìr-à ‘to run to’
kù-zyímb-ìr-à ‘to sing for’
kù-kwát-ìr-à ‘to hold for’
kù-tènd-èr-à ‘to do for’
kù-shótòk-èr-à ‘to jump into’
(246) Vowel harmony affecting the transitive impositive -ik

kù-fúrùm-ìk-à ‘to place upside down’
66
2.5 Morphophonology
kù-fwí-ìk-à ‘to approach’

kù-cànk-ìk-à ‘to put a pot on the fire’
kù-nyòng-èk-à ‘to bend’
kù-kór-èk-à ‘to carry on the shoulder’
(247) Vowel harmony affecting the epenthetic causative/applicative -ik

kù-búːs-ìk-ìz-à ‘to wake up for’
kù-zìm-ìs-ìk-ìz-à ‘to extinguish for’
kù-kác-ìk-ìz-à ‘to interrupt’
kù-cèn-ès-èk-èz-à ‘to clean for’
kù-nyòns-èk-èz-à ‘to nurse for’
(248) Vowel harmony affecting the stative -ite

ndì-fúm-îtè ‘I am rich.’
ò-bízw-îtè ‘It is ripe.’
ndì-kwáng-îtè ‘I am tired.’
ndì-shésh-êtè ‘I am married.’
cì-bór-êtè ‘It is rotten.’
Vowel height harmony does not affect the passive suffix -(i)w, as seen in (249)m
even though, like other derivational suffixes affected by vowel height harmony,
it also contains a high front vowel /i/.
(249) No vowel harmony affecting the passive -iw

kù-shúm-ìw-à ‘to be bitten’
kù-rìh-ìw-à ‘to be paid’
kù-sànz-ìw-à ‘to be washed’
kù-tém-ìw-à ‘to be chopped’
kù-hònd-ìw-à ‘to be cooked’
Vowel harmony is only triggered by the vowel of the syllable immediately

preceding the suffix, which can be part of the verb root or of a different deriva-
tional suffix. This means that a mid vowel in the verb root does not trigger vowel
harmony a suffix with a low or high vowel intervenes, such as the transitive sep-
arative suffix -uk in (250).
(250) zìcèrúkìtè
zi-cer-ú̲k-ite
sm8 -tear-sep.intr-stat
‘They are torn.’
67
Although vowel harmony is blocked by intervening low or high vowels, in

a sequence of adjacent suffixes that are susceptible to vowel harmony, vowel
harmony applies up to the last suffix, as shown by the combination of applicative
and causative in (251).
(251) kùcènèsèrà
kù-cèn-ès-èr-à
inf-clean-caus-appl-fv
‘to clean for’
Fwe has borrowed verbs from Lozi, a neighboring Bantu language that lacks
vowel harmony, and where the causative is invariably realized as -is and the
applicative as -el. In some of these Lozi borrowings, such as those in (252) and
(253), the rules of vowel harmony do not apply as they do to native Fwe verbs,
suggesting these were borrowed from Lozi as complex verbs which include a
derivational suffix. This is supported by the fact that many borrowed Lozi verbs
only occur with the derivational suffix, and never without it.
(252) kùràtèrèrà (borrowed from Lozi ku latelela ‘to follow’)

ku-rat-er-er-a
inf-follow-int-fv
‘to follow’
*kùràtà
(253) kùsèpìsà (borrowed from Lozi ku sepisa ‘to promise’)

ku-sep-is-a
inf-trust-caus-fv
‘to promise’
Some borrowed Lozi verbs occur either with or without a derivational suffix
in Fwe. In these cases, the Fwe rules of vowel harmony do apply to the suffix, as
in (254).
(254) a. kùpângà (borrowed from Lozi ku panga ‘construct (a wooden

frame)’)
ku-páng-a
inf-do-fv
‘to do, make’
68
2.5 Morphophonology
b. kùpángìrà
ku-páng-ir-a
inf-do-appl-fv
‘to do for (someone)’
c. *kùpángèrà
The form of suffixes displaying vowel harmony is slightly different in verbs

with a monosyllabic root. As Table 2.3 shows, monosyllabic verb roots that con-
sist of a consonant-glide combination always take the i- form of the suffix.
Table 2.3: Vowel height harmony in CG verb roots
kú-tw-à ‘to pound’ kù-tw-îr-à ‘to be pounded’

kù-gw-à ‘to fall’ kù-gw-ìs-à ‘to drop’
kú-nyw-à ‘to drink’ à-nyw-ìtè ‘S/he is drunk.’
kù-rw-à ‘to fight’ kù-rw-ìs-à ‘to fight someone’
kú-ry-à ‘to eat’ kù-r-îs-à ‘to feed’
There are two monosyllabic verb roots that consist of a consonant and a vowel,
tá ‘say’ and há ‘give’. Table 2.4 shows that when used with a causative, applicative
or passive suffix, the vowel /i/ of the suffix coalesces with the vowel /a/ of the
root to become /e/ (see also §2.5.2 on vowel hiatus resolution).
Table 2.4: Vowel height harmony in CV verb roots
/ku-tá-a/ > kútà ‘to say’ /ku-tá-is-a/ > kùtêsà ‘to accuse’
/ku-tá-ir-a/ > kùtêrà ‘to tell on behalf of’
/ku-tá-iw-a/ > kùtêwà ‘to be said’
/ku-há-a-/ > kúhà ‘to give’ /ku-há-is-a/ > kùhêsà ‘to give with’
/ku-há-ir-a/ > kùhêrà ‘to give on behalf of’
/ku-há-iw-a/ > kùhêwà ‘to be given’
The second type of vowel harmony, back vowel harmony, affects derivational
suffixes with a back vowel /u/, the separative suffixes -ur (transitive) -uk (intran-
sitive). These suffixes are realized with a mid vowel /o/ when used with a verb
stem with a mid back vowel /o/, but not when used with a verb stem with a front
mid vowel /e/, as in (255).
69
(255) kù-ᵍǀòp-òr-à ‘to widen (a hole)’

kù-cénk-ùr-à ‘to cut off half’
kù-àr-ùr-à ‘to open’
kù-nyùk-ùr-à ‘to uproot’
kù-vwìk-ùr-à ‘to uncover’
2.5.4 Nasal harmony

In addition to vowel harmony, certain derivational suffixes in Fwe are also sub-
ject to nasal harmony. Nasal harmony affects all derivational suffixes with a con-
sonant /r/: the applicative -ir, as in (256), the transitive separative -ur, as in (257),
and the (highly lexicalized) extensive -ar, as in (258). The consonant /r/ of the
suffix is changed to /n/ when preceded by a verb stem ending in a nasal con-
sonant. Like vowel harmony, this type of nasal harmony is a common Bantu
phenomenon (Greenberg 1951).
(256) Nasal harmony in the applicative
kù-rìm-ìn-à ‘to farm for’
kù-tòm-èn-à ‘to charge dowry’
kù-zyúm-ìn-ìn-à ‘to become unconscious; to dry’
(257) Nasal harmony in the transitive separative
kù-bbám-ùn-à ‘to break’
kù-fúrùm-ùn-à ‘to put upright’
kù-ⁿǀòngòm-òn-à ‘to hollow out’
(258) Nasal harmony in the extensive
kù-fúrùm-àn-à ‘to become adult (of girls)’
kù-rém-àn-à ‘to become injured’
kù-zyím-àn-à ‘to stop, stand up’
Nasal harmony is not trigger by prenasalized consonants, as shown in (259).
(259) kù-rìnd-ìr-à ‘to wait for’
kù-kámb-ùr-à ‘to remove (from on top of each other)’
kù-súmb-àr-à ‘to be pregnant’
Like vowel harmony, nasal harmony is only triggerd by the syllable imme-
diately preceding the target. No nasal harmony takes place when nasal roots
consonants are separated from the derivational suffix by a non-nasal consonant,
as in (260), where the causative separating the root-final nasal /m/ from the ap-
plicative suffix -ir prevents the application of nasal harmony.
70
2.5 Morphophonology
(260) kùzìmìsìrà
ku-zim-is-ir-a
inf-be_extinguished-caus-appl-fv
‘to extinguish for’
Nasal harmony is also triggered by nasal consonants in derivational suffixes,

namely the intransitive impositive suffix -am. When combined with an applica-
tive suffix, the applicative suffix follows the impositive, and as such is realized
as -in, as in (261).
(261) kùrísùngàmìnà
ku-rí-sung-am-in-a
inf-refl-bow-imp.intr-appl-fv
‘to bow one’s head’
Similar to vowel harmony, nasal harmony fails to apply in a number of bor-

rowed verbs, as in (262) and (263). Such verbs are likely to have been borrowed
from or through Lozi, as Lozi does not regularly apply nasal harmony (Gowlett
1989: 141).
(262) kùfónèrà
ku-fón-er-a
inf-phone-appl-fv
‘to phone’
(263) kùkòpànèrà (< Lozi kopana ‘meet’)

ku-kopan-er-a
inf-meet-appl-fv
‘to meet at’
71
3 Tone
Like most Bantu languages, Fwe is a tone language: the relative pitch at which
a vowel is articulated is phonologically contrastive. This is illustrated by tonal
minimal pairs in (1–3), words that are identical on the segmental level, but have
different tones and a different meaning.
(1) kùhârà - kùhàrà
ku-hár-a ku-har-a
inf-live-fv inf-scrape-fv
‘to live’ ‘to scrape’
(2) évù - èvù

e-∅-vú e-∅-vu
aug-np5 -sand aug-np5 -wasp
‘sand, soil, land’ ‘wasp’
(3) màsírà - màsìrà

ma-sirá ma-sira
np6 -cloth np6 -dirt
‘pieces of cloth’ ‘dirt’
Tone also plays an important role in the grammar of Fwe. A tonal distinction is
used, for instance, in distinguishing main clause verbs from relative clause verbs.
A main clause verb has a low-toned subject marker, as in (4), and a relative clause
verb has a high-toned subject marker, as in (5); other than these tonal differences,
main clause verbs and relative clause verbs are identical in terms of segmen-
tal material (for most TAM constructions; a detailed overview of the tonal and
other differences between relative clause verbs and main clause verbs is given in
§13.5.1).
(4) báncè bàzânà

ba-ánce ba-zá̲n-a
np2 -child sm2 -play-fv
‘The children play.’
3 Tone
(5) báncè bázânà

ba-ánce bá̲-zá̲n-a
np2 -child sm2 .rel-play-fv
‘The children who play…’ (NF_Elic15)
Underlyingly, Fwe has a two-tone system. Through various tonal processes,

tones may be realized as high (H), low (L), falling (F) and downstepped high (ꜝH).
These tonal processes, discussed in §3.1, only affect high tones, showing that
Fwe can be analyzed as having a privative system, where only high tones are
represented underlyingly (Hyman 2001; Odden & Marlo 2019). Toneless moras
(symbolized as ∅) surface as low-toned, unless a melodic high tone is assigned,
or the mora is targeted by a specific tonal process. Furthermore, the system of
melodic tones, which are assigned by a specific tense/aspect/mood construction
to a specific syllable or mora of the verb, only makes use of high tones (melodic
tone is discussed in §3.3). Fwe has floating high tones (discussed in §3.2), but no
floating low tones. In the analysis of tone languages, the presence of a floating
low tone is sometimes evoked to account for the occurrence of downstep. Al-
though downstep occurs in Fwe, §3.1.2 shows that it is a purely phonetic process,
and is not influenced by putative underlying low tones.
The relevant unit for tonal analysis in Fwe is the mora, not the syllable. Long
vowels and automatically lengthened vowels consist of two moras, all short vow-
els, or vowels targeted by penultimate lengthening, consist of one mora (see §2.3
on vowels). These non-contrastive types of lengthening are not indicated in the
orthography in this book, to distinguish them from phonemic vowel length. In
this chapter, and when necessary, bimoraic vowels are written with two vowel
signs in between periods marking syllable boundaries, e.g. /.ee./, as opposed to
two vowels separated by a period, which mark two separate short vowels in two
separate syllables, e.g. /e.e/.
The following tonal transcriptions are used, both in this chapter and through-
out this book. In the phonetic transcription (the first line of examples), high tones
are marked with acute accent, low tones are marked with grave accent, falling
tones are marked with a circumflex, down-stepped high tones are marked with
ꜝ preceding the high-toned vowel. In the phonological transcription (the second
line of examples), underlying high tones are marked with acute accent, melodic
high tones are marked by acute accent combined with underlining of the vowel,
and underlying high tones that are deleted as the result of a specific melodic tone
pattern are represented by H (see also §3.3 on melodic tones).
74
3.1 Tonal processes
3.1 Tonal processes

This section discusses the tonal processes that play a role in Fwe. These processes
determine where and how an underlying high tone is maintained, deleted, shifted,
copied or modified. Tonal processes are conditioned by their phonological, mor-
phological and syntactic environments. Phonological criteria that influence tonal
processes are vowel length and phonetic vowel lengthening; the latter is in turn
is conditioned by the nature of the consonants following or preceding a vowel.
Tonal processes are also influenced by penultimate lengthening, which in turn
is conditioned by syntactic criteria. Morphological criteria that can play a role
in the application of tone rules are the morphological structure of the word and
the position of morpheme boundaries; high tone spread (see §3.1.6), for instance,
is blocked by certain morpheme boundaries. The syntactic environment plays a
role in the application of tonal rules, because some rules only apply at the end
of a phrase.
Tonal processes also interact with each other. Certain tone rules only affect
tones that are the result of an earlier rule, whereas others only apply to tones that
are not the result of an earlier rule. This suggests that the application of tonal
processes follows a set order, which is set out in §3.1.7. A schematic overview of
tone rules is given in Table 3.1.
Table 3.1: Tone rules
Rule Schematization Section

Meeussen’s Rule HH > /H∅/ 3.1.1
Downstep HH > [HꜝH] 3.1.2
HLH > [HLꜝH]
Bimoraic doubling H∅. > HH. 3.1.3
∅H. > HH.
H retraction ∅H# > [HL]# 3.1.4
H>F H# > [F]# 3.1.5
H.∅ > [F.L]#
H tone spread ∅H > [HH] 3.1.6
∅∅H > [HHH]
∅∅∅H > [HHHH]
etc.
75
3 Tone
3.1.1 Meeussen’s Rule

Fwe makes use of Meeussen’s Rule, a tone rule that affects sequences of two
adjacent high tones by deleting the second high tone, as schematized in (6).
(6) Meeussen’s Rule: /HH/ > [HL]
This tone rule is found in various Bantu languages (Kisseberth & Odden 2003),
and has come to be known as Meeussen’s Rule after Goldsmith (1984), who refers
to the description of the rule in Tonga by Meeussen (1963). Meeussen’s Rule is one
of two tone rules in Fwe which follow the Obligatory Contour Principle, or OCP,
a general tendency to avoid successive high tones (Kisseberth & Odden 2003;
Odden & Marlo 2019). The other tone rule that follows the OCP is downstep (see
§3.1.2), which affects two successive high tones by lowering the second high tone
to a mid tone. Although both these tonal processes affect sequences of successive
high tones, only Meeussen’s Rule deletes high tones, whereas downstep lowers
the pitch of high tones but keeps them recognizable as high. There are a number
of differences in the ways Meeussen’s Rule and downstep are conditioned. First,
Meeussen’s Rule only affects high tones on adjacent moras, whereas downstep
also affects high tones which are on adjacent syllables but are separated by a
toneless mora. Second, Meeussen’s Rule does not occur across word boundaries,
whereas downstep does. Third, Meeussen’s Rule does not target high tones that
are the result of H retraction, whereas downstep does. Meeussen’s Rule is applied
before downstep: in situations where both may apply, Meeussen’s Rule is applied
instead of downstep. The diachronic application of Meeussen’s Rule in Fwe was
already noted by Bostoen (2009: 122). This section shows that Meeussen’s Rule
is still active synchronically in Fwe.
The application of Meeussen’s Rule is illustrated in (7): the high tone of the syl-
lable bbá is deleted when immediately preceded by a high-toned object marker
zí -.
(7) a. kùbbátùrà
ku-bbát-ur-a
inf-separate-sep.tr-fv
‘to separate’
b. kùzíbbàtùrà
ku-zí-bbát-ur-a > ku-zí-bbat-ur-a
inf-om8 -separate-sep.tr-fv
‘to separate them’
76
3.1 Tonal processes
Meeussen’s Rule is applied repeatedly from right to left: in a sequence of more

than two high tones, all high tones are deleted except for the first, as schematized
and illustrated in (8).
(8) Repeated application of Meeussen’s Rule

a. /HHH/ > [HLL]
b. cázyùrì
ci-á-zyúr-í̲ > ci-á-zyur-i
sm7 -pst-become_full-npst.pfv
‘It has become full.’
Meeussen’s Rule only affects high tones on adjacent moras. When a high tone
is followed by another high tone that is on an adjacent syllable, but not an adja-
cent mora, Meeussen’s Rule does not apply, as schematized in (9), and illustrated
in (10): the high tone in the bimoraic syllable /tée/ does not trigger the application
of Meeussen’s Rule to the high tone in the subsequent syllable /ndé/, because of
the intervening toneless mora.
(9) No Meeussen’s Rule on H∅.H sequences:

/H∅.H/
HH.H (bimoraic doubling: H is copied from the first to the second mora)
[Hː.H]
*[Hː.L]
(10) /ma.tée.ndé a.ngú/ > màtéːꜝndé ꜝáːngù

ma-téndé a-angú
np6 -foot pp6 -poss1SG
‘my feet’
Meeusen’s Rule only applies within the word, and adjacent high tones sepa-
rated by a word boundary are not subject to Meeussen’s Rule. In (11), the high
tone of the syllable /njí/ does not cause the high tone of the following syllable
/ndí-/ to be deleted, as the two high tones are separated by a word boundary.
(11) cìnjí ꜝndímìtàhwîːrà?

∅-ci-njí ndí̲-miH -taH hw-í̲r-a
cop-np7 -what sm1SG .rel-om2PL -divide-appl-fv
‘What can I give you?’ (NF_Elic15)
77
3 Tone
Meeussen’s Rule precedes all other tone rules, as seen from the fact that high
tones which have been influenced by other, phonetic tone rules are not subject to
Meeussen’s Rule. This is the case for sequences of high tones that were created by
H retraction (see §3.1.4). In (12), the high tone of the syllable rú and the high tone
of the syllable há are only adjacent as the result of H retraction, and therefore
are not affected by Meeussen’s Rule.
(12) rúꜝhátì
rú-hatí
np11 -rib
‘a rib’
Adjacent high tones that are not subject to Meeussen’s Rule, either because
they are separated by a toneless mora, because they are separated by a word
boundary, or because they are the result of other tone rules, are subject to down-
step. The use of downstep is discussed in the following section.
3.1.2 Downstep
Another manifestation of the Obligatory Contour Principle in Fwe is the rule
of downstep, which lowers a high tone to a mid tone. Downstep applies to ev-
ery high tone that is preceded by another high tone somewhere in the phrase.
Downstep affects adjacent high tones, as schematized in (13), but also high tones
that are not in adjacent syllables, but are separated by one or more low-toned
syllables, as schematized in (14).
(13) Downstep on adjacent high tones: HH > [HꜝH]
(14) Downstep on non-adjacent high tones: HLH > [HLꜝH]
Downstep across overt low-toned syllables is usually referred to as downdrift,

or automatic downstep (Connell 2011). In Fwe, both downstep on adjacent high
tones and downstep on non-adjacent high tones are manifestations of the same
process, and downstep can be accurately analyzed as targeting any high tone but
the first in a phrase.
The occurrence of downstep in Fwe differs from the occurrence of downstep
and downdrift in many other African languages, where they are analyzed as the
result of an intervening low tone; a surface low tone in the case of downdrift,
and an underlying low tone in the case of phonemic downstep (Yip 2002: 148).
In Fwe, however, intervening low tones are not required to trigger downstep,
78
3.1 Tonal processes
because downstep also occurs on adjacent high tones where there is no overt
intervening low tone. This is shown in (15), where the high tone of the syllable
/ká/ is directly followed by that of the syllable /bá/, causing the second to be
downstepped.
(15) /bu-kábabú/ > bu-kábábu (H retraction) > [bù-káꜝbábù]

np14 -problem
‘problem’
It is not possible to analyze examples such as (15) by attributing downstep to

the toneless mora that intervenes between the two high tones. Such a reanalysis
would involve analyzing toneless moras as underlyingly low-toned, rather than
underlyingly toneless, and there is no evidence for the existence of underlying
low tones elsewhere in the tonal system. Furthermore, downstep across word
boundaries also gives clear examples of downstep not triggered by intervening
toneless (or low-toned) moras, as in (16).
(16) /ndi-y-á̲ kú-mu-nzi/ > [ndìyá ꜝkúmùːnzì]

sm1SG -go-fv np17 -np3 -village
‘I go home.’
Downstep between any two high tones, without an intervening low tone, is
also described for the Bantu language Shambaa (Odden 1982). See Odden (1986)
for a theoretical account of downstep not introduced by low tones.
Throughout this book, only downstep triggered by an immediately preceding
high tone will be marked, in order to distinguish it from two adjacent surface high
tones that are the result of high tone spread (see §3.1.6). Downstep triggered by
a high tone across one or more low tones (i.e. what is more commonly referred
to as downdrift) will not be marked, except in the current section.
Downstep, like Meeussen’s Rule, is a manifestation of the Obligatory Contour
Principle: both processes reduce the number of high tones that are realized on
the same pitch. The main differences between the two processes are summed up
in Table 3.2, and will subsequently be discussed and illustrated.
Meeussen’s Rule only applies word-internally, but downstep applies both
word-internally, as in (17), and across word boundaries, as in (18).
(17) /bu-kábabú/ > bukábábú > [bùkáꜝbábù]

np14 -problem
‘problem’
79
3 Tone
Table 3.2: Differences between Meeussen’s Rule and Downstep
Meeussen’s Rule Downstep

deletes high tones lowers high tones
only affects adjacent moras affects adjacent and non-adjacent moras
only word-internally word-internally and across word boundaries
before H retraction after H retraction
(18) /N-shukí zi-ó=mu-kéntu/ > [nshùkí ꜝzómùkêːntù]

np10 -hair pp10 -con=np1 -woman
‘the hair of the woman’ (ZF_Elic14)
Word-internally, downstep and Meeussen’s Rule are conditioned differently.

Meeussen’s Rule only applies to high tones on adjacent moras, whereas downstep
applies to all high tones, including those separated by one or more toneless moras,
as in (19–20).
(19) H-toned moras separated by one toneless mora: Downstep

/ku-táand-á ba-ntu/ > [kùtáːꜝndá bàntù]
inf-chase-fv np2 -person
‘to chase people’
(20) H-toned moras separated by more than one toneless mora: Downstep
mbo-ndí̲-ciH -toH rok-é̲ > [mbòːndícìtòꜝrókè]
near.fut-sm1SG -om7 -explain-pfv.sbjv
‘I will explain it.’
Furthermore, Meeussen’s Rule precedes the application of H retraction, but

downstep follows H retraction, as can be seen from the fact that retracted high
tones are subject to downstep, but not to Meeussen’s Rule.
(21) /bu-kábabú/
bu-kábábu high tone retraction
bu-káꜝbábu downstep
[bùkáꜝbábù]
‘problem’
80
3.1 Tonal processes
Falling tones, occurring in the last or penultimate syllable of a phrase (see

§3.1.5), may also be subject to downstep, in which they case the starting pitch of
the falling contour tone is lower than in a non-downstepped falling tone.
Downstep is progressive: for each subsequent high tone, the pitch is lowered.
Examples of successive downsteps are given in (22–23): in each case, the down-
step indicates an additional pitch lowering.
(22) /N-mwa-Imushó ndí̲-haH r-á̲/ >[mwàìmúshó ꜝndíꜝhárà]

cop-np18 -Imusho sm1SG .rel-live-fv
‘I live in Imusho.’
(23) /zi-ryó zí-cenyá / > [zìryó ꜝzíꜝcényà]

np8 -food np8 -lion
‘the ears of the lion’ (ZF_Elic_2014)
Although sequences of up to three successive downsteps have been attested,

pitch cannot be lowered indefinitely, and at a certain point in speech, the pitch is
reset to its original quality and a new series of downsteps may be initiated. More
research is needed to determine at which point in speech the pitch is restored.
One possibility is that the pitch ceiling is reset after the prosodic boundary that is
marked by the processes of penultimate lengthening, high tone retraction, and
the realization of high tones as falling. Another possibility is that the pitch is
reset when the speaker has reached his or her bottom reach and/or stops for
breath, in which case the limits of downstepping may be related to the number
of downsteps. More research is needed to clarify these issues.
3.1.3 Bimoraic doubling

As discussed in the introduction, the mora is the relevant tone-bearing unit, and
syllables can have two moras, in the case of a phonemically long or automatically
lengthened vowel, or one mora. The two moras of a bimoraic syllable behave
independently when it comes to high tone assignment, and tone rules such as
high tone retraction, Meeussen’s Rule and downstep. After the assignment of
high tones and the application of tone rules, however, a high tone associated with
one mora of a bimoraic syllable will automatically be copied onto the other mora
of that syllable. This is illustrated in (24), where the high tone associated with the
last syllable will retract to the second mora of the penultimate syllable in phrase-
final context, and is subsequently copied to the first mora of the penultimate
syllable in order to avoid a rising tone. For the sake of clarity, the two moras
are transcribed with separate vowel sysmbols, rather than with the lengthening
81
3 Tone
symbol ː, and a dot . marking syllable boundaries is added to indicate that the
two moras together form a single syllable.
(24) /ka.roo.ngó/
ka.roó.ngo# after H retraction
[kà.róó.ngò] after bimoraic doubling
Bimoraic doubling serves to avoid all contour tones, both rising and falling.
An example of bimoraic doubling to avoid a falling contour tone is given in (25),
where a high tone assigned to the second mora of the bimoraic syllable yií is
copied to the first mora to create a level high tone.
(25) /N-ma-yií. ndí̲-hiH b-á̲/ > [màyíː ꜝndíꜝhíbà]

cop-np6 -egg sm1SG .rel-steal-fv
‘It’s eggs that I steal.’
Although bimoraic doubling is obligatory, contour tones do occur in Fwe,

namely falling tones and optional rising tones in the penultimate or final syl-
lable. Contour tones are not restricted to bimoraic syllables, however, and can
therefore not be analyzed as the realization of an underlying /H∅/ or /∅H/ re-
spectively. Instead, it appears that after bimoraic doubling has taken place, both
monomoraic and bimoraic syllables display the same behavior, and are subject to
the same tone rules. The rules that create contour tones only apply in the last or
penultimate syllable of a phrase-final verb, and will be discussed in the following
two sections.
3.1.4 H retraction
There are two tonal processes in Fwe that only apply at the end of a phrase: high
tone retraction, which is an instance of what Odden & Marlo (2019: 9-10) call
‘nonfinality’, and the realization of high tones in the final or penultimate syllable
as falling.
The process of high tone retraction causes a high tone on the last mora of a
phrase-final word to move to the preceding mora, as schematized in (26).
(26) H retraction: /∅H/# > [HL]#
H retraction can, for instance, be seen in disyllabic nominal stems with an un-
derlying /∅H/ pattern, which surfaces as [LH] in non-final contexts, as in (27). If
the same noun is used phrase-finally, the high tone of the last syllable shifts to
the preceding syllable, resulting in a [HL] surface pattern, as in (28).
82
3.1 Tonal processes
(27) /N-shukí zi-angú/ > [nshùkí ꜝzáːngù]

np10 -hair pp10 -poss1SG
‘my hair’
(28) N-shukí > [nshúkì]

np10 -hair
‘hair’
H retraction targets moras, not syllables. If a high tone is assigned to the last
mora of a bimoraic syllable, H retraction causes it to move to the preceding mora,
but not the preceding syllable. The retracted high tone then undergoes bimoraic
doubling, and is subsequently subject to the rule that creates falling tones in the
last or penultimate syllable of a phrase. This is schematized and illustrated in
(29). Compare (30), where the same verb is used in a non-final context.
(29) H retraction in phrase-final /∅H/ syllables:

a. /∅.∅H/# > ∅.H∅ # (H retraction)
> ∅.HH # (bimoraic doubling)
> [L.F] (H > F)
b. /ndi-tw-.aá̲./ > [ndìtwâː]
sm1SG -pound-fv
‘I pound.’
(30) No H retraction in medial /∅H/ syllables:

/ndi-tw-aá̲ mu-ndaré/ > [ndìtwáː mùndárè]
sm1SG -pound-fv np3 -maize
‘I pound maize.’
If a high tone is assigned to the first mora of a bimoraic syllable, H retraction

causes the high tone to move to the preceding mora, which is also the preceding
syllable. This is schematized and illustrated in (31).
(31) H retraction in phrase-final /H∅/ syllables

a. /∅.H∅/# > [H.LL]
b. /mu-.twíi./ > [mútwìː]
np3 -head
‘a head’
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3 Tone
Retracted high tones are never realized as falling (see §3.1.5); instead, they may
be realized with a slight rising contour. Non-retracted high tones, however, are
realized as falling. This is schematized and illustrated in (32–33).1
(32) /∅.H./# > [HL]# retracted high tones: realized as level high
/ku-s-áa/ > [kúsàː]
inf-dig-fv
‘to dig
(33) /H.∅./# > [FL]# non-retracted high tones: realized as falling

/ku-sí-w-a/ > [kùsîːwà]
inf-dig-pass-fv
‘to be dug’
High tones can only be realized as rising if they have been retracted to the
penultimate syllable, and can only be realized as falling if they are the mani-
festation of an underlying high tone in the final or penultimate syllable. In all
other cases, high tones have to be realized as level high. There is thus a clear re-
striction of the occurrence of contour tones to the final and penultimate syllable,
which can be explained as the result of the penultimate lengthening of this sylal-
ble. Note that neither phonemic lengthening, nor automatic lengthening condi-
tioned by the factors discussed in §2.3.3 (i.e. a following prenasalized consonant,
a preceding glide, and several others), sanction the occurrence of contour tones.
3.1.5 H > F
Another phrase-final tone rule in Fwe is the realization of high tones as falling, or
H > F for short. This rule causes an underlying high tone in the last or penultimate
mora to be realized as falling in a phrase-final word. Examples are given in (34–
36), where the high tone of the verb stem is realized as falling if it occurs in the
penultimate syllable, but is realized as high when the high tone is not on the
penultimate syllable because of the addition of derivational suffixes.
(34) /ku-kwáng-a/ > [kùkwâːngà]

inf-become_tired-fv
‘to become tired’
1
Retracted high tones in the final, rather than the penultimate, syllable do become falling, see
(29). There is some inter-speaker variation in the application of H > F to retracted high tones
in the final syllable; some speakers apply H > F to retracted high tones in the final syllable,
others never apply H > F to retracted high tones, either in the final or the penultimate syllable.
84
3.1 Tonal processes
(35) /ku-kwáng-is-a/ > [kùkwáːngìsà]

inf-become_tired-caus-fv
‘to make [someone] tired’
(36) /ku-gáb-a/ > [kùgâbà]

inf-block-fv
‘to block’
(37) /ku-gáb-urur-a/ > [kùgábùrùrà]

inf-block-sep.tr-fv
‘to unblock’
High tones are rarely found in the final syllable of a phrase-final word, as such
high tones are subject to H retraction (see §3.1.4). High tones may only occur in
a phrase-final syllable if this syllable is bimoraic, in which case this high tone is
realized as falling.
(38) N-mu-.saá. ndí̲-bweH ne >[mùsáː ꜝndíbwèːnè]

cop-np1 -thief sm1SG -see.stat
‘I see a thief.’
(39) ndi-bweH né mu-.saá. > [ndìbwèːné mùsâː]

sm1SG -see.stat np1 -thief
‘I see a thief.’
Retracted high tones are never realized as falling (see §3.1.4). Another context
in which final or pre-final high tones are not realized as falling is in questions.
Questions have a rising intonation on the final syllable. If the final syllable is
low-toned, question intonation will create a rising tone. If the final syllable is
high-toned, question intonation will create a level high tone, rather than a falling
tone. In (40), the high-toned syllable kwí at the end of the phrase is realized as
high, rather than falling, as a result of question intonation.
(40) bànyòkò kòkwíː

ba-nyo-ko kokwí
np2 -mother-poss2SG where
‘Where is your mother?’ (NF_Elic15)
So far, both H retraction and H > F are described as occurring phrase-finally.

Copulative constructions display some ambiguity with respect to phrase-final
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3 Tone
tonal processes. The noun njúò ‘house’ is treated as being at the end of a phrase
in (41), where the high tone becomes falling, but not in (42), where the high tone
remains high.
(41) èyí njûò njétù

e-í N-júo N-i-etú
aug-dem.i9 np9 -house cop-pp9 -poss1PL
‘This house is ours.’
(42) yìn’ énjúò njìrôtù

yiná e-N-júo nji-rótu
dem.iv9 aug-np9 -house cop9 -beautiful
‘That house is beautiful.’ (ZF_Elic14)
Since H retraction and falling tones only occur at the end of a phrase, they
can be used to detect syntactic boundaries. This is relevant for left dislocation,
a topicalisation process which consists of moving a constituent to the sentence-
initial position where it is phrased separately. This interaction between tone and
syntax is discussed in §13.2 on left dislocation.
3.1.6 High tone spread

High tones in Fwe may spread to the left onto underlyingly toneless syllables.
This is illustrated in (43), where the high tone of the final syllable sá spreads
onto the two preceding, toneless syllables. This spread is optional: the realization
without high tone spread is also heard.
(43) /ndi-ur-is-á̲ ma-.yií./ >[ndìúrísáː màyîː ~ ndìùrìsáː màyîː]

sm1SG -buy-caus-fv np6 -egg
‘I sell eggs.’ (NF_Elic15)
H spread, when it does occur, may result in a sequence of tones with equally
high pitch; most commonly, however, the final high tone (from which the spread
originates) has the highest pitch, and the preceding high tone(s) are lower. In this
way the high tone spread conforms to the obligatory contour principle, which is
also served by the processes of Meeussen’s Rule and downstep (see §3.1.1-3.1.2),
as high tone spread does not create high tones that are preceded by high tones
of equally high pitch.
Leftward spread of high tones is an unbounded spread within its domain, not
limited to a fixed number of syllables. In (44), the high tone of the final syllable ri
86
3.1 Tonal processes
of the noun mumusipirí ‘on a journey’ spreads to the two preceding syllables. In
(45), the high tone associated with the final vowel suffix -á spreads three syllables.
(44) N-mu-mu-sipirí ba-iná > [mùmùsípírí ꜝbénà]

cop-np18 -np3 -journey sm2 -be_at
‘She is on a journey.’
(45) ba-sep-ahar-á̲ cáha > [bàsépáhárá ꜝcáhà]

sm2 -trust-neut-fv very
‘They are highly respected.’ (NF_Elic15)
H spread stops at certain morpheme boundaries. Within verbs, high tones may
spread across derivational suffixes, but not onto any pre-stem affixes, such as the
object marker mu- in (46), or the distal marker ka- in (47).
(46) ndàmùrémêkì
ndi-a-mu-remé̲k-i
sm1SG -pst-om1 -hurt-npst.pfv
‘I’ve hurt her/him.’
(47) àkàpótérá Kàmwìː

a-ka-pot-er-á̲ Kamwi
sm1 -dist-visit-appl-fv Kamwi
‘S/he visits Kamwi.’ (NF_Elic15)
Within nouns, high tones may spread up to the first root syllable, but not onto
the nominal prefix, augment, or any other grammatical prefix. This is illustrated
in (48), where the high tone of the final syllable /zí/ spreads to the two preceding
root syllables, but not to the nominal prefix /mu-/.
(48) mùsébézí ꜝwábò

mu-sebezí u-abó
np3 -work pp3 -dem.iii2
‘his job’
H spread may affect the first high tone in an utterance, but also a subsequent
high tone, which by default is downstepped. This is illustrated in (49): the first
high tone of the utterance, on the syllable cí, is not downstepped, but the follow-
ing high tone, which originates on the syllable ngí, is subject to downstep. Sub-
sequently, the second high tone spreads onto the syllable nyú. Note that there
87
3 Tone
is a pitch drop between the initial high tone on the syllable cí and the spread,
downstepped high tone on the following syllable ꜝnyú, as illustrated in the pitch
trace.
(49) ndàcíꜝnyúngínyùngì
[_ ¯ - - _ _ ]
ndi-a-cí-nyungí̲-nyung-i
sm1 -pst-om7 -pl2-shake-npst.pfv
‘I have shaken it.’ (NF_Elic15)
Leftward high tone spread in Fwe bears some resemblance to high tone antic-
ipation, or leftward high tone shift, which causes a high tone to surface on one
mora to the left. This system has been described for eastern Bantu Botatwe lan-
guages, including Tonga (Goldsmith 1984; Meeussen 1963), Ila and Lenje (Bostoen
2009), but also for the Zambian variety of Totela, which, like Fwe, is part of the
western branch of Bantu Botatwe (Crane 2014; Crane 2011)2 . As already observed
by Bostoen (2009: 123), Fwe does not make use of HTA, as illustrated with the
reflexes of the reconstructed root *kúpà ‘bone’ in (50). In Totela, Tonga and Lenje,
the high tone of the first root syllable shifts to the preceding syllable, whereas in
Fwe, this high tone does not shift.
(50) Totela èchí-fùwà ‘bone’ (Crane 2014: 65)

Tonga ící-fùwà ‘bone’ (Carter 1962: 65)
Lenje cí-fùwà ‘bone’ (Kagaya 1987: 49)
Fwe è-cì-fûhà ‘bone’
3.1.7 The order of tonal processes

The way in which tonal processes influence each other suggests that the appli-
cation of tonal rules follows a set order, with each rule only being applied once;
once the rule is applied, it cannot be applied again, even though a different rule
may create the conditions for the rule to apply. The following order of tone rules
is proposed: Meeussen’s Rule > H retraction > bimoraic doubling > H realized as F
> downstep > optional high tone spread. This ordering explains why Meeussen’s
2
According to Crane (2011: 55) however, Zambian Totela should be considered as part of the
eastern branch of Bantu Botatwe, rather than the western branch, based, among other criteria,
on its use of HTA. Descriptions of the tone systems of other Western Bantu Botatwe languages,
such as Subiya and Shanjo, will have to point out whether the occurrence of HTA is an innova-
tion that defines the Eastern branch of Bantu Botatwe with respect to the Western branch. The
study of lexical tone in Shanjo by Bostoen (2009) indicates no trace of HTA in this language.
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3.2 Lexical tone
Rule and downstep, both rules targeting successive high tones, both play a role,
as the intervening rule of H retraction creates new sequences of high tones. The
position of optional high tone spread as the last tonal processes explains why
successive high tones created by H spread are not subject to Meeussen’s Rule
or downstep. The position of H retraction before H > F explains why certain
retracted high tones are realized as falling. Finally, it needs to be noted that the
addition of melodic high tones precedes all these tonal processes; tonal processes,
therefore, treat lexical and melodic tones in an equal fashion.
3.2 Lexical tone

This section discusses the tonal patterns found on nominal and verbal stems. A
first inventory of tonal patterns has been given by Bostoen (2009). This section
mostly confirms his findings, but also adds a number of less frequently occurring
tonal patterns which were not yet discussed before.
3.2.1 Tone on noun stems

Disyllabic noun stems can have five different surface tonal patterns in isolation:
LL, HL, FL H-ꜝHL, and H-LL. For the latter two patterns, the initial high tone is a
floating tone that attaches to any preceding syllable, usually the noun’s nominal
prefix or augment. Examples of each of the surface patterns are given in (51).
(51) Tonal patterns on nouns with disyllabic stems

a. /∅∅/ [LL]
/vumo/ vùmò ‘stomach’
/ma-ira/ mà-hìrà ‘sorghum’
/mu-riro/ mù-rìrò ‘fire’
b. /H∅/ [FL]
/n-júo/ njûò ‘house’
/zyúba/ zyûbà ‘sun, day’
/ku-bóko/ kù-bôkò ‘arm’
c. /∅H/ [HL]
/mbufú/ mbúfù ‘bream’
/ndavú/ ndávù ‘lion’
/ci-shamú/ cì-shámù ‘tree’
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3 Tone
d. /H-∅H/ [H-ꜝHL ]
/bú-cenyá/ bú-ꜝcényà ‘smallness’
/cí-monshó/ cí-ꜝmóːnshò ‘left’
/ká-nensá/ ká-ꜝnéːnsà ‘pink, little toe’
e. /H-∅∅/ [H-LL ]
/mú-ngorwe/ mú-ngòrwèː ‘tree sp. (used to
cure a curse)’
/ká-nsikwe/ ká-nsìkwèː ‘darkness’
/mí-raːra/ mí-ràːrà ‘leftovers’
Given the productive use of Meeussen’s Rule in Fwe (see §3.1.1), turning a
/HH/ sequence into /H∅/, nouns surfacing with a [FL] pattern could have an
underlying /H∅/ or /HH/ pattern. Historically, Fwe nouns with a [FL] surface
pattern are reflexes of nouns reconstructed as either *HH or *HL, for example
mà-fûtà ‘oil’, from *kútà ‘oil, fat’, and n-sîngò ‘neck’, from *kíngó ‘neck’ (Bostoen
2009: 121). There is evidence, however, that [FL] nouns all have an underlying
/HH/ tonal pattern synchronically. When these nouns are combined with the
diminutive suffix -ána, as in (52), they lose all but the first high tone, which is
indicative of an underlying /HH/ pattern affected by repeated Meeussen’s Rule.
(52) /ka-zyúrú-ána/ > /ka-zyúru-ana/ > [kàzyúrùànà]
np12 -nose-dim
‘small nose’
All nouns with a [FL] tonal pattern have the same tonal pattern when com-
bined with the diminutive -ána. No distinction is made between reflexes of a
historical *HL pattern and reflexes of a historical *HH pattern, as shown in Ta-
ble 3.3.
Table 3.3: Tonal patterns of disyllabic /HH/ nouns with the diminutive
-ána
Underived noun Noun with diminutive /-ána/ Reconstruction

n-jôkà ‘snake’ n-jókàànà ‘small snake’ *-jókà ‘snake’
rù-rîmì ‘tongue’ kà-rímìànà ‘small tongue’ *-dímì ‘tongue’
mù-zîò ‘load’ mù-zíòànà ‘small load’ *-dígò ‘load’
mù-kûrù ‘adult’ mù-kúrùànà ‘young adult’ *-kʊdʊ ‘adult’
Four different patterns are found in nouns with a monosyllabic stem in isola-
tion; L-L, H-L, F-L and L-F, as in (53). As these stems are monosyllabic, only the
90
3.2 Lexical tone
second tone is realized on the noun root, and the first tone is realized either on
the nominal prefix, or, when the nominal prefix lacks a vowel, on the augment
prefix.
(53) Tonal patterns on nouns with monosyllabic stems

a. /∅-∅/ L-L
/mu-ntu/ mù-ntù ‘person’
/e-wa/ è-wà ‘field’
/ci-zo/ cì-zò ‘tradition’
b. /∅-H/ H-L
/ku-twí/ kú-twì ‘ear’
/e-vú/ é-vù ‘sand’
/e-zwí/ é-zwì ‘knee’
c. /Hː- ∅/ F-L
/rúː-ho/ rûː-hò ‘wind’
/búː-ci/ bûː-cì ‘honey’
d. /∅-Hː/ L-F
/mu-sáː/ mù-sâː ‘thief’
/e-gíː/ è-gîː ‘egg’
The [H-L] and [L-L] patterns are the most frequently occurring patterns. The
tonal pattern [L-F] only occurs with nominal stems with a bimoraic vowel, which
can be phonemically long, as in (54–55), or automatically lengthened, as in (56–
57) (see §2.3.3 for the conditions of automatic lengthening).
(54) bùǀôː
bu-ǀóː
np14 -tasteless
‘tastelessness’
(55) bùrêː
bu-réː
np14 -long
‘length’
(56) rùkwêː
ru-kwé
np11 -grass
‘grass (Schoenoplectus brachyceras)’
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3 Tone
(57) mùsâː
mu-sá
np1 -thief
‘thief’
Monosyllabic nouns with a long vowel may also occur with a [H-L] pattern,
reflecting underlying /∅-H/, as in in (58–59), or as [L-L], reflecting no underlying
high tones, as in (60).
(58) /o-∅-mbwáa/ > [ómbwàː]

aug-np1a -dog
‘dog’
(59) /e-N-shwaá/ > [ènshwâː]

aug-np10 -termite
‘termites’
(60) /mu-nwee/ > [mùnwèː]

np3 -finger
‘finger’
Monosyllabic noun stems with the tonal pattern [F-L] have an extra mora be-
fore the first (and only) root consonant, causing the vowel of the nominal prefix
to be lengthened. Monosyllabic noun stems taking the [F-L] pattern historically
derive from disyllabic noun stems. The noun cî-rì ‘adder’ derives from a disyl-
labic noun root *-pɪ́ dɪ̀ ‘puff adder’ (Bastin et al. 2002); the initial consonant /p/ is
systematically lost in Fwe, and the vowel of the nominal prefix ci- and the initial
vowel of the stem -iri have subsequently contracted. Only three other examples
with this tonal pattern are found, which are presented in (61–63).
(61) bûːcì
búː-ci
np14 -honey
‘honey’
(62) rûːhò
rúː-ho
np11 -wind
‘wind’
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3.2 Lexical tone
(63) bûːsì
búː-si
np14 -smoke
‘smoke’
Noun stems with three or more syllables attest a number of different tone
patterns. Among polysyllabic nominal stems are a number of deverbal nouns,
reduplicated nouns, compounds, and animal names that contain a prefix na- or
shi- followed by a former nominal prefix. The most common tonal patterns for
trisyllabic noun stems, as laid out in (64), are [HLL], corresponding to an under-
lying /H∅∅/ pattern, and [LLL], corresponding to an underlying tone pattern
without high tones.
(64) Trisyllabic noun stems with a /H∅∅/ or /∅∅∅/ pattern
a. /H∅∅/ [HLL]
o-nkúmbizi ò-nkúmbìzì ‘beggar’
mu-kázana mù-kázànà ‘girl’
mu-gwégwesi mù-gwégwèsì ‘joint’
mpúbira mpúbìrà ‘papaya’
b. /∅∅∅/ [LLL]
/o-ntimbira/ ò-ntìmbìrà ‘dung beetle’
/mu-cembere/ mù-cèmbèrè ‘old lady’
/e-n-daano/ è-n-dàànò ‘message’
/ci-wakaka/ cì-wàkàkà ‘horned melon (Cucumis metuliferus)’
The tonal pattern [HꜝHL], as in (65), is also fairly common in trisyllabic noun
stems. It represents an underlying /H∅H/ pattern where the second H is retracted
and subsequently downstepped (see §3.1.2 on downstep and §3.1.3 on H retrac-
tion).
(65) Trisyllabic noun stems with a /H∅H/ pattern
/H∅H/ [HꜝHL]
/bu-shómaní/ bù-shóꜝmánì ‘bad luck’
/ru-vútamó/ rù-vúꜝtámò ‘lower stomach’
/bu-kábabú/ bù-káꜝbábù ‘problem’
/mu-túkutá/ mù-túꜝkútà ‘heat’
Other tonal patterns found with trisyllabic noun stems, as presented in (66),
have a more restricted distribution and mainly occur with borrowings: a /∅∅H/
pattern, which may surface as [HHL] or [LHL] in isolation; a /∅H∅/ pattern,
which may surface as [HFL] or [LFL] in isolation, and which occurs with bor-
rowings and nouns derived with the deverbal suffix -ntu (see §4.2.1).
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3 Tone
(66) Trisyllabic noun stems with a /∅∅H/ or /∅H∅/ pattern

a. /∅∅H/ [LHL] ~ [HHL] source
/ka-pikirí/ kà-píkírì ‘nail’ Afrikaans spyker ‘nail’
/mu-sebezí/ mù-sébézì ‘work’ Lozi musebezi ‘work’
/mu-sipirí/ mù-sípírì ‘journey’ Lozi musipili ‘journey’
/n-tauró/ n-táúrò ‘headveil’ English towel
/ci-fatehó/ cì-fàtéhò ‘face’ Lozi sifateho ‘face’
/n-komokí/ n-kòmókì ‘cup’ Lozi komoki ‘cup’
/n-kereké/ n-kèrékè ‘church’ Afrikaans kerk ‘church’
b. /∅H∅/ [LFL] ~ [HFL]
/ci-munántu/ cì-múnântù ‘domesticated animal’
-muna ‘own’ +-ntu
/ci-tendántu/ cì-téndântù ‘action’ cf. -tenda ‘do’ +-ntu
/ma-hondéro/ mà-hóndêrò ‘kitchen’ cf. -honda ‘cook’
/hemére/ hèmêrè ‘bucket’ Afrikaans emmer ‘bucket’
/mu-kotána/ mù-kòtânà ‘bag’ Lozi mukotana ‘bag’
Nominal stems of four syllables are also attested. Many of these are redupli-
cated, though they are usually not attested in their unreduplicated form. The
tonal patterns attested with nominal stems of four syllables are given in (67).
Longer nominal stems are usually regularly derived from verbs, or compounds.
(67) Tonal patterns of nominal stems with four syllables
a. /H∅∅H/ [HLHL]
/ma-síkusikú/ mà-síkùsíkù ‘morning’
/njóvenjové/ njóvènjóvè ‘tree (Abrus precatorius)’
b. /H∅H∅/ [HLFL]
/ka-ríkuríku/ kà-ríkùrîkù ‘hiccup’
/mu-rárambínda/ mù-ráràmbîndà ‘milky way’
c. /∅H∅H/ [HH!HL] ~ [LH!HL]
/ka-cióció/ kà-cíyóꜝcíyò ‘chick’
/maíwué/ màyíꜝwúyè ‘duck sp.’
d. /∅H∅∅/ [LHLL]
/ka-rurérure/ kà-rùrérùrè ‘plant sp.’
/kacípembe/ kàcípèmbè ‘mongongo beer’
e. /∅∅∅H/ [LLHL
/bbimbiriró/ bbìmbìrírò ‘rubbish heap’
/harantené/ hàrànténè ‘cockroach’
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3.2 Lexical tone
f. /∅∅∅∅/ [LLLL]
/ci-tukutuku/ cì-tùkùtùkù ‘hiccup’
/ci-tepwerere/ cì-tèpwèrèrè ‘thin porridge’
Although nominal prefixes are underlyingly toneless, and as such are realized
with a low tone with the majority of nouns (see §4.1.1 on nominal prefixes), there
are a number of nouns that have a high-toned nominal prefix. Nouns with a high
tone on the prefix can have stems of two, three or more syllables, as in (68). (In
monosyllabic nouns, a high-toned nominal prefix is the result of H retraction;
see (53).)
(68) /H-∅H/ [H-ꜝHL]

/mú-kwamé/ mú-ꜝkwáːmè ‘man’
/cí-nsozí/ cí-ꜝnsózì ‘tear’
/cí-ariso/ cí-àrìsò ‘latch’
/má-nshawánshawa/ má-ꜝnsháwánshàwà ‘berries sp.’
These nouns have a floating high tone that precedes the nominal root, which
is realized on the nominal prefix. When the nominal root is not preceded by a
(syllabic) nominal prefix, the floating high tone is realized on the noun’s augment
prefix, as in (69–70). The augment prefix itself is realized with a low tone in all
other cases (see §4.1.2).
(69) éꜝnkórì
é-N-korí
aug-np9 -walking_stick
‘walking stick’
(70) éꜝmpúndù
é-N-pundú
aug-np10 -berry
‘berries’
A number of nouns with a floating high tone are derived from verbs that also
have a floating high tone (see §3.2.2), as illustrated in (71–72).
(71) cíàzò cf. kúàrà

cí-azo kú-ar-a
np7 -door inf-close-fv
‘door’ ‘to close’
95
3 Tone
(72) cíyàzì cf. kúyàà

cí-yazi kú-ya-a
np7 -traitor inf-kill-fv
‘traitor’ ‘to kill’
For other nouns, the origin of the floating tone is unclear. Out of about 1100
nominal stems, 33 nominal stems have a floating high tone, of which 7 are trans-
parently derived from verbs that have a floating tone. The remaining 26 nouns
are listed in (73).
(73) é-ꜝtángányàmbè ‘calabash’

mú-ngòrwè ‘tree sp. (used to cure a curse)’
ká-nkàfwà ‘bat’
ká-nsìkwè ‘darkness’
ká-nshèrèrè ‘small mushroom sp.’
rú-ngàmàzyòbà ‘plant sp.’
mú-ⁿǀùryà ~ mú-ꜝⁿǀúryà ‘lizard’
bú-ꜝcényà ‘smallness’
mú-ꜝkwámè ‘man’
cí-ꜝmónshò ‘left-hand side’
é-ꜝmpúndù ‘berries of the sandpaper raisin bush’
rú-ꜝⁿǀáⁿǀà ‘sedge leaf’
ká-ꜝnénsà ‘pink, little toe’
é-n-ꜝkórì ‘walking stick’
bú-ꜝŋómbà ‘plant (Lannea edulis)’
ká-ꜝnsínsì ‘small blue bird sp.’
cí-ꜝnsózì ‘tear’
mú-ꜝnzúrè ‘shadow; malaria’
rú-ꜝshíkà ‘African mangosteen (Garcinia livingstonei)’
é-ꜝsímà ‘well’
má-ꜝsínzà ‘snot’
rú-ꜝsúmà ‘jackalberry’
ká-ꜝmpáfwà ‘bat sp.’
~ ká-mpàfwà
ká-ꜝnyángwényàngwè ‘shrub (Mundulea sericea)’
má-ꜝnsháwánshàwà ‘shrub (Grewia sp.)’
~ má-ꜝnsháwà
96
3.2 Lexical tone
Nouns with a floating high tone before the nominal stem can have various
tonal patterns on the nominal stem, e.g. an underlying /∅H/ pattern which is
realized as [H!HL] in isolation, as in (74), or an underlying /H-H∅/ tonal pattern,
which corresponds to a [H-LL] surface pattern, as in (75).
(74) /mú-kwamé/ > mú-kwámè (H retraction) > [mú-ꜝkwáːmè] (downstep)

np1 -man
‘man’
(75) cí-áriso > /cí-ariso/ > cí-àrìsò

np7 -latch
‘latch’
Floating high tones are also found with a number of verb stems (see §3.2.2), and
with certain grammatical forms, such as the augment (see §4.1.2) and possessives
(see chapter 4.3.5). In all cases, floating tones are realized on the first available
mora to the left of the morpheme with which the floating tone is associated; no
floating tones have been found that associate to the right edge of a morpheme.
3.2.2 Tone on verb stems

This section discusses the tonal patterns found on verb stems, as used in the
infinitive form. An infinitive consists of an infinitive prefix ku-, followed by the
verb stem (which may contain derivational suffixes), followed by a final vowel
suffix -a. For the purpose of the tonal analysis, this suffix, which is underlyingly
toneless and appears on all infinitives (as well as a variety of verbal inflections),
is taken as part of the verb stem; verbs may never appear without a final vowel
suffix, and -a is the most common, morphologically and semantically unmarked
final vowel suffix.
Verbs have a lexical tone contrast in their first stem syllable, which can have a
high tone or no tone, and/or assign a floating high tone to the preceding sylable.
Inflected verbs may or may not maintain lexical tone, and may assign additional
high tones to specific moras or syllables of the verb. Tonal patterns on inflected
verbs are discussed in §3.3.
Disyllabic verb stems have three possible tone patterns in the infinitive in iso-
lation, as in (76): FL, LL and the fairly marginal pattern H-LL, with a floating high
tone that is realized on the infinitive prefix (see (81) for more examples of this
floating high tone).
97
3 Tone
(76) Tonal patterns on disyllabic verb stems

a. /H∅/ FL
ku-hár-a kù-hâr-à ‘to live’
ku-zyímb-a kù-zyîːmb-à ‘to sing’
ku-shésh-a kù-shêsh-à ‘to marry’
ku-ráːr-a kù-râːr-à ‘to sleep’
b. /∅∅/ LL
ku-har-a kù-hàr-à ‘to scrape’
ku-end-a kù-yèːnd-à ‘to walk’
ku-shek-a kù-shèk-à ‘to laugh’
ku-coːk-a kù-còːk-à ‘to break’
c. /H-∅∅/ H-LL
kú-pak-a kú-pàk-à ‘to carry on one’s back (of a child)’
kú-zyus-a kú-zyùs-à ‘to fill’
kú-zyib-a kú-zyìb-à ‘to get to know’
Verb stems surfacing as LL have no underlying high tones. Verb stems sur-
facing as FL have an underlying high tone on the first syllable of the root; the
pre-final high tone in disyllabic verb stems is realized as falling phrase-finally
and in isolation (see §3.1.5).
Monosyllabic verb stems consist of a root of either a single consonant, or a
single vowel, or a consonant and a vowel, where the last vowel is glided or elided
under influence of the final vowel suffix -a. Two surface patterns are found on
monosyllabic verb stems, H-L and L-L, as in (77). The first tone of the pattern
verbs is realized on the infinitive prefix ku-.
(77) Tone patterns on monosyllabic verb stems

a. /∅-H/ [H-L]
ku-w-á kú-w-à ‘to give’
ku-s-á kú-s-àː ‘to dig’
ku-nyw-á kú-nyw-àː ‘to drink’
b. /∅-∅/ [L-L]
ku-gw-a kù-gw-àː ‘to fall’
ku-rw-a kù-rw-àː ‘to fight’
ku-zw-a kù-zw-àː ‘to leave’
The high tone of a monosyllabic high-toned verb stem is realized on the in-
finitive prefix rather than the verb stem because of H retraction (see §3.1.3). If a
98
3.2 Lexical tone
monosyllabic verb with a [H-L] pattern in isolation is extended with a suffix, as

in (78), the high tone is realized on the verb stem itself.
(78) kútwàː
ku-tw-á
inf-pound-fv
‘to pound’
(79) kùtwîːwà
ku-tw-íw-a
inf-pound-pass-fv
‘to be pounded’
Verb stems with three or more syllables can also be divided into those with and
without a high tone, as in (80). The high tone, if present, is always realized on
the first syllable of the stem. This is related to the fact that trisyllabic and longer
verb stems consist of a root followed by derivational suffixes (though many of
these are fossilized and no longer analyzable as such), and derivational suffixes
in Fwe are invariably toneless (see chapter 6). Verb stems with more than four
syllables follow the same patterns as verb stems with three or four syllables.
(80) Tone patterns on polysyllabic verb stems
a. /∅∅∅/ [LLL]
ku-dokor-a kù-dòkòr-à ‘to belch’
ku-hompwer-a kù-hòːmpwèːr-à ‘to hammer’
ku-kabir-a kù-kàbìr-à ‘to enter’
b. /H∅∅/ [HLL]
ku-cécent-a kù-cécèːnt-à ‘to winnow’
ku-círuk-a kù-círùk-à ‘to jump’
ku-kárih-a kù-kárìh-à ‘to shout’
c. /∅∅∅∅/ [LLLL]
ku-barakat-a kù-bàràkàt-à ‘to flap (as a fish on dry land)’
ku-fufurerw-a kù-fùfùrèrw-àː ‘to sweat’
/H∅∅∅/ [HLLL]
ku-káwuhany-a kù-káwùhàny-à ‘to separate’
ku-súrumuk-a kù-súrùmùk-à ‘to descend’
A number of verb stems have a floating high tone that is realized on any sylla-
ble that directly precedes the verb stem. In the infinitive form, the floating high
tone is realized on the underlyingly toneless infinitive prefix ku-, as in (81).
99
3 Tone
(81) /H-∅∅/ [H-LL]

/kú-ar-a/ kú-àr-à ‘to close’
/kú-kar-a/ kú-kàr-à ‘to sit’
/kú-kut-a/ kú-kùt-à ‘to become full’
/kú-min-a/ kú-mìn-à ‘to set (of the sun)’
/kú-pak-a/ kú-pàk-à ‘to carry on one’s back (of a child)’
/kú-swaner-a/ kú-swànèr-à ‘to be obliged to’
/kú-tab-a/ kú-tàb-à ‘to answer’
/kú-ya-a/ kú-yà-à ‘to kill’
/kú-zyib-a/ kú-zyìb-à ‘to get to know’
/kú-zyur-a/ kú-zyùr-à ‘to become full’
The floating high tone of these verb stems is realized on whatever syllable
precedes the verb stem. In (82), the floating high tone of taba ‘answer’ is realized
on the underlyingly toneless past prefix a-. In (83), the verb’s floating high tone
is realized on the underlyingly toneless object marker mu-.
(82) /ndi-á-tab-i/ > [ndátàbì]
sm1SG -pst-answer-npst.pfv
‘I answered.’
(83) /ku-mú-tab-a/ > [kùmútàbà]
inf-om1 -answer-fv
‘to answer him’
The surface realization of infinitives with a floating high tone may correspond
either to an underlying tone pattern of /H-H∅/ or /H-∅∅/, because through
Meeussen’s Rule, both would surface as [H-LL]. Looking at verbs with floating
high tones in certain verbal tense/aspect/mood constructions, however, makes it
clear that these verbs have a /H-H∅/ pattern, as the melodic high tone assigned to
the second stem syllable is deleted, which can only be the result of the repeated
application of Meeussen’s Rule. This is illustrated with the near past perfective in
(84–86). No differences between different lexical verbs were observed, showing
that all verbs with a floating high tone have a /H-H∅/ pattern.
(84) ndi-á-táb-í̲ > ndi-á-tab-i > [ndátàbì]
sm1SG -pst-answer-npst.pfv
‘I answered.’
(85) ndi-á-kút-í̲ > ndi-á-kut-i > [ndákùtì]
sm1SG -pst-become_full-npst.pfv
‘I am full.’
100
3.2 Lexical tone
(86) ci-á-zyúr-í̲ > ci-á-zyur-i > [cázyùrì]

sm7 -pst-become_full-pst
‘It is full.’ (NF_Elic15)
All verb stems with a floating high tone attested in Fwe are listed in (81). Three
more verbs are attested that occur both with and without a floating high tone; for
two of them, which form is used appears to depend on the individual speaker’s
preference, and no semantic differences where observed. For one verb, there is a
semantic difference between the two forms. All these verbs are listed in (87).
(87) /kú-cirir-a/ ~ /ku-círir-a/ kúcìrìrà ~ kùcírìrà ‘to follow’

/kú-hik-a/ ~ /ku-hík-a/ kúhìkà ~ kùhîkà ‘to cook’
/kú-min-a/ kúmìnà ‘to set (of the sun)’
/ku-min-a/ kùmìnà ‘to swallow’
Floating high tones mostly behave like lexical tones: in tense/aspect/mood

constructions that delete underlying lexical tones, floating high tones are usu-
ally also deleted, though there are also some exceptions, suggesting that floating
high tones have a status that differs from both lexical and melodic tones. This is
discussed in §3.3.4.
The floating high tone with certain verb stems derives from an earlier high-
toned vowel occurring at the stem-initial position, preceding the modern verb
stem. This is evidenced by the Totela cognates of Fwe verb stems with floating
high tones, which have a high-toned vowel í as the first syllable of the verb stem,
and by the corresponding Bantu reconstructions, which include an initial high-
toned syllable. These comparisons are shown in Table 3.4.
Table 3.4: The origin of floating high tones in Fwe verbs
Fwe Totela (Crane 2011) Bantu reconstruction (BLR3)

kú-àr-ùr-à ‘open’ òkwíjàlùlà ‘open’
kú-kàr-à ‘sit, stay’ òkwíkàlà ‘stay’
kú-yà-à ‘kill’ òkwíjàyà ‘kill’
kú-kùt-à ‘become full’ *-jíkut- ‘be satiated’
kú-tàb-à ‘answer’ *-jítab- ‘answer call’
kú-zyìb-à ‘know’ *-jíjib- ‘know’
kú-zyùr-à ‘become full’ *-jíjʊd- ‘become full’
101
3 Tone
The loss of the high-toned vowel in Fwe but the maintenance of its high tone
resulted in a floating high tone that is realized on any pre-stem morpheme. In
some cases, the earlier vowel /i/ still surfaces. In the verb kú-yàà ‘to kill’, devo-
calization of /i/ may explain the occurrence of the root-initial glide /y/.
3.3 Melodic tone

The tone pattern of most inflected verbs is determined by the tense/aspect/mood
(TAM) construction, which may assign high tones to a particular position in an
inflected verb. This use of tone is seen in many Bantu languages, and is referred
to as “melodic tone” (Odden & Bickmore 2014). Fwe has four melodic tone pat-
terns: a high tone assigned to the last mora of the word (melodic tone 1), to the
subject marker (melodic tone 2), and to the second stem syllable (melodic tone 3).
Melodic tone pattern 4 refers to the process of deleting underlying tones, which
occurs in specific TAM constructions. Table 3.5 gives an overview of melodic
tones that are used in Fwe.
As Table 3.5 shows, each melodic tone is used by more than one TAM construc-
tion, and there is no obvious semantic link between TAM constructions using
the same melodic tone pattern. It is therefore not possible to assign a meaning
to melodic tones. TAM constructions may combine several melodic tones, and
only three TAM constructions do not use melodic tone at all: these are all recent
grammaticalizations derived from an infinitive verb, a verb form that does also
not use melodic tone.
Melodic tones are marked in the phonological transcription (the second line of
the examples) with acute accent combined with underlining, to distinguish them
from underlying high tones, which are marked with an acute accent without
underlining. Underlying high tones that are deleted as the result of melodic tone
pattern 4 will be marked with a following H . These conventions are summarized
in Table 3.6. As no single function can be linked to melodic tones, they are not
represented with a gloss in the third line.
Melodic tones and underlying tones are treated the same in the phonology of
Fwe, with one exception: melodic tone pattern 4 only deletes underlying tones,
not melodic tones. The rone rules set out in §3.1 apply to melodic and underlying
tones in the same way.
The following sections give a discussion and examples of the realization of
melodic tone patterns in Fwe.
102
3.3 Melodic tone
Table 3.5: Melodic tone in Fwe
Melodic tone Realization TAM construction

Melodic tone 1 H on the last mora present
or H on the penultimate remote past imperfective
syllable if it is bimoraic near future perfective
subjunctive perfective
negative stative
relative remote past
perfective
Melodic tone 2 H on the subject marker remote past imperfective
remote future
near future
remote past perfective
most relative clause verbs
Melodic tone 3 H on the second stem near past perfective
syllable negative present
stative
subjunctive perfective with
object marker
Melodic tone 4 deletes all underlying H present
remote past imperfective
stative
subjunctive perfective
no melodic tone no H is assigned; near past imperfective
underlying H are habitual náku-
maintained subjunctive imperfective
Table 3.6: Melodic tone marking conventions
Underlying (lexical) tone /cv́ /, e.g. /ku-kám-a/ ‘to milk’

Melodic tone /cvH /, e.g. /ndí̲-ra-kám-a/ ‘I will milk.’
Tones deleted as the result of MT4 /cv̲/, e.g. /ndi-kaH m-á̲/ ‘I am milking.’
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3 Tone
3.3.1 Melodic Tone 1: H on the last mora

Melodic Tone 1 (MT 1) is assigned to the last mora of the inflected verb. Examples
are given with verbs in the present in (88), the subjunctive in (89), and the near
future perfective in (90): the vowel carrying the melodic tone is underlined in
the phonological transcription.
(88) bàhùrá ꜝshûnù

ba-hur-á̲ shúnu
sm2 -arrive-fv today
‘They arrive today.’
(89) mbòbáhùré ꜝshûnù

mbo-bá̲-hur-é̲ shúnu
near.fut-sm2 -arrive-pfv.sbjv today
‘They will arrive today.’ (NF_Elic15)
(90) òshòtòké òmùkwàkwà

o-shoH tok-é̲ o-mu-kwakwa
sm2SG -jump-pfv.sbjv aug-np3 -road
‘You should cross the road.’ (NF_Elic17)
In many cases, the last mora of the verb is the final vowel suffix. However, MT1
cannot be analyzed as underlyingly belonging to the final vowel suffix, as the
final vowel suffixes on which it occurs, fv -a and subjunctive -e, occur without
a high tone in other TAM inflections. Furthermore, when verbs that take MT1
include a post-verbal locative clitic, MT 1 is assigned to this clitic, as illustrated
with the clitic =mo in (91).
(91) …ndìhìkìrèmó bùjwàːrà

ndi-hiH k-ir-e=mó̲ bu-jwara
sm1SG -cook-appl-pfv.sbjv=loc18 np14 -beer
‘…so that I cook beer in it.’ (NF_Elic15)
MT 1 targets the mora, not the syllable. When a verb has a bimoraic final syl-
lable, as in (92), the melodic tone is assigned to the second mora, which can be
seen from the lack of high tone retraction in phrase-final contexts, as in (93).
(92) /ba-nyw-.aá̲. o-bu-jwara/ > bànywáː òbùjwàrà

sm2 -drink-fv aug-np14 -beer
‘They drink beer.’
104
3.3 Melodic tone
(93) /ba-nyw-.aá̲./ > bànywâː

sm2 -drink-fv
‘They drink.’ (NF_Elic15)
MT 1 has two different realizations, based on the segmental shape of the verb
stem. If the penultimate syllable has a long vowel, the H tone is not assigned to
the last mora but to the penultimate syllable. This is illustrated in (94) with the
verb stem rìmà ‘farm’, which has no long vowels and therefore MT 1 is assigned
to the last mora of the word, compared to the verb stem tòmbwèrà ‘weed’ in (95),
which has a lengthened penultimate vowel (on account of the preceding glide),
and here MT 1 is assigned to the penultimate syllable.
(94) tùrìmá shûnù

tu-rim-á̲ shúnu
sm1PL -farm-fv today
‘We farm today.’
(95) tùtòmbwérà shûnù

tu-tombwér-a shúnu
sm1PL-weed-fv today
‘We weed today.’ (NF_Elic15)
When MT 1 is used with a verb stem that has two moras both in the last and
in the penultimate syllable, the melodic tone is assigned to the last verb mora, as
in (96).
(96) ndi-nyans-á > ndìnyàːnsâː

*ndi-nyáns-a > ndìnyâːnsàː
sm1SG -accuse-fv
‘I accuse.’ (NF_Elic15)
The alternation between final and penultimate assignment of this melodic tone
cannot be interpreted in terms of the tone rules that are used in Fwe, but should
nonetheless be analyzed as exponents of the same melodic tone: the final and
penultimate assignment are in complete complementary distribution, and are
found in all TAM constructions that use MT1. The assignment of a penultimate
high tone can thus be seen as an allophonic variant of the assignment of a final
high tone, conditioned by the phonological shape of the penultimate syllable.
Table 3.7 summarizes the realization of melodic tone 1 on different stem shapes.
105
3 Tone
Table 3.7: The realization of melodic tone 1
Last mora Penultimate syllable

CVCV shèká CVːCV zwáːtà
CVCVː bùzáː
CVːCVː nyàːnsáː
Melodic tone 1 is used in six different TAM constructions: the present; the
remote past perfective; the near future perfective; the negative stative; the sub-
junctive; and the relative clause form of the remote past perfective. As the near
future perfective is based on the subjunctive, and the remote past perfective is
historically based on the present, it is likely that the present and subjunctive
were the first to use this melodic tone, and it was subsequently maintained in
new constructions that grammaticalized from them.
All TAM constructions that use melodic tone 1 also use melodic tone pattern 4,
the deletion of underlying tones (see Table 3.5). Melodic tone 4 is not an inherent
characteristic of MT 1 alone, but is also used in combination with other melodic
tones.
3.3.2 Melodic Tone 2: H on the subject marker

Melodic tone pattern 2 (MT 2) assigns a high tone to the verb’s subject marker.
An example is given with the remote future construction as used in Zambian Fwe
in (97).
(97) nàːndínàshòshòtà
na-ndí̲-na-shoshot-a
rem-sm1SG -rem.fut-whisper-fv
‘I will whisper.’ (ZF_Elic14)
MT 2 is used in the remote past imperfective, the remote future, the near fu-
ture perfective, the remote past perfective, and in all relative clause verbs ex-
cept the near past perfective. For the remote future, the high tone on the subject
marker is the result of an earlier high-toned prefix á- which can still be realized
as such in Namibian Fwe (see §8.4.2). Some of the other TAM constructions using
MT2 appear to be grammaticalizations from an earlier relative clause verb; this is
clearest for the remote past imperfective (see §8.3.4), and possibly also the near
106
3.3 Melodic tone
future based on the perfective subjunctive (see §8.4.1). The almost ubiquitous use
of MT2 in relative clause verbs suggests that it started out in this context, and
spread to other inflections as they grammaticalized from earlier relative clause
verbs.
3.3.3 Melodic Tone 3: H on second stem syllable

Melodic tone pattern 3 (MT 3) assigns a high tone to the second syllable of the
verb stem. This is illustrated with the negative present in (98).
(98) kàyìòːrésèkì
ka-i-oːr-é̲sek-i
neg-sm9 -can-neut-neg
‘It is not possible.’ (ZF_Conv13)
In some Bantu languages, object markers are counted as part of the verb stem
for tone assignment (Marlo 2013). This is not the case in Fwe; melodic tone 3 is
invariably assigned to the second syllable of the verb stem, counting from the
first syllable of the stem and disregarding object markers, as seen in (99–100).
(99) Melodic tone 3: without an object marker

ndàrìndîrì
ndi-a-rind-í̲r-i
sm1SG -pst-wait-appl-npst.pfv
‘I’ve waited for.’
(100) Melodic tone 3: with an object marker

ndàkùrìndîrì
ndi-a-ku-rind-í̲r-i
sm1SG -pst-om2SG -wait-appl-npst.pfv
‘I’ve waited for you.’ (NF_Elic15)
Melodic tone 3 is realized on the penultimate syllable, rather than the second
stem syllable, under two conditions. The first is when this melodic tone pattern
is used with monosyllabic verb stems, as in (101). As these lack a second stem
syllable, MT3 is assigned to the verb’s penultimate syllable, which may contain
markers with various functions, including subject markers, object markers, tense
markers, or the distal marker.
107
3 Tone
(101) Melodic tone 3 with monosyllabic verbs: H on the penultimate syllable

a. tàːndînywìː
ta-ndí̲-nyw-i
neg-sm1SG -drink-neg
‘I don’t drink.’
b. ndìnânywìː
ndi-ná̲-nyw-i
sm1SG -pst-drink-npst.pfv
‘I drank.’
c. ndìnàkûwì
ndi-na-kú̲-w-i
sm1SG -pst-om2SG -give-npst.pfv
‘I have given you.’ (ZF_Elic14)
d. kàːndìkârì
ka-ndi-ká̲-r-i
neg-sm1SG -dist-eat-neg
‘I don’t eat there.’ (NF_Elic15)
Melodic tone 3 also surfaces on the penultimate syllable when this syllable
contains a long vowel, as in (102), where the penultimate syllable is lengthened
on account of the following nasal consonant cluster. This conditioning is similar
to that of MT 1, which also surfaces on the penultimate syllable if it contains a
long vowel.
(102) ndìnàyêndì
ndi-na-é̲nd-i
sm1SG -pst-go-npst.pfv
‘I went.’ (ZF_Elic14)
Melodic tone 3 is used with four TAM constructions: the negative present; the
near past perfective; the stative (with the exception of negated statives and sta-
tives with a disyllabic verb stem, see 9.3 for details); and the perfective subjunc-
tive with object marker. The stative combines MT 3 with the deletion of lexical
high tones (melodic tone 4), the other three constructions maintain lexical high
tones.
108
3.3 Melodic tone
3.3.4 Melodic Tone 4: deletion of underlying high tones

Melodic tone pattern 4 (MT 4) does not add a high tone, but rather deletes the
lexical high tones of the verb. This is illustrated in (103) with the high-toned verb
root bútuk ‘run’, which loses its high tone when used in the present, one of the
TAM constructions that use MT 4. Deleted high tones are marked by subscript H
after the syllable originally bearing the high tone.
(103) ndìbùtúkà
ndi-buH tuk-á̲
sm1SG -run-fv
‘I run.’ (NF_Elic15)
MT 4 also deletes high tones that are associated with affixes, such as object
markers, as in (104), where the underlyingly high-toned object marker of class 2
bá- is realized as low-toned bà- when used with a present tense verb. MT 4 also
affects other grammatical affixes, such as the high-toned persistive prefix shí-, as
in (105).
(104) ndìbàshákà
ndi-baH -shak-á̲
sm1SG -om2 -like-fv
‘I like them.’ (ZF_Elic14)
(105) ndìshìhôːndà
ndi-shiH -hó̲nd-a
sm1SG -per-cook-fv
‘I am still cooking.’ (NF_Elic15)
MT 4 always co-occurs with another melodic tone, and the deletion of high
tones does not affect the high tones assigned by this pattern. The present con-
struction combines MT 4 with MT 1, which is assigned to the verb’s last mora,
and this melodic tone is not affected by the deletion of underlying tones, as in
(106).
(106) bàzyìbàhárà
ba-zyiH b-ahar-á̲
sm2 -know-neut-fv
‘S/he is famous.’ (NF_Elic15)
109
3 Tone
The floating high tone that is part of the lexical tone pattern of certain verb
stems (see §3.2.2) poses a challenge for this analysis. As it is part of the verb’s
lexical tone, it is usually deleted when a verb with a floating high tone is used
in a TAM construction that makes use of MT 4. (107) shows the deletion of the
floating high tone of the verb ˊtab ‘answer’, used in the present construction.
(107) ndìtábà
ndi-tab-á̲
sm1SG -answer-fv
‘I answer.’ (NF_Elic15)
In one environment, however, MT 4 fails to affect floating tones. This is the

case when the prefix before the verb root, normally the syllable the floating tone
attaches to, is a toneless prefix. In (108), the verb ˊtab ‘answer’ is used in the
present, with the toneless class 1 object marker mu-. Although the present uses
MT 4, the floating high tone of this verb is not deleted but realized on the object
marker mu-.
(108) ndìmúꜝtábà
ndi-mú-tab-á̲
sm1SG -om1 -answer-fv
‘I answer her/him.’
The realization of floating tones in the present construction is also seen with
other toneless prefixes, such as the distal ka- in (109), used with the verb ˊkar
‘sit’.
(109) ndìkáꜝkárà
ndi-ká-kar-á̲
sm1SG -dist-sit-fv
‘I sit there.’ (NF_Elic17)
Floating tones may not be realized on an underlyingly high-toned prefix, even

though the use of melodic tone 4 deletes their high tones. This is shown with the
high-toned object marker bá- in (110) and the high-toned persistive prefix shí- in
(111).
(110) ndìbàtábà
ndi-baH -tab-á̲
sm1SG -om2 -answer-fv
‘I answer them.’
110
3.3 Melodic tone
(111) ndìshìtábà
ndi-shiH -tab-á̲
sm1SG -per-answer-fv
‘I still answer.’ (NF_Elic17)
Although subject markers are underlyingly toneless, floating tones never at-
tach to them in TAM constructions that use MT 4, such as the present in (112).
(112) ndìtábà
ndi-tab-á̲
sm1SG -answer-fv
‘I answer.’ (NF_Elic15)
More research is needed to explain the complex interaction between floating

tones and melodic tones, and to explain why these specific phonological and
morphological environments allow for the realization of floating tones, where
other lexical tones cannot be realized.
3.3.5 No melodic high tones

As summarized in Table 3.5, there are three TAM constructions in Fwe that do
not use melodic tones: the near past imperfective, one of the two habituals, and
the subjunctive imperfective. The lack of melodic tone with these constructions
is similar to the lack of melodic tone on infinitive verbs. These constructions
also resemble the infinitive segmentally, as they all contain a syllable ku, ho-
mophonous with the infinitive prefix. A more detailed account of the similarities
between these constructions and the infinitive are given in §8.3.2 on the near
past imperfective, §9.2.2 on the habitual, and §10.3 on the subjunctive imperfec-
tive. These sections also argue in detail that these TAM constructions are the
result of relatively recent grammaticalizations involving an inflected verb and
an infinitive verb.
111
4 Nominal morphology
A pervasive feature of Fwe nominal morphology is its use of noun classes, nom-
inal genders which are marked through a prefix on the noun and agreement
on modifiers. This noun class system, which is typical for Bantu languages, is
discussed in §4.1. Nominal morphology is also used to create nouns from verbs
or from other nouns, through affixation, compounding and reduplication, as dis-
cussed in §4.2. Nominal modifiers, which include adjectives, demonstratives, con-
nectives, quantifiers and possessives, are discussed in §4.3.
4.1 Noun classes

Fwe nouns are divided into genders, which are commonly referred to as noun
classes in Bantu linguistics. Fwe uses 19 noun classes, which are numbered 1-18
(including 1a) according to the Bantu tradition. Noun class agreement is marked
on modifiers, as discussed in §4.3, and on verbs, as discussed in Chapter 7. Noun
class membership is also marked on the noun itself by nominal prefixes. The
nominal and pronominal prefixes for each noun class are presented in Table 4.1.
Nominal prefixes are glossed as np with a subscript number indicating the
noun class. They are used on nouns, as discussed in §4.1.1, and to mark agree-
ment on adjectives, as discussed in §4.3.1. Pronominal prefixes are glossed as
pp with a subscript number indicating the noun class. Pronominal prefixes are
usually toneless, though their tonal behavior is quite variable. They are used to
mark agreement on connectives, possessives and quantifiers, and are also used
to create demonstratives; these modifiers are discussed in §4.3.
The following sections discuss morphological marking of noun class on nouns.
In addition to the obligatory nominal prefix, nouns can take an augment; its form
and possible functions are discussed in §4.1.2. Noun class is used to express num-
ber, with certain classes used for singular nouns, and others for their correspond-
ing plural. The pairing of singular and plural noun classes is discussed in §4.1.3.
Noun class membership is partially governed by semantic criteria, and these can
be exploited to shift nominal roots to another noun class to derive a different
meaning. The semantic basis of noun classes and the derivational processes that
Table 4.1: Nominal agreement
Noun class Nominal prefix (np) Pronominal prefix (pp)

1 mu- u-/zyu-
1a ∅-/mu- u-/zyu-
2 ba- ba-
3 mu- u-
4 mi- i-
5 ∅-/riri-
6 ma- a-
7 ci- ci-
8 zi- zi-
9 N -/∅- i-
10 N -/∅- zi-
11 ru- ru-
12 ka- ka-
13 tu- tu-
14 bu- bu-
15 ku- ku-
16 ha- ha-
17 ku- ku-
18 mu- mu-
are motivated by it are discussed in §4.1.4. The locative noun classes 16, 17 and
18 have a different syntax than the other noun classes, and are therefore treated
separately in §4.1.5. Finally, in §4.1.6 some observations will be noted about noun
class assignment of borrowed nouns.
4.1.1 Nominal prefixes

Nouns are marked for noun class with a nominal prefix, which directly precedes
the nominal stem. Most nominal prefixes have a CV-shape, with the exception of
the prefixes of class 1a and 5, which have a zero prefix, and the prefixes of class
9 and 10, which consist of a homorganic nasal. The only vowels occurring in
nominal prefixes are /a/, /i/ and /u/, never the mid vowels /e/ and /o/. In addition
to the nominal prefix, nouns may be marked by an augment prefix, which is
114
4.1 Noun classes
Table 4.2 gives an overview of the nominal prefixes, their possible allomorphs
and the form of the augment. It should be noted that, whenever a noun is pre-
sented as belonging to a certain class, this is backed up by its agreement pattern,
e.g. it triggers agreement of that class on its dependents, such as demonstratives,
adjectives, connectives, etc. For reasons of space, the relevant agreement patterns
will not always be given.
Table 4.2: Nominal prefixes
Nominal prefix Augment Example Translation

1 mu- / mw- / m- o- mù-ntù ‘person’
1a ∅- / N - o- ∅-ŋàngà ‘doctor’
2 ba- / b- a- bà-ntù ‘people’
3 mu- / mw- / m- o- mù-bìrì ‘body’
4 mi- e- mì-bìrì ‘bodies’
5 ∅- / r(i)- e- ànjà ‘hand’
6 ma- / m- a- mà-ànjà ‘hands’
7 ci- / c- e- cì-púrà ‘chair’
8 zi- / z- / bi- e- zì-púrà / bì-púrà ‘chairs’
9 N - / ∅- e- n-gìnà ‘louse’
10 N - / ∅- e- n-gìnà ‘lice’
11 ru- / rw- / r- o- rù-rîmì ‘tongue’
12 ka- a- kà-shùtò ‘fish hook’
13 tu- o- tù-shùtò ‘fish hooks’
14 bu- / bw- / b- o- bù-zyûmì ‘life’
15 ku- /kw- o- kù-bôkò ‘arm’
16 ha- - hà-mù-shânà ‘on the back’
17 ku- - kù-rù-wà ‘at the field’
18 mu- - mù-mù-nzì ‘in the village’
Class 1a nouns mostly use the agreement pattern of class 1. The only differ-
ences between class 1 and class 1a is the nominal prefix, which is mu- for class 1
and zero (or N-) for class 1a, and the copulative prefix, which is ndi- for class 1
and ndu- for class 1a (see §5.3 on copulas). The latter is an especially convincing
argument to treat class 1a as a separate noun class, but it should be noted that
with the exception of the copula, agreement patterns of class 1a are identical to
those of class 1, and will be glossed as such.
115
The nominal prefix and corresponding agreement morphology of class 8 have

a variant bi- in Zambian Fwe. This could be due to contact with either Lozi or
Shanjo, as the class 8 prefix in both languages is bi- (Bostoen 2009: 120; Fortune
1977: 10).
There is a tendency to merge classes 5 and 9, which manifests itself in different
ways. Nouns in class 9 often take the class 5 copulative prefix ndi- rather than
the class 9 copulative prefix nji-, and class 9 nouns often do not take their plural
in the expected plural class 10, but in class 6, which is the canonical plural class
for class 5 nouns. This is discussed in more detail in §4.1.3 on singular and plural
pairings.
As seen in Table 4.2, some nominal prefixes have one or two allomorphs. One
of these is lexically conditioned: the allomorph r(i)- of class 5 only appears on
two nouns, given in (1). As the prefix r(i)- is lost when the noun is used in class
6 to mark a plural, the initial segment r(i)- can be analyzed as a prefix of class
5. The presence of /i/ in this allomorph cannot be proven, as the combination of
the putative /i/ of the nominal prefix and the following /i/ of the nominal stem
may account for the deletion of the initial /i/. Comparison with the paradigm of
pronominal prefixes, where the class 5 prefix is ri- (see Table 4.1), suggests an
underlying vowel /i/ is likely.
(1) rínò ménò
ri-inó ma-inó
np5 -tooth np6 -tooth
‘tooth’ ‘teeth’
(2) rîshò mêshò

ri-ísho ma-ísho
np5 -eye np6 -eye
‘eye’ ‘eyes’
The other allomorphs of nominal prefixes are the result of two morphophono-
logical processes that play a role when combining the prefix with the nominal
root: vowel hiatus resolution and prenasalization. As discussed in §2.5.2, vowel
hiatus resolution may take place when a nominal prefix with a CV-shape com-
bines with a vowel-initial noun stem. Nominal prefixes of class 1, 3, 11, and 14
have two allomorphs that are used with vowel-initial stems. One of these allo-
morphs is created by deleting the vowel /u/ of the prefix and replacing it with a
glide /w/. This allomorph is used when the stem of the noun begins with a vowel
/a/, /i/ or /e/; examples are given in (3).
116
4.1 Noun classes
(3) a. class 1 mw-âncè ‘child’

b. class 3 mw-îndì ‘leg of a pot’
c. class 11 rw-âtà ‘crack’
d. class 14 bw-ékè ‘grain’
e. class 15 kw-àhà ‘armpit’
Nominal prefixes with /u/ have a second allomorph used with vowel-initial
stems with a back vowel /o/ or /u/. This allomorph is created by deleting the
vowel /u/ of the nominal prefix without glide formation. Examples of these allo-
morphs are given in (4).
(4) a. class 1 m-ôfù ‘blind person’

b. class 3 m-ûzyà ‘character’
c. class 11 r-ózì ‘rope’
d. class 14 b-ôzyà ‘feathers’
The nominal prefixes that have a vowel /i/ or /a/ are usually not changed when
combined with a vowel-initial root, as in (5).
(5) a. class 4 mì-âkà ‘years’

b. class 6 mà-ànjà ‘hands’
c. class 7 cì-òngò ‘storage’
d. class 8 zì-òngò ‘storages’
e. class 12 kà-ìngà ‘spot on the skin’
There are a few exceptions to this rule, which are lexically determined. With
the two vowel-initial noun stems listed in (6), the vowel /i/ of the nominal prefix
is deleted.
(6) a. class 7/8 c-ândà/ z-ândà ‘pole(s)’

b. class 7/8 c-ûngù/ z-ûngù ‘bird(s) sp.’
There are also vowel-initial stems where the vowel of the nominal prefix is
not deleted, but merges with the vowel of the nominal root, as in (7), where the
vowel /i/ of the root is maintained in the singular, but merges with the vowel /a/
of the nominal prefix in the plural form.
117
(7) a. class 1 mw-ìkà ‘slave’

b. class 2 /ba-ika/ > bèkà ‘slaves’
A second set of nominal prefix allomorphs are those of class 9 and 10. The basic
form of the prefixes of both class 9 and class 10 is a homorganic nasal, segmented
in the phonological transcription as N-, that combines with the initial consonant
of the nominal root. Morphophonological changes that accompany this prefix
have been discussed in §2.5.1. That the homorganic nasal functions as a nominal
prefix can be seen from the loss of the nasal when a nominal root shifts from
class 9/10 to another noun class which does not have a homorganic nasal as its
nominal prefix, as in (8).
(8) a. class 9 m-pòhò ‘bull’

b. class 6 mà-pòhò ‘bulls’
There are also indications that the homorganic nasal is losing its function as
a nominal prefix of class 9/10. Most nouns with an apparent N- prefix in class
9/10 do not lose the homorganic nasal when used in a different class, as in (9),
showing that in these nouns, the homorganic nasal has been reanalyzed as part of
the nominal root. There seems to be no conditioning on where the homorganic
nasal loses its status as a separate morpheme, and there is also inter-speaker
variation in its realization.
(9) a. class 9 m-pòndà ‘spear’

classs 6 mà-mpòndà ‘spears’
b. class 9 n-kúnjù ‘mortar’
class 6 mà-nkúnjù ‘mortars’
c. class 9 m-bútò ‘seed’
class 6 mà-mbútò ‘seeds’
Some borrowed stems that are assigned to class 9 take the N- prefix, as in (10a).
and (10b)., others take a zero prefix, as in (10c). and (10d). Note that in all cases,
these nouns function as class 9 nouns, that is, they trigger class 9 agreement on
their dependents.
(10) a. class 9 n-díshì ‘dish’

b. class 9 n-kèrékè ‘church’ (from Afrikaans kerk)
c. class 9 ∅-ràyîsì ‘rice’
d. class 9 ∅-fúrâyì ‘airplane’
118
4.1 Noun classes
A number of class 9 nouns can also occur in class 5, as seen from the nomi-
nal prefix and agreement pattern, as illustrated in (11). The choice of noun class
differs from speaker to speaker, and there appears to be no difference in inter-
pretation.
(11) èyí njôkà ~ èrí zyôkà

e-í N-jóka ~ e-rí ∅-zyóka
aug-dem.i9 np9 -snake aug-dem.i5 np5 -snake
‘snake’
Many nouns that were originally in class 9 are shifting to class 1a; this is es-
pecially (but not exclusively) the case for animal names. When a noun shifts to
class 1a, the homorganic nasal prefix is reanalyzed as part of the nominal stem,
as in (12). This initial nasal suggests that the noun originally belonged to class 9,
and its use in class 1a is a recent innovation.
(12) a. class 9 è-n-gwè ‘leopard’

b. class 1a ò-ngwè ‘leopard’
Variation between class 9 and 1a, such as in (12), is uncommon, and most class
1a nouns do not retain any trace of class 9 membership; they take agreement
markers of class 1a, and a plural in class 2 rather than class 10, as illustrated
with the noun ò-njòvù ‘elephant’ in (13); the prenasalization of the initial root
consonant suggests that it was originally in class 9, but in modern Fwe, this nasal
has been reanalyzed as part of the root, and ò-njòvù functions as a class 1a noun
only, as shown by its class 1 agreement pattern.
(13) ònjòvù àryâ

o-∅-njovu a-ryH -á̲
aug-np1a -elephant sm1 -eat-fv
‘The elephant eats.’
In Zambian Fwe, the N- prefix becomes part of the nominal root when the
noun shifts to class 1a, and no longer functions as a nominal prefix in any way.
In Namibian Fwe, however, the homorganic nasal prefix in class 1a nouns partly
functions as a prefix: while a shift to class 2 to express a plural does not involve
loss of the nasal, a shift to class 12 to express a diminutive causes the homorganic
nasal to be dropped. This is illustrated with the class 1a noun nshókò ‘monkey’,
which occurs in class 1a, as seen in (14), and takes its plural in class 2, as seen
in (15). In Namibian Fwe, shift to class 12 involves the loss of the nasal, as seen
119
in (16), but in Zambian Fwe, even in this case the nasal is maintained, as seen in
(17).
(14) òzyú ꜝnshókò
o-zyú ∅-nshokó
aug-dem.i1 np1a -monkey
‘this monkey’
(15) bàshókò
ba-shokó
NP2 -monkey
‘monkeys’
(16) kàshókóànà
ka-shokó-ana
np12 -monkey-dim
‘baby monkey’ (Namibian Fwe)
(17) kànshókóànà
ka-nshokó-ana
np12 -monkey-dim
‘baby monkey’ (Zambian Fwe)
Any class 1a noun loses its homorganic nasal when shifted to class 12. The
corresponding unprenasalized consonant has the same manner and place of ar-
ticulation as the original prenasalized consonant, as well as the same voicing.
Surprisingly, though, the morphophonological principles governing the changes
that take place when a consonant is prenasalized do not apply here. These deter-
mine, for instance, that continuants turn into stops before N- (see §2.5.1). The loss
of prenasalization that is observed here, however, does not turn stops back into
continuants. This means that /mb/, when it loses its homorganic nasal, changes
to the bilabial stop /b/ (written here as <bb>), and not to the fricative /β/: class
1a ómbwà ‘dog’ becomes class 12 ká-bbwà ‘small dog’. Similarly, when /nd/ loses
its homorganic nasal it changes to /d/, and not to /r/, e.g. class 1a ndávù ‘lion’ be-
comes class 12 kà-dávù ‘small lion’. /nj/ turns into /j/ rather than /ʒ/, as seen in the
class 1a noun njòvù ‘elephant’, that becomes class 12 kàjòvù ‘small elephant’; and
/ng/ turns into /g/ rather than being lost, as in the class 1a noun ngìrì ‘warthog’,
that becomes class 12 kà-gìrì ‘small warthog’.
Not only does this go against the general rules that govern the correspondence
between consonants with and without a homorganic nasal, it also results in a pro-
liferation of otherwise uncommon phonemes. Voiced stops are phonemic in Fwe,
120
4.1 Noun classes
but their use is limited and they are mainly found in loanwords. Their prenasal-
ized counterparts, however, are very common phonemes found in native words
as well. Therefore this surprising morphophonological alternation cannot be the
result of nativization, because it makes the form of these words less, rather than
more, native.
4.1.2 The augment

Nouns, as well as certain other nominal elements, can take an augment, a vocalic
prefix with a floating tone that precedes the nominal prefix. A similar prefix oc-
curs in different Bantu languages with different forms, where it is sometimes
called pre-prefix (Gambarage 2013; Visser 2008, among others). In this book, fol-
lowing de Blois (1970), Katamba (2003), Maho (1999) and others, the term “aug-
ment” will be used. There is extensive variation in the conditioning of the use of
the augment in Bantu languages; mostly, the use of the augment is conditioned by
syntactic, semantic, pragmatic or stylistic factors (de Blois 1970), or an intricate
combination thereof, such as in Luganda (Hyman & Katamba 1993). There are
also Bantu languages where the use of the augment is optional without apparent
conditioning (Maho 1998: 62), or where the use of the augment is becoming more
and more optional, such as Kagulu (Petzell 2003), and Namibian Totela (Crane
2019). This section describes the form of the augment in Fwe, showing that it con-
sists of both a vowel and a floating high tone, which can occur independently of
each other. Whether the augment has a grammatical function in Fwe is unclear:
in most cases there seems to be free variation between absence and presence of
the augment.
The nominal augment in Fwe consists of a single prefixed vowel e-, a- or o-,
combined with a floating high tone that is realized on the syllable preceding the
vowel of the augment. The augment displays vowel harmony with the vowel
of the nominal prefix: e- is used with nominal prefixes with a vowel /i/, which
includes the prefixes of class 4 mi-, class 7 ci-, class 8 zi-, as well as classes 5,
9 and 10, which lack a syllabic nominal prefix; o- is used with nominal prefixes
with a vowel /u/, which includes the prefixes of class 1 mu-, class 3 mu-, class 11
ru-, class 13 tu-, class 14 bu-, class 15 ku-, as well as the prefixless class 1a; and
a- is used with nominal prefixes with a vowel /a/, which includes the prefixes of
class 2 ba-, class 6 ma-, and class 12 ka-. The locative classes 16, 17 and 18 do not
have a nominal augment.
Nouns, adjectives, demonstratives, and infinitive verbs (which behave like nom-
inals) can all be used with or without the augment vowel, as illustrated in (18–21).
121
(18) òmùndárè ~ mùndárè

(o-)mu-ndaré
aug-np3 -maize
‘maize’
(19) mùndárè òmùgênè ~ mùndárè mùgênè
mu-ndaré (o-)mu-géne
np3 -maize (aug-)np3 -thin
‘small maize’
(20) òwìná mùndárè ~ wìná mùndárè
(o-)winá mu-ndaré
(aug-)dem.iv3 np3 -maize
‘this maize’
(21) òkùshàkà ~ kùshàkà
(o-)ku-shak-a
(aug-)inf-love-fv
‘to love’
Not all nouns can take the augment; the augment is never used with personal
names, as in (22), or with nouns that are marked with a secondary nominal prefix,
such as that of class 2 to mark a honorific, as in (23), or those of class 16, 17 or 18
to mark a location, as in (24).
(22) (*ò)Mwèzì
‘Mwezi’ (girl’s name)
(23) (*à)bàmùkéntù wángù
ba-mu-kéntu u-angú
np2 -np1 -woman pp1 -poss1SG
‘my wife’
(24) (*ò)kùrùwà
ku-ru-wa
np17 -np11 -field
‘at the field’
With these exceptions, there appears to be no conditioning on the use of the
augment vowel on nouns. Nouns may be used with or without the augment
vowel, and no change in meaning is observed, as illustrated with the noun njìngà
‘bicycle’ in (25).
122
4.1 Noun classes
(25) a. nìndákàùrá njìngà

ni-ndí̲-a-ka-ur-á N-jinga
pst-sm1SG -pst-dist-buy-fv np9 -bicycle
‘I bought a bicycle.’
b. nìndákàùr’ énjìngà
ni-ndí̲-a-ka-ur-á e-N-jinga
pst-sm1SG -pst-dist-buy aug-np9 -bicycle
‘I bought a bicycle.’ (NF_Elic15)
For demonstratives, the augment vowel is optional but its presence is often
governed by phonological well-formedness: monosyllabic demonstrative stems
strongly prefer the use of the augment; disyllabic demonstrative stems strongly
disprefer the use of the augment (see §4.3.2 on demonstratives).
As Fwe does not allow closed syllables, the vowel-initial syllable of the aug-
ment is usually preceded by a word ending in a vowel. The ensuing sequence
of two vowels is frequently subject to vowel hiatus resolution, by deleting the
vowel of the augment, as in (26); by deleting the final vowel of the preceding
word, as in (27); or by merging the two vowels as in (28–29) (see also 2.5.2 on
vowel hiatus resolution).
(26) ndìkwèsí bámbwà

ndi-kwesí a-ba-mbwá
sm1SG -have aug-np2 -dog
‘I have dogs.’
(27) ndìshák’ ènyàmà

ndi-shak-á̲ e-N-nyama
sm1SG -want-fv aug-np9 -meat
‘I want meat.’ (NF_Elic15)
(28) kànt’ úꜝndávù

kantí o-n-davú
then aug-np1a -lion
‘Well, the lion…’ (NF_Narr15)
(29) vùmw’ énênè

∅-vumó e-∅-néne
np5 -stomach aug-np5 -big
‘a big stomach’ (ZF_Elic14)
123
The augment has a floating high tone, which is realized on the vowel directly
preceding the augment vowel. The augment vowel itself is normally realized as
low-toned (unless a floating high tone is assigned by the nominal stem, see §3.2.1).
In (30), the floating high tone of the augment is realized on the preceding syllable,
the final vowel suffix -a of the infinitive verb, which is underlyingly toneless.
(30) kùkànká èŋòmbè (cf. kùkànkà ‘to slaughter’)

ku-kank-á e-N-ŋombe
inf-slaughter-fv aug-np9 -cow
‘to slaughter a cow’
However, because vowel hiatus resolution rules frequently reduce sequences

of adjacent vowels to a single vowel, the floating high tone of the augment may
revert to the vowel of the augment, when the preceding vowel is deleted. This is
illustrated in (31), where the floating high tone of the augment e- attaches to the
preceding syllable nka, but when -a merges with the vowel of the augment, the
floating high tone returns to the vowel of the augment.
(31) kùkànk’ éŋòmbè

ku-kank-á e-N-ŋombe
inf-slaughter-fv aug-np9 -cow
‘to slaughter a cow’
The vowel and the floating high tone of the augment can occur independently
of each other. In (32), the augment’s high tone is used, but its vowel is not. In (33),
the augment vowel is used, but without the high tone of the augment. It is also
possible for a noun to be used without either the vocalic or the tonal augment,
as in (34).
(32) kùshàyìká ꜝzíryò

ku-sháik-á zi-ryó
inf-cook-fv np8 -food
‘to cook food’ (NF_Elic15)
(33) kùkùmbìrà èzwáyì

ku-kumbir-a e-∅-zwái
inf-request-fv aug-np5 -salt
‘to ask for salt’ (ZF_Narr13)
124
4.1 Noun classes
(34) kùzímìsà mùrìrò

ku-zím-is-a mu-riro
inf-extinguish-caus-fv np3 -fire
‘to extinguish fire’ (NF_Elic15)
Even though the vowel and the high tone of the augment can occur indepen-
dently of each other, they are clearly related to each other. This can be seen from
the form of nouns that can never take a vocalic augment, such as personal names
or nouns with a secondary, honorific class 2 prefix. When an augmentless noun
follows a word with a low-toned final syllable, no high tone can be assigned to
this syllable, and no vocalic augment can be used on the noun, as in (35–36).
(35) a. ndìzyìː nyàmbè

ndi-zyiːH nyambe
sm1SG -know Nyambe
‘I know Nyambe.’
b. *ndìzyíː nyàmbè
(36) a. ndìsháká kùhòndèrà bámà

ndi-shak-á̲ ku-hond-er-a ba-∅-má
sm1SG -want-fv aug-inf-cook-appl-fv np2 -np1a -mother
‘I want to cook for my mother.’
b. *ndìsháká kùhòndèrá ꜝbámà (NF_Elic15)
Like its vowel, the use of the augment’s high tone is also optional, as shown
with the noun mà-shérêŋì ‘money’. This noun assigns a high tone to the preceding
syllable in (37a), which may also be absent, as in (37b). No difference in meaning
was observed between the two different realizations.
(37) a. ndìsháká òkùkòròtá màshérêŋì

ndi-shak-á̲ o-ku-korot-á ma-sheréŋi
sm1SG -want-fv aug-inf-borrow-fv np6 -money
‘I want to borrow some money.’
b. ndìsháká òkùkòròtà màshérêŋì
ndi-shak-á̲ o-ku-korot-a ma-sheréŋi
sm1SG -want-fv aug-inf-borrow-fv np6 -money
‘I want to borrow some money.’ (NF_Elic17)
125
A question that requires further investigation is whether the augment is com-

pletely optional, or whether the presence or absence of the augment correlates
with a certain change in meaning. One of the factors that may condition the use
of the augment in Bantu languages is referentiality, where the augment is absent
on non-referential nouns (Van de Velde 2019). This does not appear to be the case
in Fwe: on non-referential nouns, the augment may be present, as in (38), where
the augment’s high tone is discernable on the final vowel of the preceding infini-
tive verb, or absent, as in (39), where the final vowel of the preceding verb does
not bear a high tone.
(38) ndìsháká kùhònd’ énkôkò

ndi-shak-á̲ ku-hond-á e-N-kóko
sm1SG -want-fv aug-inf-cook-fv aug-np9 -porridge
‘I want to cook some porridge.’
(39) ndìsháká kùhònd’ ènkôkò

ndi-shak-á̲ ku-hond-a e-N-kóko
sm1SG -want-fv aug-inf-cook-fv aug-np9 -porridge
‘I want to cook some porridge.’ (NF_Elic17)
Another factor that can play a role in the conditioning of the augment in Bantu
languages is focus, where the absence of the augment correlates with focus (as
in, for instance, Luganda, Hyman & Katamba 1993). This, too, does not appear to
be the case in Fwe. The main strategy for expressing focus is the use of a cleft
construction, which is incompatible with the use of the augment (see §13.6 on
cleft constructions). Nouns that are not clefted are rarely in focus, but when they
are, both absence and presence of the augment is attested, as in (40), which is the
answer to the question: ‘What did you buy?’, so the noun njìngà ‘bicycle’ in the
answer is in focus.
(40) a. nìndákàùr’ énjìngà

pst-sm1SG -pst-dist-buy-fv aug-np9 -bicycle
‘I bought a bicycle.’
b. nìndákàùrá njìngà
ni-ndí̲-a-ka-ur-á N-jinga
pst-sm1SG -pst-dist-buy-fv np9 -bicycle
126
4.1 Noun classes
Examples where the presence of the tonal augment on a noun that is in focus
can be discerned, are currently not attested. The fact that the tone and vowel of
the augment can appear independently of each other complicates the analysis
of the possible functions of the augment in Fwe, leaving the possibility that the
augment’s tone and vowel are not conditioned by the same factors. Furthermore,
the presence of the augment vowel cannot always be discerned, in cases where
it may have undergone coalescence with the final vowel of a preceding word.
The presence of the high tone of the augment is even more difficult to establish,
as it may only surface when the noun is preceded by another word ending in a
toneless syllable. A future analysis of the functions of the augment in Fwe needs
to take all these factors into account.
4.1.3 Singular and plural pairings

Noun classes are paired; singular nouns are found in classes 1, 1a, 3, 5, 7, 9, 11,
12, 14 and 15, and their corresponding plurals in classes 2, 4, 6, 8, 10 and 13. The
majority of nominal roots can occur in both singular or plural form, some only
occur in a singular or only in a plural form. An overview of the combinations of
singular and plural classes that are attested is given in (41).
(41) Singular Plural

1 2, 6
1a 2
3 4
5 6
7 8
9 10, 6
11 10, 6, 13, 14, 1a
12 13, 5
14 6
15 6
The majority of nouns that occur in class 1 in the singular occur in class 2 in
the plural form, as in (42).
(42) a. class 1 mù-ntù ‘person’

class 2 bà-ntù ‘people’
b. class 1 mù-àmbì ‘speaker’
class 2 bà-àmbì ‘speakers’
127
Exceptions, where the plural form is in class 6 rather than class 2, are names
for ethnic groups, as in (43), and borrowings from Lozi, as in (44).
(43) class 1 mù-búrù ‘Afrikaner’

class 6 mà-búrù ‘Afrikaners’
(44) class 1 mù-rútì ‘teacher’

class 6 mà-rútì ‘teachers’
As discussed in §4.1.1, class 1a nouns often follow the behavior of class 1 nouns.
They also take the corresponding plural of class 1 nouns, which is class 2, as in
(45–46).
(45) class 1a ∅-nzìkè ‘single person’

class 2 bà-nzìkè ‘single people’
(46) class 1a ∅-nyâtì ‘buffalo’

class 2 bà-nyâtì ‘buffaloes’
Nouns that have their singular in class 3 have their plural in class 4, as in
(47–48).
(47) class 3 mù-bìrì ‘body’

class 4 mì-bìrì ‘bodies’
(48) class 3 mw-îngà ‘thorn’

class 4 mì-îngà ‘thorns’
For a small number of nouns, use in class 4 does not represent the plural of its
use in class 3, but a different meaning, which is not as predictable as a change
from singular to plural but nonetheless clearly semantically related; some exam-
ples are given in (49–50).
(49) class 3 mù-rèzù ‘chin’

class 4 mì-rèzù ‘beard’ (* ‘chins’)
(50) class 3 mù-ròmò ‘mouth’

class 4 mì-ròmò ‘lips’ (* ‘mouths’)
Nouns that have their singular in class 5 have their plural in class 6, as in (51),
and nouns that have their singular in class 7 have their plural in class 8, as in
(52).
128
4.1 Noun classes
(51) a. class 5 ∅-sèsì ‘bullfrog’

class 6 mà-sèsì ‘bullfrogs’
b. class 5 ∅-nôkà ‘hip’
class 6 mà-nôkà ‘hips’
(52) a. class 7 cì-bâtà ‘scar’

class 8 zì-bâtà ‘scars’
b. class 7 cì-fwìnsò ‘stopper’
class 8 zì-fwìnsò ‘stoppers’
(53–55), or in class 6, as in (56–58).
(53) class 9 m-búfù ‘bream’

class 10 m-búfù ‘breams’
(54) class 9 m-pâmpà ‘forked stick’

class 10 m-pâmpà ‘forked sticks’
(55) class 9 n-cùpà ‘whip’

class 10 n-cùpà ‘whips’
(56) class 9 n-jûò ‘house’

class 6 mà-zyûò ‘houses’
(57) class 9 n-gômà ‘drum’

class 6 mà-ômà ‘drums’
(58) class 9 n-káꜝmbámò ‘slope’

class 6 mà-nkáꜝmbámò ‘slopes’
Nouns that have their singular in class 11 have their corresponding plural in
class 10, as in (59–60), or in class 6, as in (61–62). Class 11 is also used as a singu-
lative; examples are given in §4.1.4.
(59) class 11 rù-kânì ‘jaw’

class 10 n-kânì ‘jaws’
(60) class 11 rù-shôshò ‘shinbone’

class 10 n-shôshò ‘shinbones’
(61) class 11 rù-nâkà ‘horn’

class 6 mà-nâkà ‘horns’
129
(62) class 11 rù-tângò ‘story, proverb’

class 6 mà-tângò ‘stories, proverbs’
(63–64).
(63) class 12 kà-cíyóꜝcíyò ‘chick’

class 13 tù-cíyóꜝcíyò ‘chicks’
(64) class 12 kà-nyàndì ‘fishing net’

class 13 tù-nyàndì ‘fishing nets’
Class 14 contains mostly nouns that occur only in the singular. Nouns with
their singular in class 14 that do have a plural have their plural in class 6, as in
(65–66).
(65) class 14 bú-tà ‘bow’

class 6 má-tà ‘bows’
(66) class 14 bù-kwízyù ‘fig tree’

class 6 mà-kwízyù ‘fig trees’
Only four nouns are attested that have their singular in class 15, listed in (67).
These have their plural in class 6. Other class 15 nouns are infinitives, which do
not have a plural form.
(67) class 15 kú-twì ‘ear’ class 6 má-twì ‘ears’

class 15 kw-àhà ‘armpit’ class 6 m-àhà ‘armpits’
class 15 kù-ùrù ‘leg’ class 6 mà-ùrù ‘legs’
class 15 kù-bôkò ‘arm’ class 6 mà-bôkò ‘arms’
Some nouns occur only in a singular class, and have no corresponding plural.
These are found in most singular classes, except class 1, which is restricted to
human referents. Many refer to abstract concepts, uncountable objects or mass
nouns, i.e. objects where counting is irrelevant or impossible, as in (68).
(68) class 1a shómbò ‘cassava leaves’

class 1a mvûrà ‘rain’
class 3 mù-mè ‘dew’
class 3 mù-rízìngè ‘ivy’
class 5 dùdùsâ ‘dust’
130
4.1 Noun classes
class 5 hûzyà ‘breath’

class 7 cì-fwè ‘Fwe (language)’
class 7 cì-nyùngèrà ‘type of dish’
class 9 m-bùndù ‘mist’
class 9 nyôtà ‘thirst’
class 11 rû-hò ‘wind’
class 11 rù-nèmbwè ‘cannabis’
class 12 kà-mwî ‘heat; mid-day’
class 12 ká-nsìkwè ‘darkness’
Fwe has also a number of nouns that occur only in a plural noun class, without
a corresponding singular form, as in (69). These are found in class 6, 8, and 10,
and include mass nouns and certain abstract concepts.
(69) class 6 m-ênjì ‘water’

class 6 mà-shêshwà ‘marriage’
class 6 mà-síkù ‘night’
class 8 zí-ryò ‘food’
class 8 zì-zyàmbìrò ‘gathered foods’
class 10 n-shúkì ‘hair’
class 10 n-kûnì ‘firewood’
class 10 n-têtè ‘berries sp.’
4.1.4 The semantics of noun classes

Some noun classes have a clear semantic core, others are used for a variety of
different nouns with no clear semantic coherence. An overview of the semantics
of each noun class is given in (70).
(70) 1 humans
2 plural of class 1, 1a
1a mainly animates
3 nature, tree and plant names; single body parts; tools; miscellaneous
4 plural of class 3
5 miscellaneous
6 plural of class 5; mass nouns, liquids; deverbal nouns; miscellaneous
7 miscellaneous
8 plural of class 7
9 miscellaneous
10 plural of class 9, 11
131
11 elongated objects; singulative; miscellaneous

12 diminutives, miscellaneous
13 plural of class 12
14 abstract nouns, mass nouns, miscellaneous
15 body parts, verbs
16 location: on, at or near
17 location, direction
18 location: inside
The semantic principles underlying the noun class system are also used for
derivation. Nouns may shift from their inherent noun class to a different noun
class, involving a change in semantics. These derivational functions will also be
illustrated in this section.
Class 1 is exclusively used for nouns referring to humans, as in (71).
(71) mù-ntù ‘person’

mù-sâ ‘thief’
mù-râmù ‘brother-in-law’
mù-shêrè ‘friend’
mù-sûmbà ‘pregnant woman’
Class 1a is mainly used for animate nouns, some human, including personal
names, some non-human, although it also contains a few inanimates, mainly
edible plants. Examples are given in (72).
(72) a. Humans
kàpàsò ‘policeman’
màrìânjò ‘virgin’
ŋàngà ‘doctor’
mfûzì ‘blacksmith’
b. Names
nyàmbè ‘Nyambe (boy’s name)’
nèzyûbà ‘Nezyuba (girl’s name)’
c. Animals
mvwì ‘kudu’
ŋárò ‘chameleon’
ngwènà ‘crocodile’
nkângà ‘guinea fowl’
132
4.1 Noun classes
d. Plants
(kà)ngùrù ‘sweet potato’
mbwîtì ‘horned melon’
shómbò ‘cassava leaves’
ndôngò ‘groundnuts’
e. Inanimates
mvûrà ‘rain’
(m)pótò ‘pot’
Class 1a nouns referring to humans are mainly restricted to borrowings, e.g.

the English or Afrikaans borrowing dòkótà ‘doctor’, and the Lozi borrowing kàpà-
sò ‘policeman’. Other human nouns in class 1a are kinship terms, e.g. mâmà
‘grandmother’, mâyè ‘mother’, bbâbbà ‘grandfather’.
The majority of nouns in class 1a are words for animals, although animal
names are also found in other classes. There seems to be no semantic coherence
as to which animal names are found in class 1a.
A group of nouns in class 1a that cuts across semantic groupings is nouns with
a derivational prefix shi-/si- or na-. These nouns, which can refer to humans, an-
imals or plants, are invariably assigned to class 1a. For more on this derivational
strategy, see §4.2.2.
Class 2 is used to form the plural of nouns in class 1 or 1a, but the class 2
nominal prefix can also be added to refer to a single person in a respectful way.
In this case the class 2 nominal prefix is used a secondary prefix; it precedes,
rather than replaces, the original nominal prefix. The resulting noun takes the
class 2 agreement pattern, as in (73), where the noun bàmùrútí, derived with the
class 2 prefix, triggers the use of a pronominal prefix of class 2.
(73) bàmùrútí bóꜝngánà

ba-mu-rutí ba-ó=nganá
np2 -np1 -teacher pp2 -con=smart
‘a smart teacher’
This differs from the use of the locative classes 16, 17 and 18, whose prefixes
are also used in addition to the noun’s original prefix, but who keep the agree-
ment pattern of the original noun class (see §4.1.5). Even more complicated agree-
ment patterns are seen with the nouns mùkêntù ‘wife’ and múꜝkwámè ‘husband’;
when used with a possessive, the possessive is marked with class 1 agreement
even when the head noun is marked with a class 2 honorific prefix, as in (74).
All other modifiers, however, do take class 2 agreement, as is the case with the
133
demonstrative in (75), and the subject and object marker referring to bàmùkéntù
wángù ‘my wife’, as in (76).
(74) bàmùkéntù wángù

ba-mu-kéntu u-angú
np2 -np1 -woman pp1 -poss1SG
‘my wife’
(75) àbá bàmúꜝkwámè wénù

a-bá ba-mú-kwamé u-enú
aug-dem.i2 np2 -np1 -husband pp1 -poss2PL
‘this husband of yours’ (NF_Narr15)
(76) háìbà bàmùkéntù wángù bàkwèsì nyàzì mbòndíbàkâːnè

háiba ba-mu-kéntu u-angú ba-kwesi N-nyazi
when np2 -np1 -wife pp1 -poss1SG sm2 -have np9 -lover
mbo-ndí̲-baH -ká̲ːH n-e
near.fut-sm1SG -om2 -refuse-pfv.sbjv
‘If my wife has a lover, I will divorce her.’ (ZF_Conv13)
The honorific use of ba- is required when the speaker wants to refer to anyone
older than himself, as well as to anyone who generally commands respect, such
as teachers, policemen, chiefs and other figures of authority. The honorific prefix
can also be used with personal names, as in (77–78).
(77) bá-nyàmbè
‘Mr. Nyambe’
(78) bà-klàwùdìà
‘Mrs. Claudia’
When no noun is used, class 2 agreement can be used to refer to a single person
in a respectful way, such as the use of the class 2 subject marker in (79), or the
class 2 object marker in (80).
(79) bàzyíbéhèrè
ba-zyiH b-é̲here
sm2 -know-neut.stat
‘S/he is well-known.’
134
4.1 Noun classes
(80) mùbàhé cìpùrà bàkáréhò

mu-baH -haH -é̲ ci-pura ba-kaH r-e=hó̲
sm2PL -om2 -give-pfv.sbjv np7 -chair sm2 -sit-pfv.sbjv=loc16
‘Give her a chair to sit on.’ (NF_Elic15)
The use of plural forms as a marker of respect is also used for the second
person; this use is discussed for subject and object markers in Sections 7.1-7.2,
and for personal pronouns in §5.1.
As seen in (81), class 3 contains nouns from various semantic fields: trees,
plants, or other natural phenomena in the broad sense of the word; body parts,
mainly those which do not occur in pairs; tools, used in cooking, hunting, medi-
cal procedures, or for general chores. Many other nouns in class 3 do not fall into
either of these categories.
(81) a. Trees
mù-swîtì ‘magic guarri (Euclea divinorum)’
mù-táfùnànjòvù ‘acacia’
mù-kûsì ‘Zambezi teak (Baikiaea plurijuga)’
b. Plants
mù-nshàrè ‘sugar cane’
mù-shwátì ‘sugar cane’
mù-tébè ‘reed (Typha capensis)’
c. Natural
mw-êzì ‘moon, month’
phenomena mù-fwè ‘stone’
mù-nùnkò ‘(bad) smell’
mú-ꜝnzúrè ‘shadow; malaria’
m-òyà ‘wind’
d. Unpaired body parts
mù-cîrà ‘tail’
m-òzyò ‘heart’
mù-rívù ‘windpipe’
mù-shânà ‘back’
e. Tools
mù-shûwì ‘horn for sucking blood from a wound’
mù-sókwânì ‘stirring stick’
mù-nséfà ‘sieve’
mw-ìnshì ‘pestle’
mù-wàyò ‘arrow’
135
f. Miscellaneous
mù-zîò ‘load’
mù-zwákêrà ‘poison’
mù-sûngà ‘belt
mù-sébézì ‘work’
Class 5 contains nouns with varying semantics: nouns referring to paired body
parts; other paired items; mass nouns. Class 5 also contains many loanwords
from non-Bantu languages; their incorporation into class 5 is facilitated by the
zero nominal prefix of this class. An overview is given in (82).
(82) a. Paired body parts
háfù ‘lung’
nshwê ‘breast’
rákàtà ‘gill’
r-îshò ‘eye’
b. Other paired items
nyàtérà ‘sandal’
nyìnyánì ‘earring’
sìkíò ‘earring’
kàmbà ‘river bank’
c. Mass nouns
shékèshêkè ‘sand’
tàpà ‘mud’
túꜝkútà ‘dirt’
é-twè ‘ash’
sûtù ‘chaff’
d. Loanwords
fônì ‘phone’
jókwè ‘yoke’
sákà ‘bag’; from Afrikaans sak ‘bag’
hèmêrè ‘bucket’; from Afrikaans emmer ‘bucket’
ᵍǀúmù ‘edible reed’; from Ju gǂkò’m ‘milky sap’ (Gunnink et al. 2015:
227)
As discussed in §4.1.3, many nouns that occur only in the plural form are found
in class 6. These include non-count nouns, especially those referring to liquids;
paired items that are always referred to with a plural form, or only occur in
the plural; abstract concepts, and deverbal nouns. These semantic categories are
illustrated in (83).
136
4.1 Noun classes
(83) a. Non-count nouns

mà-hìrà ‘sorghum’
mà-shérêŋì ‘money’
mà-bérè ‘millet’
b. Liquids
mà-bísì ‘sour milk’
mà-ròhà ‘blood’
m-ênjì ‘water’
c. Paired items
mà-gìrázì ‘(eye-)glasses’
mà-shángànjìrà ‘crossroads’
mà-zyòvù ‘twins’
d. Abstract concepts
mà-ntà ‘power’
mà-rwêzyà ‘taboo’
e. Deverbal nouns
mà-hóndêrò ‘kitchen’; cf. hònd-à ‘cook’
mà-kwátìrò ‘handle’ cf. kwât-à ‘grab’
mà-rârò ‘room’ cf. râːr-à ‘sleep’
Nouns in class 7 mostly refer to inanimate objects, including those derived

from verbs, or to the names of languages, as in (84).
(84) a. Miscellaneous
cì-zùmà ‘basket with lid’
inanimate cì-byà ‘household item’
cì-mátè ‘wall’
b. Deverbal nouns
cì-fwìnsò ‘stopper, seal’, cf. fwìns-à ‘seal’
cí-fò ‘poison used in hunting’, cf. fw-à ‘die’
cí-àzò ‘door’ cf. àr-à ‘close’
cì-bónàntù ‘something visible’, cf. bôn-à ‘see’
cì-téndântù ‘action’ cf. tènd-à ‘do’
c. Language names
cì-fwè ‘Fwe’
cì-búrù ‘Afrikaans’
cì-kúwà ‘English’
cì-rwîzyì ‘Lozi’
137
Some nouns in class 7 have a derogatory meaning, or express something that

is useless, bad, or broken. This derogatory meaning may be seen in underived
nouns, as illustrated in (85); class 7 contains the names of diseases, of disfunc-
tional or undesirable body parts, of animals that are useless or harmful to hu-
mans, and of humans of low social status, or with physical disabilities; the latter,
however, may also occur in class 1.
(85) Class 7 nouns with a derogatory meaning
a. Diseases
cì-kâzì ‘women’s disease’
cì-sháꜝmátwà ‘kind of illness (involving nausea)’
cì-sóngò ‘kind of illness’
cì-rwârù ‘disease (generic)’
b. Disfunctional/ undesirable body parts
cì-tùkùtùkù ‘sweat’
cì-bâtà ‘scar’
cì-ⁿǀûshù ‘sore’
cì-rábì ‘wound’
c. Useless or harmful animals
cì-mbòtwè ‘frog’
cì-sînzì ‘termite’
cì-shûmì ‘biting insect’
cîː-rì ‘puff-adder’
cì-bàtànà ‘predator, wild animal’
d. Humans with physical disabilities or low social status
cì-nkómbwà ‘slave’
cì-púrùpúrù ‘deaf and dumb person’
cì-dàkwà ‘heavy drinker, alcoholic’
cì-kébéngà ‘criminal’
cì-hórè ‘disabled person’
cí-yàzì ‘traitor’
A derogatory meaning can also be derived by shifting a noun to class 7, such
as mbwà ‘dog’, inherently in class 1a, which can be shifted to class 7 cí-bbwà
‘stupid/ugly dog’ to derive a derogative. Class 7 agreement may also be used to
express a derogative meaning, as illustrated in (86–87), an excerpt from a story.
The speaker relays how he cuts off his own eye that has been wounded. In (86),
the word for ‘eye’, rínshò, is used in its inherent class 5, because it is still attached
to his body; once cut off, he refers to the eye with agreement concords of class 7
138
4.1 Noun classes
in (87). This is in line with the tendency for class 7 to contain disfunctional body
parts.
(86) àhà ndíkèːzyà kùtêyè èrí rînshò ndìzèràzérà ndìrìkóshórèkò búryò
a-ha ndí̲-keːzy-a kutéye e-rí ri-ínsho
aug-dem.i16 sm1SG .rel-come-fv that aug-dem.i5 np5 -eye
ndi-zera-zer-á̲ ndi-riH -koH shó̲r-e=ko bu-ryó
sm1SG -pl2-dangle-fv sm1SG -om5 -cut-pfv.sbjv=loc17 np14 -just
‘Then, when I saw that the eye was dangling, let me just cut it.’
(87) àhà ndákùcíkòshòrà
a-ha ndí̲-aku-cí-koshor-a
aug-dem.i16 sm1SG .rel-npst.ipfv-om7 -cut-fv
‘When I had cut it…’ (ZF_Narr14)
As seen in (88), the semantics of nouns in class 9/10 is very varied; it con-
tains words for manufactured objects, for a wide variety of mental and physical
sensations, abstract concepts, especially those derived from verbs, and animals,
especially those that are useful for humans, which includes but is not limited to
domesticated animals. This is not an exhaustive list of categories; many nouns
in class 9/10 do not fit these semantic criteria.
(88) Semantics of class 9/10 nouns
a. Manufactured objects
ŋòmézò ‘button’
zândò ‘fishing trap (made out of reed)’
n-gômà ‘drum (musical instrument)’
n-kwánà ‘pot for beer or water’
b. Mental and physical sensations
fúfà ‘jealousy’
nyôtà ‘thirst’
m-péhò ‘cold; malaria’
n-zózì1 ‘dreaming’
n-sépò ‘hope’
ŋônzì ‘sleep, drowsiness’
c. Abstract concepts
n-tùkèrò ‘responsibility, right’
n-gàzyàrò ‘plan’
n-kàwùhânò ‘divorce’
n-gùrìsò ‘profit’
139
d. Useful animals
n-gù ‘sheep’
ŋòmbè ‘cow’
m-pênè ‘goat’
m-bòmà ‘python’2
n-swì ‘fish’
m-púkà ‘bee’
Class 11 contains many nouns referring to elongated objects, including grass

and reed species, as in (89).
(89) Semantics of class 11 nouns
a. Reed species
rù-tàkà ‘reed’
rú-ⁿǀáⁿǀà ‘sedge-leaf (Kylinga alba)’
rù-ǀómà ‘papyrus’
rù-kwê ‘reed (Schoenoplectus corymbosus)’
b. Grass species
rù-gwáràrà ‘grass (Juncus krausii)’
rù-sîwù ‘grass (Cyperus fulgens)’
rù-fíyêrò ‘grass (Stipagrostis uniplumis)’
c. Other elongated objects
rù-kwákwà ‘fence’
rw-îzyì ‘river’
rù-hátì ‘rib’
rù-shòshò ‘tibia’
rù-òngòrà ‘backbone’
Class 11 is also used as to derive a singulative; a noun stem can be shifted to
class 11 to express a singular entity of something that usually does not occur by
itself, as in (90).
(90) a. class 3 mù-tàkà ‘reeds’

class 11 rù-tàkà ‘a single reed’
b. class 1a ndôngò ‘groundnuts’
class 11 rù-ndôngò ‘a single groundnut’
1
Fwe distinguishes nzózì, the process of dreaming, from cì-rôːtò, the content of the dream.
2
As I was told by my informants, the python is the only snake that is eaten.
140
4.1 Noun classes
c. class 10 m-bàrè ‘seeds, pips’

class 11 rù-bàrè ‘a single seed, pip’
d. class 14 bw-ékè ‘grains’
class 11 rw-ékè ‘a single grain’
Class 12/13 is the diminutive class; it contains a number of nouns that only
occur in class 12/13, mostly nouns referring to small things, including small or
young animals, and also a number of utensils and tools used in food preparation.
These are illustrated in (91).

a. Small items
kà-shòtò ‘fish hook’
ká-nshèrèrè ‘small mushroom sp.’
kà-nyùndwè ‘pebble’
kà-shùtò ‘fishing hook’
b. Small animals
kà-nàmánì ‘calf’
kà-cíyóꜝcíyò ‘chick’
kà-bérèbèrè ‘centipede’
kà-mbàryàmbàryà ‘lizard sp.’
c. Small body parts
kà-téntèrè ‘xiphoid bone’
ká-ꜝnénsà ‘pink, little toe’
kà-sîyè ‘forehead wrinkle’
d. Utensils
kà-tûò ‘spoon’
kà-sûbà ‘dish’
kà-róngò ‘pot’
kà-nkúnè ‘smoking shelf’ (for smoking foods, such as fish)
kà-fùrò ‘knife’
kà-ìngà ‘bowl’
Class 12/13 is productively used to derive a diminutive from nouns that occur
in other classes, as illustrated in (92).
(92) a. class 1 mw-âncè ‘child’

class 12 k-âncè ‘small child’
141
b. class 5 hànjà ‘hand’

class 12 kà-hànjà ‘small hand
c. class 7 cì-púrà ‘chair’
class 12 kà-púrà ‘stool’
d. class 9 n-jûò ‘house’
class 12 kà-jûò ‘small house’
Nouns in this class may also be combined with the diminutive suffix -ána (see
§4.2.2).
Class 14 contains mainly words for abstract concepts, but also a few mass
nouns, and a few words for types of trees, especially large trees. Examples are
given in (93).

a. Abstract concepts
bú-sò ‘front’
bù-hârò ‘life’
bù-zûnzù ‘loneliness’
bù-sîrù ‘stupidity’
bù-shèbè ‘gossip’
b. Mass nouns
bûː-cì ‘honey’
bw-ékè ‘grains’
bù-sùnsò ‘relish’
c. Trees
bù-kwízyù ‘fig tree’
bù-hómà ‘mongongo tree (Schinziophyton rautanenii)’
bù-zyíyì ‘tree (Berchemia discolor)’
Class 14 is also used to derive abstract nouns from other nouns or from adjec-
tives, as in (94).
(94) a. class 1 mù-ntù ‘person’

class 14 bù-ntù ‘humanity’
b. class 1 mù-ròzì ‘witch’
class 14 bù-ròzì ‘witchcraft’
c. class 1 mù-kúwà ‘white person’
class 14 bù-kúwà ‘town; any area dominated by white people’
142
4.1 Noun classes
d. adjective kûrù ‘old’

class 14 bù-kûrù ‘old age’
e. adjective rêː ‘long’
class 14 bù-rêː ‘length’
Aside from infinitives, class 15 contains only four nouns, all referring to parts
of the body (see (67)) in §4.1.3). Some of these are being reassigned to class 5, e.g.
kú-twì ‘ear’ and kù-bôkò ‘arm’ can also function as class 5 nouns, losing their
class 15 prefix ku-. The remainder of this class consists of infinitives, which can
function as nouns: an infinitive can function as a subject, for instance, triggering
class 15 subject agreement on the verb, as in (95).
(95) òkùhísà kwàndìkwángìsì
o-ku-ís-a ku-a-ndi-kwáng-is-i
aug-inf-burn-fv sm15 -pst-om1SG -tire-caus-npst.pfv
‘The heat has made me tired.’ (NF_Elic15)
Classes 16, 17 and 18 are locative classes. Very few nouns have inherent class
16, 17 or 18 membership, and these classes are mainly used derivationally; their
semantics are discussed in §4.1.5.
4.1.5 The locative noun classes

Class 16, 17 and 18 are locative classes; they indicate a location on (class 16), at
(class 17) or in (class 18) an object. Only the root ntu can take a locative prefix as
its only nominal prefix, occuring as class 16 ha-ntu, class 17 ku-ntu, and class 18
mu-ntu. This same nominal root also occurs in other, non-locative noun classes,
e.g. class 1 mu-ntu ‘person’, class 7 ci-ntu ‘thing’, class 11 ru-ntu ‘pupil (of the
eye)’, and class 14 bu-ntu ‘humanity’. To express a locative meaning with other
nouns, the locative prefix is added before the noun’s own nominal prefix as a
secondary prefix, as in (96–98).
(96) hàmùkwàkwà
ha-mu-kwakwa
np16 -np3 -road
‘on the road’
(97) kùrùwà
ku-ru-wa
np17 -np11 -field
‘at the field’
143
(98) mùmùnzì
mu-mu-nzi
np18 -np3 -village
‘in the village’
The nouns ha-ntu / ku-ntu /mu-ntu take the agreement pattern of the locative
classes, as illustrated for the class 16 noun hàntù ‘place’, in (99). Nouns that are
marked with a secondary locative prefix, however, keep the agreement pattern
of their original noun class, as illustrated with derived class 16 noun hàmùtwí ‘on
the head’ in (100), which triggers class 3 agreement on the following possessive
pronoun.
(99) hàntù hònkêː

ha-ntu ha-o=nkéː
np16 -place pp16 -con=one
‘one place, the same place’
(100) hàmùtwí ꜝwángù

ha-mu-twí u-angú
np16 -np3 -head pp3 -poss1SG
‘on my head’
When a noun has a prenominal modifier, the locative prefix is prefixed to this
modifier, rather than to the noun itself, as illustrated in (101) with the possessive,
which is pre-nominal when used contrastively (see §4.3.5 on possessives), and
in (102) with the demonstrative, whose canonical position is before the noun it
modifies (see §4.3.2 on demonstratives).
(101) mùwètú mùshòbò

mu-u-etú mu-shobo
np18 -pp3 -poss1PL np3 -language
‘in our language’
(102) mòwíná mùnzì

mu-o-winá mu-nzi
np18 -dem.iv3 np3 -village
‘in that village’
Locative prefixes are usually attached to augmentless forms, with two excep-
tions. Firstly, demonstratives retain their augment when marked with a locative
prefix, as in (103–104).
144
4.1 Noun classes
(103) hèrìn’ éshâshà

ha-e-riná e-∅-shásha
np16 -aug-dem.iv5 aug-np5 -mat
‘on that mat’ (NF_Elic17)
(104) rìyá kwábà bàkázànà básìshèshìwâ

ri-y-á̲ kú-a-ba ba-kázana bá̲-siH -sheH sh-iw-á̲
sm5 -go-fv np17 -aug-dem.i2 np2 -lady sm2 .rel-prs-marry-pass-fv
‘It [the story] goes to these ladies who are not yet married.’ (NF_Narr17)
Secondly, in Namibian Fwe, nouns that take an augment e-, and that lack a
syllabic noun class prefix, e.g. those of class 5, 9 or 10, may retain the augment
when combined with a locative prefix. The regular rules of vowel hiatus resolu-
tion apply (see §2.5.2), resulting in the forms ha- e- > he- for class 16, as in (105)
ku- e- > kwi- for class 17, as in (106), and mu- e- > mwi- for class 18, as in (107).
(105) ndìráːrà héshâshà

ndi-rá̲ːH r-a há-e-∅-shásha
sm1SG -sleep-fv np16 -aug-np5 -mat
‘I sleep on a mat.’ (NF_Elic15)
(106) mbòndíshùmìn’ ómùhàrà kwítêndè

mbo-ndí̲-shuH min-é̲ o-mu-hara kú-e-∅-ténde
near.fut-sm1SG -tie-pfv.sbjv aug-np3 -rope np17 -aug-np5 -foot
‘I will tie the rope to my foot.’ (NF_Narr15)
(107) kùshàmbà mwízìbà

ku-shamb-a mú-e-∅-ziba
inf-swim-fv np18 -aug-np5 -lake
‘to swim in the lake’
These forms are not found in Zambian Fwe, and even in Namibian Fwe, the
change of ku- and mu- to kwi- and mwi- before e- is optional; this could be related
to the optional status of the augment vowel (see §4.1.2), where the ku- and mu-
forms indicate that the noun is used without an augment.
The locative prefixes of class 17 and 18 have an allomorph that is used with
names; kwa- for class 17, as in (108), and mwa- for class 18, as in (109). The locative
prefix of class 16 ha- remains unchanged when used with names, as in (110). Class
1a nouns other than names take the regular forms ha-, ku- and mu-, as shown
for class 18 mu- in (111).
145
(108) hàmàkângà
ha-makánga
np16 -Makanga
‘at Makanga’
(109) kwàmòngù
kwa-mongu
np17 -Mongu
‘in Mongu’
(110) mwànàmìbìà
mwa-namibia
np18 -Namibia
‘in Namibia’
(111) mùpótò
mu-∅-potó
np18 -np1a -pot
‘in the pot’
The three locative noun classes each have their own semantics. Class 16 is used
to mark a location on something, as in (112–114), or a more general location at or
near something, as in (115–116).
(112) kúkàrà hácìpúrà

kú-kar-a há-ci-purá
inf-sit-fv np16 -np7 -chair
‘to sit on a chair’
(113) àrâːrà hámùmbétà

a-rá̲ːH r-a há-mu-mbetá
sm1 -sleep-fv np16 -np3 -bed
‘S/he sleeps on the bed.’ (NF_Elic15)
(114) àkéːzyà kùzyímànà hékàmbà

a-ké̲ːzy-a ku-zyíman-a há-e-∅-kamba
sm1 -come-fv inf-stand-fv np16 -aug-np5 -bank
‘He comes to stand on the river bank.’ (NF_Narr15)
146
4.1 Noun classes
(115) tùzânà hámùkítì

tu-zá̲n-a há-mu-kití
sm1PL -dance-fv np16 -np3 -party
‘We dance at the party.’
(116) àzyíménè hácìzyì

a-zyiH mé̲ne há-ci-zyi
sm1 -stand.stat np16 -np7 -door
‘S/he stands at the door.’ (NF_Elic15)
When combined with the verb zw ‘come out’, the class 16 locative can be used
to indicate a motion away from an original point, as in (117).
(117) àmàròhà àzwá hàcìrábì

a-ma-roha a-zw-á̲ ha-ci-rabí
aug-np6 -blood sm6 -come_out-fv np16 -np7 -wound
‘Blood comes from the wound.’ (NF_Elic15)
The class 17 locative is mostly used to express a more general location at or

near something, as in (118–119), or a direction, as in (120).
(118) àbâncè kùcìkóró kábàkénà shûnù

a-ba-ánce ku-ci-koró ka-bá̲-kena shúnu
aug-np2 -child np17 -np7 -school pst.ipfv-sm2 -be_at today
‘The children were at school today.’ (ZF_Elic14)
(119) ndàmùsíyì kù kùnjìrà

ndi-a-mu-sí-i ku ku-N-jira
sm1SG -pst-om1 -leave-npst.pfv dem.i17 np17 -np9 -path
‘I’ve left him there, on the path.’ (ZF_Narr13)
(120) ndìyá ꜝkúmùnzì

ndi-y-á̲ kú-mu-nzi
sm1SG -go-fv np17 -np3 -village
‘I go home.’ (NF_Elic15)
The class 18 locative is used to express a location inside something, as in (121–

122). With verbs of motion, the class 18 locative expresses a movement into, or
out of, a location inside an object, as in (123–124).
147
(121) ndìkèrè múnjûò

ndi-keH re mú-N-júo
sm1SG -sit.stat np18 -np9 -house
‘I’m sitting in the house.’ (NF_Elic17)
(122) ècìkúnì càkùrí kùdánsì mùnjîrà

e-ci-kúni ci-aku-rí ku-dá̲ns-i mu-N-jíra
aug-np7 -stick sm7 -npst.ipfv-be inf-lie-imp.stat np18 -np9 -path
‘The stick was lying on the path.’
(123) àshòtòkérá mùmênjì

a-shoH tok-er-á̲ mu-ma-ínji
sm1 -jump-appl-fv np18 -np6 -water
‘S/he jumps into the water.’
(124) òzwé mùkàmwî

o-zw-é̲ mu-ka-mwí
sm2SG -come_out-pfv.sbjv np18 -np12 -sun
‘Come out of the sun.’ (NF_Elic15)
The locative prefixes also have a number of non-locative uses. The class 16
and 18 locatives can be used to express a location in time, as in (125–126). The
temporal use of class 16 is also seen in the demonstrative of class 16 (see §4.3.2
on demonstratives).
(125) hàrùmwî
ha-ru-mwí
np16 -np11 -summer
‘in summer’
(126) mùnàkò yómvûrà

mu-N-nako i-ó=∅-mvúra
np18 -np9 -time pp9 -con=np1a -rain
‘in the rainy season’
The class 17 locative can be used to express a partitive, as in (127). It can also
be used to mark a polite request, as in (128); this use is related to its partitive use,
e.g. the request for the phone is “softened” by asking for only part of the phone.
The use of class 17 to express a partitive or polite request is also seen with the
class 17 locative clitic -ko (see §7.4 on locative clitics).
148
4.1 Noun classes
(127) bàtòmá ꜝkwínyàmà

ba-tom-á̲ kú-e-N-nyama
sm2 -share-fv np17 -aug-np9 -meat
‘S/he shares from the meat.’
(128) ndìóːr’ òkùkárìmà kwífòní ꜝyénù
ndi-ó̲ːr-a o-ku-kárim-a kú-e-∅-foní i-enú
sm1SG -can-fv aug-inf-borrow-fv np17 -aug-np9 -phone pp9 -poss2PL
‘Can I borrow your phone?’ (NF_Elic17)
The class 17 locative ku- can be used to mark an agent in a construction where
an agent cannot be marked as a core argument. This is the case, for instance, for
verbs with the passive derivation, as in (129), or nouns, as in (130). The class 17
prefix ku- may also be used to express less canonical agents, as in (131), or even
peripheral arguments functioning as a reason or circumstance, rather than an
agent, as in (132). The agentive use of the class 17 prefix is also seen in various
other Bantu languages (Fleisch 2005).
(129) nàshúmìwà kúmbwà
na-shúm-iw-a kú-∅-mbwá
sm1 .pst-bite-pass-fv np17 -np1a -dog
‘He was bitten by a dog.’ (NF_Elic17)
(130) ndóꜝrúfù rùbànyámùzàmbàràrà kúnjòvù
ndó-ru-fú ru-ba-nyá-muzambarara
cop.def11 -np11 -death pp11 -np2 -mother-Muzambarara
kú-∅-njovu
np17 -np1a -elephant
‘That is the death of Mrs. Muzambarara by the elephant.’ (ZF_Narr15)
(131) ècìzyábáró ꜝcángù càbúrûkì kúꜝrúːhò
e-ci-zyabaró ci-angú ci-a-bur-ú̲k-i
aug-np7 -shirt pp7 -poss1SG sm7 -pst-blow-sep.intr-npst.pfv
kú-rúː-ho
np17 -np11 -wind
‘My shirt was blown away by the wind.’ (NF_Elic15)
(132) èzìzwátò zìnàbómbì kúmvûrà
e-zi-zwáto zi-na-bó̲mb-i kú-∅-mvúra
aug-np8 -cloth sm8 -pst-become_wet-npst.pfv np17 -np1a -rain
‘The clothes have become wet because of the rain.’ (NF_Elic15)
149
4.1.6 Noun class assignment of loanwords

Because every noun in Fwe belongs to a noun class, new words that enter the lan-
guage through borrowing also need to be assigned to a noun class. This section is
about the principles that are used in noun class assignment of loanwords. Differ-
ences are observed between loanwords originating from other Bantu languages,
which also have a noun class system often quite similar in form and function to
that of Fwe, and loanwords originating from non-Bantu languages, which lack
noun classes. Borrowings from Bantu languages are often assigned to the noun
class whose prefix is formally most similar to the prefix of the borrowed word.
Borrowings from non-Bantu languages use other processes, notably assignment
to a default class, but also the more uncommon process of paralexification (Gun-
nink et al. 2015).
Fwe has borrowed extensively from Lozi, and a small number of words can be
identified as borrowings from Mbukushu and Yeyi. Loanwords from other Bantu
languages, such as Totela, Subiya and Shanjo, are likely to exist but difficult to
identify. This is due to the limited lexical documentation of these languages, but
also their close genealogical relationship to Fwe, which makes such borrowings
difficult to distinguish from native Fwe words.
As can be seen from Table 4.3, Lozi borrowings are usually incorporated into
the same noun class in Fwe as in Lozi. For most classes, this may simply be the
result of the similar forms of nominal prefixes, for instance, for class 1 and 3,
where the prefix is mu- in both Fwe and Lozi, or class 7, where the prefix is ci- in
Fwe and si- in Lozi. However, borrowed nouns also retain their noun class when
Fwe and Lozi do not have similar nominal prefixes. This is the case for nouns of
class 5, where Fwe has a zero prefix but Lozi uses the prefix li-. The assignment
of nouns that are in class 5 in Lozi to class 5 in Fwe may be the result of their
plural; in both Lozi and Fwe the plural corresponding to class 5 takes the class 6
prefix ma-. The assignment of borrowings to corresponding noun classes, even in
the absence of a similar nominal prefix, may be the result of the fairly extensive
Fwe-Lozi bilingualism in Fwe-speaking communities.
Fwe has also borrowed words from various Khoisan languages, notably the
Khoe language (West-Caprivi) Khwe, and the Kx’a language Ju (Gunnink et al.
2015). As the donor language is not a Bantu language, formal similarities between
the noun class system of the donor language and that of Fwe cannot play a role in
noun class assignment. Instead, many Khoisan borrowings in Fwe are assigned
to a noun class on the basis of the noun class of a semantically similar or iden-
tical native Fwe word, such as Fwe mú-ⁿǀùryà ‘type of lizard’, which is assigned
to noun class 3 on the basis of its synonym mù-shúndùkìrè, a native Fwe word
with the same meaning which is also in class 3 (Gunnink et al. 2015: 207). This
150
4.1 Noun classes
Table 4.3: Lozi loanwords in Fwe
Fwe Lozi
1 mù-rútì ‘teacher’ 1 mu-luti ‘teacher’
3 mù-ràhò ‘law’ 3 mu-lao ‘law’
3 mù-râkà ‘kraal’ 3 mu-laka ‘kraal’
5 rápà ‘courtyard’ 5 li-lapa ‘courtyard’
5 zúpà ‘wet clay’ 5 li-zupa ‘clay’
5 kòndè ‘banana’ 5 li-konde ‘banana’
7 cì-pátù ‘duck’ 7 si-pato ‘duck’
7 cì-rìmò ‘season, year’ 7 si-limo ‘year’
9 nyàzì ‘lover’ 9 nyazi ‘concubine’
process is referred to as ‘paralexification’ (Mous 2001), and is not commonly used

as a strategy for noun class assignment of borrowings by Bantu languages. The
paralexification of Khoisan borrowings in Fwe and related languages, and the
implications this has for the analysis of the contact situation, are discussed in
Gunnink et al. (2015). Not all Khoisan borrowings are assigned to a noun class
on the basis of the paralexification of an existing noun; examples where evidence
for paralexification is lacking (though it may have taken place on the basis of a
noun that has since been lost) are given in Table 4.4.
Fwe has also borrowed from English and Afrikaans, as listed in Table 4.5. These
borrowings are usually assigned to class 5 or 9, both noun classes with minimal
morphological marking.
The only example of a borrowed noun assigned to class 1a is the English bor-
rowing pótò ‘pot’, which functions as a class 1a noun in Zambian Fwe, as in (133),
but as a class 9 noun in Namibian Fwe, as in (134), as seen by their respective
agreement patterns.
(133) òzyú ꜝpótò

o-zyú ∅-potó
aug-dem.i1 np1a -pot
‘this pot’ (Zambian Fwe)
(134) èyí ꜝmpótò

e-í N-potó
aug-dem.i9 np9 -pot
‘this pot’ (Namibian Fwe)
151
Table 4.4: Possible Khwe and Ju (!Xung/!Xun/!Xuun/Ju|’hoan) loan-

words in Fwe
noun class Fwe word translation putative source word

3 mù-gwégwèsì ‘ankle bone’ gwéː ‘ankle’ (Neitsas/Nurugas
!Xung, Doke 1925)
ǂ’hòèǂ’hòrè ‘ankle bone’
(Ju|’hoan, Snyman 1975: 107)
5 shèngà ‘liver’ cŋ́ ‘liver’ (Northwestern !Xun,
König & Heine 2008: 18)
tchín (ka) ‘liver’ (Ju|’hoan,
Dickens 1994: 108)
ʃŋ̱ ‘liver’ (Central !Xuun, Doke
1925)
11 rù-kânì ‘jaw’ gǁȁŋ ‘chin’ (Northwestern !Xun,
König & Heine 2008: 34)
g!aihn ‘chin’ (Ju|’hoan, Dickens
1994: 54)
gyànìí ‘chin’ (Khwe, Kilian-Hatz
2003: 51)
Table 4.5: English and Afrikaans loanwords in Fwe
noun class Fwe word translation putative source word

5 bòtêrà ‘bottle’ English bottle
5 bùkà ‘book’ English book
5 fônì ‘phone’ English phone
9 n-kèrékè ‘church’ Afrikaans kerk
9 bbórà ‘ball’ English ball
9 n-díshì ‘dish’ English dish
9 n-súndà ‘week’ Afrikaans sondag ‘Sunday’
152
4.2 Word formation
English or Afrikaans words are not necessarily direct borrowings in Fwe, but
can also be borrowed via Lozi, as direct contact between Fwe and both English
and Afrikaans is more limited than that between Fwe and Lozi. This also means
that the way in which these borrowings are integrated into the Fwe noun class
system may have followed the Lozi pattern rather than the Fwe pattern.
4.2 Word formation

Fwe has a number of strategies to create new nouns from existing nominal or
verbal stems. Verb-to-noun derivation makes use of various suffixes, as discussed
in §4.2.1. Noun-to-noun derivation, discussed in §4.2.2, is done through various
affixes. Noun class shift is also productively used to derive new meanings from
nominal roots; this process has been discussed in §4.1.4 on the semantics of noun
classes. Nominal compounding and reduplication are also used as strategies for
word formation, though both processes are unproductive.
4.2.1 Verb-to-noun derivation

Nouns can be derived from verbs by the addition of the suffixes -i, -o, -u, -e, or -a,
which are common Bantu suffixes (Schadeberg & Bostoen 2019), or -ntu, which is
a Fwe innovation. These derivational suffixes differ in function and productivity,
as summarized in Table 4.6, which gives an overview of the deverbal derivational
suffixes, their functions and their productivity.
Table 4.6: Deverbal suffixes
Form Function Productivity

-i agentive (human) mostly productive
-o instrumental, patientive, action, result, place, time mostly productive
-ntu general nominalizer mostly productive
-u instrumental, patientive, abstract unproductive
-a instrumental, patientive, agentive (non-human) unproductive
-e instrumental, agentive (non-human) unproductive
Deverbal nouns typically retain the tonal profile of the corresponding verb, but
there are also occasional tonal mismatches; these are especially common with the
less productive deverbal suffixes. Table 4.7 illustrates both patterns.
153
Table 4.7: Tone in derived nouns
Maintenance of lexical tone

bûmbà ‘make pottery’ mù-bûmbì ‘potter’
rôːtà ‘dream’ cì-rôːtò ‘dream’
kú-fwà ‘die’ rú-fù ‘death’
kákàtìrà ‘stick’ rù-kákàtìrà ‘burdock’
Changes in lexical tone
tùsà ‘help’ n-túsò ‘help’
fûrà ‘sharpen, weld’ kà-fùrò ‘knife’
kòhà ‘blink’ n-kôhè (cl 10) ‘eyelids’
tùkà ‘insult’ mà-tûkà ‘insults’
tár-ùk-à ‘take a step’ mù-tàrà ‘footprint’
Deverbal nouns may also incorporate verbal derivational suffixes, such as the
causative or applicative. In some cases, the corresponding verb is also attested
with the same derivational suffix, whereas in others, the verbal derivational suffix
is only attested in the derived noun. Examples are given in Table 4.8.
Table 4.8: Deverbal nouns incorporating a verbal derivational suffix
Base verb Derived noun

rêːtà ‘give birth’ mù-réːt-ìs-ì ‘midwife’
ùr-ìs-à ‘sell’ (cf. ùr-à ‘buy’) mù-ùr-ìs-ì ‘seller’
yènd-ès-à ‘guide’ (cf. yènd-à ‘walk’) mù-yènd-ès-ì ‘supervisor’
tôngà ‘become ill’ mà-tòng-êr-à ‘illness’
shèngà ‘sharpen’ mù-shèng-èr-à ‘sharp tip’
tìmbà ‘push’ n-tìmb-ìr-à ‘dung beetle’
́ àrà ‘close’ cí-àr-ìs-ò ‘door’
bbùkùrà ‘blow on fire’ cì-bbùkùr-ìs-ò ‘bellows’
fwìnkà ‘plug with a stopper’ cì-fwìnk-ìs-ò ‘stopper’
Occasionally, a verbal suffix that is obligatorily present in the verb is absent

in the corresponding noun. This is especially the case with the less productive
deverbal suffixes; examples are given in Table 4.9.
154
4.2 Word formation
Table 4.9: Absence of verbal derivational suffixes in deverbal nouns

kùmb-ùr-à ‘cut strips (as mà-kùmb-à ‘strips (for building)’
building material)’
kúzy-ùr-à ‘peel a mongongo ∅-kùzy-à (cl 5) ‘outer peel of a
nut’ mongongo nut’
shèb-èk-à ‘gossip’ bù-shèb-è ‘gossip’
shémp-èk-à ‘shoulder a load’ mù-shêmp-ù ‘load’
súmb-àr-à ‘become pregnant’ bù-sûmb-à ‘pregnancy’
The suffix -i derives an agent noun from a verb, indicating ‘a person who does
X’, as shown in Table 4.10. On account of the noun referring to a human being,
the noun is usually assigned to noun class 1. Derivation with the suffix -i is fairly
productive: it can be used with most verbs, always deriving an agentive noun.
Table 4.10: Agent nouns derived with -i

bàrà ‘read’ mù-bàrì ‘reader’
fùmà ‘become rich’ mù-fùmì ‘rich person’
fûrà ‘sharpen, weld’ mù-fûrì ‘blacksmith’
rwà ‘fight’ mù-rwì ‘fighter’
zyâːkà ‘build’ mù-zyâːkì ‘builder’
There are five words where the agentive suffix -i causes the preceding conso-
nant to change to /z/, listed in Table 4.11.
The change to /z/ in the agent noun is a lexicalized trace of the earlier sound
change of Bantu Spirantization, the change from stops to fricatives before high
vowels; in Fwe, this sound change has changed all voiced stops to /z/ before the
reconstructed high vowel *i (Bostoen 2009: 117-118). In words other than those
listed in Table 4.11, the agentive suffix -i does not cause spiranitzation of the fi-
nal consonant of the verb root (see the examples in Table 4.10). Spirantization in
agent nouns is not phonologically determined; the verb roots that undergo spi-
rantization end in a different consonants, and other verb roots ending in the same
consonant do not undergo spirantization. Instead, this is a case of what Bostoen
155
Table 4.11: Agent nouns with spirantization

fûrà ‘forge’ mù-fûzì ~ mù-fûrì ‘blacksmith’
fwèbà ‘smoke’ mù-fwèzì ‘smoker’
kúmbìrà ‘beg, request’ ∅-nkúmbìzì ‘beggar’
ròwà ‘perform witchcraft’ mù-ròzì ‘witch’
yàà ‘kill’ cí-yàzì ‘traitor’
(2008) calls ‘limited agent noun spirantization’: spirantization is only attested in

a handful of nouns derived with the agentive suffix -i, and most nouns derived
with this suffix do not undergo spirantization. Interestingly, in languages where
only a handful of nouns undergo agent noun spirantization, the same nouns are
often affected, especially reflexes of *-dògì ‘witch’ and *-jíbì ‘thief’. In Fwe the
reflex of *-dògì ‘witch’, mù-ròzì ‘witch’, is in fact one of the nouns undergoing spi-
rantization. The reflex of *-jíbì ‘thief’ was lost in Fwe, probably as it was replaced
by the borrowing mù-sâ ‘thief’.
The suffix -o derives instrumental nouns from verbs, as shown in Table 4.12.
Nouns derived with this suffix are assigned to various noun classes, though never
to class 1/2; class 7/8 seems to be the most common choice.
Semantically, most nouns derived with -o refer either to the patient or the
instrument of the verb. Less commonly, the derivational suffix -o derives a noun
referring to a place, a time or a result of the action described by the verb, or
the action itself. Table 4.13 gives an overview of the different meanings of nouns
derived with -o.
In some cases, non-systematic formal differences can be observed between the
derived noun and its verbal source, such as the change of the last stem consonant
n to ng in the noun cì-shàmbàng-ò ‘place to play in water’, from the verb shàmbàn-
à ‘play in water’. In the derived noun rù-tângò ‘story, proverb’, the separative
transitive suffix -ur of the source verb táng-ùr-à ‘tell a story’ is lost in the derived
noun.
The derivational suffixes -u, -e and -a are unproductive: some of the limited
number of attested examples are presented in Table 4.14.
For the suffix -u, there are two cases where its use involves spirantization of
the preceding consonant in a similar way as the agentive suffix -i discussed above:
bù-bóz-ù ‘something rotten’, from bòrà ‘rot’, and mù-kózù ‘strength’, from gòrà
‘be strong’. Aside from spirantization, these examples are also deviant in their
156
4.2 Word formation
Table 4.12: Nouns derived with -o
Base verb Derived noun in class 3/4

nùnkà ‘smell’ mù-nùnkò ‘(bad) smell’
Derived noun in class 5/6
shândà ‘suffer’ shândò ‘suffering’
Derived noun in class 7/8
tèndà ‘do, make’ cì-tèndò ‘action’
zànà ‘play’ cì-zànò ‘game’
zwâtà ‘dress’ cì-zwâtò ‘garment’
zyàbàrà ‘dress’ ci-zyàbàrò ‘bottom garment’
zyàrà ‘spread a bed’ cì-zyàrò ‘mat’
Derived noun in class 9
tùsà ‘help’ n-túsò ‘help’
súrùmùkà ‘descend’ n-súrùmùkò ‘downward slope’
zyîmbà ‘sing’ rù-zyîmbò ‘song’
fûrà ‘sharpen, weld’ kà-fùrò ‘knife’
hârà ‘live’ bù-hârò ‘life’
sùnsà ‘dip porridge in relish’ bù-sùnsò ‘relish’
157
Table 4.13: Semantics of nouns derived with -o
Patient nouns with -o

zyîmbà ‘sing’ rù-zyîmbò ‘song’
ryà ‘eat’ zí-ryò ‘food, crops’
Instrumental nouns with -o
bèːzyà ‘carve (wood)’ m-bèzyò ‘small axe for making
surfaces smooth’
shùtà ‘fish (with line)’ kà-shùtò ‘fish hook’
Action
èndà ‘go, travel’ rù-yèndò ‘journey’
tèndà ‘do’ cì-tèndò ‘action’
Result
ùrà ‘buy’ n-gùr-ìs-ò ‘profit’
zyàmbìrà ‘gather’ zì-zyàmbìrò ‘gathered fruits’
Place
hòndà ‘cook’ mà-hònd-èr-ò ‘kitchen’
rí-zìkà ‘hide oneself’ mà-rí-ꜝzíkò ‘hiding place’
Time
rìmà ‘cultivate, farm’ cì-rìmò ‘season, year’
Table 4.14: Nominal derivation with -u, -e and -a

bòmb-à ‘become wet’ mà-bòmb-à ‘blisters’
hùzy-à ‘breathe’ ∅-hûzy-à (cl 5) ‘breath’
bòr-à ‘rot’ bù-bóz-ù ‘something rotten’
gòr-à ‘be strong’ mù-kóz-ù ‘strength’
àndà ‘freeze’ cì-ând-è ‘frost’
158
4.2 Word formation
tonal pattern and in the realization of the velar stop as voiceless in the noun
mù-kózù and as voiced in the verb gòrà. The irregular spirantization suggests
that there may have been two deverbal suffixes in Fwe, a high vowel *-u causing
spirantization, and a lowered high vowel *-ʊ not causing spirantization, possibly
also with a tonal difference. As *u and *ʊ merged (cf. Bostoen 2009), the difference
between the two suffixes was lost. Meeussen (1967: 95) also reconstructs two
different deverbal suffixes, *-ú and *-ʊ, though both with the same tone.
Table 4.15 shows that the semantic functions of the suffixes -u, -e and -a are
very varied, including instrumental and patient, both also found with the more
productive suffix -o. The suffixes -e and -a are also used to indicate a non-human
agent, in contrast with the suffix -i which is exclusively used to derive human
agents. The suffix -u, on the other hand, can be used to derive an abstract concept.
Table 4.15: Semantics of nouns derived with -u, -e, and -a
Instrumental
bùkùtà ‘sharpen’ mà-bùkùt-à ‘skin used for sharpening’
têmà ‘chop’ kà-têm-ù ‘axe’
kékèrà ‘plough’ cì-kékêr-è ‘disc plough’
Patient
shémp-èk-à ‘shoulder a load’ mù-shêmp-ù ‘load’
nyùngà ‘shake’ cì-nyùng-èr-à ‘food prepared by shaking’
Non-human agent
tìmbà ‘push’ n-tìmb-ìr-à ‘dung beetle’
rí-zìngà ‘twist oneself’ mù-rí-zìng-è ‘vine’
Abstract concept
fwà ‘die’ rú-fù ‘death’
rùrà ‘be bitter’ bù-rùr-ù ‘bitterness’
The suffix -ntu is a general nominalizer, that can be added to a verb stem to
derive a noun. The lexical tone of the verb stem is maintained, but unlike other
derivational suffixes, the suffix -ntu also adds its own high tone, which is assigned
to the second syllable of the verb it combines with. These tones are subsequently
subject to the tone rules that occur in Fwe, namely Meeussen’s Rule in the case
of a disyllabic, high-toned verb stem, as shown in (135).
159
(135) ci-byár-á-ntu > [cìbyáràntù]

np7 -plant-fv-nmlz
‘something that is planted’
cf. byârà ‘plant’
When the verb has no lexical high tone, the high tone assigned to the second
syllable of the verb usually spreads to the preceding syllable as the result of high
tone spread, as in (136) (see also §3.1.6 on optional high tone spread).
(136) ci-rim-á-ntu > [cìrímântù]

np7 -plough-fv-nmlz
‘something that is ploughed’
cf. rìmà ‘plough’
The origin of the high tone that is added in compounds is unclear. There are no
other nominalizing suffixes that have their own tonal profile, and melodic tones
are otherwise only assigned by inflected verbs (see §3.3).
The use of -ntu to derive nouns from verbs is highly productive, and may be
interchanged with other strategies for deriving nouns from verbs, such as the
nominalizing suffix -o, as in (137).
(137) a. cìtèndò
ci-tend-o
np7 -do-nmlz
‘action’
b. cìténdântù
ci-tend-á-ntu
np7 -do-fv-thing
‘action’
c. cf. tènd-à ‘do’
When used with a transitive verb, the suffix -ntu derives a noun that designates
its object, as in (138). With an intransitive verb, the deverbal noun designates its
subject, as in (139). In each case, human involvement is key to derivation with
-ntu; the derived noun cìbyáràntù ‘plant’ specifically refers to a plant cultivated
by humans, and the derived noun cìbúmbwàntù ‘creature’ specifically refers to
human beings.
160
4.2 Word formation
(138) cìbyáràntù
ci-byár-á-ntu
np7 -plant-fv-nmlz
‘(domesticated) plant’
(139) cìbúmbwàntù
ci-búmb-w-á-ntu
np7 -create-pass-fv-nmlz
‘creature’
The derivation of deverbal nouns with -ntu differs from other deverbal deriva-
tional processes: the suffix consists of an NCV syllable rather than a single vowel;
it adds a high tone to the second stem syllable; and as a deverbal derivational
strategy, it is neither a common Bantu strategy nor reconstructed for Proto-
Bantu. Instead, derivation with -ntu in Fwe has grammaticalized from a verb-
noun compound with the nominal root -ntu as the second element. This root is
still used in the nouns mù-ntù ‘person’, cì-ntù ‘thing’, and bù-ntù ‘humanity’. In
grammaticalizing into a derivational suffix, the second member of the compound
lost its nominal prefix. A similar grammaticalization has led to the creation of the
diminutive suffix -ána (see §4.2.2), which also lost its nominal prefix as it devel-
oped into a nominal suffix.
Verb-noun compounds are not common in Fwe, and the few compounds that
do exist lack the systematic semantic correspondence between the simple verb
and the verb-noun compound that is seen in nouns derived with -ntu. Instead,
the development of compounds with the root ntu could be the result of contact
with the Khoisan language Khwe. Khwe productively uses a suffix -khòè deriv-
ing nouns from verbs; although it synchronically functions as a suffix, it has its
origin in a compound in which the second member is the noun khòè ‘person’
(Kilian-Hatz 2008: 90-91). Possibly, the Fwe construction is a calque of this Khwe
construction, similar to what has been proposed for the development of diminu-
tive suffixes (see §4.2.2 for discussion).
4.2.2 Noun-to-noun derivation

Fwe has a number of strategies to create nouns based on existing nominal stems:
a diminutive derivation with the suffix -ána; two derivational prefixes shi-/si-
and na-, used to derive personal names, association or ownership; nominal com-
pounding; and reduplication. Changes in noun class membership are also used
as a derivational mechanism; these are described in §4.1.4.
161
4.2.2.1 Diminutive
As discussed in §4.1.4 on the semantics of noun classes, a diminutive can be cre-
ated by shifting the relevant noun root to class 12/13. Another diminutive mark-
ing strategy uses the diminutive suffix -ána after the nominal root. A diminutive
can be expressed by a shift to class 12/13, as in (140), by a diminutive suffix, as in
(141), or both, as in (142); no clear differences in semantics were observed.
(140) kámbwà
ka-mbwá
np12 -dog
‘small dog; puppy’
(141) mbwáànà
∅-mbwá-ana
np1a -dog-dim
(142) kàmbwáànà
ka-mbwá-ana
np12 -dog-dim
Vowel juxtaposition takes place when the vowel-initial suffix -ána is added to
a noun, which invariably ends in a vowel. In most cases, no changes affect either
of the vowels, except when the last vowel of the noun is /a/, in which case it may
merge with the vowel /a/ of the diminutive suffix, as in (143).
(143) /ka-mbwá-ana/ > [kàmbwáànà] ~ [kàmbwânà]

np12 -dog-dim
In certain more petrified forms with a diminutive suffix, however, the last
vowel of the nominal stem has elided even though it was not a vowel /a/, but
/i/ as in (144).
(144) mùkázànà
mu-kázana
np1 -girl
‘girl’
cf. kázì ‘female’ + -ánà diminutive
162
4.2 Word formation
The suffix -ána has a high tone on its first syllable, which may interact with the
tone of the last syllable of the root to which it attaches according to the regular
tone rules of Fwe. When the diminutive is added to a noun with a final high tone,
the high tone of the diminutive suffix is deleted as the result of Meeussen’s Rule,
which deletes the second of two adjacent high tones within a single word, as in
(145–146) (see also §3.1.1).
(145) /ka-shokó-ána/ > kàshòkóànà

np12 -monkey-dim
‘small monkey’
(146) /ci-shamú-ána/ > cìshàmúànà

np7 -tree-dim
‘small tree’
A similar diminutive suffix -ána (or cognate forms) also occurs in other Bantu
languages, mainly of zones R and S (Gibson et al. 2017), but also in certain lan-
guages of the Kikongo Language Cluster (Goes & Bostoen 2021). Güldemann
(1999) shows that these diminutive forms have grammaticalized from a head-final
nominal compound involving reflexes of *jánà ‘child’. Although the grammat-
icalization of a diminutive from a noun with this meaning is highly common,
its function as a suffix is not what would be expected as the result of language-
internal grammaticalization, as Bantu languages have a strict head-initial noun
phrase structure. Instead, the development of the suffix is the result of contact
with Khoisan languages that have a head-final structure. This is also the case for
Fwe, and other Bantu languages in the area in which this (and other) nominal
suffixes occur. In addition to the use of the diminutive suffix in Fwe and other
languages that have a history of contact with Khoisan, there are also a number of
head-final compounds referring to plant names in Mbukushu, Manyo and Fwe,
providing further evidence that Bantu-Khoisan contact has influenced, to a very
limited extent, the nominal structure of the Bantu languages involved (Gunnink
et al. 2015). The same is true of the development of the nominalizing suffix -ntu;
as discussed in §4.2.1, this suffix goes back to an earlier head-final verb-noun
compound, uncommon for Bantu languages but possibly calqued from the Khoe
language Khwe.
163
4.2.2.2 Associative
Fwe has two derivational prefixes shi- (alternatively realized as si-; see §2.2 on
the interchangability of /s/ and /sh/ in prefixes) and na-, which can be prefixed
to nouns to derive personal names, animal and plant names, and ownership of,
or association with, a concept. The associative meaning appears to be the largest
common denominator, and these prefixes are therefore glossed as associative
‘AS’.
The prefixes shi-/si- or na- occur before the nominal prefix of the underived
noun. Nouns derived with shi-/si- or na- are invariably assigned to noun class
1a/2. The use of the associative prefix shi- is illustrated in (147).
(147) a. màndwâ
ma-ndwá
np6 -fight
‘fight’
b. shímàndwâ
∅-shí-ma-ndwá
np1a -as-np6 -fight
‘fighter’
The prefixes si- and na- are productively used to derive personal names from
nouns. na- is used to derive a woman’s name, as in (148), and si- is used to derive
a man’s name, as in (149). In this context, si- is consistently realized as si-, never
as shi-.
(148) nàmàsíkù
na-ma-sikú
asF -np6 -night
‘Namasiku (name given to a girl born at night)’
(149) sìmàsíkù
si-ma-sikú
asM -np6 -night
‘Simasiku (name given to a boy born at night)’
The prefix shi-/si- can be used to derive association with, or ownership of, a
certain concept, as in (150–152). This function is not available with the prefix na-.
In all attested cases, the derived noun refers to a human.
164
4.2 Word formation
(150) bàshígêmù bàshíꜝzáwà, àbò bábòná èzìpâù

ba-shí-gému ba-shí-zawá a-bo bá̲-boH n-á̲
np2 -as-game np2 -as-Zawa aug-dem.iii2 sm2 .rel-see-fv
e-zi-páu
aug-np8 -animal
‘The game people, the ZAWA3 people, those who guard the wild
animals…’ (ZF_Narr15)
(151) nábò bàshíbwâtò ngá nìbàkànànúkà
ná=bo ba-shí-bu-áto ngá ni=ba-ka-nanuk-á̲
com=dem2 np2 -as-np14 -canoe cop.dem.i16 com=sm2 -dist-lift-fv
‘And those with the canoe [those who have the canoe/are sailing in the
canoe], that’s when they started coming.’ (NF_Narr15)
(152) èswé tùbàsíꜝnkútà, mbòtúmìààtúrè
eswé tu-ba-sí-N-kutá
pers1PL app1PL -np2 -as-np9 -court
mbo-tú̲-miH -aH atur-é̲
near.fut-sm1PL -om2PL -judge-pfv.sbjv
‘Us, the people of the court, we will pass judgment on you.’ (NF_Narr17)
There are a number of lexicalized cases of derivation with si-/shi- and na-,
listed in Table 4.16. In these nouns, the derivational prefix is followed by an ap-
parent nominal prefix, such as ka- of class 12, mu- of class 1/3, ru-/rw- of class
11 or a homorganic nasal of class 9, although in most cases, no underived noun
is attested. However, it is likely that the resemblance to nominal prefixes is not
accidental, because some of the nominal roots become analyzable once the pre-
sumed former nominal prefix is taken into account. na-ru-nkaramba ‘praying
mantis’ can be analyzed as a root nkaramba ‘old person’ and two prefixes, deriva-
tional na- and a former class 11 prefix ru-, and shi-ru-bumbira ‘mud wasp’ can be
analyzed as a root bumbira derived from the verb bumba, ‘make pottery, create’.
The prefix shi-/si- is etymologically related to the lexical root sh(o) ‘father’,
as found in constructions such as bá-shw-ꜝábò ‘his father’ and bá-shw-ꜝétù ‘our
father’. The prefix na- relates to the lexical root ny used in constructions such as
bà-ny-òkò ‘your mother’ and bà-ny-ìnà ‘his mother’. The sex-specific semantics
of shi-/si- and na- are still seen in the use of these prefixes to form personal
names, but not in the formation of plant and animal names, nor in the formation
of nouns expressing ownership or association.
3
ZAWA refers to the Zambian Wildlife Authority, charged with managing and protecting Zam-
bia’s wildlife.
165
Table 4.16: Lexicalized derivational prefix shi-/si- and na-
Derived noun Translation Putative source

shíkáꜝnkózè ‘falcon’
shìkàrìmbírè ‘kite’
shímúꜝǀópwè ~ múꜝǀópwè ‘fish sp.’ cf. ǀôhà ‘be tasteless’
(this fish species is
considered edible but
not tasty)
shínténgwè ~ sínténgwè ‘red-winged starling’
shírùbùmbìrà ‘mud wasp’ cf bùmbà ‘create, make
pottery’
síbbwê ‘jackal’ cf. mbwâwà ‘jackal’ ?
síkùcèrà ‘mole’
síyàbàrìrà ‘black mamba’
nàmúntàbùrà ‘flower (Commelina
subulata)’
nàmùróbáꜝróbà ‘wild hyacinth (Scilla
natalensis)’
nákàrà ‘acacia’
nàrùnkàrámbà ‘praying mantis’ cf. nkàrâmbà ‘old
person’
nàrwézáꜝézà ‘chameleon’
4.2.2.3 Nominal compounds

Nouns can be created by compounding a noun with a verb stem or with another
noun, though neither strategy is productive in Fwe. In compounds consisting of
a noun and a verb, the verb is always the first element of the compound. The
verb form used in these compounds includes the final vowel suffix -a, and the
following noun maintains its nominal prefix. Both elements of the compound
retain their underlying tonal pattern, with the application of the usual tone rules
that function in Fwe. Verb-noun compounds are rare, and the majority of the
attested compounds are plant names, as in (153–155).
166
4.2 Word formation
(153) mùtáfùnànjòvù
mu-táfunanjovu
np3 -acacia
‘acacia’
cf. táfùnà ‘chew, graze’, njòvù ‘elephant’
(154) kàryábàcânì
ka-ryábacáni
np12 -geranium
‘geranium sp.’
cf. ryà ‘eat’, bàcânì ‘hunters’
(155) mùbèzyàmpâmpà
mu-bezyampámpa
np3 -tree
‘tree sp.’
cf. bèːzyà ‘carve (wood)’, mpâmpà ‘forked stick’
Compounds consisting of two nouns are often kinship terms, combining exist-
ing kinship terms such as mwâncè ‘child’ or máyè ‘mother’ into new terms, as in
(156–158).
(156) bàmáyèmwàncè
ba-máyemwance
np2 -maternal_aunt
‘maternal aunt’
cf. maye ‘mother’, mw-áncè ‘child’
(157) bàtàtánkâzì
ba-tatankázi
np2 -paternal_aunt
‘paternal aunt’
cf. tátà ‘father’, -kâzì ‘female’
(158) mùkwérùmè
mu-kwérume
np1 -father_in_law
‘father-in-law’
cf. mú-kwè ‘in-law’, -rùmè ‘male’
167
Only two noun-noun compounds that are not kinships are found, listed in
(159–160).
(159) étángányámbè
é-tanganyambé
aug-np5 -calabash
‘calabash’
cf. tàngà ‘pumpkin’, nyámbè ‘god’
(160) òngwébùnà
o-ngwébuna
aug-np1a -plant
‘plant sp.’
cf. ngwè ‘leopard’, bùnà ‘leaf’
4.2.2.4 Noun reduplication

Reduplication of nouns is not a productive derivational strategy (unlike ver-
bal reduplication, which is a productive derivational process, see §6.7.2), but
many noun stems exhibiting reduplication are attested; some examples are given
in (161). An underived, non-reduplicated noun stem is not attested for any of
these nouns, but some are apparently derived from or related to verbs, such as
mùrímbùrîmbù ‘ignorance’, related to rímbàùzà ‘not pay attention’, or cìtùkùtùkù
‘sweat’, related to tùkùtà ‘be warm’. Reduplication targets both segmental and
tonal material (as opposed to verbal reduplication, which targets segmental ma-
terial only).
(161) kàcìyóꜝcíyò ‘chick’

kàhàráꜝhárà ‘African finger millet’
cìsìkíꜝsíkì ‘tree stump’
kàríkùrîkù ‘hiccup’
mùrímbùrîmbù ‘ignorance’
cìgòrògòrò ‘seasonal stream’
cìkùrùkùrù ‘lock’
kàmbàryàmbàryà ‘lizard’
mbìrìmbìrì ‘pepper’
mfùrèmfùrè ‘small insect that goes backward’
cìpàùpàù ‘basket with lid; purse, briefcase’
168
4.3 Nominal modifiers

The following sections describe adjectives (§4.3.1), demonstratives (§4.3.2), con-
nectives (§4.3.3), quantifiers (§4.3.4), and possessives (§4.3.5), which can all be
used as nominal modifiers, or pronominally. Noun class agreement is marked
on all modifiers, making use of nominal prefixes, in the case of adjectives, or
pronominal prefixes, in all other cases.
4.3.1 Adjectives
As is typical for Bantu languages (Maho 1999: 105), Fwe has only a small class
of adjectives. Adjectives are marked for agreement with the noun they modify
through nominal prefixes. The form of nominal prefixes used on adjectives is
identical to those used on nouns (see Table 4.1). One exception is class 1a; class
1a nouns follow the agreement pattern of class 1, and this is also the case for
adjectives. Adjectives agreeing with a class 1a noun use the class 1 prefix mu-,
and not the class 1a nominal prefix, which is zero, as in (162). The difference in
nominal prefix between class 1a nouns and class 1a adjectives is a first indication
that adjectives are a category that is distinct from nouns.
(162) ndàvú mùcècè
∅-ndavú mu-cece
np1a -lion np1 -small
‘a small lion’ (ZF_Elic14)
The obligatory nominal prefix on adjectives may be preceded by an optional
augment prefix, as in (163–164). The augment is also found on other words, such
as nouns and demonstratives (see §4.1.2 for the form and function of the augment
as it appears on nouns). The form of the augment on adjectives is identical to that
on nouns though, like the use of the augment on nouns, its use is optional, and
its function, if any, is not yet well understood.
(163) mùndárè mùgênè ~ mùndárè òmùgênè
mu-ndaré (o-)mu-géne
np3 -maize (aug-)np3 -thin
‘small maize’
(164) bàntú bàrôtù ~ bàntú àbàrôtù
ba-ntú (a-)ba-rótu
np2 -person (aug-)np2 -beautiful
‘beautiful people’ (ZF_Elic14)
169
The vowel of the augment, if it is used on an adjective, is subject to vowel

hiatus resolution rules, resulting in vowel coalescence and/or glide formation, as
in (165–166) (see also §2.5.2).
(165) òmbw’ óꜝmúbbì

o-∅-mbwá o-mu-bbí
aug-np1a -dog aug-np1 -ugly
‘an ugly dog’ (NF_Elic15)
(166) vùmw’ énênè

∅-vumó e-∅-néne
np5 -stomach aug-np5 -big
‘a big stomach’ (ZF_Elic14)
Like the augment used with nouns, the adjectival augment may also take a
floating high tone. This high tone is realized on the syllable preceding the vowel
of the augment, though when the vowel of the augment merges with the pre-
ceding syllable, the high tone comes to be realized on the vowel of the augment
itself, as in (167).
(167) rùtàká òrùrêː ~ rùtàk’ órùrêː (cf. rùtàkà ‘reed’)

ru-taká o-ru-réː
np11 -reed aug-np11 -long
‘a long reed’ (ZF_Elic14)
The floating high tone of the adjectival augment can also be used when the vo-
calic augment is absent, as in (168). This, too, is a property the adjectival augment
shares with the nominal augment (see §4.1.2).
(168) mùntú mùrêː (cf. mùntù ‘person’)

mu-ntú mu-réː
np1 -person np1 -tall
‘a tall person’ (ZF_Elic14)
The adjective always follows the noun it modifies when used adnominally, as
in (162–168). Adjectives can also be used predicatively, in which case the adjective
is marked with a copulative prefix that agrees in noun class with the noun it
describes, as in (169–170) (for more on the copula, see §5.3).
170
(169) èhámbà ndìnênè

e-∅-ámba N-ri-néne
aug-np5 -hoe cop-np5 -big
‘The hoe is big.’ (NF_Elic15)
(170) yìn’ énjúò njìrôtù

iná e-N-júo nji-rótu
dem.iv9 aug-np9 -house cop9 -beautiful
‘That house is beautiful.’ (ZF_Elic14)
Adjectives can also be used nominally, in which case the adjective takes a
prefix that agrees in noun class with the noun it describes. This is illustrated in
(171), where the nominally used adjective ómùrê ‘long’ takes the prefix of class 3,
as it refers to a class 3 noun mù-hàrà ‘rope’.
(171) ndìshàk’ ómùrêː

ndi-shak-á̲ o-mu-réː
sm1SG -want-fv aug-np3 -long
‘I want the long one.’ (Answer to: ‘Which rope do you want?’)
(ZF_Elic14)
The number of adjectival stems in Fwe is limited: an exhaustive list is given in

(172).
(172) Adjective stems in Fwe

bbí ‘bad’ (Namibian Fwe only)
céː ‘few’
cékù ‘sharp’
cényà ‘small’
dânà ‘small’
fwîyì ‘short’
ᵍǀênè ‘thin’
hùbà ‘light’
káꜝbábù ‘difficult’4
kâtà ‘weak’5
kûrù ‘old’
mângò ‘bad’ (Zambian Fwe only)
nênè ‘big’
nînì ‘small’
rêː ‘tall, long, far’
171
rémù ‘heavy’6
rôtù ‘good, beautiful’
tékè ‘fresh’
tòrè ‘soft, easy’
yá ‘new’
ǀòː ‘tasteless’
Three adjective stems appear to be derived from verbs by means of the suffix
-u, also used to derive nouns from verbs (see §4.2.1): kûrù ‘old’, from kûrà ‘grow’,
rémù ‘heavy’, from rèmà ‘become heavy’, cékù ‘sharp’, from cékùrà ‘cut oneself’.
Adjectives may be reduplicated to give an intensifying or emphatic meaning,
as in (173–174).
(173) ndákàkùrímìnà éwà ènénènênè

ndi-á-ka-ku-rím-in-a e-∅-wá
sm1SG -sbjv.ipfv-dist-om2SG -farm-appl-fv aug-np5 -field
e-∅-néne-néne
aug-np5 -big-big
‘I could cultivate a very big farm for you.’ (NF_Narr15)
(174) kàcírì cìrótùrôtù ècí cìbàkà

ka-cí̲-ri ci-rótu-rótu e-cí ci-baka
pst.ipfv-sm7 -be np7 -nice-nice aug-dem.i7 np7 -place
‘It was very nice, this place.’ (NF_Narr17)
In one case, the reduplicated meaning differs in an unexpected manner from

the unreduplicated meaning: the adjective kûrù ‘old’ is used to describe animates,
and its reduplicated form kúrùkûrù describes inanimates.
That adjectives are marked with almost the same prefixes as nouns (with the
exception of class 1a) may suggest that adjectives should be treated as nouns as
well. Furthermore, many adjective stems also occur as nouns, although many of
these are abstract nouns, which are likely to be derived from adjectives, rather
than vice versa. A non-exhaustive list is given in Table 4.17.
Despite these similarities, adjectives display syntactic behavior that is distinct
from that of nouns, because they can modify nouns without the use of additional
morphological material. Although nouns can also modify other nouns, through
4
Most speakers prefer to use the noun bù-káꜝbábù ‘problem, something difficult’.
5
Most speakers prefer the use of the verb kàtà ‘become weak’.
6
Most speakers prefer the use of the verb rèmà ‘be heavy’.
172
Table 4.17: Adjective stems that also occur as nouns
Adjective Noun
bbì ‘bad’ bú-bbì ‘evil’
dânà ‘small’ mù-dânà ‘child’
kûrù ‘old’ (of animates) mù-kûrù ‘elder, elder sibling/ cousin’
rêː ‘tall, long, far’ bù-rêː ‘length’
rémù ‘heavy’ bù-rémù ‘weight’
rôtù ‘good, beautiful’ bù-rôtù ‘goodness’
the use of a connective clitic, for instance, nouns cannot modify other nouns
through mere juxtaposition. Adjectives, however, do modify nouns through jux-
taposition, as long as a nominal prefix is used that agrees in noun class with
the modified noun. This syntactic construction is limited to the adjectival stems
listed in (172), which shows that the category of adjective is a distinct part of
speech in Fwe.
Another characteristic that sets adjectives apart from nouns is that adjective
stems may occur in any noun class, as long as agreement with the head noun
is maintained. Noun stems, however, belong to a single set of noun classes only.
Although nominal stems may be shifted to a different noun class as a result of
derivation (see §4.1.4), this influences the meaning of the noun, and the number
of noun classes in which a single nominal stem can be used is limited; it is not
possible to use a single nominal stem in any noun class.
Finally, adjectives differ from nouns because only adjectives can be combined
with the suffix -h to derive a verb. Some verbs are attested where the deadjectival
suffix is realized as -mp instead of -h. The derivation of verbs from adjectives is
illustrated in Table 4.18.
The deadjectival suffix -h derives an intransitive change-of-state verb, where
the state that is entered into is the state described by the underived adjective.
4.3.2 Demonstratives
Fwe has four paradigms of demonstratives (also called “series” in Bantu linguis-
tics, see e.g. Nicolle (2012); van der Wal (2010)), which are distinguished by the
relative distance between the referent and the speaker and hearer: general prox-
imity (series I), proximity to the speaker (series II), proximity to the hearer (series
III) and distance (series IV). Table 4.19 gives the form for each noun class for each
173
Table 4.18: Deadjectival verbs
Derived verb Underived adjective

rêː-h-à ‘become tall’ rêː ‘tall, long’
nénè-h-à ‘become big’ nênè ‘big’
tòrè-h-à ‘become soft’ tòrè ‘soft’
ǀôː-h-à ‘become tasteless’ ǀôː ‘tasteless’
bbî-h-à ‘become bad’ bbí ‘bad’
fwîì-mp-à ‘become short’ fwîì ‘short’
kúrù-mp-à ‘become old’ kûrù ‘old’
demonstrative series. Each demonstrative form has an optional augment prefix,

formally identical to the augment used on nouns.
The series I demonstratives are formally identical to the paradigm of pronom-
inal prefixes (see Table 4.1). For class 1 and 1a, which have two different pronom-
inal prefixes, demonstratives are based on the form zyu rather than the form u.
The other three demonstrative series are derived from series I by the addition
of a suffix: -no (Zambian Fwe) or -nu (Namibian Fwe) for series II,7 -o for series
III, and -ina for series IV, the latter resulting in vowel hiatus resolution through
vowel coalescence, vowel deletion, and glide formation (see §2.5.2).
The tonal realization of demonstratives depends on their syntactic position.
Adnominal demonstratives have a high tone on the last mora of the stem, as in
(175). Adverbial demonstratives have a high tone on the first stem mora, as in
(176). Demonstratives used as relativizers are realized without any high tones, as
in (177) (see also §13.5.1 on relative clauses). The tonal behavior of pronominal
demonstratives requires further study: various patterns are attested, as in (178–
179), and it is unclear what, if anything, conditions their use.
(175) èrí hànjà

e-rí hanja
aug-dem.i5 hand
‘this hand’ (ZF_Elic14)
7
This is in contrast with Nicolle (2012), who lists Fwe as a language that lacks a reflex of *-no,
based on Baumbach (1997). As noted in §1.5, Baumbach’s grammar sketch of Fwe is very limited
and numerous differences between it and my data exist.
174
Table 4.19: Demonstratives
series I series II series III series IV

1 o-zyu o-zyuno / o-zyunu o-zyo o-zywina
2 a-ba a-bano / a-banu a-bo a-bena
1a o-zyu o-zyuno / o-zyunu o-zyo o-zywina
3 o-u o-uno / o-unu o-o o-wina
4 e-i e-ino / e-inu e-yo e-ina
5 e-ri e-rino / e-rinu e-ryo e-rina
6 a-a a-ano / a-anu a-o a-ena
7 e-ci e-cino / e-cinu e-co e-cina
8 e-zi e-zino / e-zinu e-zo e-zina
9 e-i e-ino / e-inu e-yo e-ina
10 e-zi e-zino / e-zinu e-zo e-zina
11 o-ru o-runo / o-runu o-o o-rwina
12 a-ka a-kano / a-kanu a-ko a-kena
13 o-tu o-tuno / o-tunu o-to o-twina
14 o-bu o-buno / o-bunu o-bo o-bwina
15 o-ku o-kuno / o-kunu o-ko o-kwina
16 a-ha a-hano / a-hanu a-ho a-hena
17 o-ku o-kuno / o-kunu o-ko o-kwina
18 o-mu o-muno / o-munu o-mo o-mwina ~ o-muna
(176) ndìkárángà kûnù

ndi-kar-á̲ng-a kúnu
sm1SG -sit-hab-fv dem.ii17
‘I normally stay here.’ (NF_Elic17)
(177) àmàshéréŋì àò nìtwáshàngàúrà

a-ma-sheréŋi a-o ni-tú̲-a-shaH ngaur-á̲
aug-np6 -money aug-dem.iii6 rem-sm1PL -pst-contribute-fv<rel>
‘the money that we contributed’ (NF_Elic17)
(178) ndìsháká kùùrà cînà ~ cìnà

ndi-shak-á̲ ku-ur-a cína ~ cina
sm1SG -want-fv inf-buy-fv dem.iv7
‘I want to buy that one.’
175
(179) àkéːzyà zywînà ~ zywínà

a-ké̲ːzy-a zywína ~ zywiná
sm1 -come-fv dem.iv1
‘S/he is coming, that one.’ (NF_Elic17)
As seen in Table 4.19, demonstratives can take an augment prefix. Similar to

the augment on nouns and adjectives,8 it consists of a single vowel that dis-
plays vowel harmony with the demonstrative stem: e- is used with demonstrative
stems with a front vowel i, o- is used with demonstrative stems with a back vowel
u, and a- is used with demonstrative stems with the vowel a. Demonstratives may
be used with an augment, as in (180), or without an augment, as in (181).
(180) àbèná bàkéntù bàámbà wàwà

a-bená ba-kéntu ba-á̲mb-a wawa
aug-dem.iv2 np2 -woman sm2 -talk-fv very
‘Those women talk a lot.’ (ZF_Elic14)
(181) bèná bàntù

bená ba-ntu
dem.iv2 np2 -person
‘those people’
The use of the augment on demonstratives is influenced by a number of factors.

Firstly, the augment is more commonly used with the monosyllabic series I and III
demonstratives, and is more commonly dropped with the disyllabic series II and
IV demonstratives. Secondly, demonstratives used to introduce a relative clause
often occur without an augment vowel, even if they are monosyllabic (see §13.5.1
on relative clauses).
In addition to the demonstrative forms listed in Table 4.19, an emphatic demon-
strative can be created by prefixing the basic demonstrative stem of series I to the
demonstrative, e.g. zyo ‘that one’, zyu-zyo ‘that very one’. This can be applied to
demonstratives of all four series, as illustrated for series III in (182) and series I
in (183); in each case, it is the basic demonstrative stem of series I that is prefixed
to the demonstrative stem. The derived demonstrative indicates extra emphasis,
translated as ‘this/that very (same)’.
8
Augments used on nouns also have a floating high tone, which surfaces on the syllable imme-
diately preceding the vocalic augment. It is not clear if the augment on demonstratives has this
same tonal realization, as the number of contexts in which it could be realized is very limited.
This matter requires further investigation.
176
(182) ríryò shènè óbwènè ndíwè

rí-ryo ∅-shene ó̲-bweH ne ndi-wé
emph-dem.iii5 np5 -worm sm2SG .rel-see.stat cop-pers2SG
‘This very worm that you see, it’s you.’ (NF_Song17)
(183) ákùbáꜝtéyè shárì zyùzyú mwâncè nìndáꜝyéndà néyè nìnìndámàn’

óꜝkáfwà
á-ku-bá-téye shári zyu-zyú mu-ánce
con1 -inf-om2 -say_that if emph-dem.i1 np1 -child
ni-ndí̲-a-é̲nd-a ne=ye
rem-sm1SG -pst-go-fv<rel> com=pers3SG
ni-ni-ndí̲-a-man-á̲ o-ka-fw-á
rem-rem-sm1SG -pst-finish-fv aug-inf.dist-die-fv
‘She told them: if not for this very child, that I went with, I would have
died there.’ (NF_Narr15)
Demonstratives always show noun class agreement. Adnominal demonstra-

tives agree with the noun they modify, as in (184–185). Pronominal demonstra-
tives agree with the noun they replace or refer to, as in (186), taken from a narra-
tive, where the class 1a demonstrative òzwyínà ‘that one’ refers back to an earlier
mentioned elephant, njòvù, which is a class 1a noun.
(184) òzyú mùntù

o-zyú mu-ntu
aug-dem.i1 np1 -person
‘this person’
(185) òkú ꜝkútwì

o-kú ku-twí
aug-dem.i15 np15 -ear
‘this ear’ (ZF_Elic14)
(186) bókùndìsùndà òzwyínà

bá-o-ku-ndi-sund-a o-zywiná
con2 -inf-om1SG -show-fv aug-dem.iv1
‘They showed him to me.’ (ZF_Narr13)
The unmarked position of adnominally used demonstratives is before the noun

they modify, as in (184–185) above. Demonstratives do occur post-nominally
when the noun is marked by a copulative prefix, as in (187–188). This is due to
177
right dislocation: constituents can move to the right edge of the clause when they
function as definite (see §13.3 for discussion and examples). As demonstratives
are frequently used anaphorically, referring to a referent that is identifiable to
both speaker and hearer, they are frequently subject to right-dislocation.
(187) mùndár’ ôwù

N-mu-ndaré o-ú
cop-np3 -maize aug-dem.i3
‘It’s maize, this.’
(188) ndùngúy’ òzyù

ndu-∅-nguyá o-zyú
cop1a -np1a -baboon aug-dem.i1
‘It’s a baboon, this one.’ (ZF_Elic14)
Demonstratives can also be used postnominally when the noun phrase is the
object of an imperative or subjunctive verb, as in (189) and (190), although pre-
nominal demonstratives are also allowed, as in (191). Postnominal demonstratives
are only possible with subjunctive or imperative verbs expressing an order, not
with other functions of the subjunctive.
(189) òzìmìsé mùrìrò ówù

o-ziH m-is-é̲ mu-riro o-ú
sm2SG -extinguish-caus-pfv.sbjv np3 -fire aug-dem.i3
‘Extinguish this fire.’ (NF_Elic15)
(190) òtùsé òmùntú zyò

o-tus-é̲ o-mu-ntú zyo
sm2SG -help-pfv.sbjv aug-np1 -person dem.iii1
‘Help that person.’
(191) òtùsé òzyó mùntù

o-tus-é̲ o-zyó mu-ntu
sm2SG -help-pfv.sbjv aug-dem.i1 np1 -person
‘Help that person.’ (NF_Elic17)
All other adnominal demonstratives appear before the noun they modify. Other
nominal modifiers in Fwe, however, canonically appear after the noun they mod-
ify. The preferred pre-nominal position of the demonstrative in Fwe is also un-
common for Bantu languages in general, which, like Fwe, have a strict head -
178
dependent order which also determines the placement of the demonstrative. In

a sample of 138 Bantu languages, Van de Velde (2005) found only five languages
in which the demonstrative always precedes the noun it modifies. Languages in
which the demonstrative may either follow or precede the noun are more com-
mon, including some of Fwe’s closest linguistic relatives such as the western
Bantu Botatwe language Subiya (Jacottet 1896: 33), and the eastern Bantu Bo-
tatwe languages Tonga (Carter 2002: 40; Collins 1962: 83) and Ila (Smith 1964:
105). Even among Bantu Botatwe languages, however, Fwe appears to be the
only language in which the pre-nominal demonstrative is much more common
than the post-nominal demonstrative. More thorough documentation of Western
Bantu Botatwe languages such as Shanjo and Totela is needed to understand the
position of the demonstrative in these languages.
Demonstratives have a situational use, with which the demonstrative singles
out a referent in the physical surroundings of the speaker, and a non-situational
use, with which the demonstrative singles out a referent that is known through
general knowledge or the earlier discourse. This distinction is known under dif-
ferent labels in the literature, such as exophoric/endophoric (Diessel 1999); fol-
lowing Himmelmann (1996), I will use the terms situational/non-situational.
The situational use of the series 1 demonstratives is to indicate that a referent is
generally close to both the hearer and the speaker, as illustrated in (192), referring
to shoes that are in the immediate vicinity of both the speaker and the hearer.
(192) èzí nshângù zìcénà

e-zí N-shángu zi-cen-á̲
aug-dem.i10 np10 -shoe sm10 -be_clean-fv
‘These shoes are clean.’ (ZF_Elic14)
Series II demonstratives are used to indicate that a referent is close to the

speaker, but not to the hearer, as illustrated in (193), from an elicitation context
in which a bag of beans was lying on the table next to the speaker.
(193) èzìnó nyàngù

e-zinó N-nyangu
aug-dem.ii10 np10 -bean
‘these beans’ (ZF_Elic13)
Series III demonstratives are used to indicate a referent close the hearer, but
not close to the speaker. In (194), the speaker warns the hearer of an approach-
ing elephant, using a series III demonstrative as an indication of the elephant’s
location close to the hearer.
179
(194) bbónàdì bbónàdì shá ònjòvú zyw’ ákèːzy’ ókò

bbónadi bbónadi shá o-∅-njovú zyú á̲-keːzy-á̲
Bonard Bonard sir aug-np1a -elephant dem.i1 sm1 -come-fv
o-kó
aug-dem.iii17
‘Mr Bonard, Mr Bonard! There is an elephant coming to you!’
(ZF_Narr13)
Series IV demonstratives are used to indicate a referent far from both the
speaker and the hearer. In (195), taken from a narrative, the speaker uses a se-
ries IV demontrative énà to refer to teeth that are hidden at a place far away
from the speaker and the hearer.
(195) èmé ndìhíndè énà ménò

emé ndi-hí̲nd-e ená ma-inó
pers1SG sm1SG -take-pfv.sbjv dem.iv6 np6 -tooth
‘I will take those teeth.’ (NF_Narr15)
Demonstratives also have various non-situational uses. One of these is the use
of a demonstrative for discourse deixis, i.e. to refer to the general information ref-
erent of a larger, broader chunk of discourse. In (196), the series III demonstrative
èryó ‘that’ refers back to the topic of the preceding discourse in its entirety, which
has described the attack on an old lady by elephants.
(196) kónàkùrì èryó kàndè ryábànjòvù

kónakuri e-ryó ∅-kande ri-á=ba-njovu
because aug-dem.iii5 np5 -story pp5 -con=np2 -elephant
‘Because of this story of the elephants…’ (ZF_Narr15)
Within discourse, demonstratives can be used anaphorically, to refer back to

earlier mentioned entities and participants. In the anaphoric use of demonstra-
tives, Fwe uses different demonstrative series in a different way, depending on
the salience of the referent in the discourse. A series III demonstrative is used
to refer back to a referent that is still highly salient. In (197), a new referent, a
village, is introduced by means of the noun mùnzì, and when the aforementioned
village is mentioned again, it is marked by the series III demonstrative òwó ‘this’.
180
(197) a. kàkwín’ ꜝómùnzì òmù kàmwíꜝná bàntù

ka-kú̲-iná o-mu-nzi o-mu
pst.ipfv-sm17 -be_at aug-np3 -village aug-dem.i18
ka-mú̲-iná ba-ntu
pst.ipfv-sm18 -be_at np2 -person
‘There was a village, where people were living.’
b. òwó mùnzì kàwínà shíryà yórwîzyì
o-ó mu-nzi ka-ú̲-ina ∅-shírya i-ó=ru-ízyi
aug-dem.iii3 np3 -village pst.ipfv-sm3 -be_at np9 -other_side
pp9 -con=np11 -river
‘This village was at the other side of the river.’ (NF_Narr15)
Salience, or accessibility (Ariel 2001), describes how easy it is for the listener
to retrieve the intended referent from the discourse. Accessibility is influenced
by various factors, such as the number of times the referent was mentioned, the
time elapsed since the last mention and the number of potentially competing ref-
erents that were introduced since then. In (197), the recent use of the word mùnzì
‘village’ has caused its referent to be highly salient, and therefore referred to with
the series III demonstrative. An example where the frequent earlier mention of
the referent has contributed to its salience is given in (198), taken from the mid-
dle section of a longer narrative in which a man, his wife and the wife’s younger
sister are the main participants. All three main characters have been mentioned
frequently in the previous discourse, hence allowing one of them, the man, to be
referred to with the series III demonstrative.
(198) òzyó múꜝkwámè ákùhìndá kàtêmù

o-zyó mú-kwamé á-ku-hind-á ka-tému
aug-dem.iii1 np1 -man pp1 -inf-take-fv np12 -axe
‘That man took an axe…’ (NF_Narr15)
To refer back to referents that are not salient in the discourse, the series IV
demonstrative is used. Example (199) is taken from the beginning of the narrative
about the man, his wife and the wife’s little sister. The wife’s sister has been
introduced, but only briefly and since she was last discussed, the focus of the
story has been on the man and his wife. Now the wife’s sister, referred to by
means of kèná kâncè ‘that small child’, is reintroduced into the story, but with a
series IV rather than a series III demonstrative as the result of this participant’s
low salience.
181
(199) kàntí kèná kâncè káꜝyéndà nâkò

kantí kená ka-ánce ka-á̲-é̲nd-a ná=ko
then dem.iv12 np12 -child pst.ipfv-sm1 -go-fv com=dem.iii12
‘Then that small child that she was coming with…’ (NF_Narr15)
The series I demonstrative can be used to introduce a new referent. This is

illustrated in (200), where òzyú introduces a participant which had not yet been
part of the story.
(200) néy’ òzyú múꜝkwámè àkêzyà

né=o-zyú mú-kwamé a-ké̲ːzy-a
com=aug-dem.i1 np1 -man sm1 -come-fv
‘And another man came.’ (NF_Narr15)
Series II demonstratives can be used with expressions of time, to indicate the

current time period, as in (201–202).
(201) èyìnó nsûndà

e-inó N-súnda
aug-dem.ii9 np9 -week
‘this week’ (ZF_Elic14)
(202) mwáìnò ènàkò shìtúꜝhárà

mwá-ino e-N-nako shi-tú̲-haH r-á̲
con18 -dem.ii9 aug-np9 -time inc-sm1PL .rel-live-fv
‘This time that we are now living in…’ (ZF_Conv13)
This temporal function of the series II demonstrative is also reflected in the use
of the locative demonstrative of class 16, which can be used adverbially meaning
‘(right) now’, as in (203–204).
(203) àbàntù hánù sìbàyèndàngàkó nèmótà

a-ba-ntu hanú si-ba-end-ang-a=kó̲ ne=N-motá
aug-np2 -person dem.ii16 inc-sm2 -go-hab-fv=loc17 com=np9 -car
‘People, now, they go there with cars.’ (as opposed to earlier, when they
would go with oxcarts) (NF_Narr17)
182
(204) òmwâncè kàrí kàákìshùwírè nênjà kònó hànô shààkìshùwírè nênjà

o-mu-ánce ka-rí ka-á̲-kiH -shuH w-í̲re nénja konó hanó
aug-np1 -child neg-be pst.ipfv-sm1 -refl-feel-stat well but dem.ii16
sha-a-kiH -shuH w-í̲re nénja
inc-sm1 -refl-feel-stat well
‘The child was not feeling well (earlier), but now she is feeling well.’
(ZF_Elic14)
Aside from expressing a temporal adverb, which is restricted to the demonstra-

tives of locative class 16, demonstratives of all three locative classes, viz. 16, 17
and 18, can be used as locative adverbs. These demonstratives can describe gen-
eral locations for class 16, as in (205), and 17, as in (206), and a contained location,
e.g. ‘in there/here’, for class 18, as in (207).
(205) bàzyíménè hênà

ba-zyiH mé̲n-e héna
sm2 -stand-stat dem.iv16
‘S/he stands there.’ (NF_Elic17)
(206) wáshàkêːzyì kûnò kùshàmbà ndíshâmbà

o-ásha-ké̲ːzy-i kúno ku-shamb-a ndí̲-shá̲mb-a
sm2SG -neg.sbjv-come-neg dem.ii17 inf-bath-fv sm1SG .rel-bath-fv
‘You cannot come here, I am bathing.’ (ZF_Elic14)
(207) bàrèrè mwínà

ba-reH re mwiná
sm2 -sleep.stat dem.iv18
‘They are asleep in there.’ (NF_Elic17)
4.3.3 Connectives
Connective constructions are used to link two nouns or pronouns through use of
a connective clitic. (208) gives an example of a connective construction in Fwe.
(208) mìnwè yómwânce

mi-nwe i-ó= mu-ánce
head connective dependent
np4 -finger pp4 -con= np1 -child
‘the fingers of the child’ (ZF_Elic14)
183
Similar markers are found in many Bantu languages, and referred to as con-
nective, associative, genitive or connexive (see Van de Velde 2013). One of the
points on which Bantu languages differ is the degree to which the connective
is phonologically integrated into the noun. In Fwe the connective functions as
a clitic, as it is phonologically integrated into the host noun, but displays the
syntactic behavior of a free word.
The connective clitic consists of a connective stem and a pronominal prefix
(see Table 4.1), which agrees in noun class with the head of the connective con-
struction. The connective stem consists of a single vowel, which is determined
by the noun class of the dependent of the connective construction, though in
this case there are significant differences between Zambian and Namibian Fwe.
In Namibian Fwe, the connective stem is identical to the vowel of the augment.
This is illustrated in (209–211) with a connective clitic that has a pronominal pre-
fix of class 3, which is realized as w-o-, w-e- or w-a-, depending on the augment
of the following noun.
(209) mùcírà wóꜝndávù (< òndávù ‘lion’)

mu-círa u-ó=∅-ndavú
np3 -tail pp3 -con=np1a -lion
‘the tail of a lion’
(210) mùbárá ꜝwènjûò (< ènjûò ‘house’)

mu-bará u-é=N-júo
np3 -color pp3 -con=np9 -house
‘the color of the house’
(211) mùbárá ꜝwámàbûnà (< àmàbûnà ‘leaves’)

mu-bará u-á=ma-búna
np3 -color pp3 -con=np6 -leaf
‘the color of the leaves’ (NF_Elic15)
In Zambian Fwe, the vowel of the connective stem is always /o/, regardless of
the augment of the noun with which the connective is used, as in (212–214).
(212) téꜝndé ꜝryóꜝndávù (< òndávù ‘lion’)

∅-téndé ri-ó=∅-ndavú
np5 -leg pp5 -con=np1a -lion
‘the leg of the lion’
184
(213) cìtúwá cònjûò (< ènjûò ‘house’)

ci-tuwá ci-ó=N-júo
np7 -roof pp7 -con=np9 -house
‘the roof of the house’
(214) téꜝndé ꜝryókàzyùnì (< àkàzyùnì ‘bird’)

∅-téndé ri-ó=ka-zyuni
np5 -leg pp5 -con=np12 -bird
‘the leg of the bird’ (ZF_Elic14)
The form of the connective also changes depending on the nature of the de-
pendent noun. When the dependent is a noun that cannot take an augment, the
vowel of the connective stem is always /a/, in both Namibian and Zambian Fwe.
This is the case with proper names, as in (215), and adverbs, as in (216). The vowel
of the connective is also realized as a when used with a demonstrative pronoun,
as in (217–218), as opposed to when the connective is used with an adnominal
demonstrative, in which case the vowel of the connective is determined by the
augment of the demonstrative; see (228–229).
(215) hànjà ryaRebecca

hanja ri-a=Rebecca
hand pp5 -con=Rebecca
‘Rebecca’s hand’ (ZF_Elic14)
(216) èzìàmbò zàshûnù nzícìkóró ꜝcámàyùnì

e-zi-ambo zi-a=shúnu N-zí-ci-koró ci-á=mayuni
aug-np8 -topic pp8 -con=today cop-pp8 -np7 -school pp7 -con=Mayuni
‘Today’s topic is Mayuni school.’ (NF_Song17)
(217) bànyûmbù nèmìcírà yábò

ba-nyúmbu ne=mi-círa i-á=bo
np2 -wildebeest com=np4 -tail pp4 -con=dem.iii2
‘The wildebeests and their tails.’ (NF_Song17)
(218) ècìntù nècìntù cìkwèsì òbùrótù bwácò nòbùbbí ꜝbwácò

e-ci-ntu ne=ci-ntu ci-kwesi o-bu-rótu
aug-np7 -thing com=np7 -thing sm7 -have aug-np14 -good
bu-a=có no=bu-bbí bu-a=có
pp14 -con=dem.iii7 com=aug-np14 -bad pp14 -con=dem.iii7
‘Everything has its advantage and its disadvantage.’ (ZF_Conv13)
185
Another group of nouns that never take an augment are nouns marked with a
locative prefix of class 16, 17 or 18. With these nouns, however, the vowel of the
connective is not consistently realized as a-, but as o- with class 17 and 18, as in
(219–220), and as a- with class 16, as in (221). These forms resemble the augment,
which is determined by vowel harmony with the nominal prefix, and therefore
the expected augment with class 16 would be a-, and o- with class 17 and 18, even
though these nouns may never take an augment.
(219) bàntù bòkúmùnzì

ba-ntu ba-o=kú-mu-nzi
np2 -person pp2 -con=np17 -np3 -village
‘the people of the village’
(220) zíryó ꜝzómúrùwà

zi-ryó zi-o=mú-ru-wa
np8 -food pp8 -con=np18 -np11 -field
‘the crops of the field’
(221) zíryó zàhámùkítì

zi-ryó zi-a=há-mu-kití
np8 -food pp8 -con=np16 -np3 -party
‘the food at the party’
Nouns that take a secondary class 2 prefix (used to mark respect; see §4.1.1)
also never take an augment. When such a noun takes a connective clitic, the
connective stem is reduced to zero, as in (222).
(222) ndóꜝrúfù rùbànyámùzàmbàràrà kúnjòvù

ndó-ru-fú ru-∅=ba-nyámuzambarara
cop.def11 -np11 -death pp11 -con=np2 -Nyamuzambarara
kú-∅-njovu
np17 -np1a -elephant
‘That is the death of Mrs. Nyamuzambarara by an elephant.’ (ZF_Narr15)
Table 4.20 gives an overview of the different forms of the connective clitic
found in Fwe.
The large number of allomorphs and regional variants of the connective can
mostly be explained historically as the result of vowel hiatus resolution between
a putative earlier connective stem *a and the vowel of the augment. That the orig-
inal form of the connective was -a is shown by its use with certain nouns that
186
Table 4.20: Connective clitics (including pronominal prefix)
nouns with an augment /a/; in Zambian Fwe; nouns with honorifics

certain augmentless nouns; nouns with an an augment
demonstrative pronouns augment /o/ /e/
1 wa o/w we u
1a wa o/w we u
2 ba bo be ba
3 wa o/wo we u
4 ya yo ye i
5 rya ryo rye ri
6 a o e a
7 ca co ce ci
8 za zo ze zi
9 ya yo ye i
10 za zo ze zi
11 rwa ro rw ru
12 ka ko ke ka
13 twa to twe tu
14 bwa bo bwe bu
15 kwa ko kwe ku
cannot take an augment. This is in line with the analysis of a canonical Bantu
connective construction by Van de Velde (2013), where the connective stem is a,
as well as with its reconstruction for Proto-Bantu by Meeussen (1967). The forms
of the connective where the vowel has changed to e or o are the result of coales-
cence with the vowel of the augment. In Zambian Fwe, a further development
has taken place where the connective stem with the vowel o, as a result of coa-
lescence with the augment o- of class 1, 1a, 3, 11, 13, 14 and 15, was extended to
nouns of all other classes, where the augment is a- or e-. This process of analog-
ical leveling has not affected Namibian Fwe.
Synchronically, the different forms of the connective can no longer be ex-
plained as coalescence of a vowel a of the connective stem with the augment of
the dependent noun, especially not in Zambian Fwe, where the vowel o is even
used with nouns that do not take o- as their augment. Even in Namibian Fwe,
if the different forms of the connective were the result of coalescence with the
augment, forms where coalescence does not take place would also be expected,
because the augment vowel in Fwe is optional (see §4.1.2).
Both the connective stem and the pronominal prefix are underlyingly toneless.
The connective clitic may be realized as high-toned only when the floating high
187
tone of the nominal augment attaches to it (see §4.1.2 on the formal properties
of the nominal augment). Examples of high-toned connective clitics are given in
(223–224).
(223) mùcírà wóꜝndávù
mu-círa u-ó=∅-ndavú
np3 -tail pp3 -con=np1a -lion
‘tail of a lion’
(224) ènshùkí ꜝzómùkêntù
e-N-shukí zi-ó=mu-kéntu
aug-np10 -hair pp10 -con=np1 -woman
‘the hair of the woman’ (ZF_Elic14)
When the connective is used with a dependent noun that can never take an
augment, the connective stem is consistently realized as low-toned, as illustrated
with locative-marked nouns in (225–226).
(225) mìnwè yòkúmàànjà
mi-nwe i-o=kú-ma-anja
np4 -finger pp4 -con=np17 -np6 -hand
‘fingers of the hands’ (ZF_Elic14)
(226) bàntù bòmúnjûò
ba-ntu ba-o=mú-N-júo
np2 -person pp2 -con=np18 -np9 -house
‘people of the house’ (NF_Elic15)
Van de Velde (2013) notes that the connective element in Bantu languages gen-
erally has an intermediate position between affix and word, and therefore ana-
lyzes it as a clitic. The same applies to the connective in Fwe. The phonological
integration is seen from the fact that the vowel of the connective stem interacts
with the augment of the noun it attaches to, and from its tonal behavior: the con-
nective clitic may be the target for high tone shift, as in (227), where the high
tone of the syllable mú spreads onto the preceding connective ryó. High tone
spread never crosses word boundaries (see §3.1.6), thus proving the phonological
integration of the connective clitic into the noun.
(227) èzwáyí ꜝryómúbùsùnsò
e-∅-zwaí ri-o=mú-bu-sunso
aug-np5 -salt pp5 -con=np18 -np14 -relish
‘the salt of the relish’ (NF_Elic15)
188
Syntactically, the connective clitic behaves like a separate word. When com-
bined with nouns that have a pre-nominal modifier, such as a demonstrative, as
in (228–229), the connective clitic is marked on the demonstrative, not the noun
itself. This shows that the connective behaves like a phrasal clitic, rather than a
nominal affix.
(228) òmùkìtí ꜝwábèná bàntù mànì wáràtèndàhàrà

o-mu-kití u-á=bená ba-ntu mani
aug-np3 -party pp3 -con=dem.iv2 np2 -person when
o-ára-tend-ahar-a
sm3 -rem.fut-do-neut-fv
‘Those people’s party, when will it take place?’ (NF_Elic17)
(229) èmísì yècí cìshámù mùshámù

e-mi-ísi i-e=cí ci-shamú N-mu-shamú
aug-np4 -root pp4 -con=dem.i7 np7 -tree cop-np3 -medicine
‘The roots of this tree are medicine.’ (ZF_Elic14)
The head of the connective construction can be left unexpressed, so the con-
struction consists of a dependent only. In this case, the noun class of the pronom-
inal prefix is determined by the intended or implied noun. In (230), a speaker
asks where her citenge (piece of fabric worn as wrap-around skirt) is; the re-
sponse uses headless connectives to ask for a description of the citenge, marked
for agreement with the class 7 noun citenge with class 7 pronominal prefixes.
(230) a. nòndìbónènì ècìtèngé ꜝcángù

no-ndi-bón-en-i e-ci-tengé ci-angú
sm2SG .pst-om1SG -see-appl-npst.pfv aug-np7 -citenge pp7 -poss1SG
‘Have you seen my citenge?’
b. cómùshòbònjí cókùsùbìrà cókùsìhà cókùtùbà
ci-ó=mu-shobo-njí ci-ó=ku-subir-a ci-ó=ku-sih-a
pp7 -con=np3 -type-what pp7 -con=inf-be_red-fv
ci-ó=ku-tub-a
pp7 -con=inf-be_black-fv pp7 -con=inf-be_white-fv
‘What kind? A red one, a black one, a white one?’ (NF_Elic15)
Semantically, the relationship between the two nouns in a connective construc-

tion can be interpreted in different ways. A connective can be used to indicate
possession, where the dependent is the possessor and the head the possessee, as
in (231–232).
189
(231) mùndáré òbàmùrútì

mu-ndaré u-o=ba-mu-rutí
np3 -maize pp3 -con=np2 -np1 -teacher
‘the maize of the teacher’
(232) njûò yámùyéꜝnzángù
N-júo i-á=mu-énz-angú
np9 -house pp9 -con=np1 -friend-poss1SG
‘the house of my friend’ (ZF_Elic14)
The relationship expressed by a connective construction may be a relationship
of qualification, where the dependent describes some property of the head, as in
(233–235).
(233) mwánà wècìsìzánì
mu-ána u-e=ci-sizaní
np1 -child pp1 -con=np7 -female
‘a female child’
(234) cíꜝkwáꜝmé cáꜝmárì
cí-kwamé ci-á=marí
np7 -man pp7 -con=polygamy
‘a polygamous man’ (NF_Elic15)
(235) ràpá ꜝryókùcènà
rapá ri-ó=ku-cen-a
courtyard pp5 -con=inf-be_clean-fv
‘a clean courtyard’ (ZF_Elic14)
A connective may also express the location of the head with respect to the
dependent, in which case the dependent is marked with a locative prefix of class
16, 17 or 18, as in (236–237).
(236) mìnwè yòkúmàànjà
mi-nwe i-o=kú-ma-anja
np4 -finger pp4 -con=np17 -np6 -hand
‘fingers of the hands’ (ZF_Elic14)
(237) bàntù bòmúmùnzì
ba-ntu ba-o=mú-mu-nzi
np2 -person pp2 -con=np18 -np3 -village
‘people from the village’ (NF_Elic17)
190
When the connective is used on an infinitive, it may take on some properties

of a separate clause. The infinitive may, for instance, have its own object, either
marked through a separate noun, as in (238), or with an object marker on the
verb, as in (239).
(238) ndààzyá màshérêŋì ókùkwèrès’ éꜝmótà

ndi-aazyá ma-sheréŋi a-ó=ku-kwer-es-á e-N-motá
sm1SG -have_not np6 -money pp6 -con=inf-board-caus-fv aug-np9 -car
‘I don’t have money for a taxi.’ (NF_Elic15)
(239) mùròrà ókùtúsànzìsà

mu-rora u-ó=ku-tú-sanz-is-a
np3 -soap pp3 -con=inf-om13 -wash-caus-fv
‘soap for washing them (dishes) with’ (NF_Elic17)
4.3.4 Quantifiers
Fwe has the following quantifiers: onshéː ‘all’, ngíː ‘many’, mwi(nya)/munya
‘some, other, a certain’. (Another quantifier, céː ‘few’, functions as an adjective;
see §4.3.1.) Quantifiers display agreement with the noun through use of pronomi-
nal prefixes (see Table 4.1). For class 1 and 1a, where two forms of the pronominal
prefix are attested, the form zyu- is used rather than the form u-.
The quantifier onshéː is used with the meaning ‘all, every, each, any’. It is typi-
cally used after the noun it modifies, as in (240), but may also be used before the
noun, as in (241). The pronominal prefix used with this quantifier is realized as
low-toned.
(240) èŋòmbè zònshéː nàzáùrìsìwà

e-N-ŋombe zi-onshéː na-zí̲-a-ur-is-iw-a
aug-np10 -cow pp10 -all rem-sm10 -pst-buy-caus-pass-fv
‘All the cattle have been sold.’ (ZF_Elic14)
(241) yònshéː èntúsó èyò ndíꜝóːrà òkùkùtùsà

i-onshéː e-N-tusó e-yo ndí̲-ó̲ːr-a
pp9 -all aug-np9 -help aug-dem.iii9 sm1SG .rel-can-fv
o-ku-ku-tus-a
aug-inf-om2SG -help-fv
‘Any help that I can provide to you…’ (NF_Narr17)
191
The quantifier onshéː may also be used with pronominal prefixes of the first
and second person, with an interpretation of ‘all of us/you; us/you together’, as
in (242–244).
(242) kùààzyá òzyò áshàká òkúfwà twènshéː tùsháká ꜝbúmì

ku-aazyá o-zyo á̲-shak-á̲ o-ku-fw-á tu-enshéː
sm17 -be_not aug-dem.iii1 sm1 .rel-want-fv aug-inf-die-fv pp1PL -all
tu-shak-á̲ bu-mí
sm1PL -want-fv np14 -life
‘There is no one who wants to die, we all want to be alive.’ (NF_Song17)
(243) tùyéndè twènshêː

tu-é̲nd-e tu-enshé
sm1PL -walk-pfv.sbjv pp1PL -all
‘Shall we walk together?’ (NF_Elic15)
(244) háìbà mwènshéː mùbèrékà

háiba mu-enshéː mu-berek-á̲
if pp2PL -all sm2PL -work-fv
‘If you all are working…’ (ZF_Conv13)
The quantifier ngíː ‘many; other’ is typically used after the noun it modifies,
as in (245–246), though a prenominal position is also possible, as in (247).
(245) zìzyùnì zîngîː

zi-zyuni zí-ngíː
np8 -bird pp8 -many
‘many birds’ (ZF_Elic14)
(246) nàdàmwá ꜝkúbàntù bângîː

na-dam-w-á̲ kú-ba-ntu bá-ngíː
sm1 .pst-beat-pass-fv np17 -np2 -person pp2 -many
‘S/he was beaten by many people.’ (NF_Elic17)
(247) zíngìː èmbúkà bábàrâ bò

zí-ngiː e-N-búka bá̲-bar-á̲ bo
pp10 -many aug-np10 -book sm2 .rel-read-fv dem.iii2
‘S/he reads many books.’ (NF_Elic15)
192
The quantifier mwi can be realized as mwi, mwinya, or munya, without observ-
able changes in meaning. This quantifier is used with the meaning ‘some, other,
another, a certain’. It may be used before the noun, as in (248), or after it, as in
(249).
(248) zyúmwì múꜝkwámè
zyú-mwi mú-kwamé
pp1 -other np1 -man
‘a certain man’ (ZF_Elic14)
(249) kùààzyá kùmwí òkò nèmúkàwánè òbùhárò búmùnyà
ku-aazyá ku-mwí o-ko ne-mú̲-ka-wá̲n-e
sm17 -be_not pp17 -other aug-dem.iii17 rem-sm2PL -dist-find-pfv.sbjv
o-bu-háro bú-munya
aug-np14 -life pp14 -other
‘There is nowhere where you can find another life.’ (ZF_Conv13)
Used with a pronominal prefix of class 16, as in (250), this quantifier may have
a temporal interpretation, e.g. ‘sometimes’.
(250) hámùnyà kàzíꜝyángà kwàrìzáùrì hámùnyà kàtúꜝzwángà kwàmakanga
tùyá kwàrìnyântì
há-munya ka-zí̲-y-á̲ng-a kwa-rizáuli há-munya
pp16 -other pst.ipfv-sm10 -go-hab-fv np17 -Lizauli pp16 -other
ka-tú̲-zw-á̲ng-a kwa-makanga tu-y-á̲
pst.ipfv-sm1PL -come_out-hab-fv np17 -Makanga sm1PL -go-fv
kwa-rinyánti
np17 -Linyanti
‘Sometimes they would go to Lizauli. Sometimes, we would go from
Makanga to Linyanti.’ (NF_Narr17)
Like other nominal modifiers, quantifiers may also be used nominally, replac-
ing instead of modifying a noun. In this case, the quantifier takes the pronominal
prefix that agrees in noun class with the noun it replaces or refers to, e.g. class 2
in (251) to indicate plural human referents, and class 1 in (252) to indicate a single
human referent.
(251) bònshéː bàrwárà kàmpòrwè
ba-onshéː ba-rwá̲H r-a ka-mporwe
pp2 -all sm2 -be_ill-fv np12 -diarrhea
‘They all suffer from diarrhea.’ (NF_Elic17)
193
(252) bàkéntù bòbírè zyúmwì ákùzârà òmùntù zyúmwì ákùzârà èŋwárárà

ba-kéntu ba-o=biré zyú-mwi á-ku-zár-a
np2 -woman pp2 -con=two pp1 -other pp1 -inf-give_birth-fv
o-mu-ntu zyú-mwi á-ku-zár-a e-∅-ŋwarará
aug-np1 -person pp1 -other pp1 -inf-give_birth-fv aug-np5 -crow
‘Two women. One gave birth to a human being, the other one gave
birth to a crow.’ (NF_Narr17)
4.3.5 Possessives
Fwe has a small set of possessives stems, listed, with their underlying tone pat-
terns, in Table 4.21.
Table 4.21: Possessive stems
singular plural
1 angú etú
2 akó enú
3 akwé (abó)
The possessive stem is marked for agreement with the head noun with a
pronominal prefix (see Table 4.1). An example is given in (253), where the pos-
sessive stem etú is marked with a pronominal prefix u- of class 3, agreeing with
the head noun mùnzí ‘village’.
(253) mùnzí ꜝwétù

mu-nzí u-etú
np3 -village pp3 -poss1PL
‘our village’
Fwe lacks a dedicated possessive stem for the third person plural. Instead, the
demonstrative of class 2 (the class for plural human nouns) is used, abó, as in
(254).
(254) òmùndáré ꜝwábò

o-mu-ndaré u-abó
aug-np3 -maize pp3 -dem.iii2
‘their maize’
194
All possessives have a floating high tone which surfaces on the mora preceding
the possessive, usually the last mora of the noun it modifies. In (255), the low-
toned noun vùmò ‘stomach’, is realized as vùmó when followed by the possessive
ryángù ‘my’.
(255) vùmó ꜝryángù

∅-vumó ri-angú
np5 -stomach pp5 -poss1SG
‘my stomach’ (ZF_Elic14
Possessives may be used adnominally, modifying a noun, or nominally, re-

placing a noun. When used adnominally, the possessive may follow the noun it
modifies, as in (255), or may precede the noun it modifies, in which case focus lies
on the possessive, as in (256). In this setting, another speaker has just finished
telling a short story. The speaker focuses the possessive ‘my’ here to indicate
that his story, too, is short.
(256) rwàngú rùtângò ndùfwíhì nórò

ru-angú ru-tángo N-ru-fwíi no=ró
pp11 -poss1SG np11 -story cop-np11 -short com=dem.iii11
‘My story is also short.’ (NF_Narr17)
When a possessive is used to replace a noun, the entity referred to can be in-
ferred from context, and also provides the agreement prefix used on the posses-
sive. In (257), two speakers discuss a cow; in the response, the possessive yángù is
used to refer back to this cow, and agrees in noun class by taking the pronominal
prefix of class 9.
(257) a. ndàbónì èŋòmbè kúrwîzyì njákò

ndi-a-bón-i e-N-ŋombe kú-ru-ízyi
sm1SG -pst-see-npst.pfv aug-np9 -cow np17 -np11 -river
N-i-akó
cop-pp9 -poss2SG
‘I saw a cow at the river. Is it yours?’
b. íngà yángù kùmùnzì íkèrè
ínga i-angú ku-mu-nzi í̲-keH re
no pp9 -poss1SG np17 -np3 -village sm9 .rel-stay.stat
‘No, mine is at home.’ (ZF_Elic13)
195
In some cases, the possessive stem may fuse with the noun it modifies as a
suffix. This is restricted to a closed set of nouns expressing social or family rela-
tions, such as yenz ‘friend’, as in (258), ana ‘child’, as in (259), or isho ‘father’, as
in (260).
(258) mùyéꜝnzángù
mu-énz-angú
np1 -friend-poss1SG
‘my friend’
(259) àbáꜝnénù
a-ba-án-enú
aug-np2 -child-poss2PL
‘your (pl) children’
(260) béshwétù
ba-ísho-etú
np2 -father-poss1PL
‘our father’
Suffixed possessives do not show agreement, but are otherwise very similar to
the forms of the independently used possessive stems, except those of the second
and third person singular, which have been reduced from akó and akwé in their
independent form to -ó and -é in the suffixed form. Table 4.22 gives the forms of
the suffixed possessive stems in Fwe.
Table 4.22: Suffixed possessive stems
singular plural
1 -àngú -ètú
2 -ó -ènú
3 -é -àbó
Some nouns that take suffixed possessives cannot occur without a possessive.
Other nouns take suffixed possessives for the second and third person singular,
and suffixed possessives for other persons, such as the noun mu-kúru ‘elder sib-
ling’ in (261).
196
(261) mùkúrwê
mu-kúrw-é
np1 -elder_sibling-poss3SG
‘his/her (elder) sister’
(262) mùkúrù wángù

mu-kúru u-angú
np1 -elder_sibling pp1 -poss1SG
‘my (elder) sister’ (ZF_Elic14)
197
5 Minor word categories
This chapter discusses a number of minor syntactic categories: personal pro-
nouns in §5.1, comitative clitics in §5.2, copulative prefixes in §5.3, appositive
prefixes in §5.4, and adverbs in §5.5.
5.1 Personal pronouns

Fwe has a set of personal pronouns that are used to refer to the first, second and
third person singular and plural. The forms of these personal pronouns are given
in Table 5.1 The personal pronoun for the third person plural is identical to the
demonstrative form àbó, which is also used as a third person plural possessive
(see §4.3.5). In Namibian Fwe, the initial vowel of the personal pronouns can be
either e- or i-. Personal pronouns typically have a high tone on the last syllable,
but this high tone may be intonational; personal pronouns are frequently used in
contexts where they are directly followed by a pause, which seems to condition
a rising intonation. Although intonation in Fwe has not been studied system-
atically, it is possible that the frequently attested final high tone on personal
pronouns is intonational.
Table 5.1: Personal pronouns
Singular Plural
first person emé / imé (‘I’) eswé / iswé (‘we’)
second person ewé / iwé (‘you’) enwé / inwé (‘you’)
third person eyé / iyé (‘he/she’) (abó) (‘they’)
Personal pronouns are only used for human referents; to refer to non-human
referents, demonstratives are used (see §4.3.2).
The involvement of a first, second or third person as a subject or object is
usually marked with subject and object markers on the verb, except when it is in
focus or topicalized. To mark a first, second or third person as topic, a personal
pronoun is used in the left-dislocated position (see also §13.2 on left dislocation),
as in (1–2).
(1) cwárè éyè kàzyíː kùŋôrà

cwaré eyé ka-a-zyí̲ː ku-ŋór-a
then pers3SG neg-sm1 -know.stat inf-write-fv
‘But she, she doesn’t know how to write.’ (ZF_Conv13)
(2) émè kwààzy’ ómò sàké ndìmùpángîrè
émè ku-aazyá o-mo saké ndi-mu-pang-í̲r-e
pers1SG sm17 -be_not aug-dem.iii18 if sm1SG -om1 -do-appl-pfv.sbjv
‘Me, there is nothing I can do for her.’ (NF_Narr17)
To express focus on the first, second or third person, a personal pronoun is
used as the clefted element of a cleft construction (see also §13.6 on cleft con-
structions). A clefted pronoun marking exclusive focus (‘only she, no one else’)
is shown in (3), and a clefted pronoun marking information focus is shown in (4).
(3) ndéyè bùryó ꜝárèːtà èzìbyà mwíꜝrápà
ndi-eyé bu-ryó á̲-reːH t-a e-zi-bya
cop-pers3SG np14 -only sm1 .rel-bring-fv aug-np8 -item
mú-e-∅-rapá
np18 -aug-np5 -courtyard
‘She is the only one who can bring items into the courtyard.’ (ZF_Conv13)
(4) èyí ènjûò ndìmé nìbáyìzyàːkírà
e-í e-N-júo ndi-mé
aug-dem.i9 aug-np9 -house cop-pers1SG
ni-bá̲-a-iH -zyaːH k-ir-á̲
rem-sm2 -pst-om9 -build-appl-fv<rel>
‘This house, it is me that it is was built for.’ (NF_Elic15)
Personal pronouns are also required when the first, second or third person is
used with a comitative or a copula, as in (5–6).
(5) mbùryó ꜝndízànà néwè
mbu-ryó ndí̲-zan-a ne=wé
only sm1SG -play-fv com=pers2SG
‘I’m just joking with you.’ (NF_Elic15)
(6) ndìmé ꜝSánètì Cábòrà
ndi-mé sáneti cábora
cop-pers1SG Saneti Chabola
‘I am Saneti Chabola.’ (NF_Narr17)
200
5.2 Comitatives
Personal pronouns for the second person are frequently used as a term of ad-
dress, as in (7–8).
(7) íwè cìnjí àhò kórâːrì

iwé ∅-ci-njí a-ho ka-ó̲-rá̲ːr-i
pers2SG cop-np7 -what aug-dem.iii16 neg-sm2SG -sleep-neg
‘You! Why are you not sleeping!’ (NF_Narr15)
(8) íwè òtèèzé ꜝkúnù

iwé o-teH ez-é̲ kunú
pers2SG sm2SG -listen-pfv.sbjv dem.ii17
‘You, listen here.’ (NF_Narr17)
5.2 Comitatives
The comitative expresses a variety of meanings, some of which are captured by
the English translation ‘and’. It is expressed by a clitic with the form nV=, where
V stands for a vowel /a/, /e/, /o/, or /i/. When used with nouns that can take an
augment, the vowel of the augment determines the vowel of the comitative, as
in (9–11).
(9) nòngwènà (< òngwènà ‘crocodile’)

no=∅-ngwena
com=np1a -crocodile
‘and a crocodile’
(10) nénswì (< énswì ‘fish’)

ne=N-swí
com=np9 -fish
‘and a fish’
(11) nàkàfùrò (< àkàfùrò ‘knife’)

na=ka-furo
com=np12 -knife
‘and a knife’
The comitative nV= in Fwe is the reflex of a marker *na reconstructed for Bantu
as an “associative index” by Meeussen (1967). Traces of the original vowel /a/
in this marker are no longer found in Fwe; the vowel of the comitative fully
201
assimilates to the augment of the noun to which it prefixes. There are also cases
where the comitative in Fwe does not copy the vowel of the augment, as discussed
below, but even in these cases, the original vowel /a/ never surfaces.
When the comitative is cliticized to a word that cannot take an augment, it
is realized as na=, ne=, or ni=. This is the case with inflected verbs, where the
comitative is realized as na- in Zambian Fwe, as in (12), and as ni=, as in (13) or
ne=, as in (14), in Namibian Fwe.
(12) kàndípàkíté mwâncè nàndìkwèsì ndìtòmbwêrà

ka-ndí̲-pak-í̲te mw-ánce na=ndi-kwesi
rpp-sm1SG -carry_on_back-stat np1 -child com=sm1SG -prog
ndi-tombwé̲r-a
sm1SG -weed-fv
‘I was carrying my child on my back while I was weeding.’ (ZF_Elic14)
(13) ndàkùrí kùbútùkà nìndìzìmbùrùká ègrâùndì

ndi-aku-rí ku-bútuk-a ni=ndi-ziH mburuk-á̲
sm1SG -npst.ipfv-be inf-run-fv com=sm1SG -surround-fv
e-∅-gráundi
aug-np9 -sports_field
‘I was running around the sports field.’ [lit.: ‘I was running while
surrounding the sportsfield.’] (NF_Elic15)
(14) ndìzyìmáná nèndìtóntwêrè

ndi-zyiH man-á̲ ne=ndi-toH ntwé̲re
sm1SG -stand-fv com=sm1SG -be_cold.stat
‘I stand up quietly.’ [lit. ‘I stand up while I am quiet’] (NF_Elic15)
With nouns that never take an augment, the form of the comitative is ni=,
ne= or na=. For instance, with nouns with a secondary prefix ba- (used to mark
respect; see §4.1.4), the form of the comitative may be na= or ne= in Zambian
Fwe, as in (15–16), and ni= in Namibian Fwe, as in (17).
(15) kàtúrèrè kúrùwà nèbàmùkéntù wángù

ka-tú̲-reH re kú-ru-wa ne=ba-mu-kéntu
pst.ipfv-sm1PL -sleep.stat np17 -np11 -field com=np2 -np1 -woman
u-angú
pp1 -poss1SG
‘My wife and I were sleeping at the field.’ (ZF_Elic13)
202
5.2 Comitatives
(16) nàbàmùkéntù wángù

na=ba-mu-kéntu u-angú
com=np2 -np1 -woman pp1 -poss1SG
‘And also my wife.’ (ZF_Narr15)
(17) ndìhárá nìbàmùkéntù wángù nàbánàngù
ndi-haH r-á̲ ni=ba-mu-kéntu u-angú na=ba-ána-angu
sm1SG -live-fv com=np2 -np1 -woman pp1 -poss1SG com=np2 -child-poss1SG
‘I live with my wife and children.’ (NF_Elic15)
The same variation in the realization of the comitative is seen with other nouns
referring to kinship terms or social relations, even though these nouns do take
an augment, such as the noun phrase mùkéntù wàkwé ‘his wife’ in (18) and the
noun mwânè ‘her child’ in (19).
(18) káhùpúrà ìyé témà nèmùkéntù wàkwé mómò àkàráːrè
ka-á̲-hupur-á̲ iyé téma ne=mu-kéntu u-akwé
pst.ipfv-sm1 -think-fv that maybe com=np1 -woman pp1 -poss1SG
N-ó-mo a-ka-raːH r-é̲
cop-aug-dem.iii18 sm1 -dist-sleep-pfv.sbjv
‘He thought that maybe his wife would also be sleeping in there.’
(NF_Narr15)
(19) òmùbèrékì kàswànéré kùkèːzyà kúnò nèmwânè
o-mu-beréki ka-a-swaneré̲ ku-keːzy-a kúno
aug-np1 -worker neg-sm1 -must inf-come-fv dem.ii17
ne=mu-án-e
com=np1 -child-poss3SG
‘A worker must not come here with her child.’ (ZF_Conv13)
In Namibian Fwe, the use of the ne= form with nouns that do not have an
e- augment is restricted to a handful of nouns referring to kinship relations. In
Zambian Fwe, the ne= form is also frequently found with nouns of class 6 or 12.
These nouns take an augment a-, and therefore the expected comitative form
would be na=, as in the Namibian Fwe example in (20); in Zambian Fwe, the
comitative with these nouns is often realized as ne=, as in (21).
(20) ndìbyârà òmùndárè nàmàbérè
ndi-byá̲r-a o-mu-ndaré na=ma-beré
sm1SG -plant-fv aug-np3 -maize com=np6 -millet
‘I grow maize and millet.’ (NF_Elic15)
203
(21) mùndáré nèmàhìrà

mu-ndaré ne=ma-ir-a
np3 -maize com=np6 -sorghum
‘maize and sorghum’ (ZF_Elic14)
The ne= form of the comitative with nouns with an a- augment is not obliga-
tory in Zambian Fwe, though. Both the ne= and na= forms of the comitative are
found with nouns with an a- augment, as seen in (22).
(22) òmbwá nàkásè ~ òmbwá nèkásè

o-∅-mbwá na/ne=ka-sé
aug-np1a -dog com=np12 -cat
‘a dog and a cat’1 (ZF_Elic14)
The comitative clitic is phonologically dependent on the word to which it is

attached, as seen from its interaction with the augment, which determines the
quality of the vowel. Morphosyntactically, the comitative clitic is relatively free.
The comitative precedes all prefixes: when added to a noun, the comitative pre-
cedes the noun’s (primary) nominal prefix, but also its secondary nominal prefix,
such as those of the locative classes 16-18, as shown in (23), or the class 2 prefix
used as secondary prefix, as seen in (24).
(23) ndìkwèsí njûò mwàìmûshò nòkwásìnjèmbèrà

ndi-kwesí N-júo mwa-imúsho no=kwá-sinjembera
sm1SG -have np9 -house np18 -Imusho com=np17 -Sinjembela
‘I have a house in Imusho and in Sinjembela.’ (ZF_Elic14)
(24) nàbàmùkéntù wángù

na=ba-mu-kéntu u-angú
com=np2 -np1 -woman pp1 -poss1SG
‘And also my wife.’ (ZF_Narr15)
1
There is even an example of a comitative no= used with a noun that takes an augment e-. The
only occurrence of this is with the noun eminwe ‘fingers’ used in counting; in this case the
comitative is always realized as no=.zònéː nòmìnwè yòbírè
(i) zi-o=néː no-mi-nwe i-o=biré

pp10 -con=four com-np4 -finger pp4 -con=two
‘six (lit. four and two fingers)’
204
5.2 Comitatives
Furthermore, the comitative clitic may attach to any word: nouns, pronouns,
infinitives, and inflected verbs. There are some similarities between the comita-
tive and the connective clitic (see §4.3.3), which is also phrase-initial and inter-
acts with the augment. However, whereas the connective may be targeted by H
spread, a tone process that never crosses word boundaries, H spread never tar-
gets the comitative clitic. Furthermore, when the comitative and connective are
combined, the comitative precedes the connective clitic, as seen in (25).
(25) nàkíhùrìrì mùròrà wàkwê nòwámùkéntù wàkwê
na-kí-ur-ir-i mu-rora u-akwé
sm1 -pst-refl-buy-appl-npst.pfv np3 -soap pp3 -poss3SG
no=u-á=mu-kéntu u-akwé
com=pp3 -con=np1 -woman pp1 -poss3SG
‘He has bought soap for himself and his wife.’ (ZF_Elic14)
Finally, whereas the comitative may attach to any word, including inflected
verbs, the connective is limited to nominal elements. These facts suggest that
the connective clitic is more closely integrated into the word it attaches to than
the comitative, though both can be considered clitics.
One of the main functions of the comitative is to express conjunctive coordi-
nation, for instance, of two nouns, as in (26), or of two pronouns, as in (27).
(26) ndávú nònjòvù
∅-ndavú no=∅-njovu
np1a -lion com=np1a -elephant
‘a lion and an elephant’
(27) èmé nêwè
emé né=we
pers1SG com=pers2SG
‘you and me’ (ZF_Elic14)
When the comitative is used with a conjunctive function, the comitative usu-
ally appears on the second conjunct only. The comitative may also be repeated
on both conjuncts to express emphatic coordination, as in (28).
(28) nòmwáncè nòmùkêntù kwàázy’ écò kàbàzyîː
no=mu-ánce no=mu-kéntu ku-aazyá e-có
com=np1 -child com=np1 -woman sm17 -be_not aug-dem.iii7
ka-ba-zyi-í̲
pst.ipfv-sm2 -know.stat-neg
‘Both the child and the wife, they knew nothing.’ (NF_Narr15)
205
The comitative is used with an infinitive to create a consecutive verb form,

which expresses subsequent action, as illustrated in (29–30) (see §8.5 on the con-
secutive).
(29) àpàpàúrà nòkùhìnd’ òmùzîò
a-papaur-á̲ no=ku-hind-a o-mu-zío
sm1 -divide-fv com=inf-take-fv aug-np3 -load
‘He divides the animal into pieces and takes it as a load.’ (NF_Narr15)
(30) ndàtóːꜝrí cìshámù nòkùdàmá zyôkà
ndi-a-tóːr-í ci-shamú no=ku-dam-á ∅-zyóka
sm1SG -pst-pick_up-npst.pfv np7 -stick com=inf-beat-fv np5 -snake
‘I took a stick and beat the snake.’ (ZF_Narr13)
The comitative can also be used with inflected verbs, which are then inter-
preted as simultaneous with the previous inflected verb. The comitative may only
be used on a verb in the present tense construction; its temporal implications are
then determined by the inflection of the preceding inflected verb: both events are
interpreted as present if the preceding verb is in the present construction, as in
(31), or past, if the preceding verb is inflected for past tense, as in (32).
(31) ndìshúwírè ònjòvù nàjwêngà
ndi-shuH -í̲re o-∅-njovu na=a-jwé̲ng-a
sm1SG -hear-stat aug-np1a -elephant com=sm1 -shout-fv
‘I hear an elephant shouting.’
(32) ndàbónì bâncè nìbàbùtúkà
ndi-a-bón-i ba-ánce ni=ba-buH tuk-á̲
sm1SG -pst-see-npst.pfv np2 -child com=sm2 -run-fv
‘I saw children running.’ (NF_Elic15)
A second major function of the comitative clitic in Fwe is to express comitative
meaning, roughly translatable as ‘(together) with’, as in (33–35).
(33) kàbáyêndà nàbàmbwá ꜝbábò
ka-bá̲-é̲nd-a na-ba-mbwá ba-abó
pst.ipfv-sm2 -go-fv com=np2 -dog pp2 -dem.iii2
‘She was walking with her dogs.’ (ZF_Narr15)
(34) nènyàzì yákw’ ꜝákèrè
ne=N-nyazi i-akwé á̲-keH re
com=np9 -lover pp9 -poss3SG sm1 .rel-sit.stat
‘She is with her lover.’ (ZF_Conv13)
206
5.2 Comitatives
(35) ndìsháká èntí nòmùzírìrì

ndi-shak-á̲ e-N-tí no=mu-zíriri
sm1SG -want-fv aug-np9 -tea com=np3 -fresh_milk
‘I want tea with fresh milk.’ (ZF_Elic14)
Fwe can also use the comitative for a type of conjunction called ‘inclusory con-
junction’ (Haspelmath 2007). This involves a comitative-marked nominal which
refers to a participant that is already implied by a plural pronoun or subject
marker. In (36), the subjects ‘you and I’ are both covered by the first person plu-
ral subject marker tu- ‘we’ on the verb. The second person singular is expressed
again through a comitative-marked personal pronoun ewe ‘you (SG)’.
(36) mbòtúyèndèrérè néwè kwíꜝtáwúnì

mbo-tú̲-end-er-er-é ne=wé ku-é-∅-tawuní
near.fut-sm1PL -go-int-pfv.sbjv com=pers2SG np17 -aug-np9 -town
‘I will walk with you to town.’ (NF_Elic15)
Inclusory conjunction involving a full noun rather than a pronoun is illus-

trated in (37), which describes the speaker and his wife; although bàmùkéntù
wángù ‘my wife’, is expressed as a comitative, the agreement on the verb is plu-
ral ‘we’, indicating that both ‘I’ and ‘my wife’ are subjects of the verb.
(37) kàtúrèrè kúrùwà nèbàmùkéntù wángù

ka-tú̲-reH re kú-ru-wa ne=ba-mu-kéntu
pst.ipfv-sm1PL -sleep.stat np17 -np11 -field com=np2 -np1 -woman
u-angú
pp1 -poss1SG
‘My wife and I were sleeping at the field.’ (ZF_Narr13)
Inclusory conjunction is also possible when both the conjuncts are full noun
phrases. In (38), the noun bàntù ‘people’ is in the plural, and is supplemented by
an inclusory conjunct nòmùshêrè ‘and [his] friend’.
(38) ònkómbwè nèŋwárárà kàbárí bàntù nòmùshêrè

o-∅-nkombwe ne=∅-ŋwarará ka-bá̲-rí ba-ntu
aug-np1a -tortoise com=np5 -crow pst.ipfv-sm2 -be np2 -person
no=mu-shére
com=np1 -friend
‘Tortoise and crow, they were friends.’ (lit.: ‘They were people and [his]
friend.’) (NF_Narr17)
207
Inclusory conjunction is not obligatory. In (39), the subjects of the verb are the
speaker and his dog, but the verb shows first person singular agreement, rather
than first person plural.
(39) hàcìtûngù ndàyèndérèrì nòmbwá ꜝwángù

ha-ci-túngu ndi-a-end-é̲r-er-i no=∅-mbwá u-angú
np16 -np7 -hut sm1SG -pst-go-int-npst.pfv com=np1a -dog pp1 -poss1SG
‘From the hut, I left with my dog.’ (ZF_Narr13)
Crucial in determining whether a nominal marked with the comitative marker

nV = is treated as an inclusory conjunct is the degree of control by the comitative-
marked subject over the action. In the examples of inclusory conjunction in (36)
and (37), the subjects expressed by a comitative are human (ewe ‘you’, (36), and
bàmùkéntù wángù ‘my wife’, (37)), and therefore equally in control of the action
as the speaker. In the examples without inclusory conjunction, such as (39), the
speaker (‘I’), as a human, is more in control of the action than the comitative
subject nòmbwá ꜝwángù ‘my dog’.
The comitative can also be used to express an instrumental, as in (40–41).
(40) shìbànàkàsírì nòbwátò

shi-ba-na-ka-sír-i no=bu-ató
inc-sm2 -pst-dist-sail-npst.pfv com=np14 -canoe
‘He has sailed with the canoe.’ (NF_Narr15)
(41) kùkànkà ndíꜝkánkà ècìkúnì nàkàtêmù

ku-kank-a ndí̲-ká̲nk-a e-ci-kuní na=ka-tému
inf-cut-fv sm1SG -cut-fv aug-np7 -tree com=np12 -axe
‘I chop the tree with an axe.’ (NF_Elic15)
Another strategy Fwe uses to express an instrumental is the verbal causative

suffix (see §6.2 on the causative), which may combine to express focus on the
instrument; see (65) in §6.2.
The comitative can also be used to express additive focus, translatable as ‘also’,
‘too’ or ‘as well’, as in (42–43).
(42) nèmùkêntù wángù nàshwénì wâwà

ne=mu-kéntu u-angú na-shwén-i wáwa
com=np1 -woman pp1 -poss1SG sm1 .pst-be_tired-npst.pfv very
‘My wife has also become very tired.’ (ZF_Elic14)
208
5.2 Comitatives
(43) nèshúnù hánù ndìshíní múꜝcécì yáꜝpéntékòsítì

ne=shunú hanú ndi-shiH -ní mú-∅-céci i-á-pentékosití
com=today dem.ii16 sm1SG -per-be np18 -np9 -church pp9 -con=Pentecoste
‘Even today/up to this very day, I am still in the Pentecost church.’
(ZF_Narr15)
Rather than marking the focused noun with a comitative, additive focus can
also be expressed by adding a co-referential personal pronoun marked with the
comitative, as in (44–45).
(44) néyè mùkéntù ákùbúːkà

ne=yé mu-kéntu á-o-ku-búːk-a
com=pers3SG np1 -woman con1 -aug-inf-wake-Itr-fv
‘The wife also wakes up.’ (NF_Narr15)
(45) òmúꜝkwámè nêyè zàkwé zézìzì

o-mú-kwamé ne=yé zi-akwé zé-zi-zi
aug-np1 -man com=pers3SG pp10 -poss3SG cop.def8 -emph-dem.i8
‘The husband, too, his things are this and that.’ (ZF_Conv13)
Another function of the comitative is as a marker of direct speech. It is attached

to a personal pronoun indicating the speaker of the quotation, as in (46–48).
(46) òmúꜝkwámé nêyè shìbànàrâːrì

o-mú-kwamé ne=yé shi-ba-na-ráːr-i
aug-np1 -man com=pers3SG inc-sm2 -pst-sleep-npst.pfv
‘The man said: they are asleep now.’ (NF_Narr15)
(47) némè ndùngwè

ne=mé ndu-∅-ngwe
com=pers3SG cop-np1a -leopard
‘I said: it was a leopard.’ (ZF_Narr14)
(48) mwáncè néyè máyè máyè màshènè

mu-ánce ne=yé ∅-máye ∅-máye N-ma-shene
np1 -child com=pers3SG np1a -mother np1a -mother cop-np6 -worm
‘The child said: mother, mother, there are worms.’ (NF_Narr15)
The comitative can be used to coordinate two identical nouns, giving the in-
terpretation ‘every’, as in (49–51).
209
(49) òmùntù nòmùntù

o-mu-ntu no=mu-ntu
aug-np1 -person com=np1 -person
‘everyone’ (ZF_Elic13)
(50) èzyúbà nèzyûbà káyàngà kùrùwà

e-∅-zyúba ne=∅-zyúba ka-á̲-y-ang-a ku-ru-wa
aug-np5 -day com=np5 -day pst.ipfv-sm1 -go-hab-fv np17 -np11 -field
‘Every day she would go to the field.’ (NF_Narr15)
(51) ècìntù nècìntù cìkwèsì òbùrôtù nòbúbbì

e-ci-ntu ne=ci-ntu ci-kwesi o-bu-rótu no=bu-bbí
aug-np7 -thing com=np7 -thing sm7 -have aug-np14 -good com=np14 -bad
‘Everything has advantages and disadvantages.’ (ZF_Conv13)
5.3 Copulatives
A copulative prefix is used in non-verbal sentences to link the subject to a predi-
cate. The copulative prefix has a basic and a definite form. The basic form consists
of a homorganic nasal prefix N-, which interacts with the noun’s nominal pre-
fix in ways that only partially follow established morphophonological rules in
Fwe. The definite form consists of a separate form for each noun class. The full
paradigm of copulative prefixes is shown in Table 5.2.
When the homorganic nasal of the basic copula is added to a nominal prefix
that begins with a nasal consonant, the homorganic nasal is absorbed by the
nasal consonant, leading to homophony between the nominal prefix and nominal
prefix combined with a copulative. This is the case for the nominal prefixes of
class 1 mu-, class 3 mu-, class 4 mi-, class 6 ma-, and class 18 mu-. For these classes,
a simple noun can be interpreted as either with or without the copulative, as
shown in (52) with the class 1 noun mu-ntu ‘person’, which is ambiguous between
‘a person’ and ‘it is a person’. The only formal distinction between nouns with
and without a basic copulative prefix is that nouns with a copula may not take a
vocalic augment, whereas nouns without a copula do, as shown in (54).
(52) mùntù
mu-ntu
np1 -person
‘a person’
210
5.3 Copulatives
Table 5.2: Copulative prefixes
Nominal prefix Basic copulative Definite copulative

1/2/3 SG ndi- ndé-
1 mu- N- ndó-
2 ba- N- mbá-
1a ∅- ndu- ndó-
3 mu- N- ngó-
4 mi- N- njé-
5 ∅- ndi- ndé-
6 ma- N- ngá-
7 ci ∅- cé-
8 zi- ∅- zé-
9 N- nji- njé-
10 N- ∅- zé-
11 ru- N- ndó-
12 ka- ∅- ká-
13 tu- ∅- (n)tó-
14 bu- N- mbó-
15 ku- ∅- kó-
16 ha- N- mpá-
17 ku- ∅- kó-
18 mu- N- mó-
(53) mùntù
N-mu-ntu
cop-np1 -person
‘It is a person.’
(54) òmùntù
o-mu-ntu
aug-np1 -person
‘a person’ (* ‘It’s a person.’)
When the nominal prefix begins with a voiceless stop, the basic copula is zero,
i.e. no homorganic nasal is used. This is the case for the prefixes of class 7 ci-,
class 12 ka-, class 13 tu-, class 15 ku-, and class 17 ku-. The homorganic nasal of
211
the copula is also not realized with the prefix of class 8 zi-, which begins with
a voiced fricative. In Namibian Fwe, the nasal prefix can occasionally be heard
in these cases. The loss of a nasal before a voiceless stop is not a regular mor-
phophonological rule in Fwe; as discussed in 2.5.1, homorganic nasals that mark
noun classes 9/10 are maintained on voiceless stops, and as shown in Table 2.1,
prenasalized voiceless stops are regular phonemes in Fwe. Therefore the loss of
the homorganic nasal of the copula before voiceless stops is specific to the copu-
lative prefix.
Nominal prefixes with the bilabial fricative /b/, the alveolar tap /r/ or the glottal
fricative /h/, change their initial consonant to a stop when combined with the
copulative prefix N-. This is the case for the prefixes of class 2 ba-, class 11 ru-,
class 14 bu-, and class 16 ha-, but also for class 5, where the regular prefix is zero,
but the allomorph ri- is used when combined with the homorganic nasal of the
copulative, creating ndi-.
The nominal prefix of class 1a is zero, and the prefixes of class 9 and 10 are a
homorganic nasal only. When used with the basic copula, the nominal prefix of
class 1a is realized as ndu-, the nominal prefix of class 9 is realized as nji-, and the
nominal prefix of class 10 is realized as zi-. The forms nji- and zi- for class 9/10
resemble the historical form of the augment, reconstructed as *jɪ- for class 9 and
*ji- for class 10 (Meeussen 1967: 99). Many Bantu languages have lost or reduced
the earlier CV augment, but traces of it can still be seen in certain contexts, such
as the copulative (de Blois 1970). The form of the basic copulative prefixes for
class 9 and 10 in Fwe have been created by combining a homorganic nasal with
the historical augment of these classes, resulting in the modern nji- and zi- forms.
The copulative form ndi- of class 5 shows signs of being extended to other
classes. In certain cases, it is used on nouns of class 1, as in (55), 1a, as in (56), or
9, as in (57). This is not an indication that class 9 nouns are reassigned to class 5;
as the agreement on the adjective in (58) shows, the noun nako ‘time’ functions
as a class 9 noun, even though it takes the copulative prefix ndi-.
(55) ênì ndìmwáncù wángú ꜝndírìndîrè

éni ndi-mu-áncu u-angú ndí̲-rind-í̲r-e
yes cop-np1 -younger_sibling pp1 -poss1SG sm1SG .rel-wait-appl-stat
‘Yes, I am waiting for my younger brother.’
(56) zywìn’ ómúꜝkwámè ndìbbâbbà

zywiná o-mú-kwamé ndi-∅-bbábba
dem.iv1 aug-np1 -man cop-np1a -grandfather
‘That man is my grandfather.’ (ZF_Elic14)
212
5.3 Copulatives
(57) ndìnyàmà ~ njìnyàmà

ndi-N-nyama ~ nji-N-nyama
cop5 -np9 -meat ~ cop9 -np9 -meat
‘It is meat.’ (ZF_Elic14)
(58) ndìnàkw’ éꜝncényà bùryò

ndi-N-nakó e-N-cenyá bu-ryo
cop-np9 -time aug-np9 -small np14 -only
‘Just a short time…’ (ZF_Narr13)
The basic copula N- can also be used with nouns or pronouns that are marked
with a pronominal prefix, which causes the same phonological changes as the
combination of the homorganic nasal with nominal prefixes. With vowel-initial
pronominal prefixes, the use of the homorganic nasal causes a velar stop /g/ to
surface in the case of class 1, 1a, 3, and 6, resulting in the forms ngu- for class
1/1a and 3, and nga- for class 6. With the vowel-initial pronominal prefix of class
9, the addition of the homorganic nasal creates an additional /j/, resulting in the
form nji-.
In addition to the basic copula consisting of a homorganic nasal, Fwe also has
a paradigm of definite copulative prefixes. These have a CV shape and are added
to the nominal prefix without phonological interaction. This is illustrated with
the class 11 noun ru-tángo ‘story’, with a basic copula N- in (59) and a definite
copula in (60).
(59) ndùtângò
N-ru-tángo
cop-np11 -story
‘It’s a story.’
(60) ndórùtângò
ndó-ru-tángo
cop.def11 -np11 -story
‘It is the story.’
Historically, the paradigm of definite copulative prefixes is the result of the

combination of the copula N- with a historical CV form of the augment. The
initial consonant of these earlier augments has disappeared in Fwe, but has been
maintained in these copulative forms. This is the case, for instance, for the class 3
definite copulative ngó-, which results from the combination of the homorganic
nasal with the earlier augment *gu-.
213
The form of definite copulas has also been influenced by the modern vocalic
augment, as seen by the use of mid vowels /e/ and /o/ rather than high vowels /i/
and /u/; these are the result of influence of the modern vocalic augment, which
consists of a mid (or low) vowel. The high tone used in definite copulas may also
be attributed to the high tone of the (modern) augment (see §4.1.2).
The influence of the augment on the definite forms may also be the reason for
their definite interpretation; there are Bantu languages in which the augment
plays a role in expressing definiteness, such as Dzamba (Bokamba 1971). In mod-
ern Fwe, the function of the augment is unclear (see §4.1.2), but unrelated to
definiteness, as augmented nouns are frequently found both with definite and
indefinite interpretations.
The copula is used to combine a nominal subject with a nominal predicate, by
marking the latter with the copulative prefix. The subject can be a noun, such as
bàwáyìsì ‘the vice (leader)’ in (61), followed by the predicate mbàmùkéntù ꜝwángù
‘is my wife’. The subject can also be an infinitive verb functioning as a noun, as
in (62); or a pronoun, such as a demonstrative pronoun in (63), or a personal
pronoun, as in (64).
(61) bàwáyìsì mbàmùkéntù ꜝwángù
ba-wáyisi N-ba-mu-kéntu u-angú
np2 -vice cop-np2 -np1 -woman pp1 -poss1SG
‘The vice leader is my wife.’ (ZF_Narr15)
(62) òkùhíbà nkúbbì
o-ku-híb-a N-ku-bbí
aug-np15 -steal-fv cop-np15 -bad
‘Stealing is bad.’
(63) àbá mbàrìmì
a-bá N-ba-rimi
aug-dem.i2 cop2 -farmer
‘They are farmers.’ (NF_Elic15)
(64) èmé ꜝndónjòvù
emé ndó-∅-njovu
pers1SG cop.def1a -np1a -elephant
‘I am the elephant.’ (NF_Narr15)
A copulative predicate can also be used without a subject. Compare (65), where
the copulative predicate njínswì ‘is a fish’ is preceded by a subject mbúfù ‘a
bream’, with (66), where the subject is absent.
214
5.3 Copulatives
(65) mbúfù njínswì

N-bufú nji-N-swí
np9 -bream cop9 -np9 -fish
‘A bream is a fish.’
(66) njínswì
nji-N-swí
cop9 -np9 -fish
‘It’s a fish.’ (ZF_Elic14)
When a copulative construction lacks an overt, nominal subject, the intended

subject is often inferable from the discourse, as in (67). The intended subject of
njìnênè ‘(it) is big’ is the speaker’s house, a topic which has been brought into
the discussion by the previous speaker.
(67) a. ènjúò yákò njìnénè kàpá ndíꜝncényà

e-N-júo i-akó nji-N-néne kapá ndí-N-cenyá
aug-np9 -house pp9 -poss2SG cop9 -np9 -big or cop5 -np9 -small
‘Is your house big or small?’
b. njìnênè
nji-N-néne
cop9 -np9 -big
‘It [=my house] is big.’ (ZF_Elic13)
The predicate consists of the copulative prefix followed by a noun, as in (66),

or an infinitive verb used as a noun, as in (68), or an adjective, in which case
the copulative agrees in noun class with the subject, as in (69). Other nominal
elements that may be marked by a copulative prefix are demonstratives, as in
(70), possessives, as in (71), or personal pronouns, as in (72).
(68) òmùsèbèzí ꜝwángù nkùùrìsà

o-mu-sebezí u-angú N-ku-urisa
aug-np3 -work pp3 -poss1SG cop-np15 -sell
‘My job is selling.’ (NF_Elic15)
(69) èyî nswî njì-nênè

e-í e-N-swí nji-N-néne
aug-dem.i9 aug-np9 -fish cop9 -np9 -big
‘This fish is big.’ (ZF_Elic14)
215
(70) òbùkáꜝbábù mbóꜝbúbù mbóꜝbúbù

o-bu-kábabú mbó-bu-bú mbó-bu-bú
aug-np14 -problem cop.def14 -emph-dem.i14 cop.def14 -emph-dem.i14
‘The problem is such and such.’ (ZF_Conv13)
(71) àbá ꜝbámbwà mbángù
a-bá ba-mbwá N-ba-angú
aug-dem.i2 np2 -dog cop-pp2 -poss1SG
‘These dogs are mine.’ (ZF_Elic14)
(72) ndínwè éè ndímè
ndi-nwé ée ndi-mé
cop-pers2PL yes cop-pers1SG
‘Are you the one?’ ‘Yes, I’m the one!’ (ZF_Narr13)
Phrase-final tonal processes affect both the subject and the predicate of the
copulative construction. This is illustrated in (73), where the tonal process of
high tone retraction, which only affects the last syllable of a phrase-final word,
affects both the head mbufu ‘bream’, and the predicate njinswi ‘is a fish’.
(73) mbúfù njínswì
N-bufú nji-N-swí
np9 -bream cop9 -np9 -fish
‘A bream is a fish.’ (ZF_Elic14)
To negate a copulative construction, the auxiliary verb ri ‘be’ is required in
addition to the copulative prefix. This construction is discussed in Chapter 12 on
negation.
5.4 Appositives
This section discusses apposition, a construction combining a first or second per-
son referent with a co-referential, full noun through the use of an appositive
prefix. Table 5.3 gives an overview of appositive prefixes.
Appositive prefixes are used on a noun, to mark the identity between the ref-
erent of the noun and the intended person, as in (74–77).
(74) èmé ndènyòkò
emé nde-∅-nyoko
pers1PL app1SG -np1a -your.mother
‘I, your mother…’
216
5.4 Appositives
Table 5.3: Appositive prefixes
Singular Plural
First person nde- tu-
Second person we- mu-
(75) èwé wèmwáꜝnángù

ewé we-mu-án-angú
pers2SG app2SG -np1 -child-poss1SG
‘You, my child…’
(76) èswé tùbàntù

eswé tu-ba-ntu
pers1PL app1PL -np2 -person
‘Us, people…’
(77) ènwé mùbáꜝnángù

enwé mu-ba-án-angú
pers2PL app2PL -np2 -child-poss1SG
‘You, my children…’ (NF_Elic17)
Appositive prefixes may be combined with a co-referential personal pronoun,

as in (74–77), or without a personal pronoun, as in (78–79).
(78) tùbakêntù kàtùnákùtíyàngà cáhà

tu-ba-kéntu ka-tu-náku-tí-ang-a cahá
app1PL -np2 -woman neg-sm1PL -hab-fv very
‘Us women, we did not used to be afraid often.’ (NF_Narr17)
(79) néwè òshùmékò wènkômbwè

né=we o-shuH m-e=kó̲ we-∅-nkómbwe
com=pers2SG sm2SG -bite-pfv.sbjv=loc17 app2SG -np1a -tortoise
‘And you must also bite, you tortoise.’ (NF_Narr17)
The appositive prefixes are also used on the stem íni ‘self’, used as an emphatic
reflexive; see (19–21) in §7.3 on the reflexive.
217
5.5 Adverbs
Adverbs in Fwe can be simplex or derived from other parts of speech with a
derivational prefix ka-, bú- or mbó-. Adverbs can modify a verb, an adjective or
another adverb, as illustrated with the adverb wâwà ‘very’ in (80–82).
(80) èzí zìshámù zìgórétè wâwà

e-zí zi-shamú zi-gor-é̲te wáwa
aug-dem.i8 np8 -tree sm8 -become_strong-stat very
‘These trees are very strong.’
(81) èyí njûò njìndótù wâwà

e-í N-júo nji-N-dótu wáwa
aug-dem.i9 np9 -house cop9 -np9 -nice very
‘This house is very nice.’ (ZF_Elic14)
(82) kàréː wâwà ndìnàmánì

ka-réː wáwa ndi-na-man-í̲
adv-long very sm1SG -pst-finish-npst.pfv
‘I finished very long ago.’ (ZF_Elic13)
Fwe has a small, closed set of words that typically function as adverbs, listed
in (83).
(83) shùnù ‘today’

zyônà ‘yesterday/tomorrow’2
câhà (Namibian Fwe) ‘very’
wâwà (Zambian Fwe) ‘very’
cwárè ‘then’
hápè ‘again’
nênjà ‘well’
nàngá ‘even’
témà (Namibian Fwe) ‘maybe’
mwèndí (Zambian Fwe) ‘maybe’
The adverb câhà and its Zambian Fwe counterpart wâwà function as adverbs
expressing general intensity, translatable as ‘very’, but can receive various more
specific interpretations based on context, as in (84–88).
2
The interpretation of this adverb as either yesterday or tomorrow is dependent on the tense
of the verb.
218
5.5 Adverbs
(84) àbùtùká câhà

a-buH tuk-á̲ cáha
sm1 -run-fv very
‘S/he runs fast.’
(85) àkóːrà câhà
a-kó̲ːr-a cáha
sm1 -cough-fv very
‘S/he coughs loudly.’ (NF_Elic15)
(86) àbèná bàkéntù bàámbà wâwà
a-bená ba-kéntu ba-á̲mb-a wáwa
aug-dem.iv2 np2 -woman sm2 -talk-fv very
‘Those women talk a lot.’
(87) kòkwí ꜝwáwà nòmùbônì
kokwí wáwa no-mu-bón-i
where very sm2SG .pst-om1 -see-npst.pfv
‘Where exactly did you see it?’
(88) cìcíná cìrìmò ndìnàshînjì wâwà
ci-ciná ci-rimo ndi-na-shínj-i wáwa
emph7 -dem.iv7 np7 -year sm1SG -pst-harvest-npst.pfv very
‘This year I had a good harvest.’ (ZF_Elic14)
The prefix ka- derives an adverb from other words. Although this prefix re-
sembles the class 12 nominal prefix ka- (see §4.1.1 on nominal prefixes), this ho-
mophony is likely accidental: whereas the class 12 nominal prefix ka- replaces
the noun’s original nominal prefix (see the examples in (92) in §4.1.4), the use
of the adverb-deriving prefix ka- causes the noun’s original nominal prefix and
augment to be maintained, as in (89–90).
(89) njékàndé ꜝryángù kóbùfwîhì
njé-kandé rí-angú ká-o-bu-fwíi
cop.def9 -story pp5 -poss1SG adv-aug-np14 -short
‘This is my story, in short.’ (NF_Narr17)
(90) kómùtàrà kwìná àbákwàmé sò mwànàmìbìà
ká-o-mu-tara ku-iná a-bá-kwamé so mwa-Namibia
adv-aug-np3 -example sm17 -be_at aug-np2 -man thus np18 -Namibia
‘For example, there is a man like that in Namibia.’ (ZF_Conv13)
219
The adverbial prefix ka- can be used to derive adverbs from nouns, as in (89–
90), or from adjectives (91), infinitive verbs (92), or numerals (93).
(91) ndìfwìrè kànínì ènjàrà

ndi-fwH -ire ka-níni e-N-jara
sm1SG -die-stat adv-small aug-np9 -hunger
‘I’m a bit hungry.’ (NF_Elic15)
(92) àkóːrà kòkùóngòzà

a-kó̲ːr-a ka-o-ku-óngoz-a
sm1 -cough-fv adv-aug-inf-shout-fv
‘S/he coughs loudly.’ (NF_Elic15)
(93) náàkóːrà kòbírè

ná̲-a-a-kóːr-a ka-o=biré
rem-sm1 -pst-cough-fv adv-con=two
‘He coughed twice.’ (ZF_Elic14)
The adverbial prefix ka- can be used to derive adverbs of manner, as in (91–93),
but also temporal adverbs, as in (94–95).
(94) zyônà nàndínàbúːkà kàfôrù

zyóna na-ndí̲-na-búːk-a ka-fóru
tomorrow rem-sm1SG -rem.fut-wake-fv adv-four
‘Tomorrow I will wake up at four.’ (ZF_Elic13)
(95) émè nándàréːtìwà káꜝnáìntínsíkìsìtì

emé ná̲-ndi-a-réːt-iw-a ká-náintinsíkisiti
pers1SG rem-sm1SG -pst-bear-pass-fv adv-1960
‘Me, I was born in 1960.’ (ZF_Narr15)
The prefix bú- derives manner adverbs. This prefix is similar to the nominal
prefix of class 14 bu-, but the adverbial prefix has a high tone whereas the nominal
prefix is toneless. The adverbial prefix bú- is productive, and can be used with
adjectival roots, as in (96), and with verbs, as in (97).
(96) àsèbèzá ꜝbúcènyà búcènyà

a-sebez-á̲ bú-cenya bú-cenya
sm1 -work-fv adv-small adv-small
‘S/he works slowly.’ (NF_Elic15)
220
5.5 Adverbs
(97) náàráːrà búꜝtútúmà

ná̲-a-a-ráːr-a bú-tutum-á
rem-sm1 -pst-sleep-fv adv-shiver-fv
‘She slept shivering.’ (NF_Narr15)
Adverbs derived from verbs maintain certain verbal characteristics: melodic

tone (for instance, the final high tone on /bú-tutum-á/ in (97)), and certain verbal
affixes, such as the reflexive rí- and the stative suffix, as in (98). Adverbs derived
from verbs can even take their own object, as in (99).
(98) tùkèrè búrìgùmbênè

tu-keH re bú-riH -gumbé̲ne
sm1PL -sit.stat adv-refl-sit_close_to.stat
‘We sit next to each other.’
(99) ndìkèrè búrìyàngítè màkárà

ndi-keH re bú-riH -ang-í̲te ma-kará
sm1SG -sit.stat adv-refl-cross-stat np6 -leg
‘I sit cross-legged.’ (NF_Elic15)
There are also three underived adverbs that have the nominal prefix of class 14
bu-: bu-tí ‘how, so/like this’, as in (100) bu-ryó ‘only, just’, as in (101), and bu-ryahó
‘like that’, as in (102).
(100) mbòndítêndè bútì kántì

mbo-ndí̲-té̲nd-e bu-tí kantí
near.fut-sm1SG -do-pfv.sbjv np14 -like_this then
‘I will do like this then.’ (NF_Narr15)
(101) ndìyéndè bùryó ꜝkúmùnzì

ndi-é̲nd-e bu-ryó kú-mu-nzi
sm1SG -go-pfv.sbjv np14 -just np17 -np3 -village
‘Let me just go home.’ (ZF_Narr14)
(102) àhà bárèrè bùryáhò

a-ha bá̲-reH re bu-ryahó
aug-dem.i16 sm2 .rel-sleep.stat np14 -like_that
‘When they were sleeping like that…’ (NF_Narr17)
221
The prefix bu- in these adverbs is not the same as the productive adverbializer
prefix bú-: it lacks a high tone, and functions as a nominal prefix, as seen from
the fact that it may take a copulative prefix, either the homorganic nasal, as in
(103), or the definite copulative prefix mbó- of class 14, as in (104) (see also §5.3
on copulatives).
(103) mbùryó ꜝndíꜝzánà

N-bu-ryó ndí̲-zá̲n-a
cop-np14 -only sm1SG .rel-joke-fv
‘I am only joking.’ (NF_Elic15)
(104) mbóbùryàhó ꜝtúꜝkéːzyà

mbó-bu-ryahó tú̲-ké̲ːzy-a
cop.def14 -np14 -like_that sm1PL .rel-come-fv
‘It is like that that we are coming.’ (NF_Elic17)
Adverbs can also be derived with the prefix mbó-, to express a comparison,
translatable as ‘like’, as in (105–106).
(105) àrírà mbómùcècè

a-rir-á̲ mbó-mu-cece
sm1 -cry-fv adv-np1 -baby
‘She cries like a baby.’ (NF_Elic15)
(106) èzí zìkúnì zìfwánà mbómùshòbò wònkéː

e-zí zi-kúni zi-fwá̲n-a mbó-mu-shobo u-o=nkéː
aug-dem.i8 np8 -tree sm8 -resemble-fv adv-np3 -type pp3 -con=one
‘These trees look like the same type.’ (ZF_Elic14)
222
6 Verbal derivation
Verbs in Fwe are morphologically highly complex, taking multiple derivational
suffixes, discussed in this chapter, as well as complex inflectional morphology,
discussed in chapters 7-12. Verbal derivation in Fwe mainly makes use of suffixes,
in addition to full and partial stem reduplication. Verbal derivational suffixes ap-
pear directly after the verb stem, and before inflectional suffixes. The rich verbal
derivational morphology of Fwe is typical of Bantu languages, and most deriva-
tional suffixes are clear reflexes of common Bantu morphemes.
Derivational strategies differ in productivity. Some strategies are highly pro-
ductive: they can be freely used to derive new verbs from a wide variety of exist-
ing verbs, have clear and regular semantic and syntactic functions, and most lex-
ical verbs that can occur in a derived form also have an attested underived form.
This the case for the passive, causative, applicative, and pluractional 2 (marked
by stem reduplication). Given their high productivity, these suffixes tend to occur
after other, less productive suffixes. The passive is always the last derivational
suffix, even when combined with an equally productive causative, as in (1), or
applicative, as in (2).
(1) àzwìsìwâ
a-zw-is-iw-á̲
sm1 -leave-caus-pass-fv
‘S/he was fired.’ (Lit.: ‘S/he was made to leave.’) (NF_Elic15)
(2) ècí cìpùrà ndìmè nàcápàngìrwà

e-cí ci-pura ndi-me
aug-dem.i7 np7 -chair cop-pers1SG
na-cí̲-a-pang-ir-w-a
rem-sm7 -pst-make-appl-pass-fv<rel>
‘The chair, it’s me that it was made for.’ (ZF_Elic14)
Less productive derivational strategies are the neuter, separative, impositive,

and pluractional 1 suffixes. These occur in a large number of verbs: some of these
also occur in an underived form, some do not occur in an underived form but
6 Verbal derivation
do occur with another derivational suffix, and some only occur in their derived
form. These derivational strategies cannot be used to freely derive new verbs,
and although they have a clear semantic core, they also occur in verbs which do
not seem to fit their basic semantic characterization. The intensive, reciprocal,
extensive, tentive, and partial reduplication strategies are completely unproduc-
tive: they only occur in a handful of lexicalized verbs, and their semantic function
cannot always clearly be established.
Most derivational suffixes have a -VC or -V(C)VC shape, and are underlyingly
toneless, so that they surface as low-toned unless a melodic high tone is assigned,
or if the syllable is the target of high tone retraction or high tone spread. Various
forms of vowel and nasal harmony affect derivational suffixes. Vowel height har-
mony affects suffixes with /i/ and /u/, as discussed in §2.5.3, and nasal harmony
affects suffixes with /r/, as discussed in §2.5.4.
Most derivational strategies influence the valency of the verb. The passive and
the neuter suffix decrease valency, the causative and the applicative increase va-
lency. The separative and impositive have two forms, a transitive and an intran-
sitive form.
Derivational suffixes also influence the lexical aspect of the verb. Verbs that
take the passive, or the intransitive separative or impositive, all function as
change-of-state verbs. Verbs derived with the neuter are used either as change-
of-state verbs or as true statives; for more on lexical aspect, see §8.1.
The following sections discuss the formal, syntactic and semantic properties
of each verbal derivation: the passive in §6.1, the causative in §6.2, the applicative
in §6.3, the neuter in §6.4, the separative in §6.5, the impositive in §6.6, the two
pluractional strategies in §6.7, the intensive in §6.8, the reciprocal in §6.9, the
extensive in §6.10, the tentive in §6.11, and partial redupcliation in §6.12.
6.1 Passive
The passive1 is marked by a suffix -(i)w, which follows the verb stem and precedes
the final vowel of the verb, as in (3–4).
(3) cìshámú cìnàtémìwà

ci-shamú ci-na-tém-iw-a
np7 -tree sm7 -pst-chop-pass-fv
‘The tree has been chopped.’ (ZF_Elic14)
1
In Bantu languages, the passive is typically treated as a derivational strategy, and it also func-
tions as such in Fwe: it makes use of the same type of formal marking, e.g. a toneless verbal
suffix of the shape -V(C), and the same syntactic properties, influencing the valency of the
verb.
224
6.1 Passive
(4) nzézò zíbònwâ

nzé-zo zí̲-boH n-w-á̲
cop.def8 -dem.iii8 sm8 .rel-see-pass-fv
‘These are the things that can be experienced.’ (NF_Song17)
Unlike other derivational suffixes with /i/, the passive suffix does not undergo
vowel harmony: its vowel is always realized as /i/ and never as /e/ (see §2.5.3 on
vowel harmony). The passive suffix can be realized as -w instead of -iw in certain
cases. In Zambian Fwe, the passive is realized as -w when preceded by another
derivational suffix, as in (5), where the passive -w is preceded by the separative
suffix -or. When not preceded by another derivational suffix, the passive is always
realized as -iw, as in (6).
(5) kùkòndòrwà
ku-kond-or-w-a
inf-brew_beer-sep.tr-pass-fv
‘to be brewed (beer)’ (ZF)
(6) kùtémìwà
ku-tém-iw-a
inf-chop-pass-fv
‘to be chopped’ (ZF)
In Namibian Fwe, the two forms of the passive suffix are in free variation: both
derived and underived verbs can take the suffix -iw or -w, as in (7–9).
(7) kùréːtìwà ~ kùrêːtwà

ku-réːt-w-a
inf-give_birth-pass-fv
‘to be born’ (NF)
(8) cìhìkwâ ~ cìhìkìwâ

ci-hiH k-w-á̲
sm7 -cook-pass-fv
‘It can be cooked.’ (NF_Elic15)
(9) kùnànùnwà ~ kùnànùnìwà

ku-nan-un-w-a
inf-lift-sep.tr-pass-fv
‘to be lifted’ (NF)
225
6 Verbal derivation
With monosyllabic verb roots, the passive suffix is always realized as -iw, e.g.
the vowel i can never be dropped. When the monosyllabic verb root ends in the
vowel /a/, vowel coalescence between the low vowel /a/ of the root and the high
front vowel /i/ of the suffix results in a mid front vowel /e/, as in (10–11).
(10) kùtêwà
ku-tá-iw-a
inf-tell-pass-fv
‘to be told’
(11) kùhêwà
ku-há-iw-a
inf-give-pass-fv
‘to be given’
When combined with the stative suffix -ite, the passive becomes -itwe/-etwe in
Zambian Fwe, as in (12), or -itwa/-etwa in Namibian Fwe, as in (13). (See also §9.3
on the stative.)
(12) ndìshéshêtwè
ndi-sheH sh-é̲twe
sm1SG -marry-stat.pass
‘I am married (said by a woman).’ (ZF_Elic14)
(13) ndìkòmókètwà
ndi-komó̲k-etwa
sm1SG -be_surprised-stat.pass
‘I am surprised.’ (NF_Elic15)
The passive decreases the valency of the verb, by expressing the patient in the
subject position and leaving the agent unexpressed. Compare the active sentence
in (14), where the patient of ndìùrìsá ‘I sell’ is njûò, ‘the house’, with its passive
version in (15), where njúò ‘the house’ has been promoted to subject position, and
the first person singular agent, marked in the active version through agreement
on the verb, is left unexpressed.
(14) ndìùrìsá njûò

ndi-ur-is-á̲ N-júo
sm1SG -buy-caus-fv np9 -house
‘I sell the house.’
226
6.1 Passive
(15) ènjúò ìhùrìsìwâ

e-N-júo i-ur-is-iw-á̲
aug-np9 -house sm9 -buy-caus-pass-fv
‘The house is being sold.’ (ZF_Elic13)
As the passive decreases the valency of the verb, the use of the passive with a
transitive verb, such as kwâtà ‘grab’ in (16), results in an intransitive verb, as in
(17).
(16) ndàmùkwâtì
nd-a-mu-kwát-i
sm1SG -pst-om1 -grab-npst.pfv
‘I caught her/him.’
(17) òkwàtìwâ
o-kwaH t-iw-á̲
sm2SG -grab-pass-fv
‘You’d be caught.’ (NF_Elic15)
When used with intransitive verbs, the passive decreases the valency of the
verb to zero to create an impersonal passive. An impersonal passive takes a loca-
tive grammatical subject, which has the semantic function of location. The loca-
tive subject may be expressed (pro)nominally, as in (18–19), or only through sub-
ject marking on the verb, as in (20–21).
(18) hàmùkítí hàzànìwâ

ha-mu-kití ha-zan-iw-á
np16 -np3 -party sm16 -dance-pass-fv
‘Dancing may take place at the party.’
(19) kwìná kùkwèsì kùtàkùmìwâ

kwiná ku-kwesi ku-takum-iw-áH
dem.iv17 sm17 -prog sm17 -shout-pass-fv
‘Shouting is taking place there.’ (NF_Elic17)
(20) kùkwèsì kùshìbìwâ

ku-kwesi ku-shiH b-iw-á̲
sm17 -prog sm17 -whistle-pass-fv
‘There is whistling there.’
227
6 Verbal derivation
(21) kàmùrídàmînwà
ka-mu-rí-dam-í̲n-w-a
neg-sm18 -refl-beat-appl-fv
‘Beating each other is not allowed in here.’ (NF_Elic17)
The use of the passive removes the agent as a core argument, but the agent
can still be expressed as a peripheral participant by use of the class 17 nominal
prefix ku-, as in (22–23). If the agent marked with ku- is a first or second person,
the possessive stem is used, as shown with the first person singular possessive
kwángù in (24).
(22) nàdámwà kúbàntù bângîː

na-dam-w-á̲ kú-ba-ntu bá-ngíː
sm1 .pst-beat-pass-fv np17 -np2 -person pp2 -many
‘S/he was beaten by many people.’ (NF_Elic17)
(23) mùnàkó ímwìnyà ònkômbwè nàtéwà kùzìzyùnì zòbírè kùtè

mu-N-nakó í-mwinya o-∅-nkómbwe na-tá-iw-a
np18 -np9 -time pp9 -certain aug-np1a -tortoise sm1 -pst-say-pst.pass-fv
ku-zi-zyuni zi-o=bíre kute
np17 -np8 -bird pp8 -con=two that
‘Once upon a time, a tortoise was told by two eagles that…’ (ZF_Narr13)
(24) sìmátá nàdámíwà kwángù

simatá na-dam-í̲w-a kw-angú
Simata sm1 .pst-beat-pass-fv np17 -poss1SG
‘Simata was beaten by me.’ (NF_Elic17)
The agent noun may also be used without the prefix ku-: both possibilities are
illustrated in (25–26).
(25) Sìmátá nàshúmìwà kúmbwà

simatá na-shúm-iw-a ku-∅-mbwá
Simata sm1 .pst-bite-pass-fv np17 -np1a -dog
‘Simata was bitten by a dog.’
(26) Sìmátá nàshúmìwà ómbwà

simatá na-shúm-iw-a o-∅-mbwá
Simata sm1 .pst-bite-pass-fv aug-np1a -dog
‘Simata was bitten by a dog.’ (NF_Elic17)
228
6.1 Passive
The prefix ku- is obligatory when the agent noun is a proper name, as in (27),
or when the agent is in focus, as in (28).
(27) a. sìmátá nàdàmíwà kùbányàmbè

simatá na-dam-í̲w-a ku-bá-nyambe
Simata sm1 .pst-beat-pass-fv np17 -np2 -Nyambe
‘Simata was beaten by Mr. Nyambe.’
b. *sìmátá nàdàmíwà bányàmbè
(28) a. kùnjí nàshúmìwà sìmátà

ku-njí na-shúm-iw-a simatá
np17 -what sm1 .pst-bite-pass-fv Simata
‘Who was Simata bitten by?’
b. nàshúmìwà kúmbwà
na-shúm-iw-a ku-∅-mbwá
sm1 .pst-bite-pass-fv np17 -np1a -dog
‘He was bitten by a dog.’
c. *nàshúmìwà ómbwà (NF_Elic17)
The agent-marking function of the class 17 prefix ku- is not restricted to verbs
overtly marked with a passive, but can occur in any construction where the agent
cannot be expressed as a core argument (see §4.1.5 on locative noun classes).
Verbs derived with a passive suffix display behavior that is typical for change-
of-state verbs: they have a conditional/modal reading in the present construction,
and do not allow a present continuous interpretation, as in (29), but a present
stative reading when combined with the stative inflection, as in (30). (For more
on the interpretation of the present inflection in relation to lexical aspect, see
§8.2.)
(29) mwínì ùkwàtìwâ

mu-íni u-kwaH t-iw-á̲
np3 -handle sm3 -grab-pass-fv
‘The handle can be touched.’ (*The handle is being touched.)
(30) évú rìvwìkítwà kúmàbùnà

e-vú ri-vwik-í̲twa kú-ma-buna
aug-ground sm5 -cover-stat.pass np17 -np6 -leaf
‘The ground is covered with leaves.’ (NF_Elic15)
229
6 Verbal derivation
6.2 Causative
The causative in Fwe has a productive long form with a suffix -is/-es, and a less
productive short form, which consists of a change of the last stem consonant to
/s/ or /z/.
The productive causative suffix -is/-es undergoes vowel height harmony with
the stem (see §2.5.3). Examples of verbs with a long causative are given in Ta-
ble 6.1.
Table 6.1: Verbs taking the long causative
bìrà ‘boil (intr.)’ bìrìsà ‘boil (tr.), bring to a boil’

shèkà ‘laugh’ shèkèsà ‘make (someone) laugh’
tàbà ‘become happy’ tàbìsà ‘make happy’
bòmbà ‘become wet’ bòmbèsà ‘make wet’
zyûmà ‘become dry’ zyúmìsà ‘dry, make (something) dry’
The less productive short form of the causative suffix consists of the change
of the last stem consonant to /s/ in the case of a voiceless consonant, or to /z/
in the case of a voiced consonant. This goes back to the causative derivation
reconstructed for Proto-Bantu as *-i. The reconstructed high vowel caused spi-
rantization of the preceding consonant, a diachronic sound change that changed
stops into fricatives before high vowels (see Bostoen 2009 for an account of spi-
rantization in Fwe). This resulted in the causative forms with /s/ and /z/ seen in
Fwe today. This is illustrated in (31) with the verb donk ‘drip’, which takes a short
causative dons ‘cause to drip’.
(31) a. Simple verb stem

kùdònkà
ku-donk-a
inf-drip-fv
‘to drip (intr.)’
b. Historical derivation of short causative
-donk - + *i > -dons-
c. kùdònsà
ku-dons-a
inf-drip.caus-fv
‘to drip (tr.), to cause to drip’
230
6.2 Causative
The short and the long causative in Fwe have the same function. The short
form is used with a specific set of lexical verbs and with specific derivational
suffixes. The long causative is used in all other cases, and many verbs that may
take the short causative are also attested with the long causative. Lexical verbs
that may take the short causative are listed in Table 6.2, including verbs that may
take either the long or the short causative. In most cases, there is no semantic
difference between the short and the long causative, with the exception of bûːkà
‘wake up; consult spirits’ (see the first line of Table 6.2).
Some of the underived verbs in Table 6.2 are historically bimorphemic. For
instance, the verb búːk ‘wake up’ appears to consist of the root bú with the sepa-
rative suffix -uk (see §6.5), which also explains the occurrence of the long vowel
/uː/; and zwâtà ‘get dressed’ appears to consist of the root zú and the tentive
suffix -at (see §6.11).
The short causative is also used with certain derivational suffixes. Verbs with a
separative suffix -ur/-uk that may take the short causative are listed in Table 6.3;
some of these may either take the short or the long causative. All other separative
verbs only take the long causative.
Short causatives are also used with other, unproductive derivational affixes,
namely the neuter -ahar, as in (32), and the extensive suffix -ar, as in (33).
(32) a. kùbónàhàrà
ku-bón-ahar-a
inf-see-neut-fv
‘to be visible’
b. cf. kùbónàhàzà
ku-bón-ahaz-a
inf-see-neut.caus-fv
‘to make visible’
(33) a. kùsúmbàzà
ku-súmb-az-a
inf-become_pregnant-ext.caus-fv
‘to impregnate’
b. cf. kùsúmbàrà
ku-súmb-ar-a
inf-become_pregnant-ext-fv
‘to become pregnant’
2
This verb appears to contain a passive suffix -w, suggesting an original verb root nyeer, but
such a root is currently not attested.
231
6 Verbal derivation
Table 6.2: Verbs that (may) take the short causative
Underived verb Causative verb

bûːkà ‘wake up (intr.); bûːsa ‘greet, wake up (tr.)’
consult spirits (as a
witch doctor)’
búkìsà ‘ask a witch doctor
to consult spirits’
dònkà ‘drip (intr.)’ dònsà ~ dònkèsà ‘cause to drip’
fwìnkà ‘become sealed’ fwìnsà ~ fwìnkìsà ‘seal’
ᵍǀôntà ‘drip’ ᵍǀônsà ‘cause to drip’
kwâtà ‘hold, grab’ kwâsà ‘help’
nùnkà ‘smell (intr.)’ nùnsà ‘make (someone)
smell (something);
imagine to smell
(something)’
nyônkà ‘breastfeed (intr.)’ nyônsà ~ nyónkèsà ‘breastfeed (tr.)’
rûkà ‘vomit’ rûsà ~ rúkìsà ‘hold someone who
is vomiting’
sûkà ‘disembark’ sûsà ‘put down (when
carrying)’
tùkùtà ‘be warm’ tùkùsà ~ tùkùtìsà ‘warm (something)
up’
zwâtà ‘get dressed’ zwâsà ‘dress (someone)’
bòòrà ‘come back’ bòòzà ‘bring back’
hùrà ‘arrive’ hùzà ‘cause to arrive’
hârà ‘live’ hâzà ‘save’
kàbìrà ‘enter’ kàbìzà ~ kàbìrìsà ‘bring into’
nyèèrwà2 ‘become annoyed’ nyèèzà ‘annoy (someone)’
232
6.2 Causative
Table 6.3: Separative verbs that (may) take the short causative
Separative verb Separative verb with causative

fùndùkà ‘leave’ fùndùsà ‘escort (someone
who is leaving)’
kàntùkà ‘cross a river’ kàntùsà ~ kàntùkìsà ‘help (someone)
cross a river’
ŋàtùrà ‘tear; come up (of ŋàtùzà ‘stay up till
the sun)’ sunrise’
ùrùkà ‘fly away’ ùrùsà ‘blow away’
túmbùkà ‘burn (intr.)’ túmbùsà ‘burn (tr.)’
zímbùkà ‘go around’ zímbùsà ‘bring around’
zímbùrùkà ‘cross the border zímbùrùsà ‘smuggle (tr.); spin
illegally, (tr.)’
circumvent; spin
(intr.)’
The intensive, which consists of the reduplicated applicative suffix (see §6.8),
invariably takes the short causative, as in (34).
(34) a. kùtúmìnìzà
ku-túm-iniz-a
inf-send-int.caus-fv
‘to send (someone) incessantly’
b. cf. kùtúmìnìnà
ku-túm-inin-a
inf-send-int-fv
‘to send incessantly’
Other derivational suffixes, namely the impositive and reciprocal, only take
the long causative. The passive suffix, when it combines with the causative, does
not influence the form of the causative suffix, as the passive always follows rather
than precedes the causative (see also §6.1). The conditioning of the long and short
causative forms is summarized in (35).
(35) Short causative: lexical exceptions, separative, neuter, extensive

Long causative: all remaining lexemes, impositive, reciprocal
233
6 Verbal derivation
The causative derivation is highly productive; this derivation may combine

with any verb, and its semantics are highly predictable. There are also a few lexi-
calized causatives, verbs with a causative suffix where the corresponding under-
ived verb is not attested. Lexicalized causatives are seen with the long causative,
such as the verbs mwénges ‘greet’, and cáis ‘collide, knock off’, and also with
the short causative, such as the verbs nyens ‘defeat’, and suns ‘dip (porridge in
relish)’. Lexicalized causatives are rare, though, and in most cases the causative
derivation is used productively.
The causative increases the valency of the verb by adding an agent participant.
For example, the intransitive verb túmbuk ‘burn’ takes a single argument òmùrìrò
‘fire’ expressed as a subject, as in (36). When derived with a causative in (37), the
subject is demoted to object, and the newly added agent ‘I’ is expressed as a
subject.
(36) òmùrìrò ùtùmbúkà
o-mu-riro u-tuH mbuk-á̲
aug-np3 -fire sm3 -burn-fv
‘The fire burns.’
(37) ndìtùmbùs’ ómùrìrò
ndi-tuH mbus-á̲ o-mu-riro
sm1SG -burn.caus-fv aug-np3 -fire
‘I light the fire.’ (NF_Elic15)
With an intransitive verb, the causative derives a transitive verb, as in (37).
With a transitive verb, such as rí ‘eat’, the causative derives a ditransitive verb
rí-is ‘feed’, as in (38), where rí-is ‘feed’ is used with two objects, a causer object,
the child, and a causee object, the porridge.
(38) ndìrìs’ óꜝmwáncè nkôkò
ndi-riH -is-á̲ o-mu-ánce N-kóko
sm1SG -eat-caus-fv aug-np1 -child np9 -porridge
‘I feed the child porridge.’ (NF_Elic17)
When a causative verb has two objects, both objects display the same syntactic
behavior. The order of the objects is free, as in (39–40).
(39) ndàtésì òmúkwàmé òbùsâ
ndi-a-tá-is-i o-mú-kwamé o-bu-sá
sm1SG -pst-say-caus-npst.pfv aug-np1 -man aug-np14 -thief
‘I accused the man of theft.’
234
6.2 Causative
(40) ndàtésì òbùsá múꜝkwámè

ndi-a-tá-is-i o-bu-sá o-mú-kwamé
sm1SG -pst-say-caus-npst.pfv aug-np14 -thief aug-np1 -man
‘I accused the man of theft.’ (NF_Elic17)
This is also the case when the causative introduces an instrumental object: as
shown in (41–42), the instrument àkàfùrò ‘knife’ introduced by the causative can
appear before or after the patient ènyàmà ‘meat’.
(41) ndìfùndìsá ènyàmà àkàfùrò

ndi-fund-is-á̲ e-N-nyama a-ka-furo
sm1SG -cut-caus-fv aug-np9 -meat aug-np12 -knife
‘I cut the meat with a knife.’
(42) ndìfùndìsá àkàfùrò ènyàmà

ndi-fund-is-á̲ a-ka-furo e-N-nyama
sm1SG -cut-caus-fv aug-np12 -knife aug-np9 -meat
‘I cut the meat with a knife.’ (NF_Elic17)
Both objects of the causative verb may be pronominalized, as shown with the
causative verb rí-is ‘feed’: both objects can be expressed nominally, as in (43),
or the causer can be pronominalized, as in (44), or the causee can be pronomi-
nalized, as in (45). It is also possible for both objects of a causative verb to be
pronominalized, as in (46).
(43) ndìrìs’ óꜝmwáncè nkôkò

ndi-riH -is-á̲ o-mu-ánce N-kóko
sm1SG -eat-caus-fv aug-np1 -child np9 -porridge
‘I feed the child porridge.’
(44) ndìmùrìs’ énkôkò

ndi-mu-riH -is-á̲ e-N-kóko
sm1SG -om1 -eat-caus-fv aug-np9 -porridge
‘I feed her/him porridge.’
(45) ndàyírìsì mwâncè

ndi-a-í-ri-is-i mu-ánce
sm1SG -pst-om9 -eat-caus-npst.pfv np1 -child
‘I fed it to the child.’ (NF_Elic17)
235
6 Verbal derivation
(46) ndàbúmùtêsì
ndi-a-bú-mu-tá-is-i
sm1SG -pst-om14 -om1 -say-caus-npst.pfv
‘I accused her/him of it.’ (NF_Elic17)
Instrumental causatives also allow the pronominalization of either object, as

in (48–49), but, as (50) shows, not both. This is not necessarily a property of the
instrumental causative, however, but due to a wider generalization in Fwe that
when multiple object markers are used, only one can have an inanimate referent
(see §7.2).
(47) ndìsùmìs’ éndòngà cìzyàbàrò

ndi-suH m-is-á̲ e-N-donga ci-zyabaro
sm1SG -sew-caus-fv aug-np9 -needle np7 -shirt
‘I sew the shirt with a needle.’
(48) ndàcísùmìsì ndòngà

ndi-a-cí-sum-is-i N-donga
sm1SG -pst-om7 -sew-caus-npst.pfv np9 -needle
‘I’ve sewn it with a needle.’
(49) ndàyísùmìsì cìzyàbàrò

ndi-a-í-sum-is-i ci-zyabaro
sm1SG -pst-om9 -sew-caus-npst.pfv np7 -shirt
‘I’ve sewn the shirt with it.’ (NF_Elic17)
(50) *ndàyícìsùmìsì
ndi-a-í-ci-sum-is-i
sm1SG -pst-om9 -om7 -sew-caus-npst.pfv
Intended: ‘I sew it with it.’ (NF_Elic17)
The causative in Fwe can be used to express different types of causation, which
form part of a “causative continuum” (Shibatani & Pardeshi 2001), ranging from
direct causation to indirect causation through a number of different, intermediate
causation types. Direct causation involves the direct, physical manipulation of
the causee by the causer. Only the causer is an agent, and the action performed
by the causer and that performed by the causee are (almost) simultaneous. This
use of the causative in Fwe is shown in (51), which uses a causative verb cènèsà
to express that the agent ‘I’, causes the patient (the house) to become clean by
physically cleaning it.
236
6.2 Causative
(51) ndìcènèsá ènjûò

ndi-cen-es-á̲ e-N-júo
sm1SG -become_clean-caus-fv aug-np9 -house
‘I clean the house.’ (NF_Elic15)
Moving along the causative continuum, direct causation is bordered by so-

ciative causation, where the causer agent does not cause the causee patient to
perform the action, but rather assists the patient in performing the action, by
performing the action with her, for instance (Shibatani & Pardeshi 2001). Socia-
tive causation is similar to direct causation, because there is a spatio-temporal
overlap between the action of the causer and the action of the causee, but differs
from direct causation in that the causee is also an agentive, active participant in
the action. The use of the causative for sociative causation in Fwe is illustrated
in (52–54).
(52) kàntí ndìkùtòmbwérìsè

kantí ndi-ku-tombwé̲r-is-e
then sm1SG -om2SG -weed-caus-pfv.sbjv
‘Let me help you weeding (by weeding with you).’ (NF_Narr15)
(53) àkwèsì àndìàmbìsâ

a-kwesi a-ndi-amb-is-á̲
sm1 -have sm1 -om1SG -talk-caus-fv
‘S/he is talking to/with me.’ (NF_Elic15)
(54) bàkwèsì bàndìzyàmbìrìsâ

ba-kwesi ba-ndi-zyambir-is-á̲
sm2 -prog sm2 -om1SG -gather-caus-fv
‘They are helping me gather.’ (Explanation: we are all gathering, but the
results will go to me.) (NF_Elic17)
The sociative use of the causative may also refer to keeping someone company,
rather than actively helping them perform a certain action, as in (55–56).
(55) òyéndè òkàmúkàrìsè

o-é̲nd-e o-ka-mú-kar-is-e
sm2SG -go-pfv.sbjv sm2SG -dist-om1 -sit-caus-pfv.sbjv
‘Go and sit with him/keep her/him company.’ (NF_Elic17)
237
6 Verbal derivation
(56) mùbàfúndúsè bàêndè

mu-baH -fund-ú̲s-e ba-é̲nd-e
sm2PL -om2 -leave-sep.caus-pfv.sbjv sm2 -go-pfv.sbjv
‘Escort her/him as/so that s/he goes.’ (NF_Elic15)
It is also possible for the causative to express that the causer is present, but does
not perform the same action as the causee, e.g. “assistive causative” (Shibatani &
Pardeshi 2001: 100), as in (57).
(57) kùrúkìsà ~ kùrûsa

ku-rúk-is-a
inf-vomit-caus-fv
‘to hold someone who is vomiting’
The other end of the causative continuum is represented by indirect causa-

tion, where the causer and the causee are both agentive participants, and there
is no spatio-temporal overlap between the actions that they perform. Rather, the
causer may act upon the causee by verbal command, or through some other, indi-
rect means. In Fwe, indirect causation is mostly expressed through periphrastic
constructions using lexical verbs such as rêːtà ‘bring’, as in (58–59), or sîyà ‘leave’,
as in (60).
(58) ècò nìcáꜝréːtà kùtéyè ndìkàbíré mùcêcì kùrwáràrwàrà háꜝzíkò ryángù

e-co ni-cí̲-a-ré̲ːt-a kutéye ndi-kabir-é̲
aug-dem.iii7 pst-sm7 -pst-bring-fv<rel> that sm1SG -enter-pfv.sbjv
mu-∅-céci ∅-ku-rwára-rwar-a há-zíko ri-angú
np18 -np9 -church cop-np15 -pl2-be_sick-fv np16 -hearth pp5 -poss1SG
‘What made me go to church, was sickness in my family.’ (ZF_Narr15)
(59) òzyú mùntù ndéyè nàréːtì bàndìzwîsè

o-zyú mu-ntu ndi-éye na-réːt-i
aug-dem.i1 np1 -person cop-pers3SG sm1 .pst-bring-npst.pfv
ba-ndi-zwís-e
sm2 -om1SG -fire-pfv.sbjv
‘This person, s/he is the one who got me fired.’ (NF_Elic17)
(60) kàndìsîyì ìyé ndìyàbùré zìfûhà

ka-a-ndi-sí-i iye ndi-yabur-é̲ zi-fúha
neg-sm1 -om1SG -leave-neg that sm1SG -pick-pfv.sbjv np8 -bone
‘He doesn’t let me pick the bones.’ (NF_Narr17)
238
6.2 Causative
The causative suffix can, however, also be used to express indirect causation,
in which case it adds a sense of force or urgency. In (61), the speaker’s mother
is directing her/him to sweep using a verbal command, but this is interpreted as
being very forceful, for instance, as a punishment.
(61) bámà bànàndìkúrîsì

ba-má ba-na-ndi-kur-í̲s-i
np2 -mother sm2SG -pst-om1SG -sweep-caus-npst.pfv
‘My mother made/forced me to sweep.’ (NF_Elic17)
In other cases, examples that may be ambiguous between an indirect reading

and a more direct or sociative reading never receive an indirect reading. In (62),
the only correct interpretation of the causative is sociative, where both partici-
pants perform the action together. An interpretation of indirect causation, where
the causer directs the causee to perform the action through verbal instruction, is
not accepted.
(62) àndìkàbìrìsá ꜝmwíꜝrápà

a-ndi-kabir-is-á̲ mú-e-∅-rapá
sm1 -om1SG -enter-caus-fv np18 -aug-np5 -courtyard
‘S/he enters the courtyard with me.’
Not: ‘S/he tells me to enter/makes me enter the courtyard.’ (NF_Elic17)
The preference for an interpretation of direct causation, and the added notion
of ‘force’ or ‘urgency’ in indirect causatives, show that the causative derivation
in Fwe is mainly used for the expression of direct causation. Indirect causation
is more accurately expressed with periphrastic constructions.
The causative also has other uses which are less closely related to its cen-
tral causative meaning. One of these is to express an instrumental meaning, in
which case the object of the causative verb is interpreted as an instrument. In
this sense Fwe differs from most Bantu languages, where the applicative rather
than the causative is used as an instrumental (Jerro 2017). The instrumental use
of the causative is also attested in other Bantu Botatwe languages, such as Tonga
(Carter 2002: 47; Collins 1962: 58-59), Ila (Smith 1964: 123-127), Lenje (Madan 1908:
47), and Totela (Crane 2019: 669), suggesting that this innovation may have oc-
curred on the level of Proto-Bantu Botatwe. The instrumental use of the causative
in Fwe is illustrated in (63–64).
239
6 Verbal derivation
(63) ndìkùmbìrákò àkàfùrò ndìkàfúndìsèkò ènyàmá ꜝyángù

ndi-kuH mbir-a=kó̲ ka-furo ndi-kaH -fú̲nd-is-e=ko
sm1SG -request-fv=loc17 np12 -knife sm1SG -om12 -cut-caus-pfv.sbjv=loc17
e-nyamá i-angú
aug-meat pp9 -poss1SG
‘I ask for a knife so that I can cut my meat with it.’ (ZF_Elic13)
(64) kwìn’ èsábúrè èryò bánàkùshàkà kùmífùndìsàngà

ku-iná e-∅-sabúre e-ryo bá̲-naku-shak-a
np17 -be_at aug-np5 -machete aug-dem.iii5 sm2 .rel-hab-want-fv
ku-mí-fund-is-ang-a
inf-om2PL -cut-caus-hab-fv
‘There is a machete that he keeps wanting to cut you with.’ (NF_Narr15)
Another strategy for marking instruments is the use of the comitative clitic
nV= (see §5.2). This clitic may be used without the causative suffix on the verb,
as in (65), or may combine with a verb with a causative, as in (66), which is
interpreted as emphasizing the instrument.
(65) kùhòmpwèrà nènsàndò

ku-hompwer-a ne=N-sando
inf-hammer-fv com=np9 -hammer
‘to hit with a hammer’
(66) kùhòmpwèrèsà nènsàndò

ku-hompw-er-es-a ne=N-sando
inf-hammer-caus-fv com=np9 -hammer
‘to hit with a hammer (not with something else)’ (NF_Elic17)
The instrumental meaning of the causative is also found in nouns derived from
causative verbs with the suffix -o (see also §4.2 on nominal derivation).
(67) cì-bbùkùrìsò ‘bellows’ kù-bbùkùr-à ‘to stoke a fire’

cì-fwìnkìsò ‘stopper, seal’ kù-fwìnk-à ‘to seal’
cì-kùrìsò ‘broom’ kù-kùr-à ‘to sweep’
cí-àrìsò ‘latch’ kú-àr-à ‘to close’
The causative can also be used in combination with the reflexive prefix rí-/kí-
to indicate an action that someone is pretending to perform, as in (68–69).
240
6.3 Applicative
(68) ákùríònèsà búryò

a-óku-rí-on-es-a bu-ryó
sm1 -npst.ipfv-refl-snore-caus-fv np14 -just
‘She was just pretending to snore.’
(69) kùrízyùmìnìzà (cf. kùzyúmìnìnà ‘be unconscious’)
ku-rí-zyúm-iniz-a
inf-refl-be_hard-int.caus-fv
‘to pretend to be unconscious’
6.3 Applicative
The applicative is marked by a derivational suffix realized as -ir/-er/-in/-en, de-
pending on vowel height harmony and nasal harmony (see Sections 2.5.3-2.5.4).
The four different forms are illustrated in (70).
(70) kùàmbà ‘to speak’ > kùàmbìrà ‘to tell (someone)’
kùnyènsà ‘to defend’ > kùnyènsèrà ‘to defend for’
kùkàːnà ‘to refuse’ > kùkáːnìnà ‘to refuse to/for’
kùtòmà ‘to charge dowry’ > kùtòmènà to charge dowry to’
The applicative can be realized differently when preceded by a causative suffix.
Three different realizations of the causative/applicative combination are possible
(aside from allomorphs due to vowel harmony): -is-ir, -is-iz, -is-ik-iz. All three
forms are illustrated in (71) with the verb zw ‘come out’. Note that in all cases,
the causative precedes the applicative, as is typical for many Bantu languages
(Hyman 2003b).
(71) kùzwìsìrà ~ kùzwìsìzà ~ kùzwìsìkìzà
ku-zw-is-ir/iz/ikiz-a
inf-come_out-caus-appl-fv
‘to take out to/for’
With verbs that take a short causative, the addition of the applicative suffix
leads to similar forms, e.g. -s-ir, -s-iz, and -s-ik-iz, as illustrated in (72) with the
causative verb bûːs ‘wake up (someone)’.
(72) kùbúːsìrà
ku-búː-s-ir-a
inf-wake-caus-appl-fv
‘to wake up for/on behalf of’
241
6 Verbal derivation
(73) kùbúːsìzà
ku-búː-s-iz-a
inf-wake-caus-appl-fv
‘to wake up for/on behalf of’
(74) kùbúːsìkìzà
ku-búː-s-ik-iz-a
inf-wake-caus-?-appl-fv
‘to wake up for/on behalf of
The form -(i)s-ir is the regular combination of the causative -(i)s and the ap-
plicative -ir. The form -(i)s-iz can be a analyzed as a combination of the causative
-(i)s, the applicative -ir, and the short causative, which causes the consonant /r/
of the applicative to change to /z/. The form -(i)s-ik-iz is similar to the form -
(i)s-iz, but contains an extra epenthetic sequence -ik. Similar forms where the
combination of causative and applicative contains an unexpected /k/ are seen in,
for instance, Nyakyusa. Hyman (2003a) shows that the appearance of /k/ is re-
lated to the spirantization of the root-final consonant caused by the addition of
the causative suffix. When an additional applicative suffix is used, spirantization
targets the final consonant of the applicative suffix instead, which spirantizes
to /s/, but the original root-final consonant is reinterpreted as /k/ (rather than
the original non-spirantized consonant). This subsequently led to the insertion
of -ik with applicativized causatives, even with those verb roots that were never
subject to spirantization. A similar scenario may account for the use of -ik in the
combination of causative and applicative in Fwe. While in Fwe, applicativized
causatives never show the reinterpretation of the verb’s last root consonant to
/k/, it is possible that this took place in an earlier stage of the language and has
since been undone through analogy.
The applicative is highly productive: it can be added to any verb stem, and its
semantic and syntactic functions are very stable. There are also some verbs that
appear to feature a lexicalized, unproductive applicative suffix, but that are not
attested without the applicative suffix. Examples are given in (75).
(75) àrìrà ‘follow (in order of birth)’

dékèshèrà ‘move the shoulders in a dancing movement’
fúzìrà ‘blow on/fan a fire’
gángìrà ‘freeze’
kàbìrà ‘enter’
kácìkìrà ‘get interrupted’
242
6.3 Applicative
kákàtìrà ‘get stuck’

ròbèrà ‘capsize; to eat fast’
sùbìrà ‘be red’
tòmbwèrà ‘weed’
zùmìnà ‘believe, agree; accept a marriage proposal’
zyàmbìrà ‘gather’
Other verbs with a lexicalized applicative suffix do occur in their underived

form, but there are unsystematic differences in meaning between the underived
verb and the verb featuring the applicative, as in (76).
(76) kúmbìrà ‘beg’ - kûmbà ‘shout, howl’

shúmìnà ‘tie’ - shûmà ‘bite’
ráːrìrà ‘eat dinner’ - râːrà ‘sleep’
shèndèkèrà ‘mock’ - shèndèkà ‘put in a leaning position’
A verb cannot take more than one applicative suffix. The intensive suffix,
which formally consists of the reduplication of the applicative suffix, carries nei-
ther the syntactic nor the semantic functions of the applicative, and is therefore
analyzed separately in §6.8. Verbs that have a lexicalized applicative suffix do
take an applicative suffix in the appropriate syntactic and semantic contexts, pro-
viding further evidence that the apparent applicative suffix has been reanalyzed
as part of the root. For instance, the verb zyambir ‘gather’ contains an element
-ir that functions as part of the verb stem, and therefore allows the addition of
the applicative suffix, as in (77).
(77) bàkwèsì bàndìzyàmbìrírà

ba-kwesi ba-ndi-zyambir-ir-á̲
sm2 -prog sm2 -om1SG -gather-appl-fv
‘They are gathering for me.’ (NF_Elic17)
The applicative suffix increases the valency of the verb by allowing the expres-
sion of an extra, applied object. When the applicative derivation is used with an
intransitive verb, such as the verb berek ‘work’, it derives a transitive verb bereker
‘work for’, as in (78).
(78) ndìbérékèrè
ndi-beré̲k-er-e
om1SG -work-appl-pfv.sbjv
‘Work for me.’ (NF_Elic15)
243
6 Verbal derivation
When used with a transitive verb, the applicative derives a ditransitive verb
taking two objects. The order of the two objects is free: the applied object can
either be the first object, as in (79), or the second object, as in (80).
(79) tùzyáːkír’ ómwâncè njûò
tu-zyaːH k-ir-á̲ o-mu-ánce N-júo
sm1PL -build-appl-fv aug-np1 -child np9 -house
‘…so that we build a house for the child.’ (NF_Narr15)
(80) náàùrìrá èzíryò àbânè
ná̲-a-ur-ir-á̲ e-zi-río a-ba-án-e
pst.sm1 -buy-appl-fv aug-np8 -food aug-np2 -child-poss3SG
‘S/he bought food for her/his children.’ (ZF_Elic14)
It is possible for either the applied object to be pronominalized with an object
marker on the verb, as in (81), or the direct object, as in (82), or both, as in (83).
When both objects are marked by object markers, the applied object is marked
closest to the verb stem, and the reverse order is not possible, as shown by the
ungrammaticality of (84). Example (85), which involves an animate applied object
(‘you’) and an animate direct object (‘him’) shows that animacy does not play a
role, as the applied object is still closest to the verb stem. Note that Fwe only
allows multiple object markers if at least one has an animate referent (see §7.2).
(81) àbàsànzìrá òtùsûbà
a-baH -sanz-ir-á̲ o-tu-súba
sm1 -om2 -wash-appl-fv aug-np13 -dish
‘S/he washes the dishes for her.’
(82) àtùsànzìrá bànyìnà
a-tuH -sanz-ir-á̲ ba-nyina
sm1 -om13 -wash-appl-fv np2 -mother
‘S/he washes them for her/his mother.’
(83) àtùbàsànzírà
a-tuH -ba-sanz-ir-á̲
sm1 -om13 -om2 -wash-appl-fv
‘S/he washes them for her.’
(84) *àbàtùsànzírà
a-baH -tuH -sanz-ir-á̲
Intended: ‘S/he washes them for her.’ (NF_Elic17)
244
6.3 Applicative
(85) ndàmùkùdámînì
ndi-a-mu-ku-dam-ín-i
sm1SG -pst-om1 -om2SG -beat-appl-npst.pfv
‘I’ve beaten him for you.’
When an applicative verb is passivized, either object of the applicative can
become the subject. Compare the active clause in (86) with the passive version
in (87), where the direct object has become the subject, and in (88), where the
applied object has become the subject.
(86) àzyàːkìrá mwáncè kàjûò
a-zyaːH k-ir-á ̲ mu-ánce ka-júo
sm1 -build-appl-fv np1 -child np12 -room
‘S/He builds a room for the child.’
(87) kàjúò kàzyáːkìrwà mwâncè
ka-júo ka-zyáːk-ir-w-a mw-ánce
np12 -room sm12 -build-appl-pass-fv np1 -child
‘The room is built for the child.’
(88) mwáncè àzyàːkìrwá kàjûò
mu-ánce a-zyaːH k-ir-w-á̲ ka-júo
np1 -child sm1 -build-appl-pass-fv np12 -room
‘The child is built a room for.’ (NF_Elic17)
The applicative can be used to express an action performed for the benefit of
someone, as in (89), where the beneficiary is òmùkéntù wàkwé ‘his wife’, and in
(90), where the beneficiary is àbânè ‘her children’. The applicative can also be
used with a malefactive meaning, i.e. an action performed to the detriment of
the recipient, e.g. the first person singular in (91), or bàntù ‘people’ in (92).
(89) nàhúrírì òmùkéntù wàkw’ ómùròrà
na-ur-í̲r-i o-mu-kéntu u-akwé o-mu-rora
sm1 .pst-buy-appl-npst.pfv aug-np1 -woman pp1 -poss3SG aug-np3 -soap
‘He bought soap for his wife.’ (ZF_Elic14)
(90) èzìbyá èzò nàáꜝsíyà náàzísìyìrà àbânè
e-zi-byá e-zo na-á̲-siH -á̲
aug-np8 -item aug-dem.iii8 rem-sm1 -leave-fv<rel>
ná̲-a-zí-si-ir-a a-ba-án-e
rem-sm1 -om8 -leave-appl-fv aug-np2 -child-poss3SG
‘The items that she left, she left them for her children.’ (ZF_Conv13)
245
6 Verbal derivation
(91) shòshák’ ókùndìzyónàwìrà màshéshwà ángù

sha-o-shak-á̲ o-ku-ndi-zyón-a-u-ir-a
inc-sm2SG -want-fv aug-inf-om1SG -destroy-pl1-sep-appl-fv
ma-shéshwa a-angú
np6 -marriage pp6 -poss1SG
‘You now want to destroy [for me] my marriage.’ (NF_Narr15)
(92) kùhíbìrà bàntù màshéréŋì mbúbbì

ku-híb-ir-a ba-ntu ma-sheréŋi N-bu-bbí
inf-steal-appl-fv np2 -person np6 -money cop-np14 -bad
‘Stealing money from people is bad.’ (NF_Elic17)
Applicatives can have a substitutive function, where the applied object refers
to someone on whose behalf the action is performed, as in (93–94).
(93) ndìhítwìrè bùk’ éyì kwàòbèt

ndi-hítur-ir-e ∅-buká e-í kwa-obet
om1SG -carry-appl-pfv.sbjv np9 -book aug-dem.i9 np17 -Orbet
‘Carry this book for me to Orbet.’ (ZF_Elic14)
(94) ndàmùkáːnìnì
ndi-a-mu-káːn-in-i
sm1SG -pst-om1 -refuse-appl-npst.pfv
‘I’ve refused on his behalf.’ (Context: someone wants to take the
belongings of a third person, who is not present. The speaker refuses on
behalf of this absent third person.) (NF_Elic17)
The applied object can also be interpreted as the reason of the action, as in
(95–97).
(95) mbòndísànzìr’ ómùráːrìrò tùsûbà

mbo-ndí̲-sanz-ir-é̲ o-mu-ráːriro tu-súba
near.fut-sm1SG -wash-appl-pfv.sbjv aug-np3 -dinner np13 -dish
‘I will wash the dishes for dinner.’
(96) ndìzyàːkìr’ ómùndáré ꜝwángù cìòngò

ndi-zyaːH k-ir-á̲ o-mu-ndaré u-angú ci-ongo
sm1SG -build-appl-fv aug-np3 -maize pp3 -poss1SG np7 -storage
‘I am building a storage for my maize.’ (NF_Elic17)
246
6.3 Applicative
(97) kòóːrì òkùyíbèrèkèrà múmwêzì mbóyìbèrèkèré èmyézì yòbírè yòtâtwè

ka-o-ó̲ːr-i o-ku-í-berek-er-a mú-mu-ézi
neg-sm2SG -can-neg aug-inf-om9 -work-appl-fv np18 -np3 -month
mbo-ó̲-iH -berek-er-é̲ e-mi-ézi i-o=biré
near.fut-sm2SG -om9 -work-appl-pfv.sbjv aug-np4 -month pp4 -con=two
i-o=tátwe
pp4 -con=three
‘You cannot work for it in a month, you will work for it for two or three
months.’ (Context: discussing how long it takes to earn 2000 Namibian
dollars.) (ZF_Conv13)
The applicative can also be used to add a locative noun phrase, with two pos-
sible functions: either to express a direction or goal, or to express focus on the
locative (see Gunnink & Pacchiarotti forthcoming for a detailed discussion of
Fwe applicatives when used with locative phrases). While locative phrases can
also be added to underived verbs, the use of the applicative causes the locative
phrase to be interpreted as a direction or goal. This is illustrated with the verb
shotok ‘jump’, where a locative with the underived verb is interpreted as that
which is jumped on or over, as in (98–99), but used with an applicative, the loca-
tive expresses a direction, as in (100).
(98) nàshótòkì àkàyèzì

na-shótok-i a-ka-yezi
sm1 .pst-jump-npst.pfv aug-np12 -stream
‘S/he jumped over the stream.’ (ZF_Elic14)
(99) ndókùríshòtòkà
ndi-ó=ku-rí-shotok-a
pp1SG -con=inf-om5 -jump-fv
‘Then I stepped on it.’ (ZF_Narr13)
(100) àshòtòkèrá mùmênjì

‘S/he jumps into the water.’ (NF_Elic15)
Whether the applicative is required to express a direction or goal depends on

the lexical verb. For certain motion verbs, a location, such as a source or direction,
is part of their lexical semantics, and as such these verbs can be combined with
247
6 Verbal derivation
a locative phrase without the use of the applicative derivation. This is the case
for, for instance, the verb zw ‘leave’, which includes the source (the place from
which one leaves) in its lexical semantics, and therefore the use of a locative
noun phrase referring to the source does not require an applicative, as in (101).
Verbs that include direction as inherent part of their lexical semantics also do
not require the applicative to combine with a locative noun phrase expressing
direction, such as the verb yend ‘go, walk’ in (102), y ‘go’ in (103), and keːzy
‘come’ in (104).
(101) àmàròhà àzwá hàcìrábì
a-ma-roha a-zw-á̲ ha-ci-rabí
aug-np6 -blood sm6 -come_out-fv np16 -np7 -wound
‘Blood comes from the wound.’ (NF_Elic15)
(102) ndìyéndè bùryò kùmùnzì
ndi-é̲nd-e bu-ryo ku-mu-nzi
sm1SG -go-pfv.sbjv np14 -just np17 -np3 -village
‘Let me just go home.’ (ZF_Narr14)
(103) ndìyá kwàsèshèkè
ndi-y-á̲ kwa-sesheke
sm1SG -go-fv np17 -Sesheke
‘I am going to Sesheke.’ (ZF_Elic13)
(104) nàbàkéːzyà kúmùnzí ꜝwábò
na-ba-a-ké̲ːzy-a kú-mu-nzí u-abó
rem-sm2 -pst-come-fv np17 np3 -village pp3 -dem.iii2
‘She was coming to her village.’ (ZF_Narr15)
In motion verbs where the direction is not part of the verb’s lexical semantics,
the use of a locative noun phrase expressing a direction requires the use of the
applicative. This is illustrated with the verb bútuk ‘run’ in (105), shótok ‘jump’ in
(106), and hít ‘pass’ in (107).
(105) kùnjúò yàkwé àbùtùkírà
N-ku-N-júo i-akwé a-buH tuk-ir-á̲
cop-np17 -np9 -house pp9 -poss3SG sm1 -run-appl-fv
‘S/He is running to his house.’
(106) àshòtòkérá mùmênjì
‘S/He jumps into the water.’ (NF_Elic15)
248
6.3 Applicative
(107) bókèːzyà kùhítìrà hámùnzì

ba-ó=keːzy-a ku-hít-ir-a há-mu-nzi
pp2 -con=come-fv inf-pass-appl-fv np16 -np3 -village
‘Then they passed over a village.’ (ZF_Narr13)
As seen in (108), the use of the applicative to add a locative argument does not
necessarily involve (physical) movement.
(108) ècí cìntù kàbábbòzérá àbá ꜝbámbwà cìntúnjí

e-cí ci-ntu ka-bá̲-bboH z-er-á̲ a-bá ba-mbwá
aug-dem.i7 np7 -thing pst.ipfv-sm2 -bark-appl-fv aug-dem.i2 np2 -dog
∅-ci-ntu-njí
cop-np7 -thing-what
‘This thing that the dogs are barking at, what is it?’ (ZF_Narr14)
The applicative can also be used to express focus on the locative, a function
also seen in various other Bantu languages (see Pacchiarotti 2020: 145 for an
overview). This use of the applicative often (but not necessarily) combines with
a cleft construction, the most common construction in Fwe for expressing focus
(see also §13.4). As seen in (109–111), the direction/goal semantics otherwise seen
in applicatives combined with locative noun phrases is not part of the use of the
applicative to focus a locative.
(109) bàbbónádì kwàsìòmà bábèrèkérà

ba-bbonádi ∅-kwa-sioma bá̲-berek-er-á̲
np2 -Bonard cop-np17 -Sioma sm2 .rel-work-appl-fv
‘Mr. Bonard, it is in Sioma that he works.’
(110) ècìbàka òkù ásèbèzèrà mùkéntù wángù kùréː ècìbàkà òkù ndísèbèzérà
e-ci-baka o-ku á̲-sebez-er-á̲ mu-kéntu
aug-np7 -place aug-dem.i17 sm1 .rel-work-appl-fv np1 -woman
u-angú ∅-ku-réː e-ci-baka o-ku
pp1 -poss1SG cop-np17 -long aug-np7 -place aug-dem.i17
ndí̲-sebez-er-á̲
sm1SG -work-appl-fv
‘The place where my wife works is far from the place where I work.’
(ZF_Elic13)
249
6 Verbal derivation
(111) páhà rímànìná èkàndé ꜝryángù

p-áha rí̲-man-in-á̲ e-∅-kandé ri-angú
cop16 -dem.i16 sm5 -end-appl-fv aug-np5 -story pp5 -poss1SG
‘This is where my story ends.’ (NF_Narr15)
The applicative can also be used to focus morphologically locative noun phrases
that refer to a time rather than a place. Locative class 16 can be used in Fwe with
both locative and temporal interpretations, and the applicative can also be used
to express focus when the temporal interpretation is intended, as in (112).
(112) páhò náàbàhìndírà

p-áho na-á̲-a-baH -hind-ir-á̲
cop16 -dem.iii16 rem-sm1 -pst-om2 -take-appl-fv<rel>
‘That’s when he took her.’ (ZF_Narr15)
The argument added by the applicative derivation may also express manner.
This interpretation is only available in relative clauses introduced by the class 18
demonstrative òmò ‘(the way) how’, used as relativizer, as in (113–115).
(113) ndìsháká òmò ázyìmbírà

ndi-shak-á̲ o-mo á̲-zyiH mb-ir-á̲
sm1SG -like-fv aug-dem.iii18 sm1 .rel-sing-appl-fv
‘I like the way s/he sings.’ (NF_Elic15)
(114) kàbásùmwìná òmò nìbákàhàrírà

ka-bá̲-suH mwin-á̲ o-mo
pst.ipfv-sm2 -report-fv aug-dem.iii18
ni-bá̲-a-ka-haH r-ir-á̲
rem-sm2 -pst-dist-live-appl-fv<rel>
‘They were reporting how they had been living.’ (NF_Narr15)
(115) òmò nìbáfwîrà àbò bámùcémbérè

o-mo ni-bá̲-a-fw-í̲r-a a-bo
aug-dem.iii18 rem-sm2 -pst-die-appl-fv<rel> aug-dem.iii2
bá-mu-cémbere
np2 -np1 -old_woman
‘the way that old lady died’ (ZF_Narr15)
Verbs that have an applicative suffix that carries a different function than man-
ner, such as benefactive, may also be used in a relative clause headed by òmò, as
250
6.3 Applicative
in (116). Only one applicative suffix is used, which carries both benefactive and
manner functions simultaneously, as in (117); as the ungrammaticality of (118)
shows, repeating the applicative suffix is not possible. This is in line with the
general restriction on combining two applicative suffixes on the same verb.
(116) ndìsháká òmw’ áhìkírà

ndi-shak-á̲ o-mo á̲-hiH k-ir-á̲
sm1SG -like-fv aug-dem.iii18 sm1 .rel-cook-appl-fv
‘I like the way she cooks.’
(117) ndìsháká òmw’ ábàhìkírà

ndi-shak-á̲ o-mo á̲-baH -hiH k-ir-á̲
sm1SG -like-fv aug-dem.iii18 sm1 .rel-om2 -cook-appl-fv
‘I like the way she cooks for them.’
(118) *ndìsháká òmw’ ábàhìkìrírà
The applicative is combined with the reflexive prefix rí-/kí- and the adverb
buryo ‘just, only’, to express a useless or purposeless action, as in (119–121).
(119) èrí ꜝsózù rìrìtùmbùkírá bùryò

e-rí ∅-sozú ri-riH -tuH mbuk-ir-á bu-ryo
aug-dem.i5 np5 -grass sm5 -refl-burn-appl-fv np14 -only
‘This grass burns easily.’
(120) èzí zìzwâtò zìcípîtè kònó zìrìfwírà búryò

e-zí zi-zwáto zi-cip-í̲te konó
aug-dem.i8 np8 -cloth sm8 -become_cheap-stat but
zi-riH -fw-í̲r-a bu-ryó
sm8 -refl-die-appl-fv np14 -only
‘These clothes are cheap, but they won’t last long (lit. ‘they will just
break’).’ (NF_Elic15)
(121) òmùntù árìàmbìrààmbírà bùryô

o-mu-ntu á̲-riH -ambira-amb-ir-á̲ bu-ryó
aug-np1 -person sm1 .rel-pl2-talk-appl-fv np14 -just
‘A person who just talks…’ (NF_Elic17)
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6 Verbal derivation
6.4 Neuter
The neuter is expressed with a suffix -ahar. This suffix is unproductive: all the
attested examples are listed in (122).
(122) bônà ‘see’ bónàhàrà ‘be visible’

fòsà ‘sin, make a mistake’ fòsàhàrà ‘be wrong, be a bad person’
pàngà ‘do, make’ pàngàhàrà ‘happen, take place’
sèpà ‘trust, hope’ sèpàhàrà ‘be honest, important’
shàkà ‘want, need’ shàkàhàrà ‘be necessary’
tèndà ‘do, make’ tèndàhàrà ‘happen, take place’
wànà ‘find’ wànàhàrà ‘be found, occur’
zyìbà ‘get to know’ zyíbàhàrà ‘be known, famous’
The use of the neuter derivation causes the agent of the action to be deleted
and the patient to be expressed as a subject. This is illustrated in (123) with the
verb bón ‘see’; underived, the patient (that which is seen) is expressed as the
object, and derived with the neuter suffix -ahar, the patient is expressed as the
subject.
(123) òcìbwènè ênì cìbònàhárà

o-ciH -bweH ne éni ci-boH n-ahar-á̲
sm2SG -om7 -see.stat yes sm7 -see-neut-fv
‘Do you see it?’ ‘Yes, it’s visible.’ (NF_Elic15)
Unlike the passive, the neuter does not allow the reintroduction of the agent
as a peripheral participant, as shown by the ungrammaticality of (124).
(124) *nìbáwànàhàrà kwángù

ni-bá̲-a-wan-ahar-a ku-angú
rem-sm2 -pst-find-neut-fv np17 -poss1SG
Intended: ‘S/he was found by me.’ (NF_Elic17)
The neuter presents the event as having no agent. The neuter verb bónahar
is interpreted as ‘look, be visible’. It does not imply being looked at by an agent,
merely that being looked at is a possibility, e.g. the subject is “potentially or
factually affected” (Schadeberg 2003: 75), and the agent is backgrounded. The
complete backgrounding of the agent is seen with the neuter verb wanahar in
(125), which focuses on the assumption that the profit will exist, rather than who,
if anyone, will be present to find it.
252
6.4 Neuter
(125) èngùrìsó yàkwé mbòyíwànàhárè

e-N-gurisó i-akwé mbo-í̲-wan-ahar-é̲
aug-np9 -profit pp9 -poss3SG near.fut-sm9 -find-neut-pfv.sbjv
‘Her profit can/will be found.’ (ZF_Conv13)
The neuter suffix -ahar in Fwe is a borrowing from Lozi. Lozi has a number
of different neuter suffixes, including the suffix -ahal, which is unproductive ac-
cording to Gowlett (1967: 60-61), as it only occurs in a fixed set of verbs. The suffix
-ahar has acquired a productivity of its own in Fwe, as it is used in verbs that do
not use it in Lozi, such as the Fwe verb wanahar ‘be found, occur’, which does not
have a Lozi counterpart with the suffix -ahal. Other Bantu languages spoken in
the same region have also acquired the neuter suffix -ahar (or variants thereof).
Seidel (2008: 245) notes the use of -ahar as a neuter in Yeyi, also attributing it to
influence from Lozi. The use of the suffix -hala ‘neuter’ is described for Subiya
by Jacottet (1896: 77). It is likely that all these languages borrowed the suffix from
Lozi, as Lozi is the only language in which the suffix -ahar is morphologically
analyzable as a combination of the neuter suffixes -ah and -al (Gowlett 1967: 60).
Nonetheless, the wide-spread use of -ahar as a neuter suffix in languages that
have been in contact with Lozi is surprising, as -ahar is only one of the neuter
suffixes used in Lozi, and it is not the most frequent or the most productive form
of the neuter.
Fwe also has another suffix that expresses neuter, viz. -isik/-esek, which can
be analyzed as a combination of the productive causative suffix -is, and a suffix
that may be the reflex of the suffix *-ɪk reconstructed with neuter meaning for
Proto-Bantu3 (Schadeberg & Bostoen 2019: 173). Neuter -isik/-esek is found with
only two verbs, wan ‘find’, which may also take the neuter suffix -ahar without
a change in meaning, as in (126), and oːr ‘can’, as in (127).
(126) kùwànìsìkà ~ kùwànàhàrà
ku-wan-isik-a ku-wan-ahar-a
inf-find-neut-fv inf-find-neut-fv
‘to be found’
(127) kùòːrèsèkà
ku-oːr-esek-a
inf-can-neut-fv
‘to be possible’
3
Traces of an earlier neuter(-like) suffix that may have been a reflex of *-ɪk are conspicuously
absent; no verbs have been recorded which can be analyzed as a combination of a verb stem
with a now-petrified neuter-like suffix.
253
6 Verbal derivation
Possibly, the suffix -isik/-esek was the original, native neuter suffix in Fwe, and
was gradually replaced by the Lozi neuter suffix -ahar, a development also seen
in various other languages that are in contact with Lozi.
6.5 Separative
The separative derivation makes use of the suffixes -ur (transitive) and -uk (in-
transitive). Schadeberg & Bostoen (2019: 186) analyze the common core meaning
of this derivation in Bantu to be “movement out of some original position”, and
hence propose the term separative. This semantic characterization fits the use of
the separative in Fwe as well.
The transitive separative suffix has four allomorphs -ur/-or/-un/-on, condi-
tioned by vowel harmony (see §2.5.3) and nasal harmony (see §2.5.4). The intran-
sitive separative has two allomorphs -uk/-ok conditioned by vowel harmony. An
example of the intransitive and transitive separative derivation of the verb ́ ar
‘close’ is given in (128–129).
(128) kúàrùrà
kú-ar-ur-a
inf-close-sep.tr-fv
‘to open (tr.)’
(129) kúàrùkà
kú-ar-uk-a
inf-close-sep.intr-fv
‘to open (intr.)’
Verbs with the intransitive separative suffix -uk function as change-of-state
verbs; they receive a modal interpretation in the present tense (130), and a present
reading when used with the stative suffix -ite (131).
(130) èmpótó ìbbámúkà
e-N-potó i-bbam-uk-á̲
aug-np9 -pot sm9 -break-sep.intr-fv
‘A pot can break.’ (a warning to someone who is handling a pot
carelessly)
(131) èzí zìzyàbàrò zìcèrúkìtè
e-zí zi-zyabaro zi-ceH r-ú̲k-ite
aug-dem.i8 np8 -cloth sm8 -tear-sep.intr-stat
‘These clothes are torn.’ (NF_Elic15)
254
6.5 Separative
The separative derivation may occur in a large number of verbs and its se-
mantics is quite predictable, but there are also many verbs that may not take the
separative, as well as verbs that take the separative that may not occur without
it, and verbs where the semantic import of the separative is unclear. Most verbs
that take the separative derivation may occur with either the transitive or the
intransitive form, as in Table 6.4.
Table 6.4: Transitive and intransitive separative verbs
Transitive separative Intransitive separative

àrùmùnà ‘roll (tr.)’ àrùmùkà ‘roll (intr.)’
bbátùrà ‘separate (tr.)’ bbátùkà ‘separate (intr.), be
separated’
kùmbùrà ‘peel, strip’ kùmbùkà ‘come off in strips, be
peeled/stripped off’
kúzyùrà ‘peel a mongongo nut’ kúzyùkà ‘be peeled (of a mongongo
nut)’
túrùrà ‘pierce’ túrùkà ‘burst’
Some verbs that may take a separative suffix are also attested in an underived
form, or are also attested with another derivational suffix, such as the impositive
-ik/-am, or the extensive -ar/-an, as shown in Table 6.5.
Many separative verbs, however, are not attested in their underived form, and
the separative cannot be freely used to derive new verbs from any existing verb
stem. There are also many verbs apparently consisting of a separative suffix
which lack separative semantics, as in (132).
(132) bbùkùrà ‘stoke a fire’

cùncùrà ‘stumble’
bárùkà ‘taste a crop to test if it’s ripe’
bútùkà ‘run’
What further underscores the semi-productive status of the separative is that

some verbs with the transitive separative suffix -ur do not function as transitive
verbs, such as ᵍ ǀíntùrà ‘lie with bent knees’, shwáhùrà ‘be disappointed, give up’,
sùkùrà ‘doze’. There are also verbs with the intransitive separative -uk that are
not intransitive, such as cébùkà ‘look behind at’, kàntùkà ‘cross (a road, river)’,
tóròkà ‘translate, explain’.
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6 Verbal derivation
Table 6.5: Separative verbs from underived verbs
Separative Underived verb

ròngòrà ‘unload’ ròngà ‘load’
rwárùkà ‘become better’ rwârà ‘become sick’
vwìkùrà ‘uncover’ vwìkà ‘cover’
zyàrùrà ‘take blankets off zyàrà ‘make the bed’
the bed’
Separative Other derivational suffix
cánkùrà ‘remove from the cánkìkà ‘put on the fire’
fire’
fúrùmùnà ‘put upright’ fúrùmìkà ‘place upside
fúrùmànà down’
‘be initiated (of
girls)’
hángùrà ‘remove from a hánjìkà ‘put in a high
high position’ position’
kámbùrà ‘remove (from on kámbìkà ‘put on top of each
top of each other)’ kámbàmà other’
‘be on top of each
other’
zyàbùrà ‘undress’ zyàbàrà ‘dress’
ǀàpùrùrà ‘take mud from a ǀàpìkà ‘put mud on a wall’
wall’
The separative suffix also occurs in a reduplicated form. Like its unredupli-
cated counterpart, the reduplicated separative suffix undergoes both vowel and
nasal harmony, surfacing as either -urur, -oror, -unun or -onon. The intransitive
variant of the reduplicated separative is -uruk, also subject to vowel and nasal
harmony. The distribution of the reduplicated and unreduplicated separative ap-
pears to be lexical, with the reduplicated form mainly (but not exclusively) oc-
curring with verbs that also occur as underived verb stems. Verbs with the redu-
plicated separative suffix and their underived counterpart, if attested, are given
in Table 6.6.
When the separative suffix -ur is used in combination with the applicative
suffix -ir, the form of the combined suffix is -wir, in which the vowel /u/ of the
256
6.5 Separative
Table 6.6: The reduplicated separative suffix
Underived verb Separative verb

gâbà ‘close a kraal’ gábùrùrà ‘open a kraal’
hôshà ‘plait hair’ hóshòròrà ‘take out plaits’
kìyà ‘lock’ kìyùrùrà ‘unlock’
- - ⁿǀónzòròkà ‘be thread-like, stretching (like
okra)’
ràmbà ‘plaster a wall’ ràmbùrùrà ‘smoothen a plastered wall’
shúmìnà ‘tie’ shúmùnùnà ‘untie’
shwènà ‘become tired’ shwènùnùkà ‘become rested’
separative suffix has devocalized to a glide. This is illustrated with the separative
verb bbukur ‘blow on a fire’ in (133).
(133) òndìbbúkwír’ ómùrìrò
o-ndi-bbuk-wir-é̲ o-mu-riro
sm2SG -om1SG -blow_on_fire-sep.tr.appl-pfv.sbjv aug-np3 -fire
‘Blow on the fire for me.’ (NF_Elic17
When the separative suffix combines with a more productive causative or pas-
sive suffix, the separative suffix is directly adjacent to the verb stem, as illustrated
for the combination of the separative suffix and the passive suffix in (134). This
ordering is consistent with the tendency for morphemes with a higher produc-
tivity, like the causative and the passive, to occur at the periphery of a word, and
for less productive morphemes, such as the separative, to be closer to the verb
stem.
(134) zàzyángùrìwà
zi-a-zyáng-ur-iw-a
sm8 -pst-harvest-sep.tr-pass-fv
‘Are they harvested?’ (NF_Elic17)
The separative expresses a movement out of an original position. This is illus-
trated in (135–136), taken from a narrative in which one of the main characters, a
lion, has hidden his teeth. The hiding of the teeth is described in (135) using the
verb ziːk ‘hide’. Afterwards, the other main character, a girl, goes to retrieve the
teeth from their hiding place. This is described in (136) using the same verb with
the separative suffix, ziːkur ‘retrieve from its hiding place’.
257
6 Verbal derivation
(135) òndávú nàkàzíːkì àménò ákwê hàcítwè

o-∅-ndavú na-ka-zíːk-i a-ma-íno a-akwé
aug-np1a -lion sm1 .pst-dist-hide-npst.pfv aug-np6 -tooth pp6 -poss3SG
ha-ci-twé
np16 -np7 -ash
‘The lion has hidden his teeth under the ash.’
(136) ákàzìːkùrà áò mênò

á-o-ka-ziːk-ur-a a-o ma-íno
sm1 -aug-dist-hide-sep.tr-fv aug-dem.iii6 np6 -tooth
‘She then dug out those teeth there.’ (NF_Narr15)
Many verbs with the separative derivation describe various acts of destruction,
such as cutting, tearing or breaking, as listed in (137). These verbs usually lack
an underived counterpart.
(137) bbàmùkà ‘break in half’
bútùrà ‘clear a field (by removing small shrubs and weeds)’
càmùnà ‘cut off a small piece’
cènkùrà ‘cut off half’
cérùrà ‘tear’
kóshòrà ‘cut/pull off’
kúkùrà ‘cut nails; cut off sides of a grass mat to make it even’
kùrùrà ‘cut hair’
ŋàtùrà ‘tear’
ngwénjùrà ‘slash grass (in order to clear a piece of land)’
ⁿǀàmbùkà ‘burst (of a mukusi pod)’
pwàcùrà ‘break’
rùkùrùrà ‘divorce’
tùmbùrà ‘cut and gut a fish’
túrùrà ‘pierce’
ǀàpùrà ‘tear’
ǀàpùtùrà ‘tear’
Verbs referring to various acts of removing also often take a separative suffix,
as in (138). These, too, often lack an underived counterpart.
(138) còkòrà ‘remove skins of maize’

dùnkùrà ‘thresh’
kúngùrà ‘clean up after a meal’
258
6.6 Impositive
nyùkùrà ‘uproot’
ⁿǀòngòmònà ‘hollow out’
ⁿǀòndòrà ‘take out a fingerful of something’
shàrùrà ‘pick out, e.g. rotten groundnuts’
tòmpòrà ‘uproot’
tùmpùrà ‘take a piece of meat from a boiling pot’
zùbùrà ‘take a bit of food from a boiling pot’
zyángùrà ‘harvest’
ǀòpòrà ‘take out flesh, an eye’
6.6 Impositive
Fwe has an impositive suffix -am (intransitive) and -ik (transitive), which give
the meaning of assuming or putting in a certain position. The transitive imposi-
tive -ik displays vowel harmony, with an allomorph -ek used after stems with a
mid-vowel (see §2.5.3 on vowel harmony). Examples of the use of the impositive
derivation are given in (139).
(139) cànkàmà ‘stand on the fire (of a pot)’
cànkìkà ‘put (a pot) on the fire’
There are two verbs where the transitive impositive suffix -ik influences the
verb’s final root consonant: the verb háng-am / hánj-ik ‘hang (tr./intr.)’, where the
root-final plosive /ng/ changes to an affricate /nj/, and the verb dank-am / dans-ik
‘be dropped/ drop’, where the root-final plosive /nk/ changes to a fricative /ns/.
In all other cases, the suffix -ik does not cause changes to the last consonant of
the verb root, as in (139).
When the intransitive impositive -am is combined with the separative -un/-uk,
the vowel /a/ of the suffix -am changes to /u/ under influence of the following
vowel /u/, as in (140). No other suffixes are attested whose vowel assimilates
to that of the following separative suffix, nor are there any other cases where
regressive vowel harmony takes place. As (141) shows, vowel harmony with the
mid back vowel of the stem is maintained, showing that the assimilation of -am
to -um precedes the rule of vowel harmony that lowers /u/ to /o/, e.g. /kot-am-un/
> /kot-um-un/ > /kot-om-on/.
(140) a. kùhángàmà
ku-háng-am-a
inf-climb-imp.intr-fv
‘to climb’
259
6 Verbal derivation
b. kùhángùmùkà
ku-hang-am-uk-a
inf-climb-imp.intr-sep.intr-fv
‘to fall down’
(141) a. kùkòtàmà
ku-kot-am-a
inf-bend-imp.intr-fv
‘to bow the head’
b. kùkòtòmònà
ku-kot-am-un-a
inf-bend-imp.intr-sep.intr-fv
‘to hold up someone’s head’
As Table 6.7 shows, any verb that can occur with either the transitive or the
intransitive impositive suffix may also occur with the other suffix.
Table 6.7: Transitive and intransitive impositive verbs
Transitive impositive -ik/-ek Intransitive impositive -am

dàbbìkà ‘throw into water’ dàbbàmà ‘jump into water’
hánjìkà ‘hang, put in a high hángàmà ‘be put in a
position’ hanging/high position’
kúnìkà ‘put on a smoking kúnàmà ‘be put on a smoking
shelve’ shelve’
nyòngèkà ‘bend (sideways)’ nyòngàmà ‘become bent
(sideways)’
Some verb roots that take the impositive transitive suffix do not occur with the
impositive intransitive suffix -am, but rather with the extensive suffix -ar/-an (see
also §6.10), or with the separative suffix (see also §6.5), as in Table 6.8.
The impositive suffix -am/-ik may be used to derive an impositive verb from
an adjective or an ideophone, as in (142).
(142) fwîyì ‘short; close (by)’

kù-fú-àm-à ‘to approach’
kù-fwí-ìk-à ‘to bring closer’
260
6.6 Impositive
Table 6.8: Impositive verbs from extensive / separative verbs
Transitive impositive -ik/-ek Extensive / separative

rémèkà ‘injure’ rémànà ‘get injured’
súmbìkà ‘impregnate’ súmbàrà ‘become pregnant’
tándàbìkà ‘stretch (someone’s) tándàbàrà ‘stretch (one’s own)
legs’ legs’
zỳabìkà ‘dress (someone)’ zyàbàrà ‘dress (oneself)’
zyímìkà ‘put in a standing zyímànà ‘stand up’
position’
cànkìkà ‘put on the fire’ cànkùrà ‘remove from the fire’
fùrùmìkà ‘put upside down’ fúrùmùnà ‘put upright’
hánjìkà ‘hang, put in a high hángùrà ‘remove from a
position’ high/hanging position’
kámbìkà ‘stack, put on top of kámbùrà ‘remove from on top of
each other’ each other’
shémpèkà ‘shoulder a load’ shémpùrà ‘go with a load on one’s
shoulders’
(143) túmpwì ideophone of falling in water

kù-tùmpw-àm-à ‘to fall in water’
kù-tùmpw-ìk-à ‘to throw into water’
The impositive suffix -am/-ik adds the meaning of putting or being put in a
certain position. In (144), the verb bomb ‘become wet’ is used with the transitive
impositive to describe putting something in water.
(144) ndàbòmbékì zìzyàbàrò

ndi-a-bomb-é̲k-i zi-zyabaro
sm1SG -pst-become_wet-imp.tr-npst.pfv np8 -cloth
‘I’ve put the clothes in water.’ (NF_Elic15)
In (145), the intransitive impositive verb hángam ‘become high, be put in a

high position’, is used metaphorically; the speaker is making the claim that life
has become too high, referring to the increasing complexity of the modern world
and the skills needed to succeed in it.
261
6 Verbal derivation
(145) òbùhárò shàbùhángámìtè

o-bu-háro sha-bu-haH ng-á̲m-ite
aug-np14 -life inc-sm14 -become_high-imp.intr-stat
‘Life has become too demanding (lit. ‘high’).’ (ZF_Conv13)
The intransitive impositive suffix -am creates a change-of-state verb, e.g. to
assume, or to be put, in a certain position. As is typical of change-of-state verbs,
intransitive impositive verbs have a hypothetical interpretation in the present
construction (146), and a present state interpretation when combined with a sta-
tive (147). The combination of the intransitive impositive suffix with the stative
suffix results in a number of allomorphs, which are discussed in §9.3 on the sta-
tive suffix.
(146) mùkàmbámà
mu-kaH mb-am-á̲
sm2PL -ascend-imp.intr-fv
‘[if you do like that] You’d ascend.’ (NF_Elic15)
(147) cìhàngámìtè
ci-haH ng-ám-ite
sm7 -hang-imp.intr-stat
‘It hangs.’ (NF_Elic17)
The intransitive impositive -am refers to assuming a position without express-
ing an agent that caused this position, as in (148). The transitive impositive -ik/-ek,
however, requires the expression of both the agent and the patient, as in (149).
(148) zìkúnì
zi-kuH n-í̲
sm10 -smoke-imp.intr.stat
‘They [the fish] are on the smoking shelve.’
(149) níndàkúnꜝík’ énswì
gll ní̲-ndi-a-kún-ik-á e-N-swí
rem-sm1SG -pst-smoke-imp.tr-fv aug-np10 -fish
‘I’ve put the fish on a smoking shelve.’ (NF_Elic15)
6.7 Pluractional
Fwe has two derivational strategies that express a pluractional, an event that
is in some way repeated. Event repetition can be interpreted in many different
262
6.7 Pluractional
ways; events may be interpreted as repeated on a single occasion, or on multiple

occasions, or on different locations. Event repetition may also be interpreted as
plurality of arguments.
In Fwe, pluractionality is expressed by reduplication, a cross-linguistically com-
mon strategy for pluractional marking (Inkelas 2014: 13-15), or by a derivational
suffix -a. Both pluractional markers display a similar range of pluractional mean-
ings, and are therefore treated together in this section. They differ in their con-
notations of intensity: the pluractional suffix -a is associated with a high degree
of intensity or completeness, and the pluractional marked by stem reduplication
marks a low degree of intensity, and may also express negative connotations.
6.7.1 Pluractional 1: completeness

The derivational suffix -a marks a pluractional with overtones of intensity or
completeness. This pluractional is glossed as pl1. The pluractional suffix can be
realized as -a or -ah; the epenthetic [h] is part of a regular process of [h] epenthe-
sis to break up vowel clusters (see §2.5.2). Unlike other derivational suffixes, the
pluractional suffix -a is always followed by another derivational suffix. The only
derivational suffixes with which the pluractional may be used are the separative
-ur/-uk, the transitive impositive -ik, the applicative -ir, or a combination of the
separative and the applicative, as in (150).
(150) Pluractional verbs

a. Pluractional -a with separative -ur/-uk
dàmàùrà ‘beat up, beat to a pulp’
cènkàùkà ‘look over both shoulders’
céràùrà ‘keep on tearing’
ⁿǀùmàùnà ‘uproot’
pwàcàùkà ‘break (intr.) (of multiple objects)’
túkàùra ‘insult (multiple people)’
b. Pluractional a with transitive impositive -ik
dánsàìkà ‘scatter’
hánjàìkà ‘hang up (multiple objects)’
sóndàìkà ‘point (at multiple objects)’
ùràìkà ‘name (multiple people)’
c. Pluractional -a with applicative -ir/-in
shónjàìrà ‘throw (multiple times)’
sòsàìrà ‘keep on poking a fire’
shúmàìnà ‘tie (multiple knots)’
shwátàìrà ‘keep on whipping’
263
6 Verbal derivation
d. Pluractional -a with separative -ur and applicative -ir

ᵍǀánàwìnà ‘divide (food) among’
shónjàwìrà ‘throw (repeatedly) to’
hìndàwìrà ‘keep taking for’
zyónàwìrà ‘destroy for’
Any verb that can be used with the separative derivation, may take the plurac-
tional suffix -a. Which impositive or applicative verbs can take the pluractional
suffix is lexically determined. For the applicative, the pluractional -a can be used
with verbs that use the applicative as a productive suffix, as in (151), but also with
many verbs that have a lexicalized applicative suffix, as in (152–153).
(151) kùzyáːkàìrà
ku-zyáːk-a-ir-a
inf-build-pl1-appl-fv
‘to build for (multiple people)’ cf. kùzyáːkìrà ‘to build for’, kùzyâːkà ‘to
build’
(152) kùshwátàìrà
ku-shwát-a-ir-a
inf-whip-pl1-appl-fv
‘to keep on whipping’ cf. kùshwátìrà ‘to whip’; *kùshwâtà
(153) kùshúmàìnà
ku-shúm-a-in-a
inf-tie-pl1-appl-fv
‘to tie’ cf. kùshúmìnà ‘to tie’; kùshûmà ‘to bite’
Some verbs combining the pluractional with the separative also exist as sep-
arative verbs without a pluractional; some exist as underived verbs, but not as
separative verbs; and some are only attested as pluractionals, not as separative
or underived verbs. Examples of all three types are given in Table 6.9.
Most pluractional separatives that do not occur without the pluractional lack
separative semantics. The separative expresses “movement out of an original po-
sition”, and many separative verbs express destruction or removal (see §6.5 on
the separative). Pluractional separative verbs that have no separative form with-
out a pluractional, do not fit this semantic characterization, as the examples in
(154) show.
264
6.7 Pluractional
Table 6.9: The combination of the pluractional and separative suffixes
Pluractional Separative Underived

bbátàùrà ‘divide (into more bbátùrà ‘divide (into two)’ -
than two)’
ᵍǀàndàùkà ‘disperse’ ᵍǀàndùkà ‘disperse’ -
táràùkà ‘go step by step’ tárùkà ‘take a step’ -
shótàùkà ‘jump up and shótòkà ‘jump’ -
down’
dàmàùrà ‘beat up’ - dàmà ‘beat’
ᵍǀóntàùrà ‘drip continuously’ - ᵍǀôntà ‘drip’
hàràùkà ‘be scratched all - hàrà ‘scratch’
over’
yèndàùrà ‘walk around’ - yèndà ‘walk, go’
kózyàùrà ‘pick (fruit)’ - -
shángàùrà ‘contribute’ - -
tángàùrà ‘provoke’ - -
zùkàùrà ‘stir’ - -
(154) Pluractional/separative verbs that lack separative semantics

a. àmbàùrà ‘discuss’
b. kwátàùrà ‘touch all over’
c. yèndàùrà ‘walk around’
d. zùkàùrà ‘stir’
The transitive separative is subject to nasal harmony (see §6.5), and in some
verbs that combine the pluractional with the separative, nasal harmony is main-
tained, e.g. ⁿǀùmàùnà ‘uproot’, ᵍ ǀànàùnà ‘divide (food)’, càmàùnà ‘divide (food)’.
In others, nasal harmony is not maintained and the separative is realized with /r/
instead, e.g. dàmàùrà ‘beat up’, zyónàùrà ‘destroy’.
The pluractional suffix -a resembles the initial syllable of the neuter suffix -
ahar, but this is a chance resemblance, and the neuter is not a combination of a
pluractional -a plus a suffix -har. The pluractional and the neuter are semantically
very different, and the neuter suffix is likely to have been borrowed in its entirety
from Lozi -ahal (see §6.4 on the neuter).
Unlike most other derivational suffixes, the pluractional -a does not influence
valency. Most pluractional verbs take their valency from the derivational suffix
265
6 Verbal derivation
following the pluractional suffix, namely transitive with the transitive impositive
-ik, the applicative -ir, and the transitive separative -ur, and intransitive with the
intransitive separative -uk. Some intransitive verbs, however, take the transitive
separative -ur rather than the intransitive separative -uk, e.g. yàkàùrà ‘writhe’,
yèndàùrà ‘walk around’.
The core function of pluractional -a is to indicate that an action happens more
than once, which can manifest itself in different ways: in a repetition of the ac-
tion, or in an action involving multiple participants (either agents, patients, or
recipients), as in (155).
(155) Without pluractional With pluractional
bbátùrà ‘divide into two’ bbátàùrà ‘divide into more than two’
cènkùkà ‘look over one’s shoulder’ cènkàùkà ‘look over both shoulders’
jùntà ‘hop’ jùntàùkà ‘hop repeatedly’
nyàkùrà ‘kick, stretch a limb’ nyàkàùrà ‘writhe’
When used to express multiple participants, intransitives express plurality of
subjects, as in (156–157), transitives express plurality of patients, as in (158–159),
and ditransitives express plurality of indirect objects, as in (160–161). This syn-
tactic alginment is typical for pluractional verbs (see, e.g. Storch & Coly 2017 and
other papers in the same volume).
(156) màténdè àcóːkáùkìtè

ma-ténde a-coːk-á̲-uk-ite
np6 -leg sm6 -break-pl1-sep.intr-stat
‘His legs are broken.’
(157) èmpótó zàpwácáùkì

e-N-potó zi-a-pwac-á̲-uk-i
aug-np10 -pot sm10 -pst-break-pl1-sep.intr-npst.pfv
‘The pots are broken
(158) mùbòné bèná bàntù bàkwèsì bàdàbbàìká bàntù múmênjì

mu-boH n-é̲ bená ba-ntu ba-kwesi
sm2PL -see-pfv.sbjv dem.iv2 np2 -person sm2 -prog
ba-dabb-a-ik-á̲ ba-ntu mú-ma-ínji
sm2 -throw-pl1-imp.tr-fv np2 -person np18 -np6 -water
‘Can you see those people? They are throwing people into the water.’
(NF_Elic17)
266
6.7 Pluractional
(159) òshùmàìné màkôtò

o-shuH m-a-in-é̲ ma-kóto
sm2SG -tie-pl1-appl-pfv.sbjv np6 -knot
‘Tie knots.’ (NF_Elic15)
(160) àyàbúzyàːkàìrá bàntù

a-yabú-zyaːk-a-ir-á ba-ntu
sm1 -loc.pl-build-pl1-appl-fv np2 -person
‘S/he is going around building for people.’
(161) àkwèsì àbàhàmbàìká èntàbà

a-kwesi a-baH -haH mb-a-ik-á̲ e-N-taba
sm1 -prog sm1 -om2 -accuse-pl1-imp.tr-fv aug-np10 -case
‘S/he is accusing them of many things.’ (NF_Elic17)
Most pluractional verbs are ambiguous between a repeated event reading and
a multiple participant reading. The pluractional verb pwàcàùkà ‘break’, has a mul-
tiple participant reading when used with a plural subject in (162), and a repeated
event reading with a singular subject in (163).
(162) èmpótó zàpwácáùkì

e-N-potó zi-a-pwac-á̲-uk-i
‘The pots are broken.’
(163) èmpótó yàpwácáùkì

e-N-potó i-a-pwac-á̲-uk-i
‘The pot is broken in many places (after someone hit it repeatedly).’
(NF_Elic17)
Other verbs only allow a multiple participant reading, as shown in (164) with
the transitive pluractional shúmàìnà ‘tie (multiple objects)’, which requires a plu-
ral object, and is ungrammatical with a singular object.
(164) a. kùshúmàìnà màkôtò

ku-shúm-a-in-a ma-kóto
inf-tie-pl1-appl-fv np6 -knot
‘to tie knots’
267
6 Verbal derivation
b. *kùshúmàìnà kôtò
Intended: ‘to tie a knot (repeatedly)’ (NF_Elic17)
The inverse is also possible, where a plural argument requires the use of the
pluractional, and the absence of the pluractional suffix is ungrammatical, as in
(165).
(165) a. màténdè àcóːkáùkìtè

ma-ténde a-coːk-á̲-uk-ite
np6 -leg sm6 -break-pl1-sep.intr-stat
‘His legs are broken.’
b. *màténdè àcóːkêtè
Intended: ‘His legs are broken.’ (NF_Elic17)
More research is needed to study what conditions the availability of the re-
peated event reading and the multiple participant reading, and under which con-
ditions a plural participant requires a pluractional verb.
Pluractional -a can combine with the locative pluractional marker kabú-/yabú-
(see §11.2) to indicate an event that is repeated in different locations, as in (166–
167).
(166) ndìkàbúbàsùndàíkà
ndi-kabú-baH -sund-a-ik-á̲
sm1SG -loc.pl-om2 -point-pl1-imp.tr-fv
‘I am going around pointing at them.’
(167) kùshúmàìnà áꜝkábúshùmàìnà màkôtò

ku-shúm-a-in-a á̲-kabú-shum-a-in-a ma-kóto
inf-tie-pl1-appl-fv sm1 .rel-loc.pl-tie-pl1-appl-fv np6 -knot
‘S/he is going around tying knots./ S/he is tying knots in different
places.’ (NF_Elic17)
The pluractional -a often implies that an action is completed. This is an exten-

sion of its pluractional meaning, and not part of its basic meaning, as illustrated
in (168–169), which discuss a three-legged cooking pot. When used without fur-
ther qualifying information, the use of a pluractional implies that all the legs of
the pot are broken, as in (168). This implicature can be canceled, however, as
in (169), which uses the pluractional -a describing that two of the pot’s legs are
broken.
268
6.7 Pluractional
(168) míndì yéꜝmpótò yàcóːkáùkì

mi-índi i-é=N-potó i-a-cóːk-a-uk-i
np4 -leg pp4 -con=np9 -pot sm4 -pst-break-pl1-sep.intr-npst.pfv
‘The legs of the pot are (all) broken.’
(169) míndì yòbírè yéꜝmpótò yàcóːkáùkì
mi-índi i-o=biré i-é=N-potó
np4 -leg pp4 -con=two pp4 -con=np9 -pot
i-a-có̲ːk-a-uk-i
sm4 -pst-break-pl1-sep.intr-npst.pfv
‘Two legs of the pot are broken.’ (NF_Elic17)
Furthermore, the pluractional may only imply completeness when repeated
action is also involved, as in (170)- (171), which discuss a window that was de-
stroyed by a stone. (170) describes a single window pane that was destroyed by
a stone; although the window is completely broken, the pluractional cannot be
used as it only concerns a single window. In (171), the pluractional is allowed as
it concerns a window consisting of multiple broken window panes.
(170) ryàpwácûkì
ri-a-pwac-ú̲k-i
sm5 -pst-break-sep.intr-npst.pfv
‘It broke.’
(171) ryàpwácáùkì
ri-a-pwac-á̲-uk-i
sm5 -pst-break-pl1-sep.intr-npst.pfv
‘It broke (in different places).’
The pluractional marked with -a can combine with the pluractional marked
with reduplication, as in (172–173). Although there are semantic differences be-
tween the two pluractional strategies, a difference in meaning between using
either pluractional strategy and using both pluractional strategies on the same
verb has not yet been observed.
(172) nàkàyâ ìyé àkábúyèndàùràyèndàùrà òkábúbônà
na=ka-y-á̲ iyé a-kabú-endaura-end-a-ur-a
com=inf.dist-go-fv that sm1 -loc.pl-pl2-go-pl1-sep.tr-fv
o-kabú-bón-a
aug-loc.pl-see-fv
‘And he went out to walk around, and look around.’ (NF_Narr17)
269
6 Verbal derivation
(173) àbàzìmbàùkàzìmbàúkà
a-baH -ziH mbauka-zimb-a-uk-á̲
sm1 -om2 -pl2-go_around-pl1-sep.intr-fv
‘She is avoiding them.’ (NF_Narr15)
6.7.2 Pluractional 2: low intensity

The second pluractional strategy used in Fwe is reduplication of the verb stem,
glossed as pl2. Examples are given in (174).
(174) àmbà ‘talk’ àmbààmbà ‘talk a lot’

dàmà ‘beat’ dàmàdàmà ‘beat repeatedly’
kwâtà ‘touch’ kwátàkwàtà ‘touch everywhere’
shèkà ‘laugh’ shèkàshèkà ‘laugh a lot’
Reduplication is very productive, and appears to be accepted with any verb

stem. Most reduplicated verbs also occur in their underived form; a number of
exceptions are noted in Table 6.10. In other cases, reduplicated verbs are also
attested in their underived form, but the reduplicated meaning appears to be
lexicalized.
Table 6.10: Lexicalized reduplicated verbs
Reduplicated verb Underived base verb

gábàgàbà ‘talk nonsense’ -
rúngàrùngà ‘disturb (with noise)’ -
shángàshàngà ‘contribute (money)’ -
cábàcàbà ‘fish by scooping with a câbà ‘fetch, collect
bucket (lexicalized (firewood)’
meaning); collect
(productive meaning)’
shàkàshàkà ‘look for’ shàkà ‘want, need’
Reduplication targets the entire verb stem, including derivational suffixes,

such as the applicative -ir in (175) and the causative -es in (176), and inflectional
suffixes, such as the subjunctive suffix -e in (177) and the past suffix -i in (178).
Any inflectional prefixes, however, are not maintained when the verb stem is
reduplicated. This is also the case for the object marker, which is not redupli-
cated, as seen in (179).
270
6.7 Pluractional
(175) kùríhìndìràhìndìrà
ku-rí-hindira-hind-ir-a
inf-refl-pl2-take-appl-fv
‘to keep taking from’ (NF_Elic15)
(176) mùrìgórésègòrèsè bùryáhò
mu-riH -goré̲se-gor-es-e bu-ryáho
sm2PL -refl-pl2-become_strong-caus-pfv.sbjv np14 -like_that
‘Just be strong.’ (NF_Elic17)
(177) mbòndíshàkèshákè
mbo-ndí̲-shake-shak-é̲
near.fut-sm1SG -pl2-search-pfv.sbjv
‘I will search.’
(178) ndànyùngínyùngì
ndi-a-nyungí̲-nyung-i
sm1SG -pst-pl2-shake-npst.pfv
‘I have shaken.’
sm1SG -pst-om7 -pl2-shake-npst.pfv
‘I’ve shaken it.’ (NF_Elic15)
Although full stem reduplication, including derivational and inflectional suf-
fixes, is the norm, there are certain exceptions. One concerns the negative suffix
-i. It is possible to negate reduplicated verbs with this suffix, as in (180), but many
speakers are hesitant to produce such forms, and prefer to use an auxiliary aazyá
followed by the reduplicated verb in the infinitive form, as in (181). (See also chap-
ter 12 on negation.)
(180) tàndìshàkíshàkì mwáꜝnángù
ta-ndi-shakí̲-shak-i mu-án-angú
neg-sm1SG -pl2-search-neg np1 -child-poss1SG
‘I am not looking for my child.’
(181) ndààzyá kùshàkàshàkà mwáꜝnángù
ndi-aazyá ku-shaka-shak-a mu-án-angú
sm1SG -be_not inf-pl2-search-fv np1 -child-poss1SG
‘I am not looking for my child.’ (ZF_Elic14)
271
6 Verbal derivation
The second exception to full stem reduplication is that suffixes are occasionally
not reduplicated. An example where the applicative suffix may either be main-
tained or dropped in reduplication is given in (182). A similar example is given for
the past suffix in (183): when the past suffix is dropped in the reduplication, the
default final vowel -a is used instead. Although these examples are limited, they
show that the reduplicand is pre-posed, as the morphologically simplified form
appears before the morphologically complete form. More research is needed to
establish the behavior of suffixes in reduplication, and under what conditions
suffixes can, must, or must not, be reduplicated.
(182) kùríhìndìràhìndìrà ~ kùríhìndàhìndìrà

ku-rí-hindira-hind-ir-a ~ ku-rí-hinda-hind-ir-a
inf-refl-pl2-take-appl-fv
‘to keep taking for oneself’ (NF_Elic17)
(183) ndàyéndíyèndì ~ ndàyéndáyèndì

ndi-a-endí̲-end-i ~ ndi-a-endá̲-end-i
sm1SG -pst-pl2-go-npst.pfv
‘I have traveled to many places.’ (NF_Elic15)
There are no limitations on the maximum number of syllables that can be

reduplicated; (184) gives two examples of the reduplication of verb stems with
four syllables.
(184) shàkùǀàrùmùnàǀàrùmùnà shòkùsónsònìsàsònsònìsà

sha-ku-ǀarumuna-ǀarumun-a sha-o-ku-sónsonisa-sonsonis-a
inc-inf-pl2-search-fv inc-aug-inf-pl2-search-fv
‘They keep searching through my things, they keep searching carefully.’
(NF_Song17))
Tones are assigned after reduplication, and are not reduplicated themselves.
This concerns both melodic tones, which are assigned by specific TAM construc-
tions, and lexical tones, which are associated with the first syllable of the verb
root4 . That lexical tones are not reduplicated can be seen in the infinitive form
in (185): the lexical high tone of the underived verb kwát only surfaces on the
root’s initial syllable, both in the simple and in the reduplicated form.
4
More research is needed to study the effect of reduplication on verbs with a floating high tone.
272
6.7 Pluractional
(185) kùkwâtà
ku-kwát-a
inf-touch-fv
‘to touch’
(186) kùkwátàkwàtà
ku-kwáta-kwat-a
inf-pl2-touch-fv
‘to touch everywhere’
That melodic tones are not reduplicated can be seen in the near past perfective
in (187), which has a melodic tone on the second syllable of the verb (melodic
tone 3). When used with a reduplicated verb, the melodic tone is only assigned
to the second syllable of the entire verb stem, not to the second syllable of both
reduplicands.
(187) ndànyùngínyùngì
ndi-a-nyungí̲-nyung-i
sm1SG -pst-pl2-shake-npst.pfv
‘I have shaken.’ (NF_Elic15)
Stem reduplication is used to express a pluractional, i.e. an action that takes
place more than once. This may be an action repeated on a single occasion, as in
(188–189), or on multiple occasions, as in (190–193).
sm1SG -pst-om7 -pl2-shake-pst
‘I’ve shaken it.’
(189) ndàkùrí kùyèndàyèndà há ndàkùàmbà héfònì
ndi-aku-rí ku-enda-end-a ha ndí̲-aku-amb-a
sm1SG -npst.ipfv-be inf-pl2-go-fv dem.i16 sm1SG .rel-npst.ipfv-talk-fv
ha-é-∅-foni
np16 -aug-np5 -phone
‘I was walking back and forth while I was on the phone.’ (NF_Elic15)
(190) òsháká ꜝcáhà kùndìhùmpàhùmpà wè
o-shak-á̲ cáha ku-ndi-humpa-hump-a we
sm2SG -like-fv very inf-om1SG -pl2-follow-fv pers2SG
‘You really like following me.’ (said to someone who has followed the
speaker on several occasions.)
273
6 Verbal derivation
(191) cìnjí ꜝáshèkàshékà

∅-ci-njí á̲-sheka-shek-á̲
cop-np7 -what sm1 .rel-pl2-laugh-fv
‘Why is s/he laughing all the time?’
(192) ndàyèndáyèndì
ndi-a-endá̲-end-i
sm1SG -pst-pl2-go-npst.pfv
‘I’ve traveled to many places.’
(193) àrìráːríráꜝráːrírá bùryô

a-riH -raːH rirá̲-raːr-ir-á̲ bu-ryó
sm1 -refl-pl2-sleep-appl-fv np14 -just
‘S/he sleeps often.’
To express an action repeated in different locations, reduplication combines

with the locative pluractional marker kabú-/yabú-, as in (194–195).
(194) kàbúrìhíndìràhìndìrà bùryô

kabú-ri-híndira-hind-ir-a bu-ryó
loc.pl-refl-pl2-take-appl-fv np14 -only
‘S/he is just going around taking for himself.’
(195) mbùryó ꜝndíkàbúzìshùwàshùwà kúbàntù

N-bu-ryó ndí̲-kabú-ziH -shuwa-shuw-a kú-ba-ntu
cop-np14 -only sm1SG .rel-loc.pl-om8 -pl2-hear-fv np17 -np2 -person
‘I’m just going around hearing things from people.’ (NF_Elic15)
Repeated action may also be interpreted as an action involving multiple par-

ticipants: multiple subjects in the case of an intransitive verb, as in (196), and
multiple objects in the case of a transitive verb, as in (197). This same pattern is
also observed with pluractional 1 (see §6.7.1).
(196) bònshéː nìbáyèrèkàyèrèkà

ba-onshéː ni-bá̲-a-ereka-erek-a
pp2 -all rem-sm2 -pl2-try-fv
‘They have all tried.’ (NF_Narr15)
274
6.7 Pluractional
(197) ènwé sèmùkàcònkòmònàcònkòmónà tùmùtwárè kúcìpàtêrà ámùnyà

màshérêŋì kúcìkórò
enwé se-mu-ka-conkomona-conkomon-á̲ tu-mu-twá̲r-e
pers2PL inc-sm2PL -dist-pl2-press-fv sm1PL -om1 -bring-pfv.sbjv
kú-ci-patéra á-munya ma-sheréŋi kú-ci-kóro
np17 -np7 -hospital pp6 -other np6 -money np17 -np7 -school
‘You just withdraw and withdraw [multiple amounts of money]. We can
take him to the hospital [with one amount of money]. The other money,
for the school.’ (ZF_Conv13)
The pluractional marked with -a and the pluractional marked with stem redu-
plication are semantically similar. Many verbs may take either pluractional strat-
egy, without a change in meaning, as illustrated in Table 6.11.
Table 6.11: Interchangability of pluractional 1 and 2
Pluractional -a Stem reduplication

ᵍǀóntàùrà ᵍǀóntàᵍǀòntà ‘drip continuously’
kwátàùrà kwátàkwàtà ‘touch everwhere’
shángàùrà shángàshàngà ‘contribute’
shótàùkà shótòkàshòtòkà ‘jump up and down’
yèndàùrà yèndàyèndà ‘walk around’
The difference between these two pluractional strategies is the connotation

of completeness or intensity. As discussed in §6.7.1, pluractional -a implies com-
pleteness. Stem reduplication, on the other hand, implies low intensity: it is used
to describe an action that is done only lightly, halfheartedly, or haphazardly. Ex-
amples of this use of the pluractional marked with reduplication are given in
(198), which describes the first stages of light sleep; in (199), which describes
walking a small distance; and in (200), which describes that the hoes were strewn
about in a disorderly fashion.
(198) shìbànàráːrìràːrì
shi-ba-na-ráːri-raːr-i
inc-sm2 -pst-pl2-sleep-pst
‘They started to sleep a little bit.’
275
6 Verbal derivation
(199) mùyéndéyéndè bùryò kànínì

mu-ende-é̲nd-e bu-ryo ka-niní
sm2PL -pl2-walk-pfv.sbjv np14 -just adv-little
‘Just walk a little bit/small distance.’
(200) màhámbà òkùtòmbwèrìsà mângìː àdànsídànsì
ma-ámba a-o=ku-tombwer-is-a má-ngiː a-dansí̲-dans-i
np6 -hoe pp6 -con=inf-weed-caus-fv pp6 -many sm6 -pl2-lie-imp.stat
‘Many hoes for weeding were lying around.’ (NF_Narr15)
The pluractional expressed with stem reduplication can also express negative
connotations, as in (201–204), which is not seen with the pluractional suffix -a.
(201) mbùryó ꜝkágàbàgábà
N-bu-ryó ka-á̲-gaH ba-gab-á̲
cop-np14 -only pst.ipfv-sm1 -pl2-talk_nonsense-fv
‘S/he is just talking nonsense.’ (NF_Elic17)
(202) àkwèsì ààmbàâmbà
a-kwesi a-amba-á̲mb-a
sm1 -prog sm1 -pl2-talk-fv
‘S/he talks too much.’
(203) cìnj’ áh’ ꜝóshèkàshékà ꜝbúryò
∅-ci-njí a-ha ó̲-sheka-shek-á̲ bu-ryó
cop-np7 -what aug-dem.i16 sm2SG .rel-pl2-laugh-fv np14 -only
‘Why are you always just laughing (stupidly/annoyingly)?’ (NF_Elic15)
(204) kwàshíààzyà zòkùtêyè ndìkàbúzèbùzè
kwa-shí-aayza zi-o=kutéye ndi-ka-búze-buz-e
sm17 -per-be_not pp10 -con=that sm1SG -dist-pl2-ask-pfv.sbjv
‘Now there is no longer anything that I have to keep asking.’ (The
speaker has repeatedly gone back and forth to ask his wife where she
has hidden his teeth, and has grown very impatient and annoyed.)
(NF_Narr15)
Both pluractional strategies share some characteristics with the intensive
derivation, which may also express a repeated action. As discussed in §6.8, re-
peated action is only an extension of the “intensive” basic meaning of the redu-
plicated applicative, and unlike the two pluractional strategies, marking repeated
action is not a basic function of the intensive derivation.
276
6.8 Intensive
6.8 Intensive
The intensive suffix is formally identical to the reduplicated form of the applica-
tive suffix, e.g. it is realized as -irir, -erer, -inin or -enen depending on vowel and
nasal harmony (see §2.5.3-2.5.4). It does not, however, have the typical function
of applicative, namely adding a participant, as seen when comparing the under-
ived verb in (205) with the intensive verb in (206).
(205) cìzyúmîtè
ci-zyuH m-í̲te
sm7 -become_dry-stat
‘It is dry.’
(206) cìzyúmínìnè
ci-zyuH m-í̲nine
sm7 -become_dry-int.stat
‘It is very dry/hard.’ (NF_Elic15)
The core meaning of the this suffix is intensity, as shown in(207–208), but it
may also express a range of related meanings: completeness, as in (209–210); high
frequency or habitual, as in (211–212); long duration, as in (213); or repetition, as
in (214–215).
(207) kùtóndèrèrà
ku-tónd-erer-a
inf-watch-int-fv
‘to stare at’
(208) kúmìnìnìzà
kú-min-iniz-a
inf-tuck_in-int.caus-fv
‘to tuck in properly’
(209) kùáázy’ ézwâyì kwìná àbó bànàkéːzyì kùríùrìrìrà ryònshêː

ku-aazyá e-∅-zwáyi ku-iná a-bó
sm17 -be_not aug-np5 -salt sm17 -be_at aug-dem.iii2
ba-na-ké̲ːzy-i ku-rí-ur-irir-a ry-onshéː
sm2 -pst-come-npst.pfv inf-om5 -buy-int-fv pp5 -all
‘There is no salt, someone has come and bought it all.’ (NF_Elic15)
277
6 Verbal derivation
(210) àhíndírír’ émìsèbézì yònshêː àfíyérà àsánz’ ótùsûbà àténdà zònshéː

ꜝzómùnjûò
a-hind-irir-á̲ e-mi-sebézi i-onshéː a-fiH er-á̲ a-sanz-á̲
sm1 -take-int-fv aug-np4 -job pp4 -all sm1 -sweep-fv sm1 -wash-fv
o-tu-súba a-té̲nd-a zi-onshéː zi-ó=mu-N-júo
aug-np13 -dish sm1 -do-fv pp10 -all pp10 -con=np18 -np9 -house
‘She takes all the jobs. She sweeps, she washes dishes, she does all the
things in the house.’ (NF_Elic15
(211) bâncè bàtèkèrèrá mênjì

ba-ánce ba-teH k-erer-á̲ ma-ínji
np2 -child sm2 -fetch-int-fv np6 -water
‘Children [normally] fetch water.’ (explaining which tasks are usually
performed by whom) (ZF_Elic14)
(212) ndìshàmbírìrè
ndi-shamb-í̲rire
sm1SG -swim-int-stat
‘I always swim.’ (NF_Elic17)
(213) àbèngérèrè
a-beH ng-é̲rere
sm1 -become_angry-int.stat
‘S/he is always angry.’
(214) kùfúzìrìrìrà
ku-fúzir-irir-a
inf-fan-int-fv
‘to keep on fanning [a fire]’
(215) kùkámbìrìrà
ku-kámb-irir-a
inf-clap-int-fv
‘to applaud, clap repeatedly
As seen in (214–215), repeated action can be part of the interpretation of the

intensive derivation. This is not its core meaning, but merely an extension of
its intensity meaning, can be seen by comparing the intensive with the two plu-
ractional constructions, the pluractional suffix -a and stem reduplication, which
278
6.8 Intensive
both have repetition as their core meaning (see §6.7). This difference is illustrated
with the verb kwát ‘touch, grab’: used with the intensive in (216), it may refer to
a single event of touching which has either a long duration or a high intensity;
with stem reduplication in (217) or the pluractional -a in (218), it is interpreted as
multiple instances of touching.
(216) ndìkwàtírìrè
ndi-kwaH t-í̲rire
sm1SG -touch-int.stat
‘I hold (for a long time/firmly).’
(217) kàndìshàkí mùntù ándìkwàtàkwátà bùryáhò

ka-ndi-shak-í̲ mu-ntu á̲-ndi-kwata-kwá̲t-a
neg-sm1SG -like-neg np1 -person sm1 .rel-om1SG -pl2-touch-fv
bu-ryahó
np14 -like_that
‘I don’t like it when someone touches me all over like that.’
(218) mùzwé kùkwátàùrà múzìpàùpàù zángù

mu-zw-é̲ ku-kwát-a-ur-a mú-zi-paupua
sm2PL -leave-pfv.sbjv inf-touch-pl1-sep.tr-fv np18 -np8 -basket
zi-angú
pp8 -poss1SG
‘Stop touching in my baskets/bags/purses.’ (NF_Elic17
Another difference between the intensive and the pluractional marked by stem
reduplication specifically is that stem reduplication implies a repeated action
with low intensity, i.e. only slightly or without strong consequences. This differ-
ence is illustrated with the verb sanz ‘wash’: with the intensive in (219), it refers
to washing something thoroughly and properly, but with stem reduplication in
(220), it refers to washing something slightly, not thoroughly.
(219) ndìshàká kùyísànzìrìrà bùryô ìcénè

ndi-shak-á̲ ku-í-sanz-irir-a bu-ryó
sm1SG -want-fv inf-om4 -wash-int-fv np14 -just
i-cen-é̲
sm4 -become_clean-pfv.sbjv
‘I just want to wash them thoroughly, so that they become clean.’
279
6 Verbal derivation
(220) mbùryó ꜝndíyìsànzàsànzá bùryô yáràshàmbà nênjà

N-bu-ryó ndí̲-iH -sanza-sanz-á̲ bu-ryó
cop-np14 -only sm1SG .rel-om4 -pl2-wash-fv np14 -only
i-ára-shamb-a nénja
sm4 -rem.fut-be_washed-fv well
‘I’m only washing them a bit, they will become clean (properly) later.’
(NF_Elic17)
6.9 Reciprocal
Many Bantu languages use a reflex of the reconstructed reciprocal suffix *-an to
express a reciprocal. In Fwe, reciprocal semantics is productively expressed by
the prefix kí-/rí- which also expresses a reflexive (see §7.3). A reciprocal suffix
-an, however, occurs in a very small set of lexicalized verbs, in Lozi borrowings,
and can still be readily elicited from speakers.
Three lexicalized verbs with a reciprocal suffix -an exist. The verb shúwànà is
derived from the verb shûwà ‘hear, understand’. The verb gumban ‘stand next to
each other’ has an alternative form gumbam, where the reciprocal suffix -an is
replaced by the intransitive impositive suffix -am (see §6.6). The meaning of the
verb seems to fit well with both the reciprocal and the impositive, which may
have facilitated the replacement of -an with -am (or vice versa). The verb kánan
is also not an unambiguously reciprocal verb: it can be used as a reciprocal, as
in (221), which describes a group of people arguing with each other, but also
without any reciprocal meaning, as in (222). Although múkànàná takes a secon-
person plural subject marker, a single person is referred to in this excerpt from
a narrative, which describes a conversation between the speaker and her sister.
(221) zìnjí ꜝmúkànàná
∅-zi-njí mú̲-kaH n-an-á̲
cop-np8 -what sm2PL .rel-argue-rec-fv
‘What are you (pl) arguing about?
(222) háìbà mùkánánà
háiba mu-kaH n-an-á̲
if sm2PL -refuse-rec-fv
‘If you (SG) disagree…’
The reciprocal suffix is also seen in borrowings from Lozi, where the reciprocal
suffix -an is used productively (Fortune 1977). Many of these borrowings do not
occur without the reciprocal suffix in Fwe, as in (223–224).
280
6.9 Reciprocal
(223) a. kùkòpànà
ku-kop-an-a
inf-meet-rec-fv
‘to meet’
b. *kù-kòp-à
c. borrowed from Lozi ku kopana ‘to meet, assemble’ (Burger 1960: 94)
(224) a. kùkáwùhànà
ku-káwuh-an-a
inf-separate-rec-fv
‘to be separated’
b. *kù-káwùh-à
c. borrowed from Lozi ku kauhana ‘to turn apart’ (Burger 1960: 133)
Surprisingly, verbs with reciprocal -an can readily be elicited from speakers, as
in in (225–228). Speakers consistently produce forms with reflexive rí- / kí- when
asked to translate or describe reciprocal situations, but accepted forms with -an
when prompted.
(225) kùbúzànà
ku-búz-an-a
inf-ask-rec-fv
‘to ask each other’
(226) kùbbózànà
ku-bbóz-an-a
inf-bark-rec-fv
‘to bark at each other’
(227) kùtùkànà
ku-tuk-an-a
inf-insult-rec-fv
‘to insult each other’ (NF_Elic17)
(228) kùshótòkànà
ku-shótok-an-a
inf-jump-rec-fv
‘to cross each other’ (ZF_Elic13)
281
6 Verbal derivation
With the exception of lexicalized verbs and Lozi borrowings, verbs with recip-
rocal -an were never encountered in spontaneous discourse. Even when asked
to describe a situation that could be interpreted as either reflexive or reciprocal,
speakers would use periphrastic strategies to disambiguate reflexive and recip-
rocal meanings, rather than the distinction between rí-/kí- and -an. Possibly, the
ease with which reciprocal -an could be elicited, even though it never occurred
in spontaneous data, may be a result of extensive bilingualism with Lozi, where
a reciprocal -an is still highly productive. All speakers interviewed in this study
(and presumably, the vast majority of Fwe-speaking adults) were also fluent in
Lozi.
6.10 Extensive
The extensive derivation -ar/-an (subject to nasal harmony, see §2.5.4) is unpro-
ductive. The only attested examples are listed in Table 6.12. None of the verbs
using the extensive suffix are attested without this suffix, but in some of these
verbs the extensive can be replaced by the transitive impositive suffix -ik/-ek (see
also §6.6), or the transitive separative -ur/-un (see also §6.5).
Given the limited number of examples and the suffix’s lack of productivity, lit-
tle can be said about its syntactic and semantic functions. Considering the verbs
in Table 6.12, it is clear that verbs with the extensive suffix tend to be intransitive,
and many are posture verbs, hence the tendency to derive impositive verbs. The
label “extensive” is chosen for this derivational suffix on the basis of comparative
data. Schadeberg & Bostoen (2019: 184) describe the core semantics of reflexes of
a reconstructed suffix *-ad as ‘being in a spread-out position’, and as such uses
the label extensive. In some of the attested Fwe verbs using the extensive suffix,
such semantics also seem to play a role, such as sharangar ‘scatter’, tándabar
‘stretch one’s legs’, and zyíman ‘stand up’.
6.11 Tentive
There are a number of verb stems in which a suffix -at is discernable. This is a
reflex of a suffix reconstructed for Proto-Bantu as “contactive” (Meeussen 1967:
92), or “tentive” (Schadeberg & Bostoen 2019: 184-185), and is completely unpro-
ductive in Fwe. All attested examples are listed in (229).
(229) bbábbàtà ‘touch (with flat hands)’

bàràkàtà ‘flap (as a fish on dry land)’
282
6.11 Tentive
kámàtà ‘scoop’
kwâtà (cf. kú-at-a) ‘catch, grab’
kúmbàtà ‘hug’
ràndàtà ‘track’
ryàːtà (cf. ri-at-a) ‘step on’
vúrùmàtà ‘close one’s eyes’
There is one example, given in (230), where the tentive suffix can be replaced
with a different derivational suffix.
(230) kùzwâtà
ku-zú-at-a
inf-dress-tent-fv
‘to dress’
Table 6.12: The extensive suffix -ar/-an
àzyàrà ‘think, plan’

fúrùmànà ‘be initiated (of girls)’
cf. fúrùmìkà ‘place upside down’
cf. fúrùmùnà ‘place rightside up’
òmbàrà ‘be quiet, calm’
rémànà ‘become injured’
cf. rémèkà ‘injure’
shàràngàrà ‘scatter’
súmbàrà ‘become pregnant’
cf. súmbìkà ‘impregnate’
tándàbàrà ‘stretch one’s legs’
cf. tándàbìkà ‘cause to stretch (another person’s) legs’
tàngàràrà ‘rejoice’
zìbàrà ‘forget’
zyàbàrà ‘dress (oneself)’
cf. zyàbìkà ‘dress (someone else)’
cf. zyàbùrà ‘undress’
zyímànà ‘stand up, stop’
cf. zyímìkà ‘put in a standing position’
283
6 Verbal derivation
(231) kùzûrà
ku-zú-ur-a
inf-dress-sep.tr-fv
‘to undress’
The semantics of the tentive derivation in Bantu is described as ‘actively mak-

ing firm contact’ (Schadeberg & Bostoen 2019: 184-185). Although the number
of attested examples in Fwe is limited, many of these seem to fit this semantic
characterization.
6.12 Partial reduplication

An apparent, but unproductive, verbal derivational process in Fwe is partial redu-
plication, which targets the first syllable of the verb root. The complete list of
verbs attested that exhibit partial reduplication is given in Table 6.13.
Table 6.13: Partial reduplication
bbábbàtà ‘touch with flat hands’

càncàùsà ‘be fast’
cécèntà ‘winnow’
cúncùnà ‘kiss’
cùncùrà ‘stumble’
fùfùrèrwà ‘sweat’
fwáfwàtìrà ‘get crushed, crumpled’
kákàtìrà ‘stick (as a burdock)’
mwémwètà ‘smile’
ngóngòtà ‘knock’
nyényèntèzà ‘warn’
ⁿǀóⁿǀòwèzà ‘eat/drink slowly’
pòpòkà ‘pop, explode with a popping sound’
shòshòtà ‘whisper’
sónsònìsà ‘search around’
tùtùmà ‘shiver’
zùzùnyà ‘doubt’
Partial reduplication does not always reproduce the first root syllable perfectly.
Prenasalization on the second element may be missing on the first, as in càncàùsà
284
6.12 Partial reduplication
‘be fast’ and cùncùrà ‘stumble’, possibly because prenasalization of an initial root
consonant is dispreferred in Fwe.
Many verbs with partial reduplication use /t/ (or /nt/) directly after the redu-
plicand. This could be a trace of the unproductive tentive suffix -at (see §6.11),
where the vowel of the suffix would have merged with the vowel of the verb
stem, as the vowel /a/ is prone to do (see §2.5.2 on vowel hiatus resolution).
Partial reduplication is unproductive, and none of the verbs attested with par-
tial reduplication are attested without it. Considering the attested examples, the
iconic relation between reduplication and repeated movement seems to play a
role in, for instance, cécent ‘winnow’, tutum ‘shiver’, and cuncur ‘stumble’. Sound
symbolism also plays a role, in forms such as shoshot ‘whisper’, cúncun ‘kiss’, and
ngóngot ‘knock’.
285
7 Subject, object, and locative marking
Subjects and objects are marked on the verb with a prefix, and locatives with a
clitic. Subject marking is obligatory, independent of whether a subject noun is
used in the clause. Object marking only occurs when no object noun is used in the
same clause. Locative marking may also only refer to a locative complement that
is introduced in an earlier clause, or is otherwise understood from the discourse
or physical environment.
7.1 Subject marking

Subjects are marked on the verb by a prefix. Table 7.1 gives an overview of the
subject markers for each speech act participant and noun class, which will be
glossed as “sm” with the number of the noun class in subscript. Subject markers
are all toneless, and surface as low-toned unless a melodic tone is assigned, which
is the case in certain TAM constructions and most relative clauses (see §3.3 on
melodic tone).
The subject marker is obligatory, whether the subject noun is used in the same
clause as the verb, as in (1), or is absent from the clause, as in (2).
(1) ècí cìpùrà càcôːkì
e-cí ci-pura ci-a-cóːk-i
aug-dem.i7 np7 -chair sm7 -pst-break-npst.pfv
‘This chair is broken.’
(2) càcôːkì
ci-a-cóːk-i
‘It is broken.’ (ZF_Elic14)
When the subject noun is not used in the same clause, the subject marker still
agrees in noun class with the intended subject noun. In (3), the class 7 subject
marker ci- in the verb cìbònàhàrá ‘it looked’ refers back to the noun phrase cìm-
bòtwé cìnênè ‘a big frog’, that was introduced in the previous sentence. In (4),
the people that the speaker describes are standing close by and can therefore be
inferred from the physical surroundings.
Table 7.1: Subject markers
Noun class/first or Subject marker Noun class/first or Subject marker

second person second person
(singular) (plural)
1sg ndi- 1pl tu-
2sg u- 2pl mu-
1/1a a- 2 ba-
3 u- 4 i-
5 ri- 6 a-
7 ci- 8 zi-
9 i- 10 zi-
11 ru-
12 ka- 13 tu-
14 bu-
15 ku-
16 ha-
17 ku-
18 mu-
(3) àkàbônà ècìbwângà cìmbòtwé cìnênè cìbònàhàrá òbùnénènênè

a-ka-bón-a e-ci-bwánga ci-mbotwé ci-néne ci-boH n-ahar-á̲
sm1 -dist-see-fv aug-np7 -frog np7 -frog np7 -big sm7 -see-neut-fv
o-bu-néne-néne
aug-np14 -big-big
‘He saw a frog there, a big frog. It looked very, very big.’ (NF_Narr15)
(4) bàkwèsì bàkòndòr’ óbùjwàrà

ba-kwesi ba-kondor-á̲ o-bu-jwara
sm2 -have sm2 -brew-fv aug-np14 -beer
‘They’re brewing beer.’ (NF_Elic15)
Subject agreement becomes more complex when the subject consists of coor-
dinated nouns of different noun classes. Different languages employ different
gender resolution rules, i.e. the strategies which determine agreement with coor-
dinated noun phrases, which may be based on (a combination of) syntactic and
semantic criteria (Corbett 1991). In Fwe, class 8 agreement is used, at least if both
288
7.2 Object marking
nouns are non-human, as in (5) and (6). No distinction is made between animate
and inanimate non-human nouns. Data on the agreement patterns of coordinated
nouns referring to humans are limited. Although this requires further research,
it may suggest that Fwe tends to avoid such constructions.
(5) zìzyùnì nàbànkûkù zìzárà màyîː

zi-zyuni na=ba-nkúku zi-zá̲r-a ma-yíː
np8 -bird com=np2 -chicken sm8 -give.birth-fv np6 -egg
‘Birds and chickens lay eggs.’
(6) mwêzì nèzyûbà mùwírú ꜝzínà

mu-ézi ne=∅-zyúba mu-∅-wirú zi-iná
np3 -moon com=np5 -sun np18 -np5 -sky sm8 -be_at
‘The moon and the sun are in the sky.’ (NF_Elic15)
7.2 Object marking

Objects can be marked on the verb through use of an object marker, a prefix that
appears directly before the verb stem. Table 7.2 gives an overview of the object
markers per noun class and speech act participant. Fwe lacks object markers for
the locative classes 16, 17 and 18. All object markers are high-toned, except those
of the first and second person singular and of class 1, which are underlyingly
toneless. When used in TAM constructions that take melodic tone 4, the deletion
of underlying tones, high-toned object markers lose their high tone (see §3.3 on
melodic tone).
Object markers can only be used when no object noun is used in the same
clause. The noun class of the object marker corresponds to that of the intended
noun. (7) is the answer to a question about ngùbò ‘blankets’; as this is a noun of
class 10, the class 10 object marker is used.
(7) ndàzíhîndì ndìkàzìsânzà

ndi-a-zí-hind-i ndi-ka-ziH -sá̲nz-a
sm1SG -pst-om10 -take-npst.pfv sm1SG -dist-om10 -wash-fv
‘I took them to wash them.’ (NF_Elic15)
An object marker is obligatory when the intended noun is not in the same
clause as the verb. This is the case, for instance, with dislocated objects, as in (8),
where a constituent is moved to the left periphery of a sentence to function as a
topic.
289
Table 7.2: Object markers
Noun class/person Object marker Noun class/person Object marker

1sg ndi-a 1pl tú-
2sg ku- 2pl mí-
1/1a mu- 2 bá-
3 ú- 4 yí-
5 rí- 6 á-
7 cí- 8 zí-
9 yí- 10 zí-
11 rú-
12 ká- 13 tú-
14 bú-
15 kú-
a
Traces of an older first person singular object prefix N-, rather than the prefix ndi-, are seen in
proper names and in what speakers consider ‘archaic Fwe’; see §2.5.1 for examples.
(8) òrú rùzyîmbò kàndìrúꜝshákì

o-rú ru-zyímbo ka-ndi-rú-shak-í̲
aug-dem.i11 np11 -song neg-sm1SG -om11 -like-neg
‘This song, I don’t like it.’ (NF_Elic15)
Constituents can also be moved out of a clause to the right periphery as a

way of definiteness marking. When right dislocation targets object constituents,
they retain their canonical post-verbal position, but require the use of an object
marker of the verb, as in (9–10).
(9) ndìzìsháká ꜝzí nswì

ndi-ziH -shak-á̲ zí N-swi
sm1SG -om10 -like-fv dem.i10 np10 -fish
‘I like these fish.’
(10) ndàyíbàrì èyí mbùkà

ndi-a-í-bar-i e-í N-buka
sm1SG -pst-om9 -read-npst.pfv aug-dem.i9 np9 -book
‘I’ve read this book.’ (NF_Elic15)
290
7.2 Object marking
For a discussion of left and right dislocation, and a more detailed analysis of
post-verbal objects with an object marker as a case of right dislocation, see chap-
ter 13.
A ditransitive verb can have multiple object markers, which appear in a fixed
order: the object marker for the benefactive object appears closer to the stem
than the object marker for the theme object. This is shown in (11), where the
class 2 object marker referring to the benefactive object (‘for her’) appears closer
to the stem than the class 13 object marker referring to the theme object (‘them’;
in this case, the speaker is referring to dishes).
(11) a. àtùbàsànzírà
a-tuH -baH -sanz-ir-á̲
‘I wash them for her.’
b. *àbàtùsànzírà
Verbs can take up to three object markers, as in (12). I was unable to come up
with a suitable context in which four or more object markers might be warranted;
possibly, given the right context, such constructions might be acceptable.
(12) cìmùndìsúndîrè
ciH -mu-ndi-suH nd-í̲r-e
om7 -om1 -om1SG -show-appl-pfv.sbjv
‘Show it to her/him for me.’ (NF_Elic17)
Multiple object markers are not allowed when two or more object markers
refer to an inanimate object. This is illustrated with the sentence in (13), contain-
ing two inanimate objects. It is possible to express either of these objects with
an object marker, as in (14) and (15), but not both, as the ungrammaticality of (16)
shows.
(13) ndìzyàːkìr’ ómùndáré ꜝwángù cìòngò

ndi-zyaːH k-ir-á̲ o-mu-ndaré u-angú ci-ongo
sm1SG -build-appl-fv aug-np3 -maize pp3 -poss1SG np7 -storage
‘I am building a storage for my maize.’
(14) ndìcìzyàːkìr’ ómùndárè

ndi-ciH -zyaːH k-ir-á̲ o-mu-ndaré
sm1SG -om7 -build-appl-fv aug-np3 -maize
‘I am building it for the maize.’
291
(15) ndìùzyàːkìr’ écìòngò

ndi-uH -zyaːH k-ir-á̲ e-ci-ongo
sm1SG -om3 -build-appl-fv aug-np7 -storage
‘I am building a storage for it.’
(16) *ndìùcìzyàːkírà
ndi-uH -ciH -zyaːH k-ir-á̲
sm1SG -om3 -om7 -build-appl-fv
Intended: ‘I am building it for it.’ (NF_Elic17)
7.3 Reflexive
In addition to object markers for noun classes and first and second person, Fwe
has a reflexive prefix kí- (Zambian Fwe) / rí- (Namibian Fwe) which is used in
the same position as the object marker. Examples of the use of the reflexive are
given in (17–18).
(17) ndàkírèmèkì
ndi-a-kí-remek-i
sm1SG -pst-refl-hurt-npst.pfv
‘I’ve hurt myself.’ (ZF_Elic13)
(18) àtàtìk’ ókùrínyàyà kùrínyàyà

a-tatik-á o-ku-rí-nyay-a ku-rí-nyay-a
sm1 -start-fv aug-inf-refl-scratch-fv inf-refl-scratch-fv
‘She starts to scratch herself, scratch herself.’ (NF_Narr15)
The reflexive prefix can be combined with an emphatic reflexive, consisting of

the nominal root íni, with the lexical meaning ‘owner’, and an agreement prefix.
íni is inflected for number, e.g. class 1 mw-înì for singular and class 2 b-ênì for
plural. In addition, an appositive prefix is used that is co-referential with the
verb’s subject (see §5.4 on appositives). Examples of emphatic reflexives are given
in (19–21).
(19) ndìrìbwènè ndémwìnì

ndi-riH -bweH ne nde-mw-ini
sm1SG -refl-see.stat app1SG -np1 -owner
‘I see myself.’ (NF_Elic15)
292
7.3 Reflexive
(20) nòkíbònì wèmwînì

no-kí-bon-i we-mu-íni
sm2SG .pst-refl-see-npst.pfv app2SG -np1 -owner
‘You see yourself.’
(21) twàkíbònì tùbênì

tu-a-kí-bon-i tu-ba-íni
sm1PL -pst-refl-see-npst.pfv app1PL -np2 -self
‘We see ourselves.’ (ZF_Elic13)
When the subject is not a first or second person, the nominal root íni is marked
for noun class agreement with the subject, and an anaphoric demonstrative is
used, as in (22–24).
(22) sìbàrìkùnkùmúnà kùrícènès’ ábò bênì

si-ba-riH -kunkumun-á̲ ku-rí-cen-es-a a-bó
inc-sm2 -refl-brush-fv inf-refl-be_clean-caus-fv aug-dem.iii2
ba-íni
np2 -self
‘He now starts brushing himself off to clean himself.’
(23) ímùnyà ìkwèsì ìwá èyó yînì

í-munya i-kwesi i-w-á̲ e-yó i-íni
pp4 -other sm4 -prog sm4 -fall-fv aug-dem.iii4 pp4 -self
‘Others are falling off their own accord.’ (NF_Narr17)
(24) màkwátìrò ànàcôːkì kònó nkòmòkí èyó ꜝyínì kàyâfwì

ma-kwátiro a-na-có̲ːk-i konó N-komokí e-yó
np6 -handle sm6 -pst-break-npst.pfv but np9 -cup aug-dem.iii9
i-íni ka-i-á̲-fw-i
pp9 -self neg-sm9 -pst-break-npst.pfv
‘The handle broke, but the cup itself did not break.’ (NF_Elic17)
The prefix kí-/rí- is also used with a reciprocal meaning, as in (25–27).
(25) tùrìshákà
tu-riH -shak-á̲
sm1PL -refl-love-fv
‘We love each other.’ (NF_Elic15)
293
(26) tùkìshúwîrè
tu-kiH -shuH -í̲re
sm1PL -refl-hear-stat
‘We hear each other.’ (ZF_Elic14)
(27) màmésàjì bákìŋòrérà
N-ma-mésaji bá̲-kiH -ŋoH r-er-á̲
cop-np6 -message sm2 .rel-refl-write-appl-fv
‘It’s messages that they write to each other.’ (ZF_Conv13)
Reflexive/reciprocal polysemy is not uncommon in languages, as both express
that the agent of the action is simultaneously the patient. In the Bantu languages
of zones H, K and R reciprocal and reflexive are expressed by the same pre-stem
morpheme (Schadeberg & Bostoen 2019: 183). Outside these zones, many Bantu
languages use a reflex of the reciprocal *-an to express reciprocal meaning. In
Fwe, this suffix is all but gone, though speakers can still produce forms with
-an when prompted (see §6.8). When necessary, speakers can differentiate the
reciprocal and reflexive meanings of the prefix rí-/kí- by adding the emphatic
reflexive íni (see (22–24)).
The reflexive prefix kí-/rí- is similar to object markers in a number of ways.
The reflexive and object markers make use of the same slot in the verb, directly
before the verb root. Like most object markers, the reflexive prefix has a high
tone, which is deleted in the same TAM constructions (see §3.3 on melodic tone).
This is illustrated in (28–31), which show that the high tone of the object marker
and the high tone of the reflexive prefix are maintained in the infinitive, but
deleted in the present, a construction which deletes underlying high tones.
(28) kùbáshàkà
ku-bá-shak-a
inf-om2 -love-fv
‘to love them’
(29) ndìbàshákà
ndi-baH -shak-á̲
sm1SG -om2 -love-fv
‘I love them.’
(30) kùríshàkà
ku-rí-shak-a
inf-refl-love-fv
‘to love each other’
294
7.4 Locative marking
(31) tùrìshákà
tu-riH -shak-á̲
sm1PL -refl-love-fv
‘We love each other.’
Like object markers, the reflexive can co-occur with another object marker in
ditransitive verbs, as in (32).
(32) bàcìrìshúmínìnìtè mwívùmò

ba-ciH -riH -shumí̲n-in-ite mú-e-∅-vumo
sm2 -om7 -refl-tie-appl-stat np18 -aug-np5 -stomach
‘He has tied it around his waist.’ (NF_Narr17)

Reference to a location can be marked on the verb through locative clitics, which
correspond to the three locative noun classes: =ho for class 16, =ko for class 17, and
=mo for class 18. All three locative clitics are underlyingly toneless; they surface
as low-toned, unless a high melodic tone is assigned by the TAM construction.
A detailed study of locative clitics in Fwe is presented in Gunnink (2017).
The locative clitic is the last morpheme in the verb: it appears after derivational
suffixes, such as the applicative suffix -ir in (33), and after inflectional suffixes,
such as the habitual -ang and the final vowel suffix -a in (34).
(33) ndìfùtàtìrákò
ndi-fuH tat-ir-a=kó̲
sm1SG -turn_back-appl-fv=loc17
‘I turn my back towards it.’
(34) kàtùnákùzíbìkàngàkò
ka-tu-náku-zí-bik-ang-a=ko
pst.ipfv-sm1PL -hab-om1PL put-hab-fv=loc17
‘We usually put them there.’ (NF_Elic15)
When used with a reduplicated verb stem, as in (35), the locative clitic is not
reduplicated, even though the verb stem is reduplicated together with its inflec-
tional suffixes, providing further evidence for its clitic status.
295
(35) ndàyèndíyèndìkò
ndi-a-endí̲-end-i=ko
sm1SG -pst-pl2-go-pst=loc17
‘I kept going there.’ (NF_Elic15)
Phonologically, the locative clitic is fully integrated into the verb to which it at-
taches. Locative clitics influence the placement of melodic tone and penultimate
lengthening. In the present construction, for instance, a melodic tone is assigned
to the final mora of the verb, which retracts to the preceding mora in phrase-final
position. The examples in (36) and (37) show that in determining the penultimate
syllable, the locative clitic is also counted.
(36) ndìngòngótà
ndi-ngoH ngot-á̲
sm1SG -knock-fv
‘I knock.’
(37) ndìngòngòtáhò
ndi-ngoH ngot-a=hó̲
sm1SG -knock-fv=loc16
‘I knock on it.’ (NF_Elic15)
Locative clitics are never used for referring to a locative noun phrase in the
same clause, but only to locations that are introduced in the earlier discourse. An
example is given in (38), an utterance consisting of two clauses, each with their
own inflected verb. The noun cì-pùrà ‘chair’ is introduced in the first clause, and
the verb of the second clause uses a locative clitic =ho to refer back to it.
(38) mùbàhé cìpùrà bàkáréhò

mu-baH -ha-é̲ ci-pura ba-kar-e=hó̲
sm2PL -om2 -give-pfv.sbjv np7 -chair sm2 -sit-pfv.sbjv=loc16
‘Give her a chair, so she may sit on it.’ (NF_Elic15)
The three locative clitics each have their own semantics. The class 16 locative
clitic =ho is used to refer to movement away from, as in (39), a location on, as in
(40), or a more general location, as in (41).
(39) ènzâsì zàkùrí kùǀásàùkàhò

e-N-zási zi-aku-rí ku-ǀás-a-uk-a=ho
aug-np10 -spark sm10 -npst.ipfv-be inf-sparkle-pl1-sep.intr-fv=loc16
‘Sparks were flying from it.’
296
(40) ndàngóngòtìhò
ndi-a-ngóngot-i=ho
sm1SG -pst-knock-pst=loc16
‘I knocked on it.’
(41) tàbènáhò
ta-ba-ina=hó̲
neg-sm2 -be_at=loc16
‘She is not here.’ (NF_Elic15)
The class 17 locative clitic =ko, is used to refer to a direction, as in (42), or to a

general location, as in (43).
(42) kàtóndìkò
ka-a-tónd-i=ko
neg-sm1 -look-neg=loc17
‘She doesn’t look that way.’ (NF_Narr15)
(43) kàndíhàràngákò
ka-ndí̲-haH r-ang-a=kó̲
pst.ipfv-sm1SG -live-hab-fv=loc17
‘I used to live there.’ (NF_Elic15)
The class 18 locative clitic =mo, is used to refer to a location inside, as in (44),
or to a movement away from inside, as in (45).
(44) yènkéː náàkàráːràmò

ye-nkéː ná̲-a-a-ka-ráːr-a=mo
np1 -one pst-sm1 -dist-sleep-fv=loc18
‘He slept alone in there.’
(45) àkùbútùkàmò
a-aku-bútuk-a=mo
sm1 -npst.ipfv-run-fv=loc18
‘He ran out of it.’ (NF_Narr15)
In addition to their locative function, locative clitics can also be used with a
partitive function. This has also been noted for a number of other Bantu lan-
guages, including Bemba (Marten & Kula 2014), Kanincin (Devos et al. 2010), and
others (Persohn & Devos 2017). In Fwe, all three locative clitics can have a par-
titive interpretation. The partitive use of the class 16 clitic =ho is illustrated in
297
(46), indicating that the speaker did not sell all the cattle, but only some of them.
In (47), the class 17 clitic =ko is used to indicate that only a part of the intended
salary is given, not the whole amount. In (48), the class 18 clitic =mo is used to
stress that the addressee should take some, not everything.
(46) zòbírè bùryó nìndáùrìsáhò

∅-zi-o=bíre bu-ryó ni-ndí̲-a-ur-is-a=hó̲
cop-pp10 -con=two np14 -only rem-sm1SG -pst-buy-caus-fv=loc16
‘It is only two of them that I sold.’ (Answer to: ‘Did you sell all the
cattle?’) (NF_Elic15)
(47) bàshìkùhàkó àkàháfù

ba-shiH -ku-haH -a=kó̲ a-ka-hafú
sm2 -per-om2SG -give-fv=loc17 aug-np12 -half
‘They still only give you half of it.’ (ZF_Conv13)
(48) hìndèmó kànînì òsìyìrèmó

hind-e=mó̲ ka-níni o-siH -ir-e=mó̲
take-pfv.sbjv=loc18 adv-little sm2SG -leave-appl-pfv.sbjv=loc18
bámwì
ba-mwí
pp2 -other
‘Take a little bit from it, leave some for the others.’ (NF_Elic17)
The class 17 locative clitic has an additional function of marking a polite re-
quest, as in (49). This function is also seen with the class 17 nominal prefix (see
§4.1.5 for examples).
(49) ndìshàká kùkàrìmàkò ècìŋórìsó ꜝcákò

ndi-shak-á̲ ku-karim-a=ko e-ci-ŋórisó ci-akó
sm1SG -want-fv inf-borrow-fv=loc17 aug-np7 -pen pp7 -poss2SG
‘I want to borrow your pen, please.’ (NF_Elic15)
The locative clitic of class 17 may also be used on the progressive auxiliary
kwesi, or the locative clitic of class 16 on the progressive auxiliary ina, to express
focus on the progressive aspect; examples are given in §9.1.1 on the progressive.
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8 Tense
The following chapters describe the expression of the inter-related categories of
tense, aspect, mood, space, and negation, which mostly make use of verbal affixes
and auxiliaries. The interpretation of tense, aspect and mood (TAM) construc-
tions also depends on lexical aspect, the inherent or contextually constructed
phase structure of a verb. §8.1 discusses some basic theoretical concepts that are
required for understanding the Fwe TAM system, as well as a basic introduction
to the lexical aspectual categories that are relevant in Fwe. The remainder of this
chapter is dedicated to discussing the various tense constructions used in Fwe.
8.1 TAM constructions in Fwe

Tense situates an event before, after or overlapping with a certain reference point.
The reference point is often the time of speaking, e.g. “utterance time” (Klein
1994). Other reference points are also possible, in subordinate clauses, for in-
stance, which may require the use of a more flexible reference point, which Cover
& Tonhauser (2015) call “evaluation time”. The interpretation of TAM construc-
tions that are not evaluated with respect to the utterance time, but with respect
to some other “evaluation time”, will be left for future research.
Tense, aspect and mood are closely related in Fwe. This is most clearly seen
in the system of past tense and subjunctive constructions, which are all divided
into perfective and imperfective constructions. There is an extensive (theoretical)
literature on aspect and (im)perfectivity, but recurrent definitions include a dis-
tinction between complete (perfective) and incomplete (imperfective), and a dis-
tinction between an event-external viewpoint (perfective) and an event-internal
viewpoint (imperfective) (Klein 1994: 27). No attempt at a detailed and compre-
hensive definition of aspect in Fwe is made here, but it seems that especially the
difference in viewpoint is relevant in distinguishing perfective and imperfective
aspect in Fwe. The near and remote past perfective constructions present the
event as a single, completed whole, and do not allow reference to its internal
structure; the event is viewed “from the outside”. As such the past perfective
constructions can give a present (result) state or a past interpretation, depending
8 Tense
on the lexical aspect of the verb, as discussed below. The near and remote past
imperfective constructions, on the other hand, focus on the internal structure of
the event, viewing it “from the inside”. As such the past imperfective construc-
tions can give readings such as past progressive or habitual, as discussed in more
detail below.
The distinction between perfective and imperfective constructions also deter-
mines their co-occurrence with aspectual markers. Fwe has specific markers for
progressive, habitual, stative, and persistive aspect, which are subtypes of imper-
fective aspect (e.g. Comrie 1976, among others), and can therefore not be used in
perfective constructions. Subjunctives also have a perfective and an imperfective
construction, and this also affects the near future, which derives from the sub-
junctive by addition of a near future prefix. These show the same co-occurrence
restrictions as past tense constructions, with only the imperfective subjunctive
allowing co-occurrence with markers of a subtype of imperfective aspect.
The fact that the past and future constructions are all have a perfective and
an imperfective form raises the question whether these constructions should be
considered tenses/moods or aspects. There are a number of reasons not to con-
sider them primarily aspectual. Firstly, their formal properties are more similar
to those of other tense constructions than those of aspect markers. Constructions
that unambiguously express aspect consist of a single affix or auxiliary and gen-
erally lack their own melodic tones (with the exception of the stative, see §9.3).
Constructions that express tense without an aspectual distinction (and are there-
fore unambiguously temporal), such as the present or the remote future, make
use of a complex construction with various affixes, and do use melodic tone. Fur-
thermore, for past constructions their temporal semantics is more detailed than
their aspectual semantics. Aspectually, past forms only distinguish perfective or
imperfective, whereas temporally, they distinguish not only past tense but also
a degree of remoteness, namely near past versus remote past.
The interpretation of TAM constructions is influenced by the inherent struc-
ture of the event, its lexical aspect. Three main lexical aspectual classes are rele-
vant: dynamic, change-of-state, and true stative, as summarized in Table 8.1.
Different models exist for the analysis of lexical aspect, and languages differ
with respect to the number and kinds of subdivisions that they make, and the
way lexical verbs are distributed across them. A model originally developed by
Freed (1979) for English, and since then applied to various Bantu languages by
Botne (1983), Kershner (2002), Seidel (2008), Crane (2011), Persohn (2017) and oth-
ers, divides events into three phases, an onset, nucleus, and coda. The nucleus is
the characteristic, most prominent phase of the event. The onset describes the
phase leading up the nucleus, and the coda the phase following the nucleus. For
300
Table 8.1: Lexical aspect
Dynamic long nucleus bútùkà ‘run’

Change-of-state short nucleus without an onset: ŋàtùkà ‘break’
with an onset: nùnà ‘become fat’
True stative unbounded nucleus shàkà ‘want’
instance, the Fwe verb nun ‘become fat’ includes an onset phase of becoming
fat, a pivotal nucleus in which the processes of becoming fat is completed and
the state of being fat commences, and an ensuing coda phase of being fat. Every
event has a nucleus, but the presence of an onset and a coda phase is optional,
depending on the lexical verb as well as its wider context. Verb stems can be
divided into different lexical-aspectual classes based on the duration of the nu-
clear phase of the event, which can be short (almost instantaneous), in the case
of change-of-state verbs such as Fwe bomb ‘become wet’, or coːk ‘break’, or more
drawn out in duration, in the case of dynamic verbs such as Fwe zyáːk ‘build’ or
bútuk ‘run’.
The distinction between change-of-state verbs and dynamic verbs is central in
many Bantu languages (Crane & Persohn 2019), including Fwe: change-of-state
verbs and dynamic verbs have a different interpretation in a number of construc-
tions, most notably the present, the near past perfective and the stative. In ad-
dition to these two main categories, Fwe also has a category of verbs encoding
events that completely lack internal phasic structure, which I refer to as “true
statives” (following Crane 2011). Examples of true stative verbs in Fwe are shak
‘want, like’, tíiz ‘be fearsome/dangerous’, though in general true stative verbs
in Fwe are rare. Certain verbs can be used in different lexical aspectual classes,
which may involve a change in interpretation: the verb shak can have a true sta-
tive use with the interpretation ‘want, like, love’, but also a dynamic use with the
interpretation ‘look for’.
Verbs can be further subdivided depending on the presence of a coda phase.
Change-of-state verbs typically have a coda phase, which is the resultant state of
the change in state denoted by the nucleus, e.g. for bomb ‘become wet’, the coda
phase would include ‘being wet’. Dynamic verbs may also have a coda phase,
though this is heavily dependent on context.
Events also differ in whether they conceptualize an onset phase, the phase
leading up to the nucleus. Events with an onset phase are, for instance, nun ‘be-
come fat’, where the nucleus consists of the pivotal transition into a state of being
fat, and the onset phase consists of the drawn out process of becoming more and
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8 Tense
more fat, until the pivotal nucleus is reached. Events without an onset phase are,
for instance, ŋatuk ‘break’, where there is no phase that leads up to the nuclear
change of breaking. The presence of an onset phase is mainly relevant to the
interpretation of the progressive and inceptive aspects, discussed in §9.1.1 and
9.5.
Lexical aspect can be influenced by derivational suffixes. The passive, for in-
stance, derives a change-of-state verb, so that when the passive suffix is used
with a dynamic verb, the verb’s lexical aspect changes from dynamic to change-
of-state. Verbs with the intransitive forms of the separative and impositive suf-
fixes also function as change-of-state verbs. Verbs with the neuter suffix tend to
function as stative verbs, though they can also be used as change-of-state verbs.
Lexical aspect can be further influenced by the context of the utterance as a
whole, for instance, by the presence and nature of the object (see e.g. Verkuyl
1972). A Fwe example where the presence of an object influences lexical aspect
is with the dynamic verb bar ‘read’. Without an object, it is considered to lack a
coda state, and as such use with the stative suffix -ite is generally considered un-
grammatical. The verb phrase bàrà mbúkà ‘read a book’, however, does have an
associated coda state (namely ‘knowing the content of the book’), and therefore
use with stative -ite was accepted.1
Finally, it should be noted that the lexical aspectual classes that are distin-
guished here have been established based on their interaction with TAM con-
structions. No other tests have been conducted, such as acceptability and inter-
pretation with certain time adverbials. However, the lexical aspectual classes that
are proposed here do account for the interpretation of verbs in a wide variety of
constructions.
Having introduced the theoretical concepts and lexical aspectual distinctions
that are relevant for the analysis of tense, aspect and mood in Fwe, I will now
turn to the analysis of TAM constructions in Fwe. Considering their formal prop-
erties, most TAM constructions make use of one or more affixes with or without
one or more melodic tone patterns (see §3.3 on melodic tone). For some TAM con-
structions, it is not possible to determine the exact meaning of all the different
(segmental and tonal) morphemes that make up a construction, and the seman-
tics of a TAM construction is often not a simple product of the semantic import
of its composite morphemes. This poses some challenges in glossing these TAM
1
The conceptualization of a coda state with dynamic verbs is dependent on more than the pres-
ence and nature of the object, but depends on the general context as well. For instance, nywá
‘drink’ essentially lacks a coda phase, but can still be used with the stative -ite to express ‘being
drunk’. In this case, the (non-linguistic) context is used to construct a state associated with this
verb.
302
constructions; the glossing conventions chosen will be justified in the relevant

subsections. TAM constructions will be presented in a template form (as com-
monly used in the study of Bantu tense and aspect), e.g. [pre-initial]-sm-[post-
initial]-B-[final vowel], where sm stands for the subject marker, and B for the
verb base, the verb root with optional derivational suffixes. An overview of the
templates and melodic tone patterns of TAM constructions is given in Table 8.2.
Table 8.2: TAM constructions
Construction Segmental form Melodic tone

Present sm-B-a MT 1, 4
Near past perfective sm-a/na-B-i MT 3
Remote past perfective na-sm-a-B-a MT 2
Near past imperfective sm-aku-B-a -
Remote past imperfective ka-sm-B-a MT 1, 2, 4
Remote future na-sm-na-B-a MT 2
(Zambian Fwe)
Remote future (ni-)sm-(á)ra-B-a MT 2
(Namibian Fwe)
Subjunctive perfective sm-B-e MT 1, 4 / MT 3
Subjunctive imperfective sm-áku-B-a -
Near future pre-initial mbo-/mba- + -
subjunctive
Progressive auxiliary kwesi/iná -
Stative final vowel -ite MT 3
Habitual 1 suffix -ang -
Habitual 2 sm-náku-B-a -
Persistive post-initial shí- -
Inceptive pre-initial shi-/she-/sha- -
The following sections discuss the different tense constructions used in Fwe.
Tense constructions situate events before, after, or during utterance time. They
differ in whether they target the nucleus of the event, or the entire event, which
gives rise to different interpretations based on the verb’s lexical aspect. The
present construction situates the event’s nucleus at least partially after the ut-
terance time; if the event structure allows, the nucleus may overlap with UT, but
the continuation of the nucleus after UT is the present’s basic meaning. Past con-
tsructions are divided into near and remote pasts, which each have a perfective
303
8 Tense
and imperfective form. The remote and near past perfective, too, target the nu-
cleus of the event, situating the event’s nucleus completely before utterance time.
These constructions do not specify if the event’s coda phase (if present) overlaps
with utterance time; both an interpretation where the entire coda phase is situ-
ated before UT, and one where the coda phase overlaps with UT, are possible. The
remote and near past imperfective, on the other hand, do not target the event nu-
cleus, but the entire event, situating the event completely before utterance time,
meaning that the event’s coda phase (if present) cannot overlap with UT. The
near and remote future constructions situate the event’s nucleus in the future,
that is after UT, and do not allow overlap between the nucleus and UT. Table 8.3
gives an overview of tense constructions, their segmental and suprasegmental
realization, their basic meaning, and their main uses.
8.2 Present
The present tense construction has the form sm-B-a, that is the verb base is used
with the default final vowel -a. The present takes two melodic tones (MT), MT 1
(assigned to the verb’s last mora), and MT 4 (deletion of lexical tones). An exam-
ple of a verb in the present is given in (1).
(1) bàbùtúkà
ba-buH tuk-á̲
sm2 -run-fv
‘They are running.’ (NF_Elic15)
One of the characteristics of melodic tone 1 (see §3.3.1) is that the high tone is
not assigned to the last verb mora, but to the penultimate syllable, if this syllable
contains a long vowel. This is illustrated in (2), where the melodic high tone is
assigned to the penultimate syllable /zyi/, because its vowel is lengthened by the
following nasal-consonant cluster, and in (3), where the high tone is assigned
to the penultimate syllable /mbwe/, because the vowel is lengthened due to the
preceding glide (see also §2.3.3; note that automatic vowel lengthening is not
marked in the practical orthography used here).
(2) àzyímbà nênjà

a-zyí̲mb-a nénja
sm1SG -sing-fv well
‘She sings well.’
304
8.2 Present
Table 8.3: Tense constructions
Label Basic meaning Main uses

Present nucleus (partially/ gnomic; generic;
completely) in the futurate; modal;
future present
Near Past Perfective (NPP) nucleus in the recent recent past; present
past; external state
viewpoint
Remote Past Perfective (RPP) nucleus in the remote past; present
remote past; external state
viewpoint
Past imperfective (PI) nucleus in the past imperfective
(remote) past;
internal viewpoint
Near Past Imperfective (NPI) nucleus in the near past progressive
past; internal
viewpoint
Near Future Perfective nucleus in the near near future
future; external
viewpoint
Near Future Imperfective nucleus in the near near future habitual,
future; internal progressive
viewpoint
Remote Future nucleus in the remote future
remote future
(3) tùtòmbwérà shûnù

tu-tombwé̲r-a shúnu
sm1PL -weed-fv today
‘We are weeding today.’ (NF_Elic15)
None of the formal characteristics of the present construction can be analyzed

as marking present tense: the suffix -a is the default final vowel suffix, used in
the majority of TAM constructions, including many that are incompatible with
a present meaning. The same is true of the two melodic tones, MT 1 and MT 4:
they are the two most common melodic tones, used in a variety of constructions
305
8 Tense
(see Table 3.5). Comparison with other tense constructions might suggest a zero
post-initial morpheme marking present tense; as seen in Table 8.3, most tense
constructions use a post-initial marker. The remote past imperfective (with a
template ka-sm-B-a), however, also does not use a post-initial morpheme, nor
does the near future perfective (with a template mbo-sm-B-e), so there is no
one-to-one correspondence between a post-initial zero marking and a present
interpretation.2 Rather, the present construction is a morphological “null form”,
commonly used to indicate present tense in Bantu languages (Nurse 2008: 117).
As will be shown in the discussion of the interpretations of the present construc-
tion, its lack of morphological marking corresponds to a relative lack of semantic
specification.
The syntactic use of the present construction differs between Namibian and
Zambian Fwe. In Namibian Fwe, a present verb may occur on its own as a full
and grammatical utterance. In Zambian Fwe, a present verb is only a grammatical
utterance when supplemented by another word, such as a subject, object, locative
or adverb. Otherwise, a fronted infinitive construction is used. This is discussed
in §9.1.1.
Semantically, the present construction has a wide variety of different inter-
pretations, depending on lexical and grammatical aspect, linguistic and non-lin-
guistic context. The basic meaning of the present construction is that the event’s
nucleus is situated, at least partially, after the time of speaking (utterance time,
UT). Whether the nucleus also overlaps with UT is not specified; it is possible,
but not obligatory. The present construction only references the nuclear phase;
an onset phase leading up to the nucleus cannot be targeted by the present con-
struction. This results in a number of different possibilities, partially dependant
on lexical aspect. (4) illustrates the interpretations of the present with dynamic
verbs, using the verb bútuk ‘run’. It is possible for the entire nucleus of the verb
to be situated after UT; this results in a futurate, modal or hypothetical interpre-
tation ‘I will/would/can run’. It is also possible for the nucleus to overlap with
UT, as long as it extends beyond UT, giving a progressive interpretation, ‘I am
running’. It is also possible for the nucleus to be situated intermittently before
and after UT, giving a habitual or generic/gnomic interpretation, ‘I (usually) run’.
It is not possible, however, for the nucleus to end at UT, because this does not
satisfy the present construction’s basic criterion of extending beyond UT.
2
A historical analysis of a post-initial zero morpheme marking the present is more likely. The
remote past imperfective has grammaticalized from the present construction, as discussed in
§8.3.4. Furthermore, the near future is synchronically based on a subjunctive construction (see
§8.4.1).
306
8.2 Present
(4) ndìbùtúkà
ndi-buH tuk-á̲
sm1SG -run-fv
Future/modal/hypothetical: ‘I will/would/can run.’
Progressive: ‘I am running.’
Habitual/generic/gnomic: ‘I (usually) run.’
(5) illustrates the interpretation of the present with change of state verbs, using
the change-of-state verb beng ‘become angry’. The nucleus of this verb describes
the pivotal moment when the state of being angry is reached. For such verbs,
it is not possible for the nucleus of the event to extend beyond UT as well as
overlap with UT. A progressive interpretation is therefore excluded: the only
way in which events with a short nucleus can satisfy the present construction’s
criterion that the nucleus extends beyond UT is by situating the entire nucleus
after UT. Therefore the only possible interpretation of the present construction
with verbs with a short nucleus is futurate/modal/hypothetical, i.e. essentially
non-present.
(5) ndìbêngà
ndi-bé̲ng-a
sm1SG -become_angry-fv
Future/modal/hypothetical: ‘I will/would/can become angry.’
That the present construction only specifies that the event nucleus extends be-
yond UT, and does not specify if it overlaps with UT, may suggest that the label
“present” is incorrect, and that an analysis of this construction as future is more
suitable. There are, however, a number of reasons why a present analysis is pre-
ferred. Fwe has two future constructions (see §8.4), whose basic criteria are that
the nucleus is situated in its entirety after UT: their only possible interpretation
is future. This contrasts with the present construction, where overlap with UT is
optional, and both future and present interpretations are possible. This difference
is illustrated in (6–7): the present construction in (6) can either be interpreted as
indicating that the speaker already started working, or that he will start working.
The near future construction in (7), however, can only indicate that the speaker
has not yet started working, but will start working later the same day.
(6) shùnù ndìsèbèzâ

shunu ndi-sebez-á̲
today sm1SG -work-fv
‘Today, I am working. / Today, I will work.’
307
8 Tense
(7) shùnù mbòndísèbèzê

shunu mbo-ndí̲-sebez-é̲
today near.fut-sm1SG -work-pfv.sbjv
‘Today, I will work.’ (NF_Elic15)
Another reason to analyze the present construction as present, even though it

can also carry futurate meaning, is that overlap with UT, although optional, does
appear to be implied. In contexts where different interpretations are possible,
speakers usually interpret the use of dynamic verbs in the present construction
as present, rather than future. A third argument for the analysis of the present
construction as present is economy; if this construction were analyzed as future,
Fwe would have three futures, and no present.
Table 8.4 gives an overview of the different interpretations of the present con-
struction, and the lexical aspectual classes with which they are available.
Table 8.4: Interpretations of the present construction with different lex-
ical aspects
Interpretation Lexical aspect Example

present progressive dynamic, stative tùryâ ‘we are eating’
futurate all lexical aspects ndìsèbèzâ ‘I will work’
modal dynamic, change-of-state ndìtwâ ‘I can pound’
ndìbêngà ‘I would become
angry’
conditional change-of-state ònúnà ‘(If X), you’d
become fat’
generic all lexical aspects zìtììzâ ‘they are
dangerous’
I will now discuss and illustrate the different interpretations of the present
construction in more detail. The present progressive interpretation, where the
event nucleus overlaps with an extends beyond utterance time, is illustrated with
the dynamic verbs rí ‘eat’ in (8), and kánan ‘argue’ in (9).
(8) tùry’ ónkûkù òzyò ndáꜝyáyì

tu-ri-á̲ o-∅-nkúku o-zyo ndí̲-a-ya-í̲
sm1PL -eat-fv aug-np1a -chicken aug-dem.iii1 sm1SG -pst-kill-npst.pfv
‘We are eating the chicken that I killed.’ (ZF_Elic14)
308
8.2 Present
(9) zìnjí ꜝmúkànàná

∅-zì-njí mú̲-kaH nan-á̲
cop-np8 -what sm2PL .rel-argue-fv
‘What are you arguing about?’ (asked of a group of people who are
currently having an argument) (NF_Elic15)
The futurate interpretation of dynamic verbs in the present is illustrated in
(10–11).
(10) ndìùtwá shùnù
ndi-uH -tw-á̲ shunu
sm1SG -om3 -pound-fv today
‘I’ll pound it today.’ (speaking about maize, the speaker is asked if she
plans to pound it today) (NF_Elic15)
(11) èmwíkí ꜝíkêːzyà ndìsèbèzâ
e-N-mwikí í̲-ké̲ːzy-a ndi-sebez-á̲
aug-np9 -week sm9 .rel-come-fv sm1SG -work-fv
‘Next week, I’ll work.’ (NF_Elic15)
The present construction can be used interchangeably with the remote future
construction, as in (12–13): the present form and the remote future form were
considered equivalent to express future reference (see §8.4.2). This interchange-
ability is not reversible, however: whereas present constructions can have remote
future reference, remote future constructions were not accepted with present ref-
erence.
(12) tùkàbòòrá zyônà
tu-ka-boor-á̲ zyóna
sm1PL -dist-return-fv tomorrow
‘We will return tomorrow.’
(13) twáràkàbòòrà zyônà
tu-ára-ka-boor-a zyóna
sm1PL -rem.fut-dist-return-fv tomorrow
‘We will return tomorrow.’ (NF_Elic15)
The use of the present construction for remote future (tomorrow and later)
events is also possible without an overt time adverbial, as in (14), which is a
speaker’s response to the question why he cannot come to work tomorrow; his
statement therefore refers to his plans for the next day, although he does not use
zyônà ‘tomorrow’.
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8 Tense
(14) ndìyá kùrùwà

ndi-y-á̲ ku-ru-wa
sm1SG -go-fv np17 -np11 -field
‘[Because] I will go to the field.’ (NF_Elic15)
Interestingly, interchangability between the present and near future was not
observed. In elicitation contexts, present constructions were frequently offered
as alternatives to remote future constructions, but never as alternatives to near
future constructions. When asked, most speakers considered them acceptable,
though they preferred near future constructions. Present constructions with near
future reference were only encountered in natural texts, and even there near
future reference is more commonly expressed by near future constructions.
That the present construction is more easily interchanged with the remote
future construction, rather than the near future construction, may seem coun-
terintuitive, as near future describes event situated closer to the time of speak-
ing than remote future. A possible explanation for the interchangeability of the
present and remote future constructions is that the remote future derives from
an earlier present construction. The Namibian Fwe remote future is marked by
a post-initial prefix (á)ra-. In two Bantu Botatwe languages, Zambian Totela and
Tonga, a prefix la- is used as a marker of present tense (Carter 2002: 45; Crane
2011: 173-176). The present tense can also be marked with a zero prefix: la- marks
a disjunct, which is used for predicate focus, and zero marks a conjunct, which is
used for argument focus (see van der Wal & Hyman (2017), and other chapters in
the same volume on the conjoint/disjoint distinction in Bantu). If this is the older
situation - as suggested by the fact that *da- is reconstructed as a disjunct present
for Proto-Bantu (Güldemann 2003: 344; Meeussen 1967: 109) - Fwe would have
reanalyzed the former disjunct present as a remote future, and the former con-
junct present as a present. The interchangeability of the remote future marked
with ára-, presumably cognate with the marker la- as used in Totela and Tonga,
with the present construction may be a relic of this older system.
Similar to their future interpretation, dynamic verbs in the present construc-
tion may also receive a modal interpretation, as in (15–18).
(15) èzí zìzwâtò zìcípîtè kònó zìrìfwírà búryò

e-zí zi-zwáto zi-cip-í̲te konó zi-riH -fw-í̲r-a
aug-dem.i8 np8 -cloth sm8 -be_cheap-stat but sm8 -refl-die-appl-fv
bu-ryó
np14 -only
‘These clothes are cheap, but they won’t last long (lit. ‘they will just die’).’
310
8.2 Present
(16) kùfwèbà kùrèːtèrá màrwáꜝrírà

ku-fweba ku-reH ːt-er-á̲ ma-rwárirá
np15 -smoke sm15 -carry-appl-fv np6 -disease
‘Smoking can cause disease.’
(17) mùndárè ndìùtwâ
mu-ndaré ndi-uH -tw-á̲
np3 -maize sm1SG -om3 -pound-fv
‘Maize, I can pound it.’
(18) ndìmùná èŋòmbè zíngîː
ndi-mun-á̲ e-N-ŋombe zí-ngíː
sm1SG -own-fv aug-np10 -cow pp10 -many
‘I want to own many cattle.’ (NF_Elic15)
I now turn to the interpretation of change-of-state verbs in the present con-
struction. As shown in (5), the only possible interpretation of change-of-state
verbs in the present is one that situates the nucleus after the time of speaking,
i.e. a futurate or modal interpretation. More examples of this use of the present
are given in (19–22).
(19) ndìbêngà
ndi-bé̲ng-a
sm1SG -become_angry-fv
‘I would/will become angry.’ *‘I am becoming angry.’
(20) ndìrèmánà
ndi-reman-á̲
sm1SG -become_injured-fv
‘I would/will become injured.’
(21) mwínì ùkwàtìwâ
mw-íni u-kwaH t-iw-á̲
np3 -handle sm3 -grab-pass-fv
‘A handle can be grabbed.’
(22) èmpótó ìbbámúkà
e-N-potó i-bbam-uk-á̲
aug-np9 -pot sm9 -break-sep.intr-fv
‘A pot can/might break.’ (uttered as a warning to someone who is
handling a pot carelessly) (NF_Elic15)
311
8 Tense
Linked to their modal interpretation in main clauses, change-of-state verbs in

the present construction are also often used in the apodosis of a factual condi-
tional, expressing an event that will come to pass if certain conditions are met,
as in (23–25).
(23) òshìryá câhà ònúnà

o-shiH -ri-á̲ cáha o-nun-á̲
sm2SG -cond-eat-fv very sm2SG -become_fat-fv
‘When you eat too much, you become fat.’
(24) òwú mùndárè kùté tùùhíkè ùbìzwâ

o-ú mu-ndaré kuté tu-uH -hiH k-é̲ u-bizw-á̲
aug-dem.i3 np3 -maize if sm1PL -om3 -cook-pfv.sbjv sm3 -ripen-fv
‘This maize, if we cook it, will it be done?’ (NF_Elic15)
(25) òshìpángá bùtì tùzwírà hábùsò

o-shiH -pang-á̲ bu-ti tu-zw-í̲r-a
sm2SG -cond-do-fv np14 -like_this sm1PL -come_out-appl-fv
há-bu-so
np16 -np14 -front
‘If you do it like this, we will make a profit.’ (ZF_Conv13)
Change-of-state verbs can be divided into those with and without an onset
phase. This distinction is relevant in, for instance, the interpretation of the pro-
gressive (see §9.1.1), the inceptive (see §9.5), and the locative pluractional (see
§11.2). In the present construction, however, the future, modal or hypothetical
interpretation is the only possible reading for change-of-state verbs, both with
an onset phase, such as bomb ‘become wet’ in (26), and without an onset phase,
such as aruk ‘open’ in (27). This shows that the present construction specifically
targets the nucleus, and not the onset phase.
(26) òmvúrà àshìshókà èvú rìbômbà

o-∅-mvúra a-shiH -shoH k-á̲ e-∅-vú ri-bó̲mb-a
aug-np1a -rain sm1 -cond-fall-fv aug-np5 -ground sm5 -become.wet-fv
‘If it rains, the ground becomes wet.’
(27) cíàzò cìàrúkà

cí-azo ci-ar-uk-á̲
np7 -door sm7 -close-sep.intr-fv
‘A door can open.’ *A door is opening. (NF_Elic15)
312
8.2 Present
Perception verbs, such as bón ‘see’ and shuw ‘hear, feel’, also function as
change-of-state verbs; the use of the present construction gives them a modal,
future, or conditional interpretation, not a present ongoing interpretation, as in
(28–29); a present interpretion can only be achieved with the stative (see §9.3).
(28) ndìbónà
ndi-boH n-á̲
sm1SG -see-fv
‘I can see.’ *I see.
(29) ndìshùwâ
ndi-shuH -á̲
sm1SG -hear-fv
‘I can hear.’ *I hear. (NF_Elic17)
Stative verbs, which refer to a single, unbounded and lasting state, are used
in the present construction to express a state that holds at the time of speaking,
as in (30–31). Because the state referred to by a stative verb is unbounded, it
automatically precedes, follows and overlaps with UT.
(30) kùshàkàhárà
ku-shak-ahar-á̲
sm15 -need-neut-fv
‘It is necessary.’ (NF_Elic15)
(31) zìtìyìzâ
zi-tiH iz-á̲
sm8 -be_dangerous-fv
‘They are dangerous.’ (NF_Elic15)
The present construction can also be used with a generic/gnomic interpreta-

tion, e.g. a statement that is generally true, independent of whether the action is
happening at the time of speaking. This interpretation is available with all lexical
aspectual classes, as illustrated for change-of-state verbs in (32), for stative verbs
in (33), and for dynamic verbs in (34–35).
(32) bàkêntù bàzwátà zìkócì

ba-kéntu ba-zwá̲t-a zi-kocí
np2 -woman sm2 -wear-fv np8 -skirt
‘Women wear skirts.’
313
8 Tense
(33) òngwè cìbàtànà cítììzâ

o-∅-ngwe ∅-ci-batana ci-tiH iz-á̲
aug-np1a -leopard cop-np7 -predator sm7 .rel-be_fearsome-fv
‘A leopard is a fearsome predator.’ (ZF_Elic_13)
(34) cìzyùnì cìntù cíùrúkà

ci-zyuni ∅-ci-ntu cí̲-uruk-á̲
np7 -bird cop-np7 -thing sm7 .rel-fly-fv
‘A bird is something that flies.’ (NF_Elic15)
(35) ècíkwꜝámè cámꜝárì cìyéndà mbómwêzì

e-cí-kwáme ci-á=mári ci-é̲nd-a mbó-mu-ézi
aug-np7 -man pp7 -con=polygamy sm7 -go-fv adv-np3 -moon
‘A polygamous man walks like the moon.’ (saying)3 (NF_Elic15)
The wide variety of possible interpretations of the present construction can

be narrowed by combining it with overt aspectual markers, such as those mark-
ing progressive aspect (see §9.1). Present progressive constructions can only be
interpreted as an action currently in progress; the modal or futurate interpreta-
tion is not seen with the present progressive. Compare the aspectually unmarked
present in (36) with the present progressive in (37–38). The bare present leaves
uncertainty as to whether they are currently busy milking; as explained by one
speaker, it triggers the question: ‘Are they milking now, or will they do it later?’
The present progressive forms in (37–38) leave no such uncertainty; the only
interpretation is that they are currently busy milking.
(36) bàkámà
ba-kaH m-á̲
sm2 -milk-fv
‘They are milking. / They will milk.’
(37) kùkámà ꜝbákámà

ku-kám-a bá̲-kaH m-á̲
inf-milk-fv sm2 .rel-milk-fv
‘They are milking.’
3
This saying compares the behavior of a man with two wives to that of the moon. Like the
moon travels across the sky each month, from one star to the other, so does the polygamous
man regularly travel from one wife to the other.
314
8.2 Present
(38) bàkwèsì bàkámà

ba-kwesi ba-kaH m-á̲
sm2 -prog sm2 -milk-fv
‘They are milking.’ (NF_Elic15)
Present progressives are interpreted as having a certain duration, whereas bare
present verbs have no implications about duration. This difference is illustrated
in (39–40): unlike the bare present in (39), the present progressive in (40) suggests
that s/he has been knocking for a long time.
(39) àngòngòtá hàcíàzò mbítà mùntù shàkàmúꜝtábè
a-ngoH ngot-á̲ ha-cí-azo mbíta mu-ntu shaká
sm1 -knock-fv np16 -np7 -door until np1 -person if
a-mú-tab-é̲
sm1 -om1 -answer-pfv.sbjv
‘S/he is knocking on the door until someone answers.’
(40) àkwèsì àngòngòtá hàcíàzò mbítà mùntù shàk’ ámúꜝtábè
a-kwesi a-ngoH ngot-á̲ ha-cí-azo mbíta mu-ntu shaká
sm1 -prog sm1 -knock-fv np16 -np7 -door until np1 -person if
a-mú-tab-é̲
sm1 -om1 -answer-pfv.sbjv
‘S/he is knocking on the door until someone answers.’ (implies that s/he
has been knocking for a long time) (NF_Elic15)
The difference between the present progressive and aspectually unmarked
present also relates to modality. With the present progressive, the speaker ex-
presses certainty that the event is taking place at UT, but the aspectually un-
marked present may leave more doubt about whether the action fully overlaps
with UT. This contrast is illustrated in (42–41), which both answer the question:
‘Where is that person?’. In (41), the aspectually unmarked present is used to im-
ply that the person is supposed to wash dishes, but may at this very moment be
busy with something else. In (42), the use of a present progressive implies that
the person referred to is currently, without a doubt, busy washing dishes.
(41) mùnjúù wèná àsànz’ ótùsûbà
mu-N-júo a-in-á a-sanz-á̲ o-tu-súba
np18 -np9 -house sm1 -be_at-fv sm1 -wash-fv aug-np13 -dish
‘S/he is in the house, s/he is washing dishes.’ (it is not certain that s/he is
washing dishes; s/he is supposed to wash dishes but maybe s/he is
currently doing something else)
315
8 Tense
(42) mùnjúù wèná àkwès’ àsànz’ ótùsûbà

mu-N-júo a-iná a-kwesi a-sanz-á̲ o-tu-súba
np18 -np9 -house sm1 -be_at sm1 -prog sm1 -wash-fv aug-np13 -dish
‘S/he is in the house, s/he is washing dishes.’ (NF_Elic15)
Another aspectual marker that may combine with the present is the post-
initial persistive prefix shí- (see §9.4). The persistive usually expresses an event
that started before, and is still ongoing at utterance time, but combined with
the present construction, may also express an event that started before, and will
continue later, but has been paused at the exact time of speaking. In (43), the
present is used with a persistive prefix shí- to indicate that the task of pounding
is currently interrupted, to be returned to later.
(43) ndìshìtwâ
ndi-shiH -tw-á̲
sm1SG -per-pound-fv
‘I’m still pounding.’ (the speaker is currently taking a break, but intends
to resume the task shortly) (NF_Elic15)
A present persistive can also indicate an action that has not yet started before
utterance time, but will start after UT. (44) is uttered by a speaker who is the last
to enter a room, and is urged to hurry, to which he responds that he still needs
to close the door, that is, his closing of the door has not yet started as he utters
these words.
(44) ndìshìcìárà
ndi-shiH -ciH -ar-á̲
sm1SG -per-om7 -close-fv
‘I still need to close it.’ (NF_Elic17)
8.3 Past
Fwe has four past constructions, distinguished by degree of remoteness (near/re-
mote) and aspect (perfective/imperfective), as schematized in Table 8.5.
All four past constructions situate the event’s nucleus in the past, i.e. before
the utterance time. In out-of-the-blue and elicitation contexts, the relevant time
domain is the day of speaking, e.g. near pasts are treated as hodiernal (for events
that took place earlier the same day) and remote pasts as pre-hodiernal (for
316
8.3 Past
Table 8.5: Past constructions
Perfective Imperfective
near sm-a/na-B-i sm-aku-B-a
ndàbérêkì ndàkùbèrèkà
ndi-a-beré̲k-i ndi-aku-berek-a
sm1SG -pst-work-npst.pfv sm1SG -pst.ipfv-work-fv
‘I worked (earlier today).’ ‘I was working (earlier today).’
remote na/ni-sm-a-B-a ka-sm-B-a
nàndábèrèkà kàndíbèrékà
na-ndí̲-a-berek-a ka-ndí̲-berek-á̲
rem-sm1SG -pst-work-fv pst.ipfv-sm1SG -work-fv
‘I worked (before today).’ ‘I was working/used to work
(before today).’
events that took place before the day of speaking). With sufficient context, more
flexible interpretations are possible.
The four past constructions are also distinguished by aspect: the remote/near
past perfective constructions present an event as a single, completed whole, and
do not allow reference to the internal structure of the nucleus. The remote/n-
ear past imperfective constructions present the event’s nucleus as more drawn
out, and make specific reference to the internal structure of the event’s nucleus.
These imperfective past constructions may be combined with affixes or construc-
tions that express a specific subtype of imperfective aspect, such as progressive,
habitual, stative, or persistive.
A third variable in the interpretation of past constructions in Fwe is the rel-
evance or continuance of the event’s coda phase at utterance time. Verbs that
typically include a coda phase are change-of-state verbs, where the coda phase
is the state that is entered into. In the near past perfective, the use of a change-of-
state verb typically implies that the resultant coda state still applies at UT. The
remote past perfective, in contrast, has no such implicature, and the coda state
may persist or not, depending on context. Both imperfective pasts, however, only
allow an interpretation where both the nucleus and the coda state are located in
the past.
The following four sections discuss each past construction in turn, discussing
their temporal, aspectual and pragmatic interpretations.
317
8 Tense
8.3.1 Near past perfective

The near past perfective (NPP) construction has the form sm-a/na-B-i, i.e. making
use of a post-initial prefix a-/na-, and a final vowel suffix -i, as illustrated in (45)
(45) ndìnàyêndì
ndi-na-é̲nd-i
sm1SG -pst-walk-npst.pfv
‘I walked.’ (ZF_Elic14)
The prefix a-/na- is subject to geographical variation and phonological con-

ditioning. In the northernmost varieties of Fwe, the prefix na- is strongly pre-
ferred, as in (46). In central Fwe, a- and na- are used interchangeably, as in (47).
In Namibian Fwe, geographically the southernmost variety, a- and na- are con-
ditioned phonologically. When the vowel preceding the post-initial prefix is /a/,
the allomorph na- is used, as in (48). In all other cases, the form a- is used, as
in (49), and vowel hiatus resolution affects the vowel of the subject marker (see
§2.5.2 on vowel hiatus resolution).
(46) Northern Zambian Fwe

ndìnàyêndì
ndi-na-é̲nd-i
(47) Central Zambian Fwe

ndìnàyêndì ~ ndàyêndì
ndi-(n)a-é̲nd-i
(48) a. Namibian Fwe: na- after /a/

bànàhúrì
ba-na-hur-í̲
sm2 -pst-arrive-npst.pfv
‘They arrived.’
b. ànàcôːkì
a-na-có̲ːk-i
‘They broke.’
318
8.3 Past
(49) a. Namibian Fwe: a- elsewhere

ndàhúrì
ndi-a-hur-í̢
sm1SG -pst-arrive-npst.pfv
‘I arrived.’
b. mwàhúrì
mu-a-hur-í̲
sm2PL -pst-arrive-npst.pfv
‘You arrived.’ (NF_Elic15)
The only exceptions are the second person singular subject marker o-, which
merges with the past prefix to become no-, as in (50), and the class 1/1a subject
marker 1/1a a-, which merges with the past prefix to become na-, as in (51). This
applies to all varieties of Fwe.
(50) nòhúrì
no-hur-í̲
sm2SG .pst-arrive-npst.pfv
‘You arrived.’
(51) nàhúrì
na-hur-í̲
sm1 .pst-arrive-npst.pfv
‘S/he arrived.’ (NF_Elic15)
The post-initial prefix a- is a past marker, also used in the remote past perfec-
tive (see §8.3.2) and the near past imperfective (see §8.3.3). The variation between
a- and na- is specific to its use in the near past perfective, however, and is not
seen with the remote past perfective and near past imperfective constructions.
The final vowel suffix -i is only used in the NPP, not in any other past con-
structions (its occurrence in the negative present is likely due to accidental ho-
mophony), and is therefore glossed as such, using the abbreviation npst.pfv.
The near past perfective suffix cannot be used after a passive suffix -(i)w (see
§6.1 on the passive); instead, the final vowel suffix -a is used, as in (52–53).
(52) cìshámú cìnàtémìwà

ci-shamú ci-na-tém-iw-a
np7 -tree sm7 -pst-chop-pass-fv
‘The tree was chopped.’
319
8 Tense
(53) zònshéː zìzyùnì zàzwísìwà

z-onshéː zi-zyuni zi-a-zw-í̲s-iw-a
pp8 -all np8 -bird sm8 -pst-leave-caus-pass-fv
‘All the birds have been removed.’ (ZF_Elic14)
The past suffix -i never causes spirantization of the preceding consonant, as

opposed to the agentive suffix -i, which causes spirantization in a number of
cases (see §4.2.1), and the stative suffix -ite, where spirantization occurs with a
number of allomorphs of the suffix (see §9.3).
Verbs in the NPP take melodic tone 3, a high tone on the second stem syllable,
and retain their lexical tones, as illustrated with the toneless verb yendaur ‘walk
around’ in (54).
(54) ndàyèndáùrì
ndi-a-end-á̲-ur-i
sm1SG -pst-walk-pl1-sep.tr-npst.pfv
‘I walked around.’ (NF_Elic15)
The NPP situates the nucleus of the event in the recent past with respect to
the utterance time. In most contexts, recent past is interpreted as earlier the same
day, as in (55–56).
(55) shùnù ndàhúrùrì màpùrù

shunu ndi-a-húrur-i ma-puru
today sm1SG -pst-take_off_yoke-npst.pfv np6 -ox
‘Today I took the yoke off the oxen.’
(56) àmênjì àyìsâ kàkúrì ndàábìrìsì

a-ma-ínji a-iH s-á̲ kakúri ndi-a-á-bir-is-i
aug-np6 -water sm6 -burn-fv because sm1SG -pst-om6 -boil-caus-npst.pfv
‘The water is hot, because I (just) boiled it.’ (ZF_Elic14)
Nurse (2008: 93) notes that Bantu languages may differ with respect to the
interpretation of time reference as fixed or flexible. In Fwe, flexible interpreta-
tions seem possible; events that are perceived to be in the same time cycle can
be conceived as hodiernal, and events that are perceived to be in a previous time
cycle can be conceived as prehodiernal. The “same time cycle” can be construed
as larger than the day of speaking, for instance, as the year (which includes the
day of speaking), as in (57), where the NPP is used for an event that took place
earlier the same year, although it took place before the day of speaking.
320
8.3 Past
(57) cìnó cìrìmò ndìnàshínjì wâwà

cinó ci-rimo ndi-na-shínj-i wáwa
dem.ii7 np7 -year sm1SG -pst-harvest-npst.pfv very
‘This year, I had a good harvest.’ (ZF_Elic14)
The NPP can also be used to express surprise. The use of the NPP in (58) does
not imply that the event of becoming rich happened earlier the same day, but that
the event of becoming rich was unexpected and sudden, for instance, someone
won a jackpot, or was given 50 heads of cattle.
(58) nàfúmì
na-fum-í̲
sm1 .pst-become_rich-npst.pfv
‘S/he has become rich (suddenly/unexpectedly).’ (NF_Elic17)
Similarly, the use of the NPP in (59) has two possible interpretations: either
that the subject got married earlier the same day, or that the subject got married
before the day of speaking, but that his marriage was secret and has been recently
revealed.
(59) nàshêshì
na-shésh-i
sm1 .pst-marry-npst.pfv
1. ‘He got married (earlier today).’
2. ‘He got married (before today, but I discovered it recently).’ (NF_Elic17)
The use of the near past perfective to express that an event is sudden, surpris-
ing, or unexpected, may be a pragmatic extension of its recent past semantics:
by situating an event closer to the utterance time, the speaker is highlighting its
unexpectedness.
Aspectually, the NPP presents the nucleus of the event as a single, complete
whole, without reference to its internal structure. That the internal structure of
the nucleus cannot be referenced is seen when an NPP verb is combined with
a verb in the consecutive form (cf. §8.5), as in (60), where the NPP verb nàréngì
‘[lightning] struck’ is followed by a consecutive verb cóꜝkúyà ‘and it burnt’. As the
NPP presents the event of the lightning striking as perfective, without reference
to its internal constituency, the event presented by the consecutive form cannot
co-occur with the lightning striking, but is interpreted as occurring after it.
321
8 Tense
(60) òmvúrà nàréngì cìkúnì cóꜝkúyà

o-∅-mvúra na-réng-i ci-kuní ci-ó=ku-y-á
aug-np1a -rain sm1 .pst-strike-npst.pfv np7 -tree pp7 -con=inf-burn-fv
‘The lightning struck the tree, and it burnt.’ (NF_Elic17)
The perfective nature of the near past perfective is also seen in its interaction
with aspectual markers; the NPP does not co-occur with imperfective aspectual
forms such as progressives, habituals, and the persistive, nor with the locative
pluractional marker, which indicates an event taking place in different locations
(see §11.2); as the NPP does not allow reference to the internal structure of the
event’s nucleus, it cannot be used with a marker that describes the spatial distri-
bution of the event, as illustrated in (61).
(61) *ndàkàbúyêndì
ndi-a-kabú-é̲nd-i
sm1SG -pst-loc.pl-walk-npst.pfv
Intended: ‘I walked around/ in different places.’ (NF_Elic17)
When the NPP is used with a verb that includes a coda phase, there is a strong
implication that this coda phase still holds at UT. The examples in (62–64) show
that, when used without further clarifying context, the default interpretation of
the NPP is that the coda phase is still ongoing at UT.
(62) ndànjômbì
nd-a-njó̲mb-i
sm1SG -pst-get_stuck-npst.pfv
‘I got stuck (and am still stuck).’ (NF_Elic17)
(63) ècí cìpúrà càcôːkì

e-cí ci-purá ci-a-có̲ːk-i
aug-dem.i7 np7 -chair sm7 -pst-break-npst.pfv
‘This chair broke (and is still broken).’ (ZF_Elic13)
(64) ndàzísânzì
ndi-a-zí-sá̲nz-i
sm1SG -pst-om8 -wash-npst.pfv
‘I washed them (and they are clean now).’ (NF_Elic15)
This is also true of the use of the NPP with a change-of-state verb, where it is
usually interpreted as a present state, as in (65–67).
322
8.3 Past
(65) ndàshwênì
ndi-a-shwé̲n-i
sm1SG -pst-become_tired-npst.pfv
‘I am tired.’ (ZF_Elic14)
(66) ndàǀôsì
ndi-a-ǀós-i
sm1SG -pst-become_bored-npst.pfv
‘I am bored.’ (NF_Elic15)
(67) cànyóngâmì
ci-a-nyong-á̲m-i
sm7 -pst-bend-imp.intr-npst.pfv
‘It is bent.’ (NF_Elic15)
Even though the NPP implies a lasting coda phase, the nuclear phase is also
part of the conceptualization: in (68), the NPP not only expresses that the handle
is broken at the time of speaking, but the earlier breaking of the handle is also
conceptualized, as it invites the question: who broke it?
(68) a. mwínì wéhàmbà wàcôːkì
mu-íni u-é=amba u-a-có̲ːk-i
np3 -handle pp3 -con=hoe sm3 -pst-break-npst.pfv
‘The handle of the hoe is broken.’
b. ndíní nàúcôːrì
ndi-ní na-ú-có̲ːr-i
cop-who sm1 .pst-om3 -break-npst.pfv
‘Who broke it?’ (NF_Elic15)
That the earlier change of state is part of the conceptualization of the verb is
further supported by the fact that an agent phrase is allowed; this agent phrase
provides information about how the earlier change of state came about. In (69),
the change-of-state verb bomb ‘become wet’ is used in the NPP, implying that the
clothes are still wet. The earlier change in state, however, namely the moment
the clothes became wet, is also conceptualized, and the agent phrase kúmvûrà
‘by the rain’ refers to this nuclear phase.
(69) èzìzwátò zìnàbómbì kúmvûrà
e-zi-zwáto zi-na-bó̲mb-i kú-∅-mvúra
aug-np8 -cloth sm8 -pst-become_wet-npst.pfv np17 -np1a -rain
‘The clothes have become wet because of the rain.’ (ZF_Elic14)
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The remote past perfective may also be used to imply a coda state that still
holds at UT, but situates the nuclear phase in the remote past, rather than the
recent past. Both (70) and (71) indicate that the speaker is still sick at the time of
speaking, but the remote past perfective in (70) indicates that the speaker became
sick in the remote past, whereas the near past perfective in (71) indicates that the
speaker became sick in the recent past.
(70) níndàrwárà zyônà nèshúnù ndìshìrwárîtè
ní̲-ndi-a-rwár-a zyóna ne=shúnu ndi-shiH -rwaH r-í̲te
pst-sm1SG -pst-be_sick-fv yesterday com=today sm1SG -per-be_sick-stat
‘I got sick yesterday, and I am still sick today.’ (NF_Elic17)
(71) ndàrwârì mwívùmò
ndi-a-rwár-i mú-e-∅-vumo
sm1SG -pst-be_sick-npst.pfv np18 -aug-np5 -stomach
‘I got sick to my stomach [this evening].’ (NF_Narr17)
The NPP also shows some similarities to the stative construction. The stative
construction expresses a state that holds at utterance time, but makes no refer-
ence to if or when the state has come about (see §9.3). This contrasts with the
NPP, where the entering of the state is conceptualized. As such, the NPP, may be
used with temporal adverbs referring to the change in state, as in (72), but not
the stative, as in (73).
(72) Near past perfective
èténdè ryángù ryàcóːkì shûnù
e-∅-ténde ri-angú ri-a-có̲ːk-i shúnu
aug-np5 -foot pp5 -poss1SG sm5 -pst-break-npst.pfv today
‘My leg broke today.’
(73) Stative
*èténdè ryángù rìcókêtè shûnù
Intended: ‘My leg broke today.’4
Although the default interpretation of the NPP is that any resulting coda phase
still holds at UT, this implication can be canceled. In (74), the NPP verb ndàrwárì
‘I got sick’ has an implied coda state of being sick, but in this context, the coda
state is canceled. Similarly in (75), the implied coda state of ndàzísànzì ‘I washed
them’, namely that the clothes are clean, does not hold at UT.
4
An interpretation where the adverb modifies the current state, e.g. ‘my leg is broken today’,
was also not accepted.
324
8.3 Past
(74) ndàrwárì màsíkùsîkù hànú màntêngù shèndìrìshúwírè nênjà

ndi-a-rwár-i ma-síkusíku hanú ma-nténgu
sm1SG -pst-be_sick-npst.pfv np6 -morning dem.ii6 np6 -evening
she-ndi-riH -shuH -í̲re nénja
inc-sm1SG -refl-feel-stat well
‘I got sick this morning, but now in the evening I feel well.’
(75) ndàzísànzì èzí zìzwátò shûnù hàpé hánù shìzázyùrì túꜝkútà

ndi-a-zí-sanz-i e-zí zi-zwáto shúnu hapé
sm1SG -pst-om8 -wash-npst.pfv aug-dem.i8 np8 -cloth today again
hánu shi-zi-á-zyur-i ∅-túkutá
dem.ii16 inc-sm8 -pst-become_full-npst.pfv np5 -dirt
‘I washed these clothes today, but now they are dirty again.’ (NF_Elic17)
Other verbs do not include a possible coda phase, but it is possible that the
nuclear phase continues to be relevant in some other way. For example, the use
of the NPP with the verb hur ‘arrive’ in (76) implies the continued relevance of
the event’s nucleus, namely ‘being in a certain place’.5
(76) òmfûmù kwênà nàhúrì

o-mfúmu kú-a-ina na-hur-í̲
aug-king sm17 -sm1 -be_at sm1 .pst-arrive-npst.pfv
‘The king, he’s here, he has arrived.’ (NF_Elic17)
The relevant consequences of an event in the NPP are treated in the same way
as the post-nuclear coda phase: their relevance is implied, but this implication
can be canceled. This is illustrated in (77), where the consequences of buying salt,
namely having salt, are no longer valid at UT, e.g. the salt is already finished.
(77) ndàùrí zwâyì kònó shìryàmánì

ndi-a-ur-í̲ ∅-zwái konó shi-ri-a-man-í̲
sm1SG -pst-buy-npst.pfv np5 -salt but inc-sm5 -pst-finished-npst.pfv
‘I bought salt [earlier today], but [now] it’s already finished.’ (NF_Elic17)
The implication of the NPP, that the verb’s coda phase or relevance lasts up
to the time of speaking, cannot be canceled when the verb is combined with the
5
That this particular verb lacks a coda phase is seen from its incompatibility with the stative
ending -ite. The stative ending regularly derives a coda state from verbs where a coda is part
of their lexical event structure.
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8 Tense
inceptive prefix: in this case, the verb’s coda phase or relevance are always inter-
preted as valid at UT. This is illustrated in (78), which shows that the NPP with
the inceptive implies that the rain is still falling. (79) shows that this implication
cannot be canceled, and (80) shows that it can be canceled when the NPP is used
without the inceptive.
(78) sìnàtángì òkùshôkà
si-na-táng-i o-ku-shók-a
inc-sm1 .pst-start-npst.pfv aug-inf-rain-fv
‘It has started to rain.’ (and is raining now)
(79) *sìnàtángì òkùshôkà cwàré sànàkàbûkì
si-na-táng-i o-ku-shók-a cwaré
inc-sm1 .pst-start-npst.pfv aug-inf-rain-fv then
sa-na-kabú̲k-i
inc-sm1 .pst-stop_rain-npst.pfv
Intended: ‘It started to rain [earlier today], but now it stopped.’
(80) nàtángì òkùshôkà cwàré sànàkàbûkì
na-táng-i o-ku-shók-a cwaré
sm1 .pst-start-npst.pfv aug-inf-rain-fv then
sa-na-kabú̲k-i
inc-sm1 .pst-stop_rain-npst.pfv
‘It started to rain [earlier today], but now it stopped.’ (NF_Elic17)
8.3.2 Remote past perfective

The remote past perfective (RPP) construction has the form na/ni-sm-a-B-a, with
a pre-initial remoteness prefix na-/ni-, a post-initial past prefix a-, and the default
final vowel suffix -a. An example of a remote past perfective construction is given
in (81).
(81) nàndáshâmbà
na-ndí̲-a-shámb-a
rem-sm1SG -pst-swim-fv
‘I swam.’ (ZF_Elic14)
The pre-initial prefix exhibits a certain degree of geographical variation. It is
realized as ni- in Namibian Fwe, as in (82). In Zambian Fwe, it is mostly realized
as na-, as in (83), but can also be realized as ne-, especially in subordinate clauses,
as in (84).
326
8.3 Past
(82) níndàtêmà
ní̲-ndi-a-tém-a
rem-sm1SG -pst-chop-fv
‘I chopped.’ (NF_Elic15)
(83) nándàtêkà
ná̲-ndi-a-ték-a
rem-sm1SG -pst-fetch-fv
‘I fetched.’ (ZF_Elic14)
(84) kàrí ndìmé nèndáꜝyáyà

ka-rí ndi-mé ne-ndí̲-a-ya-á̲
neg-be cop-pers1SG rem-sm1SG -pst-kill-fv<rel>
‘It wasn’t me who broke it.’ (ZF_Elic14)
The prefix na-/ni-/ne- marks remoteness, selecting a time period that is con-
sidered to be far away from the time of speaking. In the case of the remote past
perfective, it selects a domain long before the time of speaking. The same remote-
ness prefix is used with the remote future construction, which combines the re-
moteness prefix with a post-initial prefix na- (Zambian Fwe) or ára- (Namibian
Fwe) (see §8.4.2): here it selects a domain long after the time of speaking. The
remoteness prefix is also used with a subjunctive to express a remote future in
a subordinate clause (see Chapter 10), and with any verb in the apodosis of a
counterfactual (see §13.5.2).
The remoteness prefix is left out when the RPP has an experiential reading,
expressing an event that has occurred at least once in the indeterminate past, as
in (85–87). This construction differs from the RPP only in the absence of remote-
ness prefix; it takes the same segmental morphemes and melodic tones as the
RPP, suggesting that it functions as a subtype of the RPP.
(85) ênì ècó ꜝcíryò ndácìryà

éni e-có ci-ryó ndí̲-a-ci-ry-a
yes aug-dem.iii7 np7 -food sm1SG -pst-om7 -eat-fv
‘Yes, this food, I have eaten it.’ (Answer to: ‘Have you ever eaten this
food?’) (NF_Elic17)
(86) nóshàngànà mùkúrù wángù

nó̲-shangan-a mu-kúru u-angú
sm2SG .pst-meet-fv np1 -brother pp1 -poss1SG
‘Have you ever met my brother?’ (ZF_Elic13)
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8 Tense
(87) kàrí ndáyà mòwín’ ómùnzì

ka-ri ndí̲-a-y-a mo-winá o-mu-nzi
neg-be sm1SG -pst-go-fv np18 -dem.iv3 aug-np3 -village
‘I’ve never been to that village.’ (NF_Elic15)
The post-initial prefix a- used in the RPP is a past marker; it is also seen in
the near past imperfective, as part of the post-initial prefix aku- (see §8.3.2), and
in the near past perfective, where it combines with a suffix -i (see §8.3.1). The
post-initial prefix a- of the remote past perfective is not completely identical to
the post-initial prefix a- of the near past perfective, however, because near past
perfective a- has an allomorph na-, which is not seen with remote past perfective
a-.
Verbs in the RPP retain their underlying tones, combined with melodic tone 2,
which is assigned to the subject marker. When the verb root has a lexical high
tone, such as the verb shótok ‘jump’ in (88), the prefix ni-/ne-/na- is also realized
with a high tone. The adjacency of the high tone of ni-/ne-/na- to the high tone
on the subject marker causes the second high tone to be deleted as a result of
Meeussen’s Rule (see §3.1.1). When used with a toneless verb root, such as zibar
‘forget’ in (89), the prefix ni-/ne-/na- is not realized with a high tone, in which
case the high tone of the subject marker is also not deleted.
(88) nándàshótòkà
ná̲-ndí̲-a-shótok-a > ná-ndi-a-shótok-a
rem-sm1SG -pst-jump-fv
‘I have jumped.’ (ZF_Elic14)
(89) nàndázìbàrà
na-ndí̲-a-zibar-a
rem-sm1SG -pst-forget-fv
‘I have forgotten.’ (ZF_Elic14)
Temporally, the RPP situates the nucleus of the event in the remote past with
respect to utterance time. In most cases, remote past is interpreted as any time
before the day of speaking, such as yesterday in (90); more than fifty years ago
in (91); a few months ago in (92), which is the conclusion of a story about an
elephant attack that happened a few months before.
(90) nìbáhùrà zyônà
ni-bá̲-a-hur-a zyóna
rem-sm2 -pst-arrive-fv yesterday
‘They arrived yesterday.’ (NF_Elic15)
328
8.3 Past
(91) êmè nándàréːtìwà kánàìntìnsíkìsitì

eme ná̲-ndi-a-réːt-iw-a ká-naintinsíkisiti
pers1SG rem-sm1SG -pst-give_birth-pass-fv at-1960
‘I was born in 1960.’ (ZF_Narr15)
(92) mbóbùryâhò nìyápàngàhàrírà

mbó-bu-riáho ni-í̲-a-pang-ahar-ir-á̲
cop.def14 -np14 -like_that rem-sm9 -pst-do-neut-appl-fv<rel>
‘That is how it happened.’ (ZF_Narr15)
The RPP may also contrast time units larger than the day of speaking, such
as the year; in (93), the speaker is contrasting this year’s farming activities with
those of the previous year.
(93) cìrìmò cíkêːzyà nàndínàkúná màyìrà cìrìmò nàcámànà mùndáré

nàndáꜝkúnà
ci-rimo cí-kéːzy-a na-ndí-na-kun-á ma-ira
np7 -year sm7 .rel-come-fv rem-sm1SG -fut-plant-fv np6 -sorghum
ci-rimo na-cí-a-man-a N-mu-ndaré
np7 -year rem-sm7 -pst-finish-fv cop-np3 -maize
na-ndí-a-kun-á
rem-sm1SG -pst-plant-fv<rel>
‘Next year, I will plant sorghum. Last year I planted maize.’ (ZF_Elic14)
The RPP expresses perfective aspect; it presents the event’s nucleus as a single
event and does not allow reference to its internal structure. (94) illustrates the use
of the RPP in contrast with its imperfective counterpart (see §8.3.4): the remote
past imperfective verb kàndírwârà ‘I was sick’ provides the background for the
RPP verb nàndákàtà ‘I became thin’.
(94) àhà kàndírwârà nàndákàtà

a-ha ka-ndí̲-rwá̲r-a
aug-dem.i16 pst.ipfv-sm1SG -become_sick-fv
na-ndí̲-a-kat-a
rem-sm1SG -pst-become_thin-fv
‘When I was sick, I became thin.’ (ZF_Elic14)
Because the RPP is perfective, it does not co-occur with imperfective markers
such as persistive shí-, habitual náku- or -ang, or a progressive construction (see
chapter 9 on aspect). As seen in (95), the RPP may also not co-occur with the
329
8 Tense
locative pluractional marker, which indicates that an event takes place in multi-
ple locations (see §11.2); because the RPP does not allow reference to the event’s
internal structure, co-occurrence with a marker that describes the event’s spatial
distribution is disallowed. Incompatibility with the locative pluractional is also
seen for the near past perfective (see (61) in §8.3.1,). The near and remote past per-
fective constructions do occur with the locative pluractional (see Sections 8.3.3
and 8.3.4).
(95) *nìndákàbúyèndà
ni-ndí̲-a-kabú-end-a
pst-sm1SG -pst-loc.pl-walk-fv
Intended: ‘I walked around/walked in different places.’ (NF_Elic17)
If the RPP is used with an event that includes a coda phase, such as the result
state of a change-of-state verb, it is possible that the coda phase no longer holds
at UT, as in (96), or that the coda phase continues at UT, as in (97).
(96) níndàrwárà zyônà kònó shûnù ndìrìshùwírè nênjà

ní̲-ndi-a-rwár-a zyóna konó shúnu
pst-sm1SG -pst-become_sick-fv yesterday but today
ndi-riH -shuH -í̲re nénja
sm1SG -refl-feel-stat well
‘I got sick yesterday, but today I feel well.’
(97) níndàrwárà zyônà nèshûnù ndìshìrwàrîtè

ní̲-ndi-a-rwár-a zyóna ne=shúnu ndi-shiH -rwaH r-í̲te
pst-sm1SG -pst-be_sick-fv yesterday com=today sm1SG -per-be_sick-stat
‘I got sick yesterday, and today I am still sick.’ (NF_Elic17)
Certain dynamic verbs may also have a coda phase, such as zyáka enjúo ‘to
build a house’, whose coda phase is the existence of the house. Again, the RPP
can be used in a context where the coda phase no longer holds, as in (98), and in
a context where the coda phase still holds, as in (99).
(98) níndàzyáːk’ ènjûò ndókùyíǀàpàùrà hápè

ní̲-ndi-a-zyáːk-a e-N-júo
rem-sm1SG -pst-build-fv aug-np9 -house
ndi-ó=ku-í-ǀap-a-ur-a hapé
pp1SG -con=inf-om9 -tear-pl1-sep.tr-fv again
‘I built a house, then I destroyed it again.’ (NF_Elic15)
330
8.3 Past
(99) ndímè níndàyízyàːkà èyí njûò òmò áꜝkárà

ndí-me ní̲-ndi-a-yí-zyaːk-a e-í N-júo
cop-pers3SG rem-sm1SG -pst-om9 -build-fv<rel> aug-dem.i9 np9 -house
o-mo á̲-kar-á̲
aug-dem.iii18 sm1 .rel-stay-fv
‘It is me who built the house in which s/he stays.’ (NF_Elic17)
8.3.3 Near past imperfective

The near past imperfective (NPI) only occurs in Namibian Fwe. It has the form
sm-aku-B-a, with a post-initial prefix aku- that is glossed as npst.ipfv ‘near past
imperfective’. An example of a near past imperfective is given in (100).
(100) ndàkùtòmbwèrà
ndi-aku-tombwer-a
sm1SG -npst.ipfv-weed-fv
‘I was weeding.’ (NF_Elic15)
The syllable ku that occurs in the NPI prefix resembles the infinitive prefix ku-.
The NPI construction also shares certain other characteristics with the infinitive:
like the infinitive prefix ku-, the syllable ku of the NPI can be dropped when the
distal marker ka- is used (see §11.1), as in (101). However, maintenance of both ku
and the distal prefix ka- is also possible, as in (102).
(101) ndàkàbèrèkà
ndi-a-ka-berek-a
sm1SG -npst.ipfv-dist-work-fv
‘I was working there.’
(102) ndàkùkàbèrèkà
ndi-aku-ka-berek-a
sm1SG -npst.ipfv-dist-work-fv
‘I was working there.’ (NF_Elic17)
The NPI also resembles the infinitive in its maintenance of lexical tones, with-
out melodic tone, as illustrated in (103–104).
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8 Tense
(103) a. hîkà ‘cook’

b. ndàkùhîkà
ndi-aku-hík-a
sm1SG -npst.ipfv-cook-fv
‘I was cooking.’ (NF_Elic17)
(104) a. rìmà ‘cultivate’

b. ndàkùrìmà
ndi-aku-rim-a
sm1SG -npst.ipfv-cultivate-fv
‘I was cultivating.’ (NF_Elic15)
The NPI prefix aku- can be used on the lexical verb, as in (105), or on an aux-
iliary verb ri ‘be’, as in (106). The constructions are interchangeable, and no dif-
ference in meaning was observed.
(105) bàkùbèrèkà
ba-aku-berek-a
sm2 -npst.ipfv-work-fv
‘They were working.’
(106) bàkùrí kùbèrèkà

ba-aku-rí ku-berek-a
sm2 -npst.ipfv-be inf-work-fv
‘They were working.’ (NF_Elic15)
The NPI situates an event in the near past, which is usually interpreted as
earlier on the day of speaking, and aspectually, it references the internal structure
of the event. In (107), the NPI is used to describe an event that was ongoing earlier
the same day.
(107) ndàkùtòmbwèrà shûnù

ndi-aku-tombwer-a shúnu
sm1SG -npst.ipfv-weed-fv today
‘I was weeding today.’ (NF_Elic17)
As the NPI expresses imperfectivity, it may express a longer, backgrounded

event during which a shorter event is situated. In (108), the NPI verb ndákùbútùkà
‘I was running’ describes the ongoing event which subsumes the shorter event
described with the near past perfective verb ndàdóntì ‘I got blisters’.
332
8.3 Past
(108) ndàdóntì múmàténdè ángù àhà ndákùbútùkà

ndi-a-dó̲nt-i mú-ma-ténde a-angú
sm1 -pst-develop_blister-npst.pfv np18 -np6 -foot pp6 -poss1SG
a-ha ndí̲-aku-bútuk-a
aug-dem.i16 sm2 .rel-npst.ipfv-run-fv
‘I got blisters on my feet when I was running.’ (NF_Elic15)
As an imperfective construction, the NPI can co-occur with other markers of

imperfectivity, such as persistive in (109) and stative in (110).
(109) àkùshíŋòrà
a-aku-shí-ŋor-a
sm1 -npst.ipfv-per-write-fv
‘S/he was still writing.’
(110) ndàkùrwárîtè
ndi-aku-rwaH r-í̲te
sm1SG -npst.ipfv-become_sick-stat
‘I was sick.’ (NF_Elic17)
The NPI cannot be combined with an overt progressive construction, such

as the progressive auxiliary kwesi, as shown by the ungrammaticality of (111).
When used without other overt imperfective markers, the NPI has a progressive
interpretation, as in (112).
(111) *bàkwèsì bàkùsèbèzà

Intended: ‘They were working.’
(112) bàkùsèbèzà
ba-aku-sebez-a
‘They were working.’ (NF_Elic17)
The NPI also does not co-occur with habituals, as shown for the habitual suffix
-ang in (113).
(113) *ndàkùtòmbwèràngà
ndi-aku-tombwer-ang-a
sm1SG -npst.ipfv-weed-hab-fv
Intended: ‘I used to weed.’ (NF_Elic17)
333
8 Tense
Even when used without habitual markers, the NPI is never used with a ha-
bitual interpretation. This may be a result of its restriction to the near past: this
time frame may be too short for any event to be considered habitual. The remote
past imperfective does combine with -ang to express a past habitual (see §8.3.4).
The NPI may be combined with the locative pluractional, which marks that
an event takes place across different locations (see §11.2), as in (114). The remote
past imperfective, too, can co-occur with the locative pluractional, but not the
near and remote past perfective. Because the locative pluractional describes the
internal structure of the event, namely its spatial distribution, it is restricted to
imperfective constructions, that allow reference to the event’s internal structure.
(114) ndàkùrí kàbúyèndà

ndi-aku-rí kabú-end-a
sm2 -npst.ipfv-be loc.pl-work-fv
‘I was walking around.’ (NF_Elic17)
The NPI situates the entire event in the recent past; the event’s nucleus or coda
is no longer ongoing at the time of speaking. The NPI construction in (115) situ-
ates the verb’s nucleus (‘working’) in the near past, and simultaneously expresses
that the nuclear phase no longer holds at UT.
(115) bàkùsèbèzà
ba-aku-sebez-a
‘They were working (but they’re not working anymore).’ (NF_Elic17)
The NPI also does not allow overlap between the event’s coda and utterance
time. This is illustrated in (116), where the NPI situates both the nuclear phase of
becoming sick and the coda phase of being sick in the near past; an interpreta-
tion where the coda phase of being sick is still ongoing at the time of speaking is
not possible. In this sense the NPI differs from the near and remote past perfec-
tive constructions; although both the NPI and the perfective past constructions
situate the nucleus before UT, the perfective past constructions do allow overlap
between the event’s coda and the nucleus.
‘I was sick (but I am not anymore).’ (NF_Elic17)
334
8.3 Past
8.3.4 Remote past imperfective

The (remote) past imperfective construction has the form ka-sm-B-a, with a pre-
initial prefix ka- that specifically marks (remote) past imperfective. Because the
near past imperfective marked with aku- does not exist in Zambian Fwe, Zambian
Fwe uses this construction for both near and remote past imperfective meanings,
and only in Namibian Fwe is it dedicated to remote past imperfective. Because
of this ambiguity, the construction will be referred to as either past imperfective
(PI) or remote past imperfective (RPI), and its marker ka- will be glossed as ‘past
imperfective’ pst.ipfv.
The past imperfective has a high tone on the subject marker (melodic tone 2)
and a high tone on the last syllable, or on the penultimate syllable if this syllable
is bimoraic (melodic tone 1), and underlying tones are deleted (melodic tone 4).
Examples of the tonal realizations of verbs in the past imperfective are given in
(117–119).
(117) ménjì kàátòntórà

ma-ínji ka-á̲-toH ntor-á̲
np6 -water pst.ipfv-sm6 -be_cold-fv
‘The water was cold.’ (NF_Elic15)
(118) kàbáyêndà nàbàmbwá ꜝbábò

ka-bá̲-é̲nd-a na=ba-mbwá ba-a=bó
pst.ipfv-sm2 -go-fv com=np2 -dog pp2 -con=dem.iii2
‘She was walking with her dogs.’ (ZF_Narr15)
(119) àhá kàbádàmàdàmá bùryàhò

a-há ka-bá̲-dama-dam-á̲ bu-ryaho
aug-dem.i16 pst.ipfv-sm2 -pl2-beat-fv np14 -like_that
‘When they were beating [the drum] like that…’ (ZF_Narr13)
The PI construction seems to have developed from an auxiliary followed by

a subordinate present verb. The PI construction resembles the present construc-
tion because both make use of melodic tones 1 and 4, and both lack post-initial
and suffixal tense/aspect markers (see §8.2 on the present). The high tone of the
subject marker, seen in the PI construction, is also used in subordinate verbs (see
§13.1 on clause types). The earlier auxiliary grammaticalized into a prefix ka- on
the lexical verb.
In Namibian Fwe, the remote past imperfective has the same temporal domain
as the remote past perfective: it canonically refers to events that took place before
335
8 Tense
the day of speaking, as in (120–121). To refer to events that took place earlier on
the day of speaking, Namibian Fwe uses the near past imperfective (see §8.3.2).
(120) kàndírwàrítè zyônà
ka-ndí̲-rwaH r-í̲te zyóna
pst.ipfv-sm1SG -become_sick-stat yesterday
‘I was sick yesterday.’ (NF_Elic17)
(121) èzìryó kàzíꜝryóhà
e-zi-ryó ka-zí̲-ryoH -á̲
aug-np8 -food pst.ipfv-sm8 -be_tasty-fv
Describing yesterday’s party: ‘The food was tasty.’ (NF_Elic15)
As the near past imperfective does not exist in Zambian Fwe, Zambian Fwe
uses the PI construction as a general past imperfective form, for both events
situated in the recent past, as in (122), and the remote past, as in (123).
(122) mùndáré kàndíꜝtwá shùnù
N-mu-ndaré ka-ndí̲-tw-á̲ shunu
cop-np3 -maize pst.ipfv-sm1SG -pound-fv today
‘I was pounding maize today.’
(123) mùndáré kàndíꜝtwá zyônà
N-mu-ndaré ka-ndí̲-tw-á̲ zyóna
cop-np3 -maize pst.ipfv-sm1SG -pound-fv yesterday
‘I was pounding maize yesterday.’ (ZF_Elic14)
The RPI presents an event as ongoing, with explicit reference to the internal
constituency of the event’s nucleus. This becomes clear when combining a verb
in the RPI with a consecutive verb, which lacks explicit tense marking but de-
rives its temporal interpretation from a preceding inflected verb. In (124), the RPI
verb kàndìtèká ‘I was fetching’ is followed by the consecutive verb ndókùsúsà ‘I
dropped’, indicating that the event of dropping the container is situated during
the fetching of water.
(124) àhà kàndìtèká mênjì ndókùsús’ ècìbìyà cángù
a-ha ka-ndí̲-teH k-á̲ ma-ínji
aug-dem.i16 pst.ipfv-sm1SG -fetch-fv np6 -water
ndi-ó=ku-sús-a e-ci-biya ci-angú
sm1SG -con=inf-drop-fv aug-np7 -container pp7 -poss1SG
‘While I was fetching water, I dropped my container.’ (ZF_Elic14)
336
8.3 Past
The RPI may co-occur with markers that indicate a type of imperfective aspect,
such as the stative in (125), the habitual -ang in (126), the progressive-marking
fronted-infinitive construction in (127), the progressive auxiliary kwesi in (128),
and the persistive shí- in (129).
(125) zyônà kàndìshwénêtè

zyóna ka-ndi-shwen-é̲te
yesterday pst.ipfv-sm1SG -become_tired-stat
‘Yesterday, I was tired.’ (ZF_Elic14)
(126) kárìzòːrángà òndávù kùyà kúkùcâːnà

ka-á̲-riH -zoːr-á̲ng-a o-∅-ndavú ku-i-a
pst.ipfv-sm1 -refl-turn-hab-fv aug-np1a -lion inf-go-fv
kú-ku-cáːn-a
np17 -inf-hunt-fv
‘He used to turn himself into a lion to go hunting.’ (NF_Narr15)
(127) kùshókà káꜝshókà

ku-shók-a ka-á̲-shoH k-á̲
inf-rain pst.ipfv-sm1a -rain-fv
‘It has been raining.’ (ZF_Elic14)
(128) cìntù císhàkàhárà ècí kàtúkwèsì tùàmbàúrà

∅-ci-ntu cí̲-shakahar-á̲ e-cí
cop-np7 -thing sm7 .rel-be_important-fv aug-dem.i7
ka-tú̲-kwesi tu-ambaur-á̲
pst.ipfv-sm1PL -prog sm1PL -discuss-fv
‘It’s an important thing that we were discussing.’ (ZF_Elic14)
(129) kàshìkéːzyà mùrùshàrá ꜝrwángù

ka-á̲-shiH -ké̲ːzy-a mu-ru-shará ru-angú
pst.ipfv-sm1 -per-come-fv np18 -np11 -back pp11 -poss1SG
‘He was still coming behind me.’ (ZF_Narr13)
When not used with markers indicating a specific subtype of imperfective as-
pect, the PI is usually interpreted as a progressive, as in (130), or less commonly,
habitual, as in (131).
337
8 Tense
(130) kàtúyêndà nòzyú mùyéꜝnzángù

ka-tú̲-é̲nd-a no=zyú mu-énz-angú
pst.ipfv-sm1PL -go-fv com=dem.i1 np1 -friend-poss1SG
‘I was traveling with this friend of mine.’ (NF_Narr17)
(131) kàndízyîmbà
ka-ndí̲-zyí̲mb-a
pst.ipfv-sm1SG -sing-fv
‘I used to sing/be a singer.’ (NF_Elic15)
The PI may also co-occur with the locative pluractional marker, as in (132),
which describes that an event takes place in different locations; although not
strictly aspectual, the locative pluractional does describe the internal structure
of the event (namely its spatial distribution), and therefore may only occur with
imperfective constructions.
(132) kàndíkàbúyêndà
ka-ndí̲-kabú-é̲nd-a
pst.ipfv-sm1SG -loc.pl-walk-fv
‘I was walking around/walking in different places.’ (NF_Elic17)
Unlike perfective past forms, the past imperfective can be used with the verbs
ri ‘be’, as in (133–134), and ina ‘be (somewhere)’ in (135).
(133) èzíryó kàzîrì zìrôtù

e-zi-río ka-zí̲-ri zi-rótu
aug-np8 -food pst.ipfv-sm8 -be np8 -good
‘The food was good.’ (NF_Elic15)
(134) kàbárì bànînì

ka-bá̲-ri ba-níni
pst.ipfv-sm2 -be np2 -small
‘They were small.’ (NF_Elic15)
(135) kàkwín’ ꜝómùnzì òmù kàmwíꜝná bàntù

ka-kú̲-iná o-mu-nzi o-mu ka-mú̲-iná
pst.ipfv-sm17 -be_at aug-np3 -village aug-dem.i18 pst.ipfv-sm18 -be_at
ba-ntu
np2 -person
‘There was a village, where people were living.’ (NF_Narr15)
338
8.3 Past
The remote past imperfective situates the entire event in the past, including an
optional coda phase. The event cannot overlap with UT, as in (136), which indi-
cates that it is no longer raining at utterance time. When the PI expresses a past
habitual, overlap with UT is also not possible, as in (137), where all instances of
weeding (which together constitute the speaker’s habit of weeding) are situated
before UT.
(136) kùshókà káꜝshókà

ku-shók-a ka-á̲-shoH k-á̲
inf-rain-fv pst.ipfv-sm1 -rain-fv
‘It has been raining (but it’s not raining now).’ (ZF_Elic14)
(137) kàndítòmbwèrângà
ka-ndí̲-tombwer-á̲ng-a
pst.ipfv-sm1SG -weed-hab-fv
‘I used to weed.’ (but not anymore) (NF_Elic15)
When the PI is used with stativized verbs, it describes an ongoing state (e.g.
the coda state that follows the nuclear change in state), which cannot overlap
with UT. For instance, in (138), the coda phase of being tired does not hold at the
time of speaking, and in (139), the coda phase of knowing them does not hold at
the time of speaking, because the people described have now passed away.
(138) zyônà kàndìshwénêtè shùnù tàndìshwènètêː

zyóna ka-ndi-shwen-é̲te shunu
yesterday pst.ipfv-sm1SG -become_tired-stat today
ta-ndi-shwen-ete-í̲
neg-sm1SG -become_tired-stat-neg
‘Yesterday I was tired, today I’m not tired.’ (ZF_Elic14)
(139) kàndíbàzyìː
ka-ndí̲-ba-zyiː
pst.ipfv-sm1SG -om2 -get_to_know.stat
‘I used to know them.’ (but they passed away) (NF_Elic15)
Note that the use of the past imperfective with a change-of-state verb that is
not stativized is interpreted as dynamic, i.e. an incipient change of state, that is
no longer ongoing at the time of speaking, as in (140).
339
8 Tense
(140) káꜝnúnà kònó hànó shàkábúkàtà

ka-á̲-nun-á̲ konó hanó
pst.ipfv-sm1 -become_fat-fv but dem.ii16
shi-a-kabú-kat-a
inc-sm1 -loc.pl-become_thin-fv
‘She was getting fat, but now she’s getting thin again.’ (NF_Elic15)
8.4 Future
Like the past, the future is divided into two domains based on their perceived
distance from the utterance time: the near future construction situates the event
after utterance time but within the current temporal domain (most commonly,
the day of speaking), and the remote future construction situates the event after
the current temporal domain, i.e. typically tomorrow or later.
8.4.1 Near future

The near future construction consists of a prefix mbo-, glossed as near.fut,
added to the verb in the subjunctive mood. The subjunctive has an imperfective
and a perfective form (see chapter 10), and both can be made into near future
forms, as in (141–142).
(141) a. Subjunctive perfective

ndìbèrékè
ndi-berek-é
sm1SG -work-pfv.sbjv
‘I should work.’
b. Near future perfective
mbòndíbèrékè
mbo-ndí̲-berek-é̲̲
near.fut-sm1SG -work-pfv.sbjv
‘I will work.’
(142) a. Subjunctive imperfective

mbòndákùbèrèkà
mbo-nd-áku-berek-a
near.fut-sm1SG -sbjv.ipfv-work-fv
‘I will be working.’
340
8.4 Future
b. Near future imperfective

ndákùbèrèkà
ndi-áku-berek-a
sm1SG -sbjv.ipfv-work-fv
‘I should be working.’ (NF_Elic17)
Subjunctive forms maintain their tonal patterns when turned into near fu-
ture forms with the prefix mbo-, but a high tone is added to the subject marker
(melodic tone 2), which is absent in the corresponding subjunctive form (see
§10.2). The perfective near future form shares another tonal peculiarity with the
perfective subjunctive on which it is based, namely a change in melodic tone
conditioned by the presence of object markers. The perfective subjunctive takes
MT 1 when the verb does not include an object marker, but MT 3, a high tone on
the second stem syllable, if the verb includes an object marker. The perfective
near future takes MT 3 only when the verb includes two object markers, as in
(143); MT 1 is used when there is no object marker, as in (144), or only one object
marker, as in (145).
(143) mbòndícìkùtòrókèrè
mbo-ndí̲-ciH -ku-toH ró̲k-er-e
near.fut-sm1SG -om7 -om2SG -exlain-appl-pfv.sbjv
‘I will explain it to you.’ (NF_Elic15)
(144) mbòndítòrókè
mbo-ndí̲-toH rok-é̲
near.fut-sm1SG -explain-pfv.sbjv
‘I will explain.’
(145) mbòndícìtòrókè
mbo-ndí̲-ciH -toH rok-é̲
near.fut-sm1SG -om7 -explain-pfv.sbjv
‘I will explain it.’
In Zambian Fwe, the near future prefix has an alternative form mba-, as in
(146), which is used interchangeably with the prefix mbo-. Namibian Fwe only
uses the prefix mbo-, as in (147).
(146) mbàndíyêndè
mba-ndí̲-é̲nd-e
near.fut-sm1SG -go-pfv.sbjv
‘I will go.’ (Zambian Fwe)
341
8 Tense
(147) mbòndíyêndè
mbo-ndí̲-é̲nd-e
near.fut-sm1SG -go-pfv.sbjv
‘I will go.’ (Zambian and Namibian Fwe)
The near future is used to situate an event after utterance time, but within the
same temporal domain, usually interpreted as the day of speaking. As such, it can
be used with time adverbials such as màsíkù ‘tonight’ in (148), or shùnù ‘today’
in (149).
(148) mbàndíꜝrárè màsíkù
mba-ndí̲-rá̲ːr-e ma-sikú
near.fut-sm1SG -sleep-pfv.sbjv np6 -evening
‘I will sleep tonight.’ (ZF_Elic14)
(149) àbàbàrà mbòbáhùré shùnù
a-ba-bara mbo-bá̲-hur-é̲ shunu
aug-np2 -visitor near.fut-sm2 -arrive-pfv.sbjv today
‘The visitors will arrive today.’ (NF_Elic15)
The near future can also be based on larger temporal domains, such as the
current year in (150).
(150) mwánàngú ómweri mbwámàné cìkòró ùnó mwâkà
mu-án-angú u-ó=mu-eri mbo-á̲-man-é̲
np1 -child-poss1SG pp1 -con=np1 -firstborn near.fut-sm1 -finish-pfv.sbjv
unó mu-áka
dem.ii3 np3 -year
‘My eldest child will finish school this year.’ (NF_Elic17)
The near future can also be used to refer to events that are imminent. The
example in (151) is taken from a narrative in which the two main characters are
trying to hide from a lion who is pursuing them. They ask help from a frog, and
he devises a plan to help them, which will be put into action immediately. This
imminence is expressed with the use of the near future.
(151) ècìmbòtwè cókùbáꜝtéyé mbòndímìtúsè
e-ci-mbotwe ci-ó=ku-bá-ta-a iyé
aug-np7 -frog pp7 -con=inf-om2 -say-fv that
mbo-ndí̲-miH -tus-é̲
near.fut-sm1SG -om2PL -help-pfv.sbjv
‘The frog told them, I will help you.’ (NF_Narr15)
342
8.4 Future
The near future form can only be used for events that have not yet started at
the time of speaking, as in (152), which can only be said by someone who has
not yet started to work. In (153), from a narrative, the speaker is considering
removing his injured eye, because he cannot focus with his remaining good eye.
This shows that the event expressed by the near future verb, seeing with this
remaining eye, does not hold at the time of speaking.
(152) shùnù mbòndísèbèzê
shunu mbo-ndí̲-sebez-é̲
today near.fut-sm1SG -work-pfv.sbjv
‘Today, I will work.’ (said by someone who has not yet started)
(NF_Elic15)
(153) mwèndì mbòndíbòné nèrí rìnàsìyárìrì
mwendi mbo-ndí̲-boH n-é̲ ne=rí
maybe near.fut-sm1SG -see-pfv.sbjv com=dem.i5
ri-na-siá̲rir-ir-i
sm5 -pst-leave-appl-npst.pfv
‘Maybe I will see with the other one.’ (ZF_Narr14)
The near future perfective is used to refer to single events, as in (154), and the
near future imperfective to extended or recurring events, as in (155).
(154) mbòndísèbèzé shûnù
mbo-ndí̲-sebez-é̲ shúnu
near.fut-sm1SG -work-pfv.sbjv today
‘I will work today.’ (NF_Elic17)
(155) mbòndákùbèrèkà èzyúbà nèzyûbà
mbo-ndi-áku-berek-a e-∅-zyúba ne=∅-zyúba
near.fut-sm1SG -sbjv.ipfv-work-fv aug-np5 -day com=np5 -day
‘I will work every day.’
The near future imperfective can have a progressive interpretation, or more
commonly a habitual interpretation. The near future imperfective may combine
with the habitual suffix -ang (see also §9.2.1), as in (156), but a habitual interpre-
tation is also available without habitual markers, as in (157).
(156) mbòndákùshàmbàngà
mbo-ndi-áku-shamb-ang-a
near.fut-sm1SG -sbjv.ipfv-wash-hab-fv
‘I will wash regularly.’
343
8 Tense
(157) mbòndákùbèrèkà
mbo-ndi-áku-berek-a
‘I will work regularly.’
In Zambian Fwe, a near future habitual can be expressed by combining the
near future perfective with the habitual suffix -ang, as in (158). In Namibian Fwe
the expression of a near future habitual always requires the near future prefix
áku-, as in (157).
(158) èyìnó nsûndà mbòndíbùːkángè kàêtì
e-inó N-súnda mbo-ndí̲-buːH k-á̲ng-e ka-éti
aug-dem.ii9 np9 -week near.fut-sm1SG -wake-hab-pfv.sbjv adv-eight
‘This week, I will wake up at eight.’ (ZF_Elic14)
The near future construction cannot be used in subordinate clauses, as shown
in (160). Instead, near future can be expressed in subordinate clauses with a
present verb, as in (160) (note that the present construction may also have a fu-
ture interpretation in main clauses; see §8.2). This is in line with the origin of this
construction from in an earlier subordinated verb, which is is further supported
by the use of melodic tone 2, which is also used in subordinated verbs (see §13.5.1
for details).
(159) *àbàbàrà àbó mbòbáhùré shùnù
a-ba-bara a-bó mbo-bá̲-hur-é̲ shunu
aug-np2 -visitor aug-dem.iii2 near.fut-sm2 -arrive-pfv.sbjv today
Intended: ‘The visitors who will arrive today…’
(160) àbàbàrà àbó ꜝbáhùrá shùnù
a-ba-bara a-bó bá̲-hur-á̲ shunu
aug-np2 -visitor aug-dem.iii2 sm2 .rel-arrive-fv today
‘The visitors who will arrive today…’ (NF_Elic15)
The near future is also incompatible with negation. In order to negate a near
future event, the near future prefix mbo- is left out and the subjunctive form of
the verb is used, which is preceded by a negated auxiliary ri ‘be’ (see also §12.4
on negation).
(161) kàrì ndíkàâmbè
ka-ri ndí̲-ka-á̲mb-e
neg-be sm1SG .rel-dist-speak-pfv.sbjv
‘I will not speak there.’ (NF_Elic17)
344
8.4 Future
The incompatibility with subordinate clauses and with negation is also seen
with the remote future construction: in this case, it relates to the origin of the
remote future prefix as a marker of verb focus (see §8.4.2).
8.4.2 Remote future

The form of the remote future construction differs between Zambian and Namib-
ian Fwe. In Zambian Fwe, the remote future has the form na-sm-na-B-a, that is
with a prefix na- both in the pre-initial and the post-initial morpheme slot, as in
(162–163).
(162) zyônà nàndínàménèkà

zyóna na-ndí̲-na-mének-a
tomorrow rem-sm1SG -rem.fut-go_early-fv
‘Tomorrow I will go very early.’ (ZF_Elic14)
(163) zyônà nàndínàbûːkà kàfôrù

zyóna na-ndí̲-na-búːk-a ka-fóru
tomorrow rem-sm1SG -rem.fut-wake-fv at-four
‘Tomorrow I will wake up at four.’ (ZF_Elic14)
The pre-initial prefix na- is the same remoteness marker that is used in the re-
mote past perfective (see §8.3.2) and remote subjunctive (see §10.2), and is there-
fore glossed as ‘remote’ rem. The post-initial prefix na- resembles the post-initial
prefix na- used in the near past perfective (see §8.3.1), though the near past per-
fective prefix na- has an alternative realization a-, whereas the remote future
prefix na- is consistently realized as na-. Due to this difference in allomorphy,
as well as the lack of (obvious) semantic connection between the near past per-
fective and remote future meanings, remote future na- and near past perfective
na- are analyzed as distinct morphemes, and remote future na- will be glossed as
‘remote future’ rem.fut.
The Zambian Fwe remote future construction takes melodic tone 2, a high tone
on the subject marker, and maintains the verb’s underlying tones, as in (164–165).
(164) nàndínàóngòzà (cf. óngòzà ‘shout’)

na-ndí̲-na-óngoz-a
rem-sm1SG -rem.fut-shout-fv
‘I will shout.’
345
8 Tense
(165) nàndínàshòshòtà (cf. shòshòtà ‘whisper’)

na-ndí̲-na-shoshot-a
rem-sm1SG -rem.fut-whisper -fv
‘I will whisper.’ (ZF_Elic14)
The Namibian Fwe remote future has a form (na-)sm-ára-B-a, that is with a
post-initial prefix ára- rather than na-, as seen in (166). The remoteness prefix
na- is optional in Namibian Fwe, and most often left out, as in (167).
(166) nàndíràcípàngà zyônà

na-ndí̲-ra-cí-pang-a zyóna
rem-sm1SG -rem.fut-om7 -do-fv tomorrow
‘I will do it tomorrow.’ (NF_Elic17)
(167) ndáràyèndà zyônà

ndi-ára-end-a zyóna
sm1SG -rem.fut-go-fv tomorrow
‘I will go tomorrow.’ (NF_Elic15)
The prefix ára- may also surface as ra-, without the initial vowel á, as in (168).
The high tone of this vowel is maintained, though, and surfaces on the subject
marker.
(168) ndáràtèndà ~ ndíràtèndà

ndi-ára-tend-a
sm1SG -rem.fut-do-fv
‘I will do.’ (NF_Elic15)
Like the Zambian form, the Namibian Fwe form of the remote future maintains
the lexical tone of the verb stem, as in (169–170).
(169) ndáràzyîmbà (cf. zyîmbà ‘sing’)

ndi-ára-zyímb-a
sm1SG -rem.fut-sing-fv
‘I will sing.’
(170) ndáràtèndà (cf. tèndà ‘do’)

ndi-ára-tend-a
sm1SG -rem.fut-do-fv
‘I will do.’ (NF_Elic15)
346
8.4 Future
The loss of the vowel á of the prefix ára-, and the subsequent use of the high
tone on the subject marker, may also explain why the subject marker of the re-
mote future construction in Zambian Fwe is high-toned, if the Zambian prefix
na- derives from an earlier *ána- or *ára-, with subsequent vowel loss.
The interpretation of the remote future construction is the same for Zambian
and Namibian Fwe: it situates the entire event in the remote future with respect
to the utterance time. Remote future is usually interpreted as at least one day
after UT, for instance, ‘tomorrow’, in (171), or ‘next week’, in (172).
(171) mùrâːrè twáràzíkàndèkà zyônà
mu-rá̲ːr-e tu-ára-zí-kandek-a zyóna
sm2PL -sleep-pfv.sbjv sm1PL -rem.fut-om8 -tell-fv tomorrow
‘Go to sleep, we’ll discuss it tomorrow.’ (NF_Narr15)
(172) ènsúndá yìkêːzyà nàndínàyà kùbàmàtè
e-N-sundá i-ké̲ːzy-a na-ndí̲-na-i-a ku-ba-mate
aug-np9 -week sm9 -come-fv rem-sm1SG -rem.fut-go-fv np17 -np2 -Mate
‘Next week I will go to Mate.’ (ZF_Elic14)
Like the remote past, the remote future can be used for any time frame that
the speaker considers to be far in the future. In (173), the speaker is discussing a
house that is currently being built, but has not been completed yet, and therefore
the statement about the house is set in the remote future.
(173) yáràdùrà cáhà
i-ára-dur-a cahá
sm9 -rem.fut-be_expensive-fv very
‘It will be very expensive.’ (about a house that is currently being built)
(NF_Elic15)
As discussed in §8.2, remote future meaning can also be expressed by the
present construction, without a difference in meaning, as in (174–176).
(174) ndìtwá zyônà
ndi-tw-á̲ zyóna
sm1SG -pound-fv tomorrow
‘I will pound tomorrow.’
(175) ndáràtwá zyônà
ndi-ára-tw-á zyóna
sm1SG -rem.fut-pound-fv tomorrow
‘I will pound tomorrow.’ (NF_Elic15)
347
8 Tense
(176) ndìyêndà zyônà

ndi-é̲nd-a zyóna
sm1SG -go-fv tomorrow
‘I will go tomorrow.’ (ZF_Elic14)
The remote future form cannot be used in subordinate clauses. To indicate a

remote future event in a subordinate clause, Fwe uses either the present construc-
tion, as in (177), or a subjunctive construction with the remoteness prefix na-, as
in (178).
(177) ndìzyónà ndíyêndà

ndi-zyóna ndí̲-é̲nd-a
cop-tomorrow sm1SG .rel-go-fv
‘It’s tomorrow that I will go.’
(178) ndìzyónà nàndíyêndè

ndi-zyóna na-ndí̲-é̲nd-e
cop-tomorrow rem-sm1SG .rel-go-pfv.sbjv
‘It’s tomorrow that I will go.’ (NF_Elic15)
The remote future form is also incompatible with negation. Instead, a negated
auxiliary ri ‘be’ is used followed by a subjunctive verb with the remoteness prefix
na-, as in (179).
(179) kàrì nèndícìpángè zyônà

ka-ri ne-ndí̲-ciH -pá̲ng-e zyóna
neg-be rem-sm1SG -om7 -do-pfv.sbjv tomorrow
‘I will not do it tomorrow.’ (NF_Elic17)
That the remote future form is not allowed in subordinate clauses, and cannot
be negated, is related to its origin as a former marker of verb focus. As already
discussed in §8.2, the remote future prefix ára- is cognate with a marker of verb
focus in other Bantu Botatwe languages; in Fwe, it has become a marker of re-
mote future, but its incompatibility with negation and subordination is a relic of
its earlier function as a marker of verb focus. The reanalysis of the earlier focused
present as remote future is related to the development of a new strategy of verb
focus, the fronted-infinitive construction (see §9.1.2).
348
8.5 Consecutive
8.5 Consecutive
Fwe has a consecutive verb form, which is, both in form and function, interme-
diate between an inflected and an infinitive verb form. Temporally, the consec-
utive situates the event relative to an event encoded with an inflected verb that
occurs earlier in the same discourse. Despite this relative lack of underspecifica-
tion for tense, the consecutive displays interesting interactions with preceding
verbs that are inflected for tense, and therefore the consecutive construction will
be discussed in this chapter.
Formally, the consecutive consists of an infinitive verb preced by a connec-
tive or a comitative clitic. The connective clitic consists of a connective stem
and a pronominal prefix (see §4.3.3 on connectives), which in the consecutive
verb marks agreement with the intended subject. An example is given in (180),
where the consecutive verb yókúfwà ‘and then it died’ is marked with a class 9
pronominal prefix referring back to its intended subject ènjókà ‘the snake’.
(180) ndàmání kùyídàmá ènjókà yókúfwà

ndi-a-man-í̲ ku-í-dam-á e-N-jóka
sm1SG -pst-finish-npst.pfv inf-om9 -beat-fv aug-np9 -snake
í-o=ku-fw-á
pp9 -con=inf-die-fv
‘I finished beating the snake, and it died.’ (ZF_Narr13)
Instead of the connective clitic, consecutives may also take a comitative clitic
no- (see also §5.2 on comitatives), as in (181).
(181) nàháshàmì nòkùkárìsà kùzyîmbà

na-ásham-i no=ku-káris-a ku-zyímb-a
sm1 .pst-open_mouth-npst.pfv com=inf-start-fv inf-sing-fv
‘She opens her mouth and starts to sing.’ (ZF_Elic14)
As the base of the consecutive verb form is an infinitive verb, it displays the
typical properties of infinitive verbs, namely lack of melodic tone (see also §3.3 on
melodic tone in TAM constructions), and the replacement of the infinitive prefix
ku- with the distal prefix ka- to expresses an event taking place away from the
place of speaking (see §11.1 on the distal). An example of a consecutive using the
distal infinitive ka- is given in (182).
349
8 Tense
(182) àhà bákàsúkꜝáhò bókàyèndà kàhùrà kúmùnzì

a-ha bá̲-ka-sú̲k-a=hó
aug-dem.i16 sm2 .rel-dist-disembark-fv=loc16
ba-ó=ka-end-a ka-hur-a kú-mu-nzi
pp2 -con=inf.dist-go-fv inf.dist-arrive-fv np17 -np3 -village
‘When they climbed out of the canoe, then they walked and arrived
home.’ (NF_Narr15)
A consecutive verb can only be used when preceded by another, tense-inflect-

ed verb, and the consecutive verb is interpreted as occuring more or less directly
after the event encoded by the inflected verb. In (183), the remote past perfective
verb níndàzyáːkà ‘I built’ describes an event immediately followed by that of the
consecutive ndókùyíǀàpàùrà ‘I took it apart’.
(183) níndàzyáːk’ ènjûò ndókùyíǀàpàùrà hápè

ni-ndí̲-a-zyáːk-a e-N-júo
rem-sm1 -pst-build-fv aug-np9 -house
ndi-ó=ku-í-ǀap-a-ur-a
pp1SG -con=inf-om9 -destroy-pl1-sep.tr-fv
‘I built a house, then I took it apart again.’ (NF_Elic15)
When the consecutive is preceded by a perfective verb, such as the remote

past perfective in (183), the event expressed by the consecutive directly follows
the event expressed by the inflected verb. When preceded by an imperfective
verb, on the other hand, the event encoded by the consecutive is interpreted as
co-occurring with it. This is illustrated with a stative verb kàndíyèndètè ‘I was on
a walk’, in (184), and an imperfective past verb kàndíshâmbà ‘I was swimming’,
in (185).
(184) zyônà kàndíyèndètè mùtêmwà ndókùshótòkà zyôkà

zyóna ka-ndí̲-end-ete mu-témwa ndí-o=ku-shótok-a
yesterday pst.ipfv-sm1SG -go-stat np3 -bush pp1SG -con=inf-jump-fv
∅-zyóka
np5 -snake
‘Yesterday I was on a walk in the bush, and I stepped on a snake.’
(ZF_Narr14)
350
8.5 Consecutive
(185) àhà kàndíshâmbà ndókùbón’ òngwènà

a-ha ka-ndí̲-shá̲mb-a ndi-ó=ku-bón-a
aug-dem.i16 pst.ipfv-sm1SG -swim-fv pp1SG -con=inf-see-fv
o-∅-ngwena
aug-np1a -crocodile
‘While I was swimming, I saw a crocodile.’ (ZF_Elic14)
Multiple consecutive verbs can be used in succession, as in (186), which is
taken from the start of a narrative and describes the various steps of a marriage
contract, using a tense-inflected verb followed by three consecutive verbs.
(186) àkéːzyà kùmùshàkà bókùmùtòmènà ákùmànà kùróbòrà nòkútéyè
àhíndè mùkéntù wàkwé cwárè àyêndè
a-kéːzy-a ku-mu-shak-a ba-ó=ku-mu-tomen-a
sm1 -come-fv inf-om1 -propose-fv pp2 -con=inf-om1 -charge_dowry-fv
a-ó=ku-man-a ku-róbor-a no=kú-t-a íye
pp1 -con=inf-finish-fv inf-pay_dowry-fv com=inf-say-fv that
a-hínd-e mu-kéntu u-akwé cwáre a-énd-e
sm1 -take-pfv.sbjv np1 -woman pp1 -poss3SG then sm1 -go-pfv.sbjv
‘He came to propose to her, then they charged him dowry, then he
finished paying the dowry, then they said he can take his wife and go.’
(NF_Narr15)
Since subject marking is not possible on the comitative-marked consecutive,
it is usually interpreted as having the same subject as the preceding, inflected
verb, as in (187), or even the same subject and object as the preceding inflected
verb, as in (188).
(187) àkàrôngò kànâgwì nòkúfwà
a-ka-róngo ka-ná̲-gw-i no=ku-fú-a
aug-np12 -pot sm12 -pst-fall-npst.pfv com=inf-die-fv
‘The pot fell, and it broke.’ (ZF_Elic14)
(188) ndìnàhîndì nsânzù nòkùbíːkà hàzìkù
ndi-na-hí̲nd-i N-sánzu no=ku-bíːk-a ha-∅-ziku
sm1SG -pst-take-npst.pfv np9 -wood com=inf-put-fv np16 -np5 -hearth
‘I took a piece of wood and put it on the fire.’ (ZF_Elic14)
Given appropriate context, the comitative-marked consecutive may also be
used for verbs that have a different intended subject, as in (189), where the pre-
ceding two verbs (in the present and consecutive form respectively) are marked
351
8 Tense
for a first person singular subject, but the last verb, a comitative-marked con-
secutive, has as its intended subject not the speaker himself, but a snake, whose
encounter was the topic of the story.
(189) àhá ndíìbùkùmá bùrỳahò ndókùyídàmà nòkúfwà

a-ha ndí̲-iH -buH kum-á̲ buryaho
aug-dem.i16 sm1SG -om5 -throw-fv np14 -like_that
ndi-ó=ku-í-dam-a no=ku-fú-a
pp1SG -con=inf-om9 -hit-fv com=inf-die-fv
‘When I threw it, I hit the snake and it [=the snake] died.’ (ZF_Narr13)
The comitative-marked consecutive is only allowed when context is sufficient

to establish the intended subject, either through the preceding inflected verb, or
through the wider (discourse-internal or external) context. (190) was considered
ungrammatical, because the lack of context does not provide enough clues to
correctly identify the buffalo as the intended subject of the verb.
(190) *ndàshónjì ònyátì nòkúfwà

ndi-a-shónj-i o-∅-nyáti no=ku-fú-a
sm1SG -pst-shoot-npst.pfv aug-np1a -buffalo com=inf-die-fv
Intended: ‘I shot a buffalo and it [not I] died.’ (ZF_Elic14)
352
9 Aspect
In this chapter, I discuss different ways in which Fwe verbs can be inflected for
aspect, specifying the internal temporal structure of the verb. In Fwe, aspect can
be expressed morphologically, with pre- and post-initial verbal prefixes, or with
verbal suffixes, and periphrastically with an auxiliary combined with an inflected
or infinitive main verb. Melodic tone, which plays an important role in the expres-
sion of tense constructions, is only seen in the aspectual construction expressing
a stative. Table 9.1 summarizes the aspect constructions used in Fwe, which will
be discussed in this chapter.
Table 9.1: Aspect constructions
Label Segmental form Melodic tone Interpretation

Progressive auxiliary kwesi - progressive;
inchoative; repetitive
Fronted-infinitive ku-B-a sm-B-a - progressive; verb
focus
Habitual -ang - habitual
Habitual náku- - habitual
Stative -ite 3,4 stative; progressive
Persistive shí- - persistive
Inceptive sha-/she-/shi- - inchoative;
proximative;
contrastive;
completive
9.1 Progressive
Fwe has two constructions that express progressive aspect, indicating an ongo-
ing event; a construction with an auxiliary kwesi followed by an inflected main
verb, and a fronted infinitive construction involving a finite verb preceded by an
9 Aspect
infinitive verb of the same stem. Progressive aspect is a subtype of imperfective

aspect, and as such progressive constructions may not be used with tense and
mood constructions that also express perfectivity.
9.1.1 Progressive auxiliary

Progressive aspect can be expressed with the auxiliary kwesi followed by an in-
flected lexical verb, as in (1–2). Both the auxiliary and main verb are inflected for
subject, indicated by coreferential subject markers. Neither verb is subordinate
to the other, as both verbs have the tonal marking of a main clause verb, and not
that of a relative clause verb, e.g. they lack a high tone on the subject marker (see
§13.5.1 on relative clauses).
(1) òmvúrà àkwèsì àshôkà

o-∅-mvúra a-kwesi a-shó̲k-a
aug-np1a -rain sm1a -prog sm1a -rain-fv
‘It is raining.’ (ZF_Elic14)
(2) ndìkwèsì ndìrìkúkà

ndi-kwesi ndi-riH kuk-á̲
sm1SG -prog sm1SG -have_hiccups-fv
‘I have the hiccups.’ (NF_Elic15)
The progressive auxiliary kwesi is also used in Fwe as a lexical verb with the
meaning ‘have’. It derives from the verb kwát ‘grasp’, with an imbricated stative
suffix -ite (see §9.3 on the stative). Similar forms are seen in Totela, which uses
kwesi (as the stative of kwata) (Crane 2019: 674) as a progressive auxiliary, and in
Subiya, which uses an auxiliary kwete, derived from ku kwata ‘to grab’ (Jacottet
1896: 64).
An object marker cannot be used on the progressive auxiliary, only on the
lexical verb, as shown with the object marker ndi- in (3).
(3) àkwèsì àndìàmbìsâ

a-kwesi a-ndi-amb-is-á̲
sm1 -prog sm1 -om1SG -talk-caus-fv
‘S/he is talking to me.’ (NF_Elic15)
The same is true for the locative clitic, which may only be used on the second,
lexical verb when it has locative reference, as in (4–6). A locative clitic of class 17
354
9.1 Progressive
=ko, however, may be used on the auxiliary kwesi to focus the progressive aspect,
as in (7–9).1
(4) ndìkwèsì ndìngòngòtáhò

ndi-kwesi ndi-ngoH ngot-a=hó̲
sm1SG -prog sm1SG -knock-fv=loc16
‘I am knocking on it.’
(5) ndìkwèsì ndìngòngòtákò

ndi-kwesi ndi-ngoH ngot-a=kó̲
sm1SG -prog sm1SG -knock-fv=loc17
‘I am knocking there.
(6) bàkwèsì bàràːrámò

ba-kwesi ba-raːH r-a=mó̲
sm2 -prog sm2 -sleep-fv=loc18
‘S/he is sleeping in there
(7) ndìkwèsìkó ndìngòngótà

ndi-kwesi=kó̲ ndi-ngoH ngot-a=kó̲
sm1SG -prog=loc17 sm1SG -knock-fv=loc17
‘I am knocking there (for a long time).’
(8) bàkwèsìkó bàhíkà

ba-kwesi=kó̲ ba-hiH k-á̲
sm2 -prog=loc17 sm2 -cook-fv
‘They are busy cooking.’ (stresses that they have already started)
(9) ndìshìní òkùmànà ndìshìkwèsìkó ndìhíkà

ndi-shiH -ní o-ku-man-a ndi-shiH -kwesi=kó̲ ndi-hiH k-á̲
sm1SG -per-be aug-inf-finish-fv sm1SG -per-prog=loc17 sm1SG -cook-fv
‘I have not yet finished, I am still cooking.’ (Answer to: ‘Did you finish
cooking?’) (NF_Elic17
Fwe has another progressive auxiliary iná, which also functions as a lexical
verb ‘be at’. The progressive auxiliary iná is used in much the same way as kwesi,
1
Though the locative clitic is synchronically only used with the progressive to express aspect
focus, it is likely that it was obligatory in an earlier form of the construction, as progressive
constructions very often develop out of earlier locative constructions (cf. Bybee et al. 1994:
127-133).
355
9 Aspect
i.e. it is followed by a non-subordinate inflected lexical verb. There appears to be

no difference in meaning between the two auxiliaries. (10–11) illustrate the use
of both progressive auxiliaries.
(10) ndìkwèsì ndìfwêbà

ndi-kwesi ndi-fwé̲b-a
sm1SG -prog sm1SG -smoke-fv
‘I am smoking.’
(11) ndìná ndìfwêbà

ndi-iná ndi-fwé̲b-a
sm1SG -prog sm1SG -smoke-fv
‘I am smoking.’ (NF_Elic17)
The only established difference between the progressive auxiliaries kwesi and
iná is that where kwesi combines with the class 17 locative clitic =ko to focus the
progressive aspect (see (7)), iná takes the locative clitic of class 16 =ho to focus
the progressive aspect, as in (12).
(12) ndìná ndìfwêbà

ndi-ina=hó̲ ndi-fwé̲b-a
sm1SG -prog=loc16 sm1SG -smoke-fv
‘I am smoking.’ (NF_Elic17)
The use of progressive iná appears to be restricted. I have not found this con-
struction with any Zambian speakers, and with only one of the Namibian speak-
ers that were interviewed. Other Namibian Fwe speakers accepted the construc-
tion but would only use kwesi in their own speech. More research is needed
to establish if the auxiliary iná is really functionally equivalent to the auxiliary
kwesi (as it appears to be), and, if there is a geographic dimension to the use of
these two progressive auxiliaries, what their distribution is.
The progressive auxiliary kwesi marks an ongoing and durative event, mean-
ing that it cannot be instantaneous, but has to cover a certain time span. With
dynamic verbs, it typically presents the nuclear phase as ongoing, as in (13–14).
(13) òmvúrà àkwèsì àshókà

o-∅-mvúra a-kwesi a-shoH k-á̲
aug-np1a -rain sm1 -prog sm1 -fall-fv
‘It’s raining (right now).’ (ZF_Elic14)
356
9.1 Progressive
(14) èfónì yòzyûmwì ìkwès’ ìrírà

e-∅-fóni i-o=zyú-mwi i-kwesi i-rir-á̲
aug-np9 -phone pp9 -con=pp1 -other sm9 -prog sm9 -cry-fv
‘Someone’s phone is ringing.’ (in a room, you hear a phone ringing)
(NF_Elic15)
Progressive aspect is most typically used with dynamic verbs (Comrie 1976:
35), but Fwe also allows the use of progressives with change-of-state verbs. The
use of kwesi with change-of-state verbs that have an onset gives an inchoative
interpretation: it presents the onset phase, which describes the phase leading up
to the change in state, as ongoing, as in (15–16).
(15) bàkwèsì bàsèpàhárà
ba-kwesi ba-sep-ahar-á̲
sm2 -prog sm2 -trust-neut-fv
‘S/he is becoming important.’
(16) cìkwèsì cìcénà
ci-kwesi ci-cen-á̲
sm7 -prog sm7 -become_clean-fv
‘It is becoming clean.’ (while you are washing it, you see it getting
cleaner) (NF_Elic17)
With change-of-state verbs that do not have an onset phase, the progressive
gives a repetitive interpretation, as illustrated with the change-of-state verb aruk
‘open’ in (17), and the change-of-state verb ráːr ‘sleep/fall asleep’ in (18).
(17) cìkwèsì cìàrúkà
ci-kwesi ci-ar-uk-á̲
sm7 -prog sm7 -close -sep.intr-fv
‘It keeps opening.’ (of a door that doesn’t close properly)
(18) bàkwèsì bàràːrámò
ba-kwesi ba-raːH r-a-mó̲
sm2 -prog sm2 -sleep-fv
‘S/he is sleeping in in there [for the duration of his/her stay].’ (of
someone who is a temporary guest) (NF_Elic17)
The repetitive interpretation of progressives with change-of-state verbs can
also mean that the event has multiple subjects. This is shown with the change-
of-state verb fw ‘die’ in (19), which can be used with the progressive when it has
a plural subject.
357
9 Aspect
(19) bàkwèsì bàfwâ

ba-kwesi ba-fw-á̲
sm2 -prog sm2 -die-fv
‘They are dying.’ (NF_Elic17)
The progressive examples seen so far involved present progressives, which

present ongoing actions set at or around the time of speaking. kwesi can also be
combined with a past construction, in which case the auxiliary takes the (remote)
past imperfective prefix ka-, as in (20). The auxiliary also takes the melodic tone
of the RPI, with a high tone on the subject marker and a high tone on the last
mora. kwesi is not used with the near past imperfective.
(20) àhà kàtúkwèsí tùkàndèká èzìntù nòkùkárìsà kùkákànà

a-ha ka-tú̲-kwesí̲ tu-kandek-á̲ e-zi-ntu
aug-dem16 pst.ipfv-sm1PL -prog sm1PL -tell-fv aug-np8 -thing
no=ku-káris-a ku-kákan-a
com=aug-inf-start-fv inf-argue-fv
‘When we were discussing things, we started arguing.’ (ZF_Elic14)
The auxiliary kwesi is mainly used for events that have a relatively short dura-
tion, such as smoking a cigarette, as in (21), or getting dressed, as in (22). Progres-
sive events with a longer duration tend to be expressed with the fronted-infinitive
construction (see §9.1.2).
(21) bàkwèsì bàfwébà mùtômbwè

ba-kwesi ba-fwé̲b-a mu-tómbwe
sm2 -prog sm2 -smoke-fv np3 -cigarette
‘S/he is smoking a cigarette.’
(22) wáshàkàbìrì múnjûò kwìn’ ózyò ákwèsì àzwâtà

o-ásha-kabir-i mú-N-júo ku-iná o-zyo
sm2SG -neg.sbjv-enter-neg np18 -np9 -house sm17 -be_at aug-dem.iii1
á̲-kwesi a-zwá̲t-a
sm1 .rel-prog sm1 -dress-fv
‘Don’t go in the house, there is someone getting dressed.’ (NF_Elic17)
9.1.2 Fronted infinitive construction

The fronted-infinitive construction (FIC) is used to mark progressive aspect or
verb focus. This construction consists of an inflected lexical verb immediately
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9.1 Progressive
preceded by an infinitive copy of the same verb stem. For a detailed analysis of
the fronted-infinitive construction in Fwe, see Gunnink (2019). Examples of the
FIC are given in (23–24).
(23) shùnù kùsèbèzà ndísèbèzâ

shunu ku-sebez-a ndí̲-sebez-á̲
today inf-work-fv sm1SG .rel-work-fv
‘Today I am working.’ (ZF_Elic14)
(24) kùshèkà báꜝshékà

ku-shek-a bá̲-shek-á̲
inf-laugh-fv sm2 .rel-laugh-fv
‘They are laughing.’ (NF_Elic15)
The FIC is a type of cleft construction (see also §13.6 on cleft constructions):
the infinitive functions as a clefted element, and the inflected verb as (the begin-
ning of) a relative clause. Example (25) presents the analysis of a FIC as a cleft
construction.
(25) kùyèndà ndíyêndà

∅-ku-end-a ndí̲-é̲nd-a
[clefted element] [relative clause]
cop-np15 -walk-fv sm1SG .rel-walk-fv
‘I am walking.’ (ZF_Elic14)
In a cleft construction, the clefted element is marked by a copula. Although

the copulative prefix is zero with nouns of class 15 (such as the infinitive), its
presence can still be detected. In Namibian Fwe the copulative prefix on class 15
nouns can be realized as nku-, and this form can also be seen with the infinitive
used in the FIC, as in (26).
(26) nkùhóꜝm’ áꜝhómà

N-ku-hóm-a á̲-hoH m-á̲
cop-np15 -lie-fv sm1 .rel-lie-fv
‘He’s lying.’ (NF_Elic15)
The class 15 copula also has a definite form kó-, which can also be used on the
infinitive in the FIC, as in (27).
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9 Aspect
(27) kókùmànà ndíꜝmánà

kó-ku-man-a ndí̲-man-á̲
cop.def15 -inf-finish-fv sm1SG .rel-finish-fv
‘I’ve just finished.’ (ZF_Elic14)
Furthermore, the copula can never be preceded by a vocalic augment. In infini-
tives, the prefix ku- can optionally be preceded by an augment o-, as in (28), but
in the FIC, the augment o- is not allowed, as shown in (29–30).
(28) ndìpàtéhìtè (ò)kùnywá ètìyì
ndi-paté̲h-ite (o-)ku-nyw-á e-∅-tiyi
sm1SG -be_busy-stat (aug-)inf-drink aug-np9 -tea
‘I’m busy drinking tea.’
(29) kùnywá ꜝndínywà
N-ku-nyú-a ndí̲-nyw-á̲
cop-inf-drink-fv sm1SG .rel-drink-fv
‘I am drinking.’
(30) *òkùnywá ꜝndínywà (ZF_Elic14)
The inflected verb of a FIC has a relative clause tone pattern. For most TAM
constructions, the relative clause verb form is distinguished from its main clause
counterpart by the addition of a high tone on the subject marker (melodic tone
2), as is the case for the present construction (see §13.5.1 on relative clauses). The
relative clause form of the present construction is given in (31), and (32) shows
that this same form is used in the FIC.
(31) màyìrà ndíꜝhíbà
ma-ira ndí̲-hib-á̲
np6 -sorghum sm1SG .rel-steal-fv
‘the sorghum that I steal’
(32) kùhíbà ndíꜝhíbà
N-ku-híb-a ndí̲-hib-á̲
cop-inf-steal-fv sm1SG .rel-steal-fv
‘I am stealing.’ (NF_Elic15)
The word order used with the FIC is also typical of relative clauses. In a canon-
ical main clause, subjects tend to precede the verb, and objects and locatives tend
to follow the verb (see also §13.1 on word order). With a FIC, however, subjects,
objects, and locatives all follow the verb, as in (33–35).
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9.1 Progressive
(33) Verb - Object

kùhòndà ndíꜝhóndà bùhòbè
ku-hond-a ndí̲-hó̲nd-a bu-hobe
inf-cook-fv sm1SG .rel-cook-fv np14 -porridge
‘I am cooking porridge.’ (ZF_Elic14)
(34) Verb - Locative
kùyèndà ndíꜝyéndà mùmùtêmwà
ku-end-a ndí̲-é̲nd-a mu-mu-témwa
inf-walk-fv sm1SG .rel-walk-fv np18 -np3 -forest
‘I am walking through the forest.’ (ZF_Elic13)
(35) Verb - Subject
kùshóká ꜝshókò mvûrà
ku-shók-a á̲-shó̲k-a o-∅-mvúra
inf-fall-fv sm1 .rel-fall-fv aug-np1a -rain
‘It is raining.’ (ZF_Elic13)
Even when used with a FIC, a subject may be placed before the verb, as in (36).
In that case, however, it precedes both the infinitive and inflected verb; subjects
(or any other constituents) never occur between the infinitive and the inflected
verb. This is consistent with the structure of relative clauses, where no constit-
uent is allowed between the antecedent and the relative clause verb. The move-
ment of the subject constituent to the beginning of the clause is the result of left
dislocation, a frequently used change in word order that functions to mark the
left-dislocated constituent as a topic (see §13.2 on left dislocation).
(36) zywìn ómùntù kùkúrá ꜝkúrà
zwiná o-mu-ntu ku-kúr-a á̲-kuH r-á̲
dem.iv1 aug-np1 -person inf-sweep-fv sm1 .rel-sweep-fv
‘That person is sweeping.’ (ZF_Elic13)
Only the progressive auxiliary kwesi can be used between the infinitive and
inflected verb, as in (37). The high tone on the subject marker of túkwèsì shows
that in this case, it is the auxiliary verb that functions as the relative clause verb
in the cleft construction.
(37) kùnèngà túkwèsì tùnêngà
ku-neng-a tú̲-kwesi tu-né̲ng-a
inf-dance-fv sm1PL .rel-prog sm1PL -dance-fv
‘We are dancing.’ (ZF_Elic14)
361
9 Aspect
A final argument that shows that the FIC can be analyzed as a cleft construc-
tion is that it cannot be combined with another cleft: (40) shows the clefting of
the infinitive verb, and (39) the clefting of a locative adjunct, but as shown by the
ungrammaticality of (40), clefting both constituents is not possible.
(38) kùkízìkìtè ndíkìzíkîtè

ku-kí-zik-ite ndí̲-kiH -zik-í̲te
inf-refl-hide-stat sm1SG .rel-refl-hide-stat
‘I am hidden.’
(39) mùmùtémwà ndíkìzìkîte

N-mu-mu-témwa ndí̲-kiH -zik-í̲te
cop-np18 -np3 -forest sm1SG .rel-refl-hide-stat
‘It’s in the forest that I’m hidden.’
(40) *mùmùtémwà kùkízìkìtè ndíkìzìkîtè (ZF_Elic13
The analysis of the FIC as a cleft also explains its focus function, as clefts are
the most common focus structure used in Fwe. The progressive-marking use of
the FIC is likely to have developed out of its focus-marking use, as also argued
for Kikongo (De De Kind et al. 2015). The focus use of the FIC is discussed in
§13.6 on cleft constructions.
The FIC can be used to express progressive aspect, although the duration of
the event referred to by the FIC can vary considerably. In (41) and (42), the FIC
describes a progressive action that takes up most of the day. The FIC in (43)
describes an event that takes place over several months, and the FIC in (44) de-
scribes an event that takes place over several years. This use of the FIC contrasts
with the use of the progressive kwesi, which typically describes events with a
relatively short duration.
(41) zyônà kùsébèzà kàndìsèbèzâ

zyóna ku-sébez-a ka-ndi-sebez-á̲
yesterday inf-work-fv pst.ipfv-sm1SG -work-fv
‘Yesterday, I was working.’
(42) kùkékèrà kàndíkèkérá shùnù

ku-kéker-a ka-ndí̲-keH ker-á̲ shunu
inf-plough-fv pst.ipfv-sm1SG -plough-fv today
‘I was ploughing today.’
362
9.1 Progressive
(43) kùpòtà ákàpòtà bàkwâkwè mwànàmìbìà

ku-pot-a á̲-ka-pot-a ba-kwákwe mwa-namibia
inf-visit-fv sm1 -dist-visit-fv np2 -relative np18 -Namibia
‘She’s visiting her relatives in Namibia.’ (ZF_Elic14)
(44) òzyú mwâncè kùkúrà áꜝkúrà

o-zyú mu-ánce ku-kú̲r-a á̲-kuH r-á̲
dem.i1 np1 -child inf-grow-fv sm1 -grow-fv
‘The child is growing.’ (ZF_Elic13)
The FIC can even be used when the speaker is not certain, or does not assert
strongly, that the event is actually ongoing. In (45), the FIC is used to describe
people who are away for months at a time doing construction work in Angola.
Here, the speaker does not assert that the people described are actually doing
work at the time, yet he still uses the FIC.
(45) àbàntù kùbèrèkà bákàbèrèkà mwààngòrà

a-ba-ntu ku-berek-a bá̲-ka-berek-á̲ mwa-angora
aug-np2 -person inf-work-fv sm2 .rel-dist-work-fv np18 -Angola
‘The people are working in Angola.’ (ZF_Elic14)
The FIC may combine with the progressive auxiliary kwesi to expresses both
progressive aspect and verb focus. This is illustrated in (46), which is uttered
to alert a passer-by to the fact that the container she is carrying on her head is
leaking. The event is presented as progressive through use of the auxiliary kwesi,
and the focus on the verb is expressed with the fronted infinitive construction.
(46) ècìpùpé ꜝcákò kùzywìzyà cíkwèsì cìzywîzyà

e-ci-pupé cí-akó ku-zywizy-a cí̲-kwesi ci-zywí̲z-a
aug-np7 -container pp7 -poss2SG inf-leak-fv sm7 .rel-prog sm7 -leak-fv
‘Your container is leaking!’ (ZF_Elic14)
The FIC can combine with different TAM constructions, such as the present in
(45–46) above. When used to mark progressive aspect, the FIC may only combine
with imperfective constructions, such as the remote past imperfective in (47) or
the near past imperfective in (48). When used to express verb focus, the FIC may
also combine with perfective past constructions, such as the near past perfective
in (49).
363
9 Aspect
(47) zywìn’ ómùntù kùnywá kànywâ

zywiná o-mu-ntu ku-nyú-a ka-a-nyu-á̲
dem.iv1 aug-np1 -person inf-drink-fv pst.ipfv-sm1 -drink-fv
‘That person has been drinking.’ (ZF_Elic14)
(48) kùshèkà ndákùshèkà

ku-shek-a ndí̲-aku-shek-a
inf-laugh-fv sm1 .rel-npst.ipfv-laugh-fv
‘I was laughing.’ (NF_Elic15)
(49) kùshúmà nàmùshûmì kònó kànâfwì

ku-shúm-a na-mu-shúm-i konó ka-ná̲-fw-i
inf-bite-fv sm1 .pst-om1 -bite-npst.pfv but neg-sm1 .pst-die-npst.pfv
‘He bit him, but he didn’t die.’ (NF_Elic17)
The FIC cannot be used with future constructions, as these only occur in main
clauses (see §8.4). Instead, to express a progressive action the FIC combines with
a verb in the subjunctive mood, as in (50) (see also §10.2 on the subjunctive).
This is one of the default strategies for expressing future temporal reference in
subordinate clauses.
(50) shûnù àbáncè kùzànà bázânè

shúnu a-ba-ánce ku-zan-a bá̲-zá̲n-e
today aug-np2 -child inf-play-fv sm2 .rel-play-pfv.sbjv
‘Today the children will be playing.’ (ZF_Elic14)
The infinitive verb does not retain all the inflectional and derivational affixes
of the inflected verb. Suffixes occur on both the inflected verb and the infinitive:
this is the case for derivational suffixes, such as the pluractional suffix -a and the
transitive separative suffix -ur in (51), or the causative suffix -is in (52), as well
inflectional suffixes, such as the aspectual suffix -ite in (53).
(51) kùàmbàùrà túàmbàúrà kwàmànà nòmfûmù

ku-amb-a-ur-a tú̲-amb-a-ur-á̲ kwamana
inf-talk-pl1-sep.tr-fv sm1PL .rel-talk-pl1-sep.tr-fv about
no=∅-mfúmu
com=np1a -chief
‘We are talking about the chief.’ (ZF_Elic13)
364
9.2 Habitual
(52) kùrísꜝá rìsó mùcècè

ku-rí-is-a á̲-riH -is-á̲ o-mu-cece
inf-eat-caus-fv sm1 .rel-eat-caus-fv aug-np1 -child
‘She is feeding the child.’ (ZF_Elic14)
(53) kùzíkìtè ndìkìzíkîtè
ku-zík-ite ndi-kiH -zik-í̲te
inf-hide-stat sm1SG .rel-refl-hide-stat
‘I am hiding.’ (ZF_Elic13)
Prefixes of the inflected verb are never copied onto the infinitive verb. This is
the case for the object marker in (54); the reflexive prefix in (55); the persistive
prefix in (56), and the distal in (57).
(54) kùtwírà ndímùtwîrà
ku-tw-ír-a ndí̲-mu-tw-í̲r-a
inf-pound-appl-fv sm1SG .rel-om1 -pound-appl-fv
‘I am pounding for someone.’ (ZF_Elic14)
(55) kùzíkìtè ndìkìzìkîtè
ku-zík-ite ndi-kiH -zik-í̲te
inf-hide-stat sm1SG .rel-refl-hide-stat
‘I am hiding.’ (ZF_Elic13)
(56) éntì kùhórà íshìhórà
e-N-tí ku-hór-a í̲-shiH -hoH r-á̲
aug-np9 -tea inf-cool-fv sm9 .rel-per-cool-fv
‘The tea is still cooling down.’ (ZF_Elic14)
(57) kùsèbèzà kàndíkàsèbèzâ
ku-sebez-a ka-ndí̲-ka-sebez-á̲
inf-work-fv pst.ipfv-sm1SG -dist-work-fv
‘I worked there.’ (ZF_Elic13)
9.2 Habitual
Habitual is a subtype of imperfective aspect (see, for instance, Comrie (1976: 25)).
Habitual expresses a repeated event that is considered characteristic of the sub-
ject (Bertinetto & Lenci 2012). Fwe expresses the habitual with the suffix -ang or
the prefix náku-, which may be combined on the same verb. The following two
sections describe the form and function of both habitual markers.
365
9 Aspect
9.2.1 Habitual 1
The habitual suffix -ang follows the verb base, and precedes the final vowel suffix,
as in (58).
(58) ndìshámbângà
ndi-shamb-á̲ng-a
sm1SG -swim-hab-fv
‘I swim.’ (NF_Elic15)
The suffix -ang is underlyingly toneless, and surfaces as low-toned unless a

melodic high tone is assigned or the syllable is affected by H retraction or spread.
The suffix formally resembles a derivational suffix (see Chapter 6), most of which
also have a VC shape, follow the verb root and lack underlying tone. The habitual
suffix -ang, however, is inflectional rather than derivational, and as such, deriva-
tional suffixes stand closer to the verb root than the habitual suffix. This order is
shown with the passive in (59), and the applicative in (60).
(59) ècí cìntù kàcìrìwângà

e-cí ci-ntu ka-ci-riH -iw-á̲ng-a
aug-dem.i7 np7 -thing neg-sm7 -eat-pass-hab-fv
‘This thing, it is not eaten.’ (NF_Elic17)
(60) tùkìŋòrèrâːngà àmàŋórò

tu-kiH -ŋoH r-er-á̲ng-a a-ma-ŋoró
sm1PL -refl-write-appl-hab-fv aug-np6 -letter
‘We write each other letters.’ (ZF_Elic13)
The habitual suffix -ang is common in Bantu, reconstructed as *ag or *ang

(Meeussen 1967), and its cognates are often used with a habitual meaning (Nurse
2008: 98). The habitual -ang in Fwe describes a recurrent event that is consid-
ered a characteristic of the situation or its participiants, as in (61), where the
habitual -ang indicates that making the speaker sleepy is a typical property of
this medicine.
(61) òwú mùshámù ùnákùndìsùkùrìsàngà

o-ú mu-shámu u-náku-ndi-sukur-is-ang-a
aug-dem.i3 np3 -medicine sm3 -hab-om1SG -become_dozy-caus-hab-fv
‘This medicine makes me sleepy.’ (NF_Elic17)
366
9.2 Habitual
The habitual suffix -ang is used to describe an event that is repeated, for in-
stance, every day, as in (62), or every morning, as in (63).
(62) èzyúbà nèzyûbà káyàngà kúrùwà

e-∅-zyúba ne=∅-zyúba ka-á̲-i-ang-a kú-ru-wa
aug-np5 -day com=aug-np5 -day pst.ipfv-sm1 -go-hab-fv np17 -np11 -field
‘Every day, she went to the field.’ (NF_Narr15)
(63) mùzyûbà màsíkùsîkù ndìnywângà màsàmbà

mu-∅-zyúba ma-síkusíku ndi-nyw-á̲ng-a ma-samba
np18 -np5 -day np6 -morning sm1SG -drink-hab-fv np6 -tea
‘Every morning I drink tea.’ (ZF_Elic14)
In present habituals, at least some of the intervals that make up a habitual

event are situated before the utterance time. In (64), the use of the habitual suffix
-ang indicates that a number of the occasions of waking up at six are in the past,
and that some are planned for the future as well.
(64) kásìkìsì ndíbùːkângà

∅-ká-sikisi ndí̲-buːH k-á̲ng-a
cop-adv-six sm1SG .rel-wake-hab-fv
‘It’s at six that I normally wake up.’ (ZF_Elic14)
The habitual suffix -ang may also have a gnomic meaning, as in (65), where
it describes the general behavior of all dogs, and in (66), where it describes the
general characteristics of old people’s hair.
(65) àbámbwà bàbbózângà

a-ba-mbwá ba-bboH z-á̲ng-a
aug-np2 -dog sm2 -bark-hab-fv
‘Dogs bark.’ (ZF_Elic13)
(66) ènshúkí ꜝzábànkàrâmbà zìtùbângà

e-N-shukí zi-á=ba-nkarámba zi-tub-á̲ng-a
aug-np10 -hair pp10 -con=np2 -old_person sm2 -be_white-hab-fv
‘Old people’s hair is white.’ (NF_Elic17)
Habitual -ang can combine with the imperfective past, as habitual is a subtype
of imperfective aspect. As discussed in §8.3.3, this is only possible for the remote
past imperfective, not the near past imperfective. When used with the remote
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9 Aspect
past imperfective, the habitual indicates that all repetitions of the action take
place in the past; the action habitually took place, but no longer holds in the
present, as in (67).
(67) kàndítòmbwèrângà
ka-ndí̲-tombwer-á̲ng-a
pst.ipfv-sm1SG -weed-hab-fv
‘I used to weed (but not anymore).’ (NF_Elic15)
In Zambian Fwe, the habitual suffix -ang may be used with a subjunctive, as
in (68), or a near future based on the subjunctive, as in (69).
(68) òràpèrángè múzyûbà

o-raper-á̲ng-e mú-∅-zyúba
sm2SG -pray-hab-pfv.sbjv np18 -np5 -day
‘You should pray every day.’ (ZF_Elic14)
(69) èyìnó nsûndà mbòndíbùːkángè kàêtì

e-inó N-súnda mbo-ndí̲-buːH k-á̲ng-e ka-éti
aug-dem.ii9 np9 -week near.fut-sm1SG -wake-hab-pfv.sbjv adv-eight
‘This week, I will wake up at eight.’
In Namibian Fwe, the habitual suffix -ang can only co-occur with the imperfec-
tive subjunctive, as in (70), and the near future based on the imperfective subjunc-
tive, as in (71). The imperfective subjunctive may also express habitual without
the suffix -ang, as in (72) (see also §10.3 on the imperfective subjunctive).
(70) ìnú èmvîkì wákùménèkàngà éwè

inú e-N-víki o-áku-mének-ang-a éwe
dem.ii9 aug-np9 -week sm2SG -sbjv.ipfv-wake_early-hab-fv pers2SG
‘This week, you should wake up early every day.’
(71) mbòndákùbèrèkàngà
mbo-ndi-áku-berek-ang-a
near.fut-sm1SG -sbjv.ipfv-work-hab-fv
‘I will work every day.’
(72) mbòndákùbèrèkà
mbo-ndi-áku-berek-a
‘I will work every day.’ (NF_Elic17)
368
9.2 Habitual
9.2.2 Habitual 2
Another form of the habitual uses the post-initial prefix náku-, as in (73). Aside
from the high tone on the habitual prefix náku-, no melodic high tones are as-
signed, and the underlying tones of the verb surface.
(73) bàntù bànákùrìm’ òmùndárè
ba-ntu ba-náku-rim-a o-mu-ndaré
np2 -person sm2 -hab-farm-fv aug-np3 -maize
‘People usually farm maize.’ (NF_Elic15)
The prefix náku- grammaticalized from the verb iná ‘be (at)’ and an infinitive
verb, beginning with ku-.2 The lack of melodic tone in verbs with náku- is consis-
tent with its origin in an infinitive, which also lacks melodic tone. náku- changes
to náka- when combined with the distal prefix ka-, indicating a location away
from the place of speaking. This, too, is typical of the infinitive prefix ku- (see
§11.1 on the distal). It is also possible, however, for the distal not to merge with
the prefix náku-, but to be added after it, as in (74). This is part of the grammati-
calization process of this construction, and shows that it no longer functions as
an infinitive.
(74) ànákàtòngàùkà ~ ànákùkàtòngàùkà
a-ná(ku)-ka-tongauk-a
sm1 -hab-dist-complain-fv
‘She always complains there.’ (NF_Elic17)
The habitual marked with náku- is similar in meaning to the habitual marked
with the suffix -ang (see §9.2.1), both expressing an action characteristic of a
certain time period. Similar to the suffix -ang, verbs with náku- may express an
event repeated periodically, as in (75), or may have a gnomic use, as in (76).
(75) nákùríhìndàwìrà zìntù zábàntù
náku-rí-hind-a-u-ir-a zi-ntu zi-á=ba-ntu
sm1 .hab-refl-take-pl1-sep-appl-fv np8 -thing pp8 -con=np2 -person
‘S/he is always taking people’s things for him/herself.’
(76) zìnákùtíyìzà
zi-náku-tíiz-a
sm8 -hab-be_dangerous-fv
2
I am indebted to Sebastian Dom for suggesting this etymology.
369
9 Aspect
The prefix náku- may co-occur on the same verb with the habitual suffix -ang,
as in (77–78).
(77) hàhéná ndìnákùbúːkàngà ìyé màshènè màshènè
ha-hená ndi-náku-búːk-ang-a iyé N-ma-shene
emph-dem.iv16 sm1SG -hab-wake-hab-fv that cop-np6 -worm
N-ma-shene
cop-np6 -worm
‘Every time I wake up and say: there are worms, there are worms.’
(NF_Narr15)
(78) tùnákùzìbònângà kàrì mbùryó túhâmbà kònó zìntù túbwènè zìténdéhèrè
tu-náku-ziH -boH n-á̲ng-a ka-ri N-bu-ryó tú̲-á̲mb-a konó
sm1PL -hab-om8 -see-hab-fv neg-be cop-np14 -only sm1PL -speak-fv but
∅-zi-ntu tú̲-bweH ne zi-tend-é̲here
cop-np8 -thing sm1PL .rel-see.stat sm8 -do-neut.stat
‘We usually see these things, we’re not just talking, they’re things that we
see happening.’ (ZF_Conv13)
No difference in meaning has yet been observed between habitual náku- and
habitual -ang, although there is a difference in distribution, namely that only -ang,
but not náku- can be combined with a past tense. Historically, náku- is clearly a
newer form, as it still shows signs of recent grammaticalization.
9.3 Stative
Fwe has a stative suffix which displays complex allomorphy. Its regular form is
the final vowel suffix -ite, which displays vowel harmony with the stem of the
verb: it is realized as -ete after verb stems with a mid vowel, and as -ite in all other
cases, as in (79–83) (see also §2.5.3 on vowel harmony).
(79) ndìfúmîtè
ndi-fum-í̲te
sm1SG -become_rich-stat
‘I am rich.’
(80) zìbómbêtè
zi-bomb-é̲te
sm8 -become_wet-stat
‘They are wet.’
370
9.3 Stative
(81) ndìkátîtè
ndi-kat-í̲te
sm1SG -become_thin-stat
‘I am thin.’
(82) ndìshéshêtè
ndi-sheH sh-é̲te
sm1SG -marry-stat
‘I am married.’
(83) ndìtíyîtè
ndi-tiH -í̲te
sm1SG -fear-stat
‘I am afraid.’ (ZF_Elic14)
The stative uses melodic tone pattern 4, e.g. the deletion of underlying high
tones, and melodic tone 3, which adds a high tone to the second stem syllable (see
§3.3.3). The suffix -ite is counted as part of the stem, so that with CVC verb roots
MT 3 is assigned to the first syllable of the suffix -ite, as in (79–83). This tone
may spread to the left up until the first syllable of the verb stem, as in (84–85)
(see also §3.1.6 on optional high tone spread).3
(84) cìtúrúkìtè
ci-tuH rú̲k-ite
sm7 -burst-stat
‘It is burst.’ (ZF_Elic14)
(85) ndìpátéhètè
ndi-paté̲h-ete
sm1SG -be_busy-stat
‘I am busy.’ (NF_Elic15)
When the verb stem, that is the verb root together with the stative suffix, has
no more than two syllables, melodic tone 3 is not assigned. This is the case with
monosyllabic roots that take the regular stative suffix -ite, but also with disyllabic
roots that take an irregular stative suffix that does not add an extra syllable. For
3
Although leftward spread is an optional process in most words (see §3.1.6), the high tone of
the stative is virtually always subject to leftward spread. Very few examples have been found
where stative verbs do not display high tone spread, though when asked, speakers concede
that the pronunciation without high tone spread is allowed.
371
9 Aspect
the assignment of MT 3, only the number of syllables is relevant, not the number
of moras: no melodic tone is assigned to disyllabic stems with three moras, as in
(86), or to disyllabic stems with two moras, as in (87), but melodic tone is assigned
to trisyllabic stems with three moras, as in (88). This contrasts with melodic tone
1, which does take moras into account (see §3.3 on melodic tone).
(86) cìfwìtè
ci-fwH -ite
sm7 -die-stat
‘It has died.’ (ZF_Elic14)
(87) ndìkèrè
ndi-kere
sm1SG -sit.stat
‘I sit.’
(88) ndìtábîtè
ndi-tab-í̲te
sm1SG -become_happy-stat
‘I am happy.’ (ZF_Elic14)
Aside from the regular application of vowel harmony, the segmental form of
the stative suffix can vary in other, more unpredictable ways. If the last stem
consonant is a continuant, imbrication may take place, causing the vowel(s) of
the stative suffix to merge with the last vowel(s) of the verb stem. If the last stem
consonant is a stop, spirantization may take place, changing the stop to a fricative.
Spirantization is partly lexically determined, i.e. not all verb stems ending in a
stop are subject to spirantization. There is also some regional and inter-speaker
variation in the occurrence of these processes; irregular forms of the stative (i.e.
those not using -ite) appear to be less common in Zambian Fwe than in Namibian
Fwe. Verbs with the intransitive impositive -am use a stative suffix -i and drop
the suffix -am. The passive suffix -(i)w also requires a non-canonical form of
the stative; when combined with a stative, it is realized as -itwe or -itwa, that
is the passive suffix merges with the stative suffix. Finally, there is a handful of
lexical exceptions taking a suffix -ire/-ere rather than -ite/-ete. These allomorphs
are summarized in Table 9.2.
The process of imbrication is common in Bantu languages and usually affects
cognates of the suffix -ide (Bastin 1983). Whether Fwe -ite is cognate with this
suffix is not clear: although there are formal similarities between Fwe -ite and re-
constructed *-ide, the regular reflex of *-ide would be -ire, because reconstructed
372
9.3 Stative
Table 9.2: Forms of the stative suffix
Allomorph Conditioning
-ite regular
-ete vowel harmony: after mid vowels
-i with intransitive impositive verbs
-ire lexical exceptions
imbrication verbs ending in a continuant
spirantization lexical exceptions
*d corresponds to /r/ in Fwe (Bostoen 2009: 114-115). For a discussion of the his-
torical relationship between *-ite and *-ile in Bantu Botatwe, see Crane (2012:
Appendix). At least in Fwe, -ite and -ire are allomorphs of the same suffix, as will
become clear in this secdtion.
Imbricated forms of the stative suffix are used with verbs where the last stem
consonant is a continuant, i.e. a nasal or /r/. The vowel /i/ of the stative suffix
moves before the last stem consonant and merges with the last vowel of the verb
stem. The second vowel /e/ of the stative suffix is used after the last consonant
of the verb stem. The last stem consonant of the verb stem is not affected by
imbrication. This is illustrated in (89) with the verb rind-ir ‘wait for’, where the
verb stem ends in a continuant /r/, thus allowing imbrication.
(89) a. rind-ir ‘wait for’

b. ndìríndîrè
ndi-rind-í̲r-e
sm1SG -wait-appl-stat
‘I am waiting.’ (NF_Elic15)
If the last stem vowel is /i/, imbrication of /i/ does not result in a change of
the vowel, as in (89). If the last stem vowel is /e/ or /a/, the imbricated vowel /i/
lowers to /e/, as in (90–91).
(90) a. deber ‘dangle’

b. cìdébêrè
ci-debé̲r-e
sm7 -dangle-stat
‘It is dangling.’ (NF_Elic15)
373
9 Aspect
(91) a. sumbar ‘become pregnant’

b. àsúmbêrè
a-suH mbé̲r-e
sm1 -become_pregnant-stat
‘She is pregnant.’ (NF_Elic15)
When the last vowel of the verb stem is a back vowel, imbrication with the
vowel /i/ of the stative changes the back vowel to a glide [w], as in (92). In the
case of a mid back vowel /o/, the imbricated vowel /i/ is lowered to a mid vowel
/e/, as in (93).
(92) a. zyur ‘become full’
b. cìzywìrè
ci-zywir-e
sm7 -become_full-stat
‘It is full.’ (NF_Elic15)
(93) a. tontor ‘be cold’
b. kùtòntwêrè
ku-toH ntwé̲r-e
sm15 -be_cold-stat
‘It is quiet.’ (NF_Elic15)
Imbrication of the stative suffix is most common with verb stems where the
last syllable is either a productive derivational suffix, such as the applicative, or
formally resembles a derivational suffix, without functioning as such. There are
also a number of other verb stems that require imbrication of the stative suffix,
listed in Table 9.3; these include mainly verbs that are more commonly used with
the stative suffix than in a different construction.
In verb stems with the neuter suffix -ahar, imbrication may target both the
vowels of the suffix, which are raised to /e/ when combined with the stative.
This double imbrication is not obligatory, however, and forms where only the
last stem vowel are subject to imbrication are also allowed, as in (94). The verb
bonahar ‘appear’, even displays imbrication up to the first stem vowel, as in (95).
Note that the underived verb bón ‘see’ also has an imbricated form bwene.
(94) a. sep-ahar ‘be trustworthy’
b. bàsépéhèrè ~ bàsépáhèrè
ba-sep-é̲her-e ~ ba-sep-á̲her-e
sm2 -promise-neut-stat
‘S/he is trustworthy.’
374
9.3 Stative
Table 9.3: Imbrication
Verb root English translation Stative form

bón ‘see’ bwènè
kar ‘sit down’ kèrè
ráːr ‘lie down; go to sleep’ rèːrè
rwar ‘become sick’ rwèrè
zyur ‘become full’ zywìrè
(95) a. bón-ahar ‘appear, be visible’

b. kùbwénéhèrè
ku-bweH n-é̲her-e
sm15 -see-neut-stat
‘It is visible.’ (NF_Elic15)
Many verbs with an imbricated stative form also have an unimbricated stative
form, as in (96–97). Both forms are used interchangeably, without a discernable
change in meaning.
(96) a. gumb-am ‘be next to’

b. bàrìgùmbêmè
ba-riH -gumb-é̲me
sm2 -refl-be_next_to-imp.intr.stat
c. bàrìgùmbámìtè
ba-riH -gumb-á̲m-ite
sm2 -refl-be_next_to-imp.intr-stat
‘They are next to each other.’ (NF_Elic15)
(97) a. rwár ‘become sick’

b. àrwèrè
a-rweH re
sm1 -become_sick.stat
c. àrwárîtè
a-rwaH r-í̲te
sm1 -become_sick-stat
‘S/he is sick.’ (ZF_Elic14)
375
9 Aspect
In certain cases, the stative suffix causes spirantization; this is a formerly pro-
ductive sound change in Fwe, where stops followed by a high vowel became frica-
tives (Bostoen 2009: 117-118). Spirantization is no longer active in Fwe, but forms
that were created as the result of spirantization are still seen in the stative forms
of certain verbs. Spirantization is combined with imbrication, but differs from
other cases of imbrication because the last vowel is /i/ rather than /e/. Table 9.4
lists all attested verbs that have a spirantized stative form. Three of these have
an alternative form without spirantization, but with the regular stative suffix -ite.
There appears to be a geographic distribution, where irregular, spirantized forms
are more common in Namibian Fwe, and forms with the regular suffix and no
spirantization are more common in Zambian Fwe.
Table 9.4: Stative verbs with spirantization
Verb root Translation Stative form

kwát ‘grab, grasp’ kwèsì ~ kwátîtè
pak ‘carry on one’s back’ pèsì ~ pákîtè
vúrumat ‘close one’s eyes’ vúrúmèsì
zwát ‘get dressed’ zwèsì ~ zwátîtè
Spirantization is also seen in the stative form of a number verbs with the in-
transitive impositional suffix -am, listed in Table 9.5. Verbs with this suffix drop
the impositional suffix -am and take a stative suffix -i, which causes spirantiza-
tion of the preceding consonant in some cases. This form of the stative is produc-
tively used with all intransitive impositive verbs, but spirantization only occurs
in some of these verbs.
These stative forms also have a different tonal realization. Regular stative verbs
are realized without high tones when they have a disyllabic stem, but stative
impositive verbs all take a high tone on the last stem syllable (which retracts
to the penultimate syllabe in phrase-final position), as in (98–99). That these
stative forms are derived from impositive verbs is clear from the fact that they
retain their impositive semantics, and that most of these verb roots do not occur
without the impositive suffix (see §6.6).
(98) a. kùkúnàmà
ku-kún-am-a
inf-smoke-imp.intr-fv
‘to be put on a smoking shelve’
376
9.3 Stative
Table 9.5: Intransitive impositive verbs in the stative
Verb stem Translation Stative form

bémbàmà ‘stand next to’ bémbì
bòmbàmà ‘soak’ bómbì
cànkàmà ‘be put on a fire (of a pot)’ cánsì
céngèkà ‘be close to’ cénzì
còkàmà ‘spy (from a hidden position)’ cósì
gábàmà ‘hang (on a hook)’ gábì
gùmbàmà ‘be next to’ gúmbì
hángàmà ‘hang (intr.)’ hánzì
jánàmà ‘open one’s mouth wide’ jánì
kòtàmà ‘bend forward’ kósì
kúnàmà ‘be smoked (of food stuff, i.e. fish)’ kúnì
nyòngàmà ‘bend (intr.)’ nyónzì
ⁿǀùmpàmà ‘plant’ ⁿǀúmpì
shèndàmà ‘lean’ shéndì
súngàmà ‘bow the head’ súnzì
téngàmà ‘bend (intr)’ ténzì
tùmpwàmà ‘be thrown in water’ (of an inanimate object) túmpwì
zyánàmà ‘hang’ zyánì
zyáshàmà ‘open one’s mouth’ zyáshì
zyíàmà ‘lean’ zyéndì
b. zìkúnì
zi-kuH n-í̲
sm8 -smoke-imp.intr.stat
‘They (fish) are lying on a smoking shelve.’
c. *kùkûnà (NF_Elic15)
(99) a. kùzyánàmà
ku-zyán-am-a
inf-spread-imp.intr-fv
‘to be spread out to dry’
377
9 Aspect
b. zìzyánì
zi-zyaH n-í̲
sm8 -spread-imp.intr.stat
‘They (clothes) are spread out to dry.’
c. *kùzyânà (NF_Elic15)
Intransitive impositive verbs can also take a more regular form of the stative
suffix, either with imbrication, resulting in a form -eme, or with a regular sta-
tive suffix -ite added after the impositive suffix -am, resulting in the form -amite.
All three forms are illustrated with the impositive intransitive verb nyong-am
‘bend’ in . All three stative forms are available for all intransitive impositive verbs.
Again, regular forms with -ite are more common in Zambian Fwe, and irregular
forms either with imbrication or with -i and spirantization are more common in
Namibian Fwe.
(100) a. ci-nyónz-ì
sm7 -bend-imp.intr.stat
b. cì-nyóng-émè
sm7 -bend-imp.intr.stat
c. cì-nyóng-ám-ìtè
sm7 -bend-imp.intr-stat
Only verbs with the intransitive impositive suffix -am take the stative suffix
-i. Verbs with the transitive impositive suffix -ik may also be used in the stative
(with the passive), in which case the regular stative suffix is used, as in (101).
(101) zìkúníkìtwà
zi-kun-í̲k-itwa
sm10 -smoke-imp.tr-stat-pass-fv
‘They are being smoked.’ (ie lying on the smoking shelve) (NF_Elic15)
Combined with the passive suffix -(i)w, the stative suffix is realized as -itwe in
Zambian Fwe, as in (102), and -itwa in Namibian Fwe, as in (103) (see also §6.1 on
the passive).
(102) ndìshéshêtwè
ndi-sheH sh-é̲twe
sm1SG -marry-stat.pass
‘I am married (said by a woman).’ (ZF_Elic14)
378
9.3 Stative
(103) cìhàrîtwà
ci-ar-í̲twa
sm7 -close-stat.pass
‘It is closed.’ (NF_Elic15)
Finally, the stative has an allomorph -ire that is used with only four verbs,
listed in Table 9.6.
Table 9.6: Stative verbs with -ire
Verb root Translation Stative form

shúw ‘hear, feel, perceive’ shùwîrè
fú ‘die; break’ fwìrè ~ fwìtè
fwíìmp ‘become short’ fwíímpèrè
bbíh ‘become bad’ bbíhîrè ~ bbíhîtè
The interpretation of the stative depends on lexical aspect. With change-of-

state verbs, the stative gives a present state interpretation, as in (104–105).
(104) hànshí kùbómbêtè

ha-N-shí ku-bomb-é̲te
np16 -np9 -ground sm17 -become_wet-stat
‘The ground is wet.’ (ZF_Elic14)
(105) òpótó àzywìré bùsù

o-∅-potó a-zywir-é̲ bu-su
aug-np1a -pot sm1 -become_full-stat np14 -flour
‘The pot is full of flour.’ (ZF_Elic14)
The experiencer verbs bón ‘see’ and shúw ‘hear, feel, smell’ also function as
change-of-state verbs; in the present construction, they take a modal, futurate,
or conditional interpretation. With the stative, they are interpreted as ongoing
at the time of speaking, as in (106–107).
(106) ndìbwènè
ndi-bweH ne
sm1SG -see.stat
‘I see.’
379
9 Aspect
(107) ndìshúwîrè
ndi-shuH -í̲re
sm1SG -hear-stat
‘I hear.’ (ZF_Elic14)
True stative verbs, which express a continuing, unbounded state, cannot be

used in the stative construction, as in (108). A present state interpretation is
achieved when a true stative verb is used in the present, as in (109).
(108) *zìtìyìzîtè
zi-tiH iz-í̲te
sm8 -be_busy-stat
Intended: ‘They are dangerous.’
(109) zìtìyìzâ
zi-tiH iz-á̲
sm8 -be_busy-fv
Some verbs4 can be used either as change-of-state verbs or as true stative. This
is the case, for instance, with the verb cen ‘be/become clean’, which is interpreted
as a present stative when used in the present tense, as in (110), as is typical of true
stative verbs, but also as present state when used with the stative construction,
as is typical of change-of-state verbs.
(110) èzí zìzwâtò zìcénà

e-zí zi-zwáto zi-cen-á̲
aug-dem.i8 np8 -cloth sm8 -be_clean-fv
‘Are these clothes clean?’
(111) èzí zìzwâtò zìcénêtè

e-zí zi-zwáto zi-cen-é̲te
aug-dem.i8 np8 -cloth sm8 -become_clean-stat
‘Are these clothes clean?’ (ZF_Elic14)
4
More research into the lexical aspectual properties of these verbs is needed, including their
interpretation in various tense/aspect construction, and which lexical verbs exhibit this be-
haviour. Further data collection might also reveal that the differences in interpretation of this
subset of lexical verbs is not (only) due to a difference in lexical aspect but possibly (also)
lexical semantics.
380
9.3 Stative
With verbs that are ambivalent between change-of-state and stative, the use
of the stative suffix can give a different interpretation than the use of the present
tense form. As discussed in §8.2, the present construction indicates that the event
nucleus is situated at least partly after the utterance time; overlap with UT is pos-
sible (for certain lexical aspects), but not obligatory. The stative form, however,
necessarily refers to a state that is ongoing at utterance time. These different in-
terpretations of the present and stative are illustrated with the verb rwár ‘be/be-
come sick’: in the present construction in (112), it is interpreted as referring to
a chronic illness, such as diabetes, from which a person can suffer without ac-
tually feeling ill all the time. In the stative construction in (113), it can only be
interpreted as the speaker feeling ill right now.
(112) ndìrwârà
ndi-rwá̲r-a
sm1SG -be_sick-fv
‘I am sick/have an illness.’
(113) ndìrwárîtè
ndi-rwaH r-í̲te
sm1SG -be_sick-stat
‘I am (feeling) sick.’ (NF_Elic15)
The stative construction presents an event as a currently ongoing state, and

does not include reference to if (or when) the state has come about. In (114–115),
the stative is used to indicate a currently ongoing state, which is not the result
of an earlier change of state.
(114) èzí zìshámù zìgórêtè wâwà

e-zi zi-shamú zi-gor-é̲te wáwa
aug-dem.i8 np8 -tree sm8 -become_strong-stat very
‘These trees are very strong.’ (ZF_Elic14)
(115) èzí zìntù zìkìkózêtè

e-zí zi-ntu zi-kiH -koz-é̲te
aug-dem.i8 sm8 -thing sm8 -refl-resemble-stat
‘These things are similar.’ (ZF_Elic13)
States that have not always held, but have come into being at some point in
the past, can also be expressed with the stative, but the change in state is not
part of their conceptualization. The use of the stative merely presents a state as
381
9 Aspect
currently ongoing, and backgrounds the earlier change of state that has given
rise to it. In (116), a stative form is used to describe that eggs are rotten; although
these eggs were once fresh, and the fact that they are now rotten is the result
of a change in their state, this change is not referenced by the stative form, and
only their current state is described.
(116) àá màyîː àbórêtè

a-á ma-yíː a-bor-é̲te
aug-dem.i6 np6 -egg sm6 -rot-stat
‘These eggs, they’re rotten.’ (NF_Elic15)
The fact that the stative focuses on a current state of affairs, and backgrounds
its cause, also means that verbs in the stative cannot co-occur with an agent
phrase; because the original action that led to the current state is not conceptu-
alized, the agent that instigated this original action can also not be referenced.
Without an agent, the stative can be used, as in (117), but the addition of an agent
phrase is ungrammatical, as in (118). An agent phrase can only be used with a
verb in the near past perfective construction, as in (119).
(117) cíàzò cìàrúkìtè

cí-azo ci-ar-ú̲k-ite
np7 -door sm7 -close-sep.intr-stat
‘The door is open.’
(118) *cíàzò cìàrúkìtè kúꜝrúːho

Intended: ‘The door is opened by the wind.’
(119) cíàzò cáàrùkì kúꜝrúːhò

cí-azo ci-á-ar-uk-i kú-rúː-ho
np7 -door sm7 -pst-close-sep.intr-npst.pfv np17 -np11 -wind
‘The door is opened by the wind.’ (NF_Elic15)
As the stative does not refer to when or how the current state has come about,
temporal adverbs may only describe the time at which the current state holds, as
in (120), not the time of the preceding change in state, as the ungrammaticality
of (121) shows.
(120) ndìrwárítè shûnù

ndi-rwaH r-í̲te shúnu
sm1SG -be_sick-stat
‘I am sick today.’ (NF_Elic17)
382
9.3 Stative
(121) *èténdè ryómbwà wángù rìcóːkétè zyônà

e-tènde rí-o-∅-mbwá u-angú ri-coːk-é̲te zyóna
aug-leg pp5 -aug-np1a -dog pp1 -poss1SG sm5 -break-stat yesterday
Intended: ‘The leg of my dog broke yesterday.’ (ZF_Elic14)
The near past perfective may also give a present state reading with change-
of-state verbs (see §8.3.1), but conceptualizes both the preceding change of state
situated in the near past, and the resultant state which holds in the present. This
difference is illustrated with the verb nyongam ‘bend (intr.), become bent’: in
the near past perfective construction in (122), it expresses something that has
become bent recently, and both the earlier bending and the current bent state are
referenced, whereas in the stative construction in (123), it expresses something
that is currently bent, without implying anything about if or how this has come
about.
(122) cànyóngâmì
ci-a-nyong-á̲m-i
sm7 -pst-bend-imp.intr-npst.pfv
‘It is bent (has become bent).’
(123) cìnyòngámìtè
ci-nyong-á̲m-ite
sm7 -bend-imp.intr-stat
The focus of the stative on the current state and the backgrounding of the pre-
vious change of state has a number of effects. For one, it is related to evidentiality
(see also Crane 2012): the backgrounding of the previous change of state can be
used to indicate that the speaker is unaware of when or how the change of state
took place. The contetxt for (124) is that the speaker has found a dog lying on the
road while traveling. He checks up on the dog and concludes that it is dead. As
the speaker has no knowledge of when or how the dog died, he uses the stative
rather than the near past perfective.
(124) òzyû mbwà àfwìtè

o-zyú o-∅-mbwá a-fwH -ite
aug-dem.i1 aug-np1a -dog sm1 -die-stat
‘This dog is dead.’ (ZF_Elic14)
383
9 Aspect
For the sake of comparison, (125) gives an example of the same verb in the
near past perfective. In this context, the speaker himself has just killed the snake:
because the speaker was involved in the killing of the snake, which resulted in
its current state of being dead, he uses the recent past, rather than the stative.
(125) èzyôkà rìnáfwì
e-∅-zyóka ri-na-fw-í̲
aug-np5 -snake sm5 -pst-die-npst.pfv
‘The snake is dead.’ (ZF_Elic14)
Another example of the evidential use of -ite is given in (126). The context
for this utterance is seeing a person staggering and talking incoherently, upon
which the speaker concludes that he is drunk. The speaker is not aware of the
previous actions that have led to the current state, but only bases his statement
on the current state of the person he describes.
(126) ànywìtè
a-nywH -ite
sm1 -drink-stat
‘S/he is drunk.’ (NF_Elic15)
The focus of the stative on the current state of affairs, rather than the previous
actions that have caused it, also relates to information structure. In the context of
(127) the speaker has two buckets of clothes; one with dry clothes, and one with
wet clothes. The contrastive focus stresses the difference between the current
states of the two sets of clothes, not when or how this state occurred. To express
the irrelevance of the change in state, and the focus on the current state, the
stative is used.
(127) èzìzwátò zìbómbêtè èzí zìzyúmîtè
e-zi-zwáto zi-bomb-é̲te e-zí zi-zyuH m-í̲te
aug-np8 -cloth sm8 -become_wet-stat aug-dem.i8 sm8 -dry-stat
‘These clothes are wet, these are dry.’ (ZF_Elic14)
The interpretation of -ite as a focus on a current state rather than its origin
also has temporal implications. The stative tends to refer to states that have a
longer duration than states expressed by the near past perfective. This difference
is illustrated in (128) and (129) with the verb búːk ‘wake up’, where the use of the
near past perfective expresses a state which has come about recently and is of
a fleeting nature, whereas the use of the stative form expresses a state that is
relatively more permanent.
384
9.3 Stative
(128) àbâncè bànàbûːkì

a-ba-ánce ba-na-búːk-i
aug-np2 -child sm2 -pst-wake-npst.pfv
‘The children are awake (have woken up).’
(129) àbâncè bàbúːkîtè
a-ba-ánce ba-buːH k-í̲te
aug-np2 -child sm2 -wake-stat
‘The children are healthy.’ (ZF_Elic14)
With dynamic verbs, the interpretation of the stative depends on the presence
of a result state. If present, the result state is targeted by the stative, similar to the
use of the stative with change-of-state verbs. In (130), the dynamic verb zímburuk
‘surround’ is used in the stative construction, and is interpreted as a currently
valid state. In (131), the speaker uses the verb bar ‘read’ with a stative suffix in
order to stress that he has knowledge of the laws, since he has read, and is thus
familiar with, a law book.
(130) èrápà rìzìmbúrùkìté njûò
e-∅-rapá ri-ziH mbú̲ruk-ite N-júo
aug-np5 -courtyard sm5 -surround-stat np9 -house
‘The courtyard surrounds the house.’
(131) ndìbárítè èmbúká ꜝyémìràhò
ndi-bar-í̲te e-N-buká i-é=mi-raho
sm1SG -read-stat aug-np9 -book pp9 -con=np4 -law
‘I’ve read a law book.’ (i.e., I know the law) (NF_Elic15)
Dynamic verbs without an associated result state, however, receive a progres-
sive interpretation when used with the stative, i.e. the state expressed by the
stative is a state of dancing, as in (132), a state of walking, as in (133), or a state
of shouting, as in (134).
(132) ndìzánîtè
ndi-zan-í̲te
sm1SG -dance-stat
‘I am busy dancing.’ (NF_Elic15)
(133) zyônà kàndíyèndêtè mùmùtêmwà
zyóna ka-ndí̲-end-é̲te mu-mu-témwa
yesterday pst.ipfv-sm1SG -go-stat np18 -np3 -bush
‘Yesterday I was walking in the bush.’ (ZF_Elic14)
385
9 Aspect
(134) kwìná òzyù ákàríhìtè

ku-iná o-zyu á̲-kaH rí̲h-ite
sm17 -be_at aug-dem.i1 sm1 .rel-shout-stat
‘There’s someone who is shouting.’ (NF_Elic15)
The relevance of a result state can be seen with the verb beːzy ‘carve’. In (135),
the verb beːzy ‘carve’ has a progressive reading with the stative construction, and
a resultant state reading is not allowed. In (136), the verb beːzy ‘carve’ is used
with an object, giving the event a natural endpoint, and therefore the stative
construction gives a result state reading (the context construed by the speaker
was one where you describe a storage full of the carver’s handiwork). In this case,
a progressive reading was not allowed.
(135) mùbèzyì àbéːzyêtè

mu-bezyi a-beːzy-é̲te
np1 -carver sm1 -carve-stat
‘The carver is carving.’ *The carver has carved.
(136) mùbèzyì àbéːzyêtè zìntù zìngîː

mu-bezyi a-beːzy-é̲te zi-ntu zi-ngíː
np1 -carver sm1 -carve-stat np8 -thing pp8 -many
‘The carver has carved many things.’ *The carver is carving many things.
(NF_Elic17)
The progressive use of -ite with a dynamic verb usually describes an action
with an extended duration, which sets the background for other events. The ac-
tion described by the stative verb holds for a longer time span, during which
several other, shorter actions take place. This is illustrated in (133) above, which
is the first sentence of a short narrative about events that transpired during the
narrators walk in the bush. All subsequent events take place during this walk in
the bush, which is described by the stative verb kàndíyèndêtè ‘I was walking’.
Except when describing a background state, the stative is rarely used with
dynamic verbs, and progressive aspect is mostly expressed with the fronted in-
finitive construction or the auxiliary kwesi (see §9.1).
Table 9.7 summarizes the interpretations of the stative with different lexical
aspectual classes.
Although the interpretation of the stative construction can be quite different
between change-of-state and dynamic verbs, its function can be best subsumed
under the term stative, following Crane (2011, 2012, 2013). In the case of change-
of-state verbs, the state expressed in the stative construction is the coda state that
386
9.3 Stative
Table 9.7: Interpretation of the stative construction
Lexical aspect Interpretation with the stative construction

Change-of-state Present (resultant) state
Dynamic: telic Present (resultant) state
Dynamic: atelic Progressive (long duration, background to other events)
Stative ungrammatical
results from the nuclear change in state. In the case of dynamic verbs, the stative
is interpreted as ‘to be in the state of doing something’; this may be interpreted
as a progressive, but is usually interpreted as a background state, during which
other actions take place. The past action that has led to the state described by
the stative construction is never conceptualized.
The stative may be combined with other morphologically and periphrastically
marked TAM constructions, such as the fronted infinitive, as illustrated in §9.1.2,
or the persistive shí- (see also §9.4), as in (137–138).
(137) òshìrwárîtè
o-shiH -rwaH r-í̲te
sm2SG -per-be_sick-stat
‘Are you still sick?’ (ZF_Elic14)
(138) ndìshìbàzyìː
ndi-shiH -baH -zyiːH
sm1SG -per-om2 -know.stat
‘I still know them.’ (NF_Elic15)
To express a past state, the stative can co-occur with a remote or near past
imperfective, as in (139–140). Both refer to a state that held in the past, but that
no longer holds at the time of speaking. A state that held in the past and still holds
in the present is expressed by the stative construction without past marking, as
in (141).
(139) òzyú mùkêntù kànúnítè kònò hànó shànàkátì
o-zyú mu-kéntu ka-á̲-nun-í̲te kono hanó
aug-dem.i1 np1 -woman pst.ipfv-sm1 -become_fat-stat but dem.ii16
sha-na-kat-í̲
inc-sm1 .pst-become_thin-npst.pfv
‘This woman used to be fat, but now she’s thin.’ (NF_Elic15)
387
9 Aspect
‘I was sick (but I am not anymore).’
(141) kùzwà zyônà àrwárîtè
ku-zw-a zyóna a-rwaH r-í̲te
inf-come_out-fv yesterday sm1 -become_sick-stat
‘S/he has been sick since yesterday.’ (NF_Elic17)
9.4 Persistive
Persistive aspect is marked with a post-initial prefix shí-. Its high tone does not
surface when combined with a construction that uses melodic tone 4 (the dele-
tion of underlying high tones), such as the present construction, as in (142). In
constructions that do not use MT 4, such as the near past imperfective, the high
tone of the prefix shí- can be observed, as in (143).
(142) èntî ìshìhôrà
e-n-tí i-shiH -hó̲r-a
aug-np9 -tea sm9 -per-cool-fv
‘The tea is still cooling down.’ (ZF_Elic14)
(143) ndàkùshíbèrèkà
ndi-aku-shí-berek-a
sm1SG -npst.ipfv-per-work-fv
‘I was still working.’ (NF_Elic17)
A grammatical persistive marker is common in Bantu, where it is usually a
reflex of *kɪ- (Nurse 2008). This is also the case for the Fwe persistive marker
shí-.
The persistive expresses that an action started before, and is still ongoing at,
the time period under discussion. When combined with a present construction, as
in (144), the persistive indicates an event that started before, and is still ongoing
at utterance time.
(144) àshìŋórà
a-shiH -ŋoH r-á̲
sm1 -per-write-fv
‘He is still writing.’ (NF_Elic17)
388
9.4 Persistive
The persistive may also be interpreted as a temporarily interrupted event, as

in (145), which indicates that the speaker has run before, and will run again later,
but is currently not running.
(145) ndìshìbùtúkà
ndi-shiH -buH tuk-á̲
sm1SG -per-run-fv
‘I’ll run again.’ (NF_Elic15)
The persistive may even be used to indicate an event that has not yet started
at or before utterance time, but will take place after utterance time, as in (146).
(146) ndìshìkàzyámbírá ꜝzóꜝkúryà

ndi-shiH -ka-zyambir-á̲ zi-ó-ku-ry-á
sm1SG -per-dist-gather-fv pp8 -con-inf-eat-fv
‘I still need to go and gather something to eat.’ (NF_Elic17)
The persistive may also occur with past constructions, indicating that an event
started before, and is still ongoing at the past time interval that is currently dis-
cussed. As persistive is a subtype of imperfective aspect, specifying the internal
structure of the event, it may only co-occur with the remote past imperfective,
in (147), or the near past imperfective, in (148). It may not co-occur with the near
past perfective, as the ungrammaticality of (149) shows.
(147) káshìkéːzyà mùrùshàrá ꜝrwángù

ka-á̲-shiH -ké̲ːzy-a mu-ru-shará ru-angú
pst.ipfv-sm1 -per-come-fv np18 -np11 -back pp11 -poss1SG
‘It (the elephant) was still coming behind me.’ (ZF_Narr13)
(148) àkùshíŋòrà
a-aku-shí-ŋor-a
sm1 -npst.ipfv-per-write-fv
‘S/he was still writing.’ (NF_Elic17)
(149) *ndàshívùrùmàtì
ndi-a-shí-vurumat-i
sm1 -pst-per-close_eyes-npst.pfv
Intended: ‘My eyes are still closed.’
389
9 Aspect
The persistive can co-occur with other subtypes of imperfective aspect, such
as the stative -ite (see §9.3, examples (137) and (138)), the progressive-marking
fronted infinitive construction (see §9.1.1, example (56)), and the progressive aux-
iliary kwesi in (150).
(150) àshìkwèsì àfwêbà
a-shiH -kwesi a-fwé̲b-a
sm1 -per-prog sm1 -smoke-fv
‘He is still smoking.’
The persistive can be negated in two ways, giving different interpretations.
With a negative prefix ka-/ta- and a negative suffix -i, the persistive expresses
discontinuity: the situation used to hold, but does not hold anymore, as in (151–
153).
(151) kàndíshìkwàngìtêː
ka-ndí̲-shiH -kwaH ng-ite-í̲
neg-sm1SG -per-tired-stat-neg
‘I am no longer tired.’
(152) àbá bàntù kàbáshìkìzyîː
a-bá ba-ntu ka-bá̲-shiH -kiH -zyiH -í̲
aug-dem.i2 np2 -person neg-sm2 -per-refl-know.stat-neg
‘The people do not know each other anymore.’ (ZF_Elic13)
(153) àbàmbwá tàbáshìbbózì
a-ba-mbwá ta-bá-shiH -bboH z-í̲
aug-np2 -dog neg-sm2 -per-bark-neg
‘The dogs are no longer barking.’ (ZF_Narr14)
The persistive can also be negated with an auxiliary ni5 , followed by the main
verb in the infinitive, to express negative continuity: the situation did not hold
in the past, and still does not hold at the time of speaking, as in (154–155).
(154) kàndìshìní kùshéshìwà
ka-ndi-shiH -ní ku-shésh-iw-a
neg-sm1SG -per-be inf-marry-pass-fv
‘I am not yet married.’ (ZF_Elic14)
5
This auxiliary, which is not used in any other constructions, formally resembles the verb ina
‘be at’ with a negative suffix -i. While this may represent the historical origin of this auxiliary,
it cannot be synchronically analyzed as such, as ina does not take the negative suffix -i; instead,
Fwe uses a different lexical verb aazya.
390
9.5 Inceptive
(155) kàtùshíní kùríbònà

ka-tu-shiH -ní ku-rí-bon-a
neg-sm1PL -per-be inf-refl-marry-fv
‘We have not yet seen each other.’ (NF_Elic17)
9.5 Inceptive
The inceptive indicates that an action is starting or is about to happen, and is
marked by a pre-initial prefix that can be realized as shi-, as in (156), she-, as in
(157), or sha-, as in (158).
(156) shìrìŋátùrà
shi-ri-ŋát-ur-a
inc-sm5 -tear-sep.tr-fv
‘It [the sun] is starting to come up.’ (NF_Elic15)
(157) èzyúbà shèrìmínà
e-∅-zyúba she-ri-min-á̲
aug-np5 -sun inc-sm5 -set-fv
‘The sun is starting to set.’ (NF_Narr15)
(158) shàndìkwângà
sha-ndi-kwá̲ng-a
inc-sm1SG -become_tired-fv
‘I am getting tired.’ (ZF_Elic14)
The allomorphs of the inceptive prefix are subject to regional and free varia-
tion. The main form used in Namibian Fwe is shi-, and the main form in Zambian
Fwe is sha-, but both varieties have a free allomorph she-6 . In Namibian Fwe, the
inceptive prefix can be realized with an alveolar fricative /s/ instead of a post-
alveolar fricative /sh/. This variation, as all /s ~ sh/ variation in grammatical pre-
fixes, is mainly speaker-dependent, but it is not observed in Zambian Fwe (cf.
§2.2). Table 9.8 summarizes the forms of the inceptive prefix. In addition to these
base forms, vowel hiatus resolution between vowel-initial subject markers and
the inceptive may result in the surface forms sha-, analyzable as /shi-a/, and sho-,
analyzable as /shi-o/.
6
A similar kind of variation is seen in the realization of another pre-initial prefix, the remote-
ness prefix, which is realized as na- in Zambian Fwe, as ni- in Namibian Fwe, and has a free
allomorph ne- in both varieties (see §8.3.2 on the use of the remoteness prefix in the remote
past perfective construction).
391
9 Aspect
Table 9.8: Allomorphs and regional variation in the inceptive prefix
Form Zambian Fwe Namibian Fwe

shi- not attested default form
she- free allomorph free allomorph
sha- default form not attested
se- not attested inter-speaker variation
si- not attested inter-speaker variation
The inceptive highlights the initial phases of an event, resulting in different in-
terpretations depending on lexical aspect: inchoative (‘starting to’), proximative
(‘be about to’), contrastive (‘now’, as opposed to earlier), completive (‘already’).
The inchoative interpretation, highlighting the initial stages of the event, is avail-
able with dynamic verbs, as shown with kwesi tutuma ‘shiver’ in (159) and hík
‘cook’ in (160).
(159) shàkwèsì kwátùtúmà

sha-a-kwesi kwá-tutumá
inc-sm1 -have np17 -shiver
‘She started shivering.’
(160) àbó shìbàhíkà

a-bó shi-ba-hiH k-á̲
aug-dem.iii2 inc-sm2 -cook-fv
‘They start cooking.’ (NF_Narr15)
The inchoative interpretation also occurs with change-of-state verbs, where it

highlights the onset phase. This is illustrated with the change-of-state verb nun
‘become fat’ in (161), where the use of the inceptive is interpreted as ‘starting to
get fat’.
(161) hànó màzyûbà ndìryá nênjà kòbwéné shèndìnúnà

hanó ma-zyúba ndi-ri-á̲ nénja ka-o-bweH né̲
dem.ii6 np6 -day sm1SG -eat-fv well neg-sm2SG -see.stat
she-ndi-nun-á̲
inc-sm1SG -become_fat-fv
‘These days I’m eating well, don’t you see I’m starting to get fat?’
(NF_Elic15)
392
9.5 Inceptive
With change-of-state verbs without an onset, the inceptive cannot highlight

the initial stages of the nuclear phase, as the nucleus is too short, nor the onset
phase, as the event lacks an onset. Instead, the inceptive highlights the phase just
before the event, giving a proximative interpretation, as in (162–163).
(162) èsáká shàrìŋàtúkà

e-∅-saká sha-ri-ŋatuk-á̲
aug-np5 -bag inc-sm5 -break-fv
‘The bag is about to break.’ (ZF_Elic14)
(163) énswí shàyìfwâ

e-N-swí sha-i-fw-á̲
aug-np9 -fish inc-sm9 -die-fv
‘The fish is about to die.’ (i.e., the fish is out of the water, flapping about,
and clearly almost, but not quite, dead) (ZF_Elic14)
This use of the inceptive prefix is also seen with dynamic verbs that have a
short nucleus, such as nanuk ‘leave’, zu ‘go out’, and u ‘fall’. Again, the lack of
onset and the short nucleus means that the phase highlighted by the inceptive is
the phase right before the event, as in (164–166).
(164) kàtùàmbáhùrì kàkúrì shàndìnànúkà

ka-tu-amb-á̲-ur-i kakúri sha-ndi-nanuk-á̲
neg-sm1PL -talk-pl1-sep.tr-neg because inc-sm1SG -leave-fv
‘We cannot talk, I am about to leave.’ (ZF_Elic14)
(165) shìbàkàzwá ꜝhánjè hàhánò

shi-ba-ka-zu-á̲ ha-njé ha-hanó
inc-sm2 -dist-go_out-fv np16 -outside now
‘S/he is about to walk out right now.’
(166) ìn’ énjûò shèyìwá ꜝyínà

iná e-N-júo she-i-w-á̲ iná
dem.iv9 aug-np9 -house inc-sm9 -fall-fv dem.iv9
‘That house is falling apart/about to fall apart (i.e. in a very bad state).’
(NF_Elic15)
A contrastive interpretation of the inceptive is obtained with verbs that are

conceptualized as unbounded, as without a clear starting point. Example (167) is
cited from a conversation, in which the speaker describes marriage customs in
393
9 Aspect
modern times. The modern times that he describes do not have a clear starting
point (though logic dictates that they must have started at some point), and as
such the verbs used to describe them are conceptualized as lacking a clear on-
set. In these cases, the use of the inceptive causes an interpretation of ‘now (in
contrast to earlier/ elsewhere)’.
(167) mwáìnò ènàkò shìtúꜝhárà mbàmúwânè màfòní shàbábèrèkìsâ

mwá-ino e-N-nako shi-tú̲-haH r-á̲
np18 -dem.ii9 aug-np9 -time inc-sm1PL .rel-live-fv
mba-mú̲-wá̲n-e N-ma-foní
near.fut-sm2PL -find-pfv.sbjv cop-np6 -phone
sha-bá̲-berek-is-á̲
inc-sm2 .rel-work-caus-fv
‘In this time that we now live in, you will find that they are now using
phones.’ (ZF_Conv13)
This contrastive interpretation is also used with change-of-state verbs in a

stative construction, as in (168).
(168) màsíkùsîkù kàndíshùwìrè njârà hànó shàndìkútîtè

ma-síkusíku ka-ndí̲-shuH -ire N-jára hanó
np6 -morning pst.ipfv-sm1SG -feel-stat np9 -hunger dem.ii16
sha-ndi-kut-í̲te
inc-sm1SG -become_full-stat
‘This morning I was hungry, but now I am full.’ (ZF_Elic14)
The inceptive may also give a contrastive ‘now’ interpretation with verbs in
the near past perfective (NPP), as in (169–171). As discussed in §8.3.1, the NPP
usually gives a present state reading with change-of-state verbs. Because this
construction is perfective, presenting an event as lacking internal structure, the
inceptive cannot be interpreted as highlighting the initial phases of the event,
and is rather used to contrast the current situation with a different, previous
situation.
(169) cwàré bùryénà shìbáꜝnázyìbì báꜝmúꜝkwáꜝmé ꜝwénù

cwaré bu-ryená shi-bá-ná-zyib-i bá-mú-kwámé
then np14 -like_that inc-sm2 -pst-know-npst.pfv np2 -np1 -man
u-enú
pp1 -poss2PL
‘Then as you see, your husband has now become aware.’
394
9.5 Inceptive
(170) shàbànàbûːkì
sha-ba-na-búːk-i
inc-sm2 -pst-wake-npst.pfv
‘They are now awake.’ (NF_Narr15)
(171) òzyú mùkêntù kànúnítè kònò hànó shànàkátì

o-zyú mu-kéntu ka-a-nun-í̲te kono hanó
aug-dem.i1 np1 -woman pst.ipfv-sm1 -become_fat-stat but dem.ii16
sha-na-kat-í̲
inc-sm1 .pst-become_thin-npst.pfv
‘This woman used to be fat, but now she’s thin.’ (NF_Elic15)
The inceptive with verbs in the near past perfective may also be interpreted
as completive, e.g. it adds a sense of ‘already’, as in (172) and (173), or ‘yet’, as in
(174). Again, the inceptive is used to contrast a current situation with an earlier
one, similar to the contrastive interpretation seen in (169–171).
(172) shìryámìnì zyûbà

shi-ri-á-min-i ∅-zyúba
inc-sm5 -pst-set-npst.pfv np5 -sun
‘The sun had already set.’ (ZF_Narr15)
(173) shètwàtángì kàré kúryà

she-tu-a-táng-i karé ku-rí-a
inc-sm1PL -pst-start-npst.pfv already inf-eat-fv
‘They’ve already started to eat.’ (ZF_Elic14)
(174) bèshò shàbànàhúrì

ba-esh-o sha-ba-na-hur-í̲
np2 -father-poss2SG inc-sm2 -pst-arrive-npst.pfv
‘Has your father arrived yet?’ (ZF_Elic13)
The inceptive can also be prefixed to nouns, interpreted as inchoative, as in

(175–176), contrastive, as in (177–178), or completive, as in (179–180).
(175) shórùmwî kàrè

sha-ó-ru-mwí kare
inc-aug-np11 -heat already
‘It’s becoming summer.’ (NF_Elic15)
395
9 Aspect
(176) kàréː kàréː àbàcèmbèrè shóꜝndávù

karé karé a-ba-cembere shí-o-ndavú
now now aug-np2 -old_woman inc-aug-lion
‘The old woman immediately turned into a lion.’ (NF_Narr17)
(177) òmùndáré ꜝsómùbîzù

o-mu-ndaré sí-o-mu-bízu
aug-np3 -maize inc-aug-np3 -something_ripe
‘The maize is now ripe.’ (NF_Elic17)
(178) sóbùhùbà cáhà òkàhùràkò

sí-o-bu-huba cáha o-ka-hur-a=ko
inc-aug-np14 -easy very aug-inf.dist-arrive-fv=loc17
‘It is now very easy to reach there.’ (discussing a place where cattle are
watered; in earlier times, it could only be reached with ox carts and
sledges, but now, the road is tarred and accessible to cars.) (NF_Narr17
(179) shémàsíkù kàrêː

shé-N-ma-síku karéː
inc-cop-np6 -night already
‘It’s already night.’ (NF_Elic15)
(180) àh’ átôndà shécìbàkà shìcàhítìhò

a-ha á̲-tó̲nd-a shé-ci-baka
aug-dem.i16 sm1SG .rel-watch-fv inc-np7 -place
shi-ci-a-hít-i=ho
inc-sm7 -pst-pass-pst=loc16
‘When she looked, he had already covered a large place.’ (Lit: ‘a place
had already passed.’) (NF_Narr15)
The nominal use of the inceptive has most likely developed out of its verbal use,
if the prefix was originally used on a verb ri ‘be’, followed by the loss of the verbal
base ri and the reanalysis of the inceptive as a nominal prefix, as schematized in
(181).7
7
This grammaticalization also involves a tonal change, from a low-toned inceptive on verbs to
a high-toned inceptive prefix as it is usually realized on nouns. This is the result of the high
tone of the nominal augment; as discussed in §4.1.2, augments have a floating high tone that is
never realized on the augment prefix itself, but always on the immediately preceding syllable.
396
9.5 Inceptive
(181) a. Putative source construction

shàrì mwâncè
shi-a-ri o-mu-ánce
inc-sm1 -be aug-np1 -child
‘S/he is starting to be/is becoming a child.’
b. Loss of ri ‘be’
shì mwâncè
shi o-mu-ánce
inc aug-np1 -child
c. Reanalysis of inceptive as a nominal prefix
shómwâncè
shí-o-mu-ánce
inc-aug-np1 -child
‘S/he is starting to be/becoming a child.’
The inceptive prefix may have developed from a lexical verb shak ‘want, like,
love, need, look for’. Grammaticalization of earlier lexical verbs of volition into
markers of proximative aspect (‘be about to’) is well-attested in African lan-
guages (Heine 1994). The volitional element of the original lexical verb can still
be seen in some uses of the inceptive sha-. For instance, the utterance in (182)
was considered dubious, because it could be interpreted as the speaker wanting
to become sick.
(182) ?shèndìrwârà
she-ndi-rwá̲r-a
inc-sm1SG -be_sick-fv
‘I am getting sick/I want to get sick.’ (NF_Elic15)
Furthermore, the lexical verb shak ‘want’ is also used to express meanings
similar to the inceptive: in (183), the verb shak is not used to express volition, but
to express an event about to happen.
(183) òmvúrà shàshàk’ ókùshôkà

o-∅-rain shi-a-shak-á̲ o-ku-shók-a
aug-np1a -rain inc-sm1 -want-fv aug-inf-fall-fv
‘The rain is about to fall.’
These traces of volitional semantics in the inceptive prefix also argue against
an alternative analysis, which is that the inceptive prefix in Fwe is a borrowing
397
9 Aspect
from Lozi. Lozi makes use of a prefix sè-, which “expresses ‘already’, ‘and then’,
‘now’, or ‘soon’” (Gowlett 1967: 199). Similar verbal prefixes are attested in other
languages of the Sotho group (Doke 1954: 143). However, as the Lozi suffix lacks
the implication of volition, a Fwe-internal grammaticalization scenario from the
verb shak ‘want’ is a more plausible explanation.
398
10 Mood
In this chapter the three morphologically marked moods of Fwe are discussed:
the imperative in §10.1, the perfective subjunctive in §10.2, and the imperfective
subjunctive in §10.3.
10.1 Imperative
An imperative form in Fwe is formed with a suffix -e, but without the subject
marker, as in (1–2). The imperative form ending in -a, as commonly found in
Bantu languages, does not exist in Fwe.
(1) yêndè
é̲nd-e
go-pfv.sbjv
‘Go!’
(2) zwé hànò

zw-é̲ hano
come_out-pfv.sbjv dem.ii16
‘Get out of here!’ (ZF_Elic14)
The suffix -e is also used in the perfective subjunctive, which is only distin-
guished from the imperative form by the presence of the subject marker. The im-
perative and the perfective subjunctive also take the same melodic tones. When
used without an object marker, the imperative takes melodic tone 1, combined
with melodic tone 4, the deletion of underlying high tones, as in (3–5). (See §3.3
for an overview of melodic tones.) With an object marker, the imperative com-
bines melodic tone 4 with melodic tone 3 instead of melodic tone 1, as in (6–8).
(3) hùwé ꜝcáhà

huw-é̲ cáha
shout-pfv.sbjv very
‘Shout loudly.’
10 Mood
(4) kàbìré mùnjûò

kabir-é̲ mu-N-júo
enter-pfv.sbjv np18 -np9 -house
‘Enter the house.’ (NF_Elic15)
(5) fùrùmìké kàsúbà kò

fuH rumik-é̲ ka-súba ko
turn_upside_down-pfv.sbjv np12 -dish dem.iii12
‘Turn that dish upside down.’ (NF_Elic17)
(6) bàtúsè
baH -tus-é̲
om2 -help-pfv.sbjv
‘Help them.’
(7) ndìàmbîsè
ndi-amb-í̲s-e
om1SG -talk-caus-pfv.sbjv
‘Talk to me.’ (NF_Elic17)
(8) ndìbèrékèrè
ndi-beré̲k-er-e
om1SG -work-appl-pfv.sbjv
‘Work for me.’ (NF_Elic15)
The imperative is used to express a command or order. An order expressed

with the imperative is considered less polite and more direct than an order ex-
pressed with the subjunctive. The imperative can only be used for orders directed
at a singular addressee, as in (9–10). Orders directed at plural addressees are ex-
pressed by subjunctives (see Sections 10.2-10.3).
(9) íwè tóndè kúnò

iwé tó̲nd-e kunó
pers2SG watch-pfv.sbjv dem.ii17
‘You! Look here!’ (NF_Narr15)
(10) tòntórè
toH ntor-é̲
be_quiet-pfv.sbjv
‘Be quiet!’ (NF_Elic17)
400
10.2 Perfective subjunctive
The negation of both the imperative and subjunctive form takes a post-initial
prefix ásha-, and a final vowel suffix -i, as well as a different tonal pattern. The
negation of imperatives and subjunctives is discussed in §12.2.

The perfective subjunctive form is formed with the suffix -e on the verb, and,
unlike the imperative, takes a subject marker. Other than the presence of the
subject marker, the perfective subjunctive is identical to the imperative, and also
takes the same melodic tones: melodic tone 1 and 4 when the verb lacks an object
marker, as in (11–12), or 3 and 4 when the verb includes an object marker, as in
(13–14).
(11) òtùmbùsé mùrìrò
o-tuH mbus-é̲ mu-riro
sm2SG -light-pfv.sbjv np3 -fire
‘You should light a fire.’ (ZF_Elic14)
(12) mùbíːkè òtúꜝcényà
mu-bí̲ːk-e o-tú-cenyá
sm2PL -put-pfv.sbjv aug-np13 -small
‘You should put a little bit.’ (NF_Elic15)
(13) tùmùbóózèrè ècìntú ꜝcákwè
tu-mu-boó̲z-er-e e-ci-ntú cí-akwé
sm1PL -om1SG -return-appl-sbjv aug-np7 -thing pp7 -poss3SG
‘We should bring his thing back to him.’ (ZF_Conv13)
(14) tùzìbbátúrè èzí zìkûnì
tu-ziH -bbaH t-ú̲r-e e-zí zi-kúni
sm1PL -om8 -separate-sep.tr-pfv.sbjv aug-dem.i8 np8 -tree
‘Can we separate these trees?’ (NF_Elic15)
The perfective subjunctive describes a one-time event, as in (15), and contrasts
with the imperfective subjunctive, which describes habitual or ongoing events,
as in (16) (see also §10.3).
(15) òndìtúsè
o-ndi-tus-é̲
sm2SG -om1SG -help-pfv.sbjv
‘You should help me (one time only).’
401
10 Mood
(16) wákùndìtùsà
o-áku-ndi-tus-a
sm2SG -sbjv.ipfv-om1SG -help-fv
‘You should help me regularly/be helping me.’ (NF_Elic17)
A near future can be derived from the perfective subjunctive by addition of a

future prefix mbo-, and an additional high tone on the subject marker (see §8.4.1).
The perfective subjunctive has various functions. It can express a plan or in-
tention, as in (17), where the speaker discusses what he plans to do to escape a
fire.
(17) tùpìcùké mùrìrò tùyé òkò úkàzwîrà

tu-piH cuk-é̲ mu-riro tu-y-é̲ o-ko
sm1PL -escape-pfv.sbjv np3 -fire sm1PL -go-pfv.sbjv aug-dem.iii17
ú̲-ka-zw-í̲r-a
sm3 .rel-dist-come_out-appl-fv
‘We will dodge the fire, we will go to where it comes from.’ (NF_Narr17)
The perfective subjunctive can be used to express volition or desire, as in (18–

19).
(18) nêyè àyéndè nêyè

né=ye a-é̲nd-e né=ye
com=pers3SG sm1 -go-pfv.sbjv com=pers3SG
‘She too wanted to go with her.’ (NF_Narr15)
(19) ndìpátámè
ndi-patam-é̲
sm1SG -lie_on_stomach-pfv.sbjv
‘I want to lie down a bit.’ (ZF_Elic14)
When combined with the adverb nanga, the perfective subjunctive expresses
uncertainty, as in (20–22). Note that the adverb nanga with the imperfective sub-
junctive does not express uncertainty, but immediate future (see §10.3).
(20) nàngà bàkéːzyè bàtùpángé cìmwî

nanga ba-ké̲ːzy-e ba-tuH -pang-é̲ ci-mwí
even sm2 -come-pfv.sbjv sm2 -om1PL -do-pfv.sbjv pp7 -other
‘He might come and do something else to us.’ (NF_Narr15)
402
(21) wáshàívùkùmì nàngà ìfwê

o-ásha-í-vukum-i nanga i-fw-é̲
sm2SG -neg.sbjv-om9 -throw-neg even sm9 -die-pfv.sbjv
‘Don’t throw it, it might break.’
(22) àndìzìmísìkìzè màláìtì ángù nàngà àndìhìsíkìzè ènjûò

a-ndi-zim-í̲sikiz-e ma-láiti nanga
sm1 -om1SG -go_out-caus.appl-pfv.sbjv np6 -light even
a-ndi-his-í̲kiz-e e-N-júo
sm6 -om1SG -caus-appl-pfv.sbjv aug-np9 -house
‘S/he must turn off the lights for me, they might burn down my house.’
(NF_Elic17)
With a first person subject, the perfective subjunctive may express a hortative,
as in (23–25).
(23) tùràpérè
tu-raper-é̲
sm1PL -pray-pfv.sbjv
‘Let’s pray.’ (ZF_Elic14)
(24) ndìrìkòshórèkó bùryô

ndi-riH -koH sh-ó̲r-e=ko bu-ryó
sm1SG -om5 -cut-sep.tr-pfv.sbjv=loc17 np14 -just
‘Let me just cut it.’ (ZF_Narr14)
(25) kàntí ndìkùtòmbwérìsè

kantí ndi-ku-tombwé̲r-is-e
well sm1SG -om2SG -weed-caus-pfv.sbjv
‘Then let me help you weed.’ (NF_Narr15)
With a second person subject, the subjunctive may express a command, as in

(26–27).
(26) òkêːzyè òndìtúsè

o-ké̲ːzy-e o-ndi-tus-é̲
sm2SG -come-pfv.sbjv sm2SG -om1SG -help-pfv.sbjv
‘Come and help me.’
403
10 Mood
(27) mùtòntórè mùyéndè mùkàráːrè

mu-toH ntor-é̲ mu-é̲nd-e mu-ka-raːH r-é̲
sm2PL -be_quiet-pfv.sbjv sm2PL -go-pfv.sbjv sm2PL -dist-sleep-pfv.sbjv
‘Be quiet and go to sleep.’ (NF_Elic15)
A command expressed with the subjunctive form is usually interpreted as

more polite than a command expressed with the imperative form (see §10.1). To
express even more politeness, the prefix ngá- ‘can’ can be added, as in (28).
(28) ngóndìtúsè kùndìkwátìrà ècí cìpùpè

ngá-o-ndi-tus-é̲ ku-ndi-kwát-ir-a e-cí
can-sm2SG -om1SG -help-pfv.sbjv inf-om1SG -grab-appl-fv aug-dem.i7
ci-pupe
np7 -container
‘Can you please carry that container for me?’ (ZF_Elic14)
Subjunctives are also used in subordinate clauses, where they can carry the
same functions as subjunctives in main clauses, or can be used to express the
desired or intended consequence of the event expressed in the main clause, as in
(29–30).
(29) bàmùbérékérà òkùtéyè àfúmè

ba-mu-berek-er-á̲ okuteye a-fum-é̲
sm2 -om1 -work-fv that sm1 -become_rich-pfv.sbjv
‘They work for him, so that he becomes rich.’ (NF_Elic17)
(30) mbóshàkèsháké àkàshérêŋì òpàngé àkà-business

mbo-ó̲-shake-shak-é̲ a-ka-sheréŋi
near.fut-sm2SG -pl2-find-pfv.sbjv aug-np12 -money
o-pang-é̲ a-ka-business
sm2SG -make-pfv.sbjv aug-np12 -business
‘You will find a little money so that you make a small business.’
(ZF_Conv13)
The perfective subjunctive can combine with the remoteness prefix na-; in
subordinate clauses, this indicates a remote future, as in (31–32). In main clauses,
the perfective subjunctive with na- expresses the same functions as the perfective
subjunctive without na-, only set in the remote future, such as a command to be
followed up tomorrow, not today. This use is illustrated in (33–34). Remoteness
is usually considered as at least one day removed from the day of speaking, as it
404
is throughout the tense/aspect system of Fwe (see, for instance, the remote past
perfective, §8.3.2).
(31) mbùtí náyìwánè èyí shérêŋì
N-bu-tí na-á̲-iH -wan-é̲ e-í ∅-sheréŋi
cop-np14 -how rem-sm1 -om9 -find-pfv.sbjv aug-dem.i9 np9 -money
‘How will he get this money?’ (Lit.: ‘It is how that he will get this
money?’) (ZF_Conv13)
(32) éwè zyúmùnyà ndíwè nóbè háꜝkátì
éwe zyú-munya ndí-we na-ó̲-b-e
pers2SG pp1 -other cop-pers2SG rem-sm2SG -be-pfv.sbjv
há-ka-tí
np16 -np12 -middle
‘You, the other one, it is you who will be in the middle.’ (ZF_Narr13)
(33) nóyêndè zyônà
na-ó̲-é̲nd-e zyóna
rem-sm2SG -go-pfv.sbjv tomorrow
‘Go tomorrow.’
(34) nìbézyè bàkùbónè
ni-bá̲-izy-e ba-ku-boH n-é̲
rem-sm2SG -come-pfv.sbjv sm2 -om2SG -see-pfv.sbjv
‘She has to come and take care of you.’ (NF_Narr17)
The remoteness prefix na- is used with the verb ta ‘say’ in the subjunctive,
followed by a subjunctive main verb, to express an event that almost, but not
quite, took place, as in (35–36).
(35) nàté ndìmùcáîsè zywínà
na-ta-é̲ ndi-mu-caí̲s-e zwiná
rem-say-pfv.sbjv sm1SG -om1 -bump_into-pfv.sbjv dem.iv1
‘I almost bumped into her/him, that one.’ (NF_Elic17)
(36) nòbónì cwárè rìn’ éòndè nàté òírè
no-bón-i cwaré riná e-∅-onde
sm2SG .pst-see-npst.pfv then dem.iv5 aug-np5 -waterlily
na-ta-é o-ir-é̲
rem-say-pfv.sbjv sm2SG -go.appl-pfv.sbjv
‘Did you see that flower that you wanted to go to?’ (Context: a boy
wanted to pick a waterlily. A bird warns him not to, picks up the
405
10 Mood
waterlily and reveals a snake underneath it. The bird returns to the boy
and discusses what would have happened if he went to pick the waterlily
as he planned.) (NF_Narr17)
10.3 Imperfective subjunctive

An imperfective subjunctive is formed with the post-initial prefix áku-, as in (37).
Verbs in the imperfective subjunctive maintain their underlying tones, and aside
from the high tone associated with the prefix áku- itself, no melodic high tones
are added.
(37) ènwé ꜝbáꜝnángù mwákùkàrà

enwé bá-na-angú mu-áku-kar-a
pers2PL np2 -child-poss1SG sm2PL -sbjv.ipfv-stay-fv
‘You, my children, must stay here.’ (NF_Elic17)
The second syllable ku of the prefix áku- is derived from the infinitive prefix
ku-. Two of the characteristics of the imperfective subjunctive point to its origin
in an infinitive: the fact that the syllable ku may change to ka when used with
the distal marker (see (43)), and the lack of melodic tones, which is typical of
infinitives and rarely seen in inflected verbs (see also §3.3.5).
Habitual is a subtype of imperfective aspect, and the imperfective subjunctive
is therefore often used with a habitual meaning, combined with the habitual suf-
fix -ang, as in (38) (see also §9.2.1).
(38) wákùmùtùsàngà
o-áku-mu-tus-ang-a
sm2SG -sbjv.ipfv-om1 -help-hab-fv
‘You should help her/him regularly.’ (NF_Elic17)
Without the habitual suffix -ang, both a habitual and a progressive reading are
possible, as in (39). The imperfective subjunctive does not combine with overt
progressive markers, and in most cases, such as in (40), the habitual reading ap-
pears to be preferred.
(39) wákùmùtùsà
o-áku-mu-tus-a
sm2SG -sbjv.ipfv-om1 -help-fv
‘You should be helping her/him.’ / ‘You should help her/him regularly.’
406
10.3 Imperfective subjunctive
(40) wákùmùtùsàngà
o-áku-mu-tus-ang-a
sm2SG -sbjv.ipfv-om1 -help-hab-fv
‘You should help her/him regularly.’ (NF_Elic17)
From the imperfective subjunctive, a near future imperfective is derived by

addition of the prefix mbo-, see §8.4.1.
More data are needed to study the range of meanings of the imperfective sub-
junctive, though it appears to be similar to that of the perfective subjunctive, e.g.
a command, as in (41), or a hortative, as in (42).
(41) mwákùrítèèzà
mu-áku-rí-teez-a
sm2 -sbjv.ipfv-refl-listen-fv
‘You have to listen to each other.’
(42) ndákùmènèkàngà
ndi-áku-menek-ang-a
sm1SG -sbjv.ipfv-wake_early-hab-fv
‘I should regularly wake up early.’ (NF_Elic17)
Like the perfective subjunctive, the imperfective subjunctive may combine

with the adverb nanga ‘even’, not to express uncertainty, as is the case for the
perfective subjunctive, but to express immediate future, as in (43–45).
(43) nàngà ndákàyà

nanga ndi-áka-y-a
even sm1SG -sbjv.ipfv.dist-go-fv
‘I am about to leave.’ (NF_Elic15)
(44) òmùndáré nàngà wákùbîzwà

o-mu-ndaré nanga u-áku-bízw-a
aug-np3 -maize even sm3 -sbjv.ipfv-ripen-fv
‘The maize is almost ripe/is about to ripen.’
(45) nàngà bákùhùrà ndìkàréː ꜝbákànànúkà

nanga ba-áku-hur-a ndi-ka-réː bá̲-ka-nanuk-á̲
even sm2 -sbjv.ipfv-arrive-fv cop-adv-long sm2 .rel-dist-leave-fv
‘S/he is about to arrive, s/he left a long time ago.’ (NF_Elic17)
407
11 Space
In addition to tense and aspect, which situate an event in time, Fwe verbs may be
inflected for space, situating the event in the physical space. The distal marker
indicates that the event takes place away from the deictic center, e.g. in a place
other than where the utterance is spoken (§11.1). Fwe also has a locative plurac-
tional, which indicates that an event takes place in multiple locations (§11.2).
11.1 Distal
Fwe has a post-initial distal prefix ka-, not to be confused with the pre-initial
prefix ka-, which marks the remote past imperfective (see §8.3.4), or negation
(see §12.1). The prefix ka- as a distal marker is well-attested in Bantu languages,
especially in south-central Bantu (Botne 1999).
The distal is used to indicate that an action takes place away from the deictic
center, usually the place where the utterance is spoken. In the utterance in (1),
the speaker uses the distal because it is spoken at a place other than his house,
hence the action referred to and the place where the utterance is spoken are not
the same. The use of the distal in (2) is necessary because this utterance describes
an action taking place in Namibia, and the utterance was spoken at the speaker’s
home village in Zambia.
(1) kùnjûò ndìkàzwâ

ku-N-júo ndi-ka-zw-á̲
np17 -np9 -house sm1SG -dist-come_out-fv
‘I came from home.’ (NF_Elic15)
(2) mwákàrí kwànàmíbyá kàndìkàsèbèzâ

mu-ákarí kwa-namibyá ka-ndi-ka-sebez-á̲
np3 -last_year np17 -Namibia pst.ipfv-sm1SG -dist-work-fv
‘Last year I worked in Namibia.’ (ZF_Elic14)
Bantu languages with distal ka- may differ in terms of which moods the distal
ka- can combine with (Botne 1999). In Fwe, the distal ka- can be used in all moods.
11 Space
Examples of the distal marker used in the indicative were given in (1) and (2).
The distal marker can also combine with an infinitive, as in (3). When the distal
combines with an infinitive, the infinitive prefix ku- is replaced by the distal
prefix ka-.1
(3) nàndámànà kàtémà èmìsùmò

na-ndí̲-a-man-a ka-tém-a e-mi-sumo
rem-sm1SG -pst-finish-fv inf.dist-chop-fv aug-np4 -pole
‘I finished chopping poles there.’ (ZF_Elic14)
The distal can also be used with verbs in the imperative, as in (4–5), and in the
subjunctive, as in (6). Note that the imperative and the subjunctive take the same
form, but are distinguished by the use of the subject marker (see Chapter 10).
(4) yêndè kàtêkè mênjì

é̲nd-e ka-té̲k-e ma-ínji
go-pfv.sbjv dist-fetch-pfv.sbjv np6 -water
‘Go and fetch water.’ (ZF_Elic14)
(5) kàsúmwínè bànyòkò

ka-sumwin-é̲ ba-nyoko
dist-tell-pfv.sbjv np2 -mother
‘Go tell your mother.’ (NF_Elic17)
(6) kùtêyè ndìkàkùmbùré rùkùmbà

kuteye ndi-ka-kumbur-é̲ ru-kumba
that sm1SG -dist-strip-pfv.sbjv np11 -fibre
‘… in order to cut strips of fibre there.’ (ZF_Narr14)
In many Bantu languages, the distal ka- is interpreted as ‘to go and X’. This
itive semantics is possibly the result of a grammaticalization of a verb ‘to go’,
for which evidence can be found in southern Bantoid and northwestern Narrow
Bantu languages (Botne 1999). The development of distal markers from verbs of
motion is a well-attested grammaticalization path (Heine et al. 1993: 103-104), and
is also seen in two Tanzanian Bantu languages (Nicolle 2003). The link between
the distal marker and an itive interpretation is not seen in all languages, however;
1
The change from the infinitive prefix ku- to ka- when used with a distal is one of the main
diagnostics that can be used to identify infinitives, both synchronically and diachronically, in
verbal constructions that derive from earlier infinitive forms. The other main diagnostic is lack
of melodic tone.
410
11.1 Distal
in Yeyi, a Bantu language geographically but not genealogically close to Fwe, the
distal marker ka- is not interpreted as itive (Seidel 2007). In Fwe, itive semantics
do appear to form a central part of the interpretation of the distal marker ka-
. This is seen in the use of the distal with imperative verbs, as in example (5)
above, where the itive semantics ‘go and’ is contributed by the distal marker
alone. Another example showing that motion is a necessary component for the
use of distal ka- is illustrated in (7–8), drawn from a narrative. In (7), the speaker
narrates that he moves away from the deictic center, as attested by his use of the
distal marker ka- on the verb. Having reached this place, a second event takes
place; he hears Claudia calling him. His hearing of Claudia takes place away from
the deictic center, but no movement is involved; therefore, the distal marker is
not used in (8).
(7) àhá ndíkàhùrá kùrwâmbà

a-ha ndí̲-ka-hur-á̲ ku-ru-ámba
dem.i16 sm1SG .rel-dist-arrive-fv np17 -np11- middle_of_field
‘(…) when I reached the middle of the field…’
(8) ndìshùwîrè bàklàùdìyà bàndìkûwà

ndi-shuH -í̲re ba-klaudia ba-ndi-kú̲-a
sm1SG -hear-stat np2 -Claudia sm2 -om1SG -call
‘I heard Mrs. Claudia calling me.’ (ZF_Narr13)
These examples suggest that motion is a necessary component of the interpre-

tation of the distal prefix ka-. More specifically, it encodes motion away from
the deictic center, and is not used for motion towards the deictic center. In (9),
the verb bàhúrè ‘he will arrive’ is used without the distal because the place of
the expected arrival is the same place as the place of speaking. In (10), the verb
kàndíkêːzyà ‘I was coming’ is used without the distal because it describes a jour-
ney that ends at the place of speaking.
(9) ênì òbùrótù mbòkúꜝté bàhúrè tùrâːrè

éni o-bu-rótu N-bo-kúteyé ba-hur-é̲
yes aug-np14 -good cop-np14 -that sm2 -arrive-pfv.sbjv
tu-rá̲ːr-e
sm1PL -sleep-pfv.sbjv
‘Yes, it’s good that he comes back and we spend the night here.’
(NF_Narr15)
411
11 Space
(10) àhá kàndíkêːzyà ndàhîtì òcècì

a-ha ka-ndí̲-ké̲ːzy-a ndi-a-hít-i
aug-dem.i16 pst.ipfv-sm1SG -come-fv sm`1SG -pst-pass-npst.pfv
o-∅-ceci
aug-np1a -church
‘When I came here, I passed by the church.’ (ZF_Elic14)
11.2 Locative pluractional

The post-initial prefixes yabú- and kabú- both express a locative pluractional, an
event that is carried out in different places. kabú- and yabú- are interchangeable,
and no difference in meaning could be observed. Which form is used appears
to depend on the individual speaker’s preference. Both locative pluractional pre-
fixes are illustrated in (11).
(11) cìkàbúkùkà ~ cìyàbúkùkà

ci-kabú/yabú-kuk-a
sm7 -loc.pl-float-fv
‘It floats, it goes by floating.’ (NF_Elic17)
The locative pluractional indicates an event taking place in different places:

in (12), without locative pluractional, the verb ríːzy indicates climbing in one
place, and in (13), with a locative pluractional, the verb ríːzy indicates climbing
in several places.
(12) ndìkwèsì ndìrî̲ːzyà

ndi-kwesi ndi-ríːzy-a
sm1SG -prog sm1SG -climb-fv
‘I am climbing.’
(13) ndìkàbúrìːzyà
ndi-kabú-riːzy-a
sm1SG -
‘I am going around climbing, I am climbing in different places.’
(NF_Elic17)
The locative pluractional differs from the two other pluractional strategies
used in Fwe, which are not strictly locative. As discussed in §6.7, these plurac-
tional strategies may express that an event is repeated, or involves multiple par-
ticipants. The locative pluractional suffix yabú-/kabú- only expresses that an
412
event is repeated in different locations. It may combine with either or both of

the other pluractional strategies, as in (14–16), combining the interpretation of
event repetition of pluractional I or II with the locative pluractional’s interpreta-
tion of spatial distribution.
(14) Locative pluractional + Pluractional I (suffix -a)

ndìkàbúbàsùndàíkà
ndi-kabú-ba-sund-a-ik-á̲
sm1SG -loc.pl-om2 -point-pl1-imp.tr-fv
‘I am going around pointing at them.’
(15) Locative pluractional + Pluractional II (stem reduplication)

àkàbúkàbìràkàbìrà múmàràpá ꜝábàntù
a-kabú-kabira-kabir-a mú-ma-rapá a-á=ba-ntu
sm1 -loc.pl-pl2-enter-fv np18 -np6 -courtyard pp6 -con=np2 -person
‘S/he keeps going round entering people’s courtyards.’ (NF_Elic17)
(16) Locative pluractional + Pluractional I + Pluractional II

nàkàyâ ìyé àkábúyèndàùràyèndàùrà òkábúbônà
na=ka-y-á iyé a-kabú-endaura-end-a-ur-a
com=inf.dist-go-fv that sm1 -loc.pl-pl2-go-pl1-sep.tr-fv
o-kabú-bón-a
aug-loc.pl-see-fv
‘And he went out to walk around, and look around.’ (NF_Narr17)
The exact interpretation of the locative pluractional depends on the lexical

aspect of the verb, as well as the wider linguistic context. Two main interpreta-
tions are possible: associated motion, where the event and motion co-occur (‘go
while X-ing’), and distributive, where the event alternates with motion (‘go and
X, go and X’). The associated motion interpretation of the locative pluractional
is available with verbs that have a long nucleus, such as dynamic verbs. This is
illustrated with the verb shíb ‘whistle’ in (17), which expresses whistling while
moving when combined with the locative pluractional.
(17) àkábúꜝshíbà
a-kabú-shib-á̲
sm1 -loc.pl-whistle-fv
‘S/he whistles while walking.’ (NF_Elic17)
413
11 Space
Stative verbs also have a long nucleus, and therefore the locative pluractional
is interpreted as associated motion with these verbs, as shown for the stative
verb tíy ‘be afraid’ in (18).
(18) àkàbútìyà
a-kabú-tiy-a
sm1 -loc.pl-be_afraid-fv
‘S/he is afraid on the way/while going.’ (NF_Elic17)
The locative pluractional may also take a distributive interpretation with dy-
namic verbs, marking that an event takes place in different places, as in (19).
(19) mbùryàhó kàbákàbúpàngà bùryáhò

N-bu-ryahó ka-bá̲-kabú-pang-a bu-ryahó
cop-np14 -like_that pst.ipfv-sm2 -loc.pl-do-fv np14 -like_that
‘That is how he used to do in different places.’ (NF_Narr17)
Whether the locative pluractional with dynamic verbs is interpreted as associ-

ated motion or distributive depends on the lexical semantics of the verb, as well
as the wider context. The associated motion interpretation is typically limited
to events that may logically co-occur with motion, such as motion verbs, as in
(20–22).
(20) ndìyàbúyèndà bùryáhò ndókùryàt’ énjôkà

ndi-yabú-end-a bu-ryahó ndí-o-ku-ryat-á
sm1SG -loc.pl-walk-fv np14 -like_that con1SG -aug-inf-step-fv
e-N-jóka
aug-np9 -snake
‘I was walking like that, then I stepped on a snake.’ (ZF_Narr13)
(21) kùshàmbà ndíꜝkábúꜝshámbà

ku-shamb-a ndí̲-kabú-shá̲mb-a
inf-swim-fv sm1SG .rel-loc.pl-swim-fv
‘I am swimming (across a distance, or to somewhere).’ (NF_Elic15)
(22) àkàyàbúcòbà
a-ka-yabú-cob-a
sm1 -dist-loc.pl-cycle-fv
‘She goes riding the bicycle.’ (NF_Narr17)
414
The locative pluractional has a distributive interpretation with change-of-state

verbs that lack an onset phase, such as the verb w ‘fall’ in (23); when combined
with the locative pluractional, it expresses something that repeatedly falls in dif-
ferent places.
(23) cìkàbúwà
ci-kabú-w-a
sm7 -loc.pl-fall-fv
‘It keeps falling. (while traveling; the item keeps falling out of your
pocket in different places)’ (NF_Elic17)
Change-of-state verbs without an onset phase also take yabú-/kabú-, but in

this case it is interpreted as a gradual change through time, as in (24–26).
(24) kànínì kànînì kùfúmà bákàbúfùmà bénà

ka-níni ka-níni ku-fúm-a bá-kabú-fum-a
adv-small adv-small inf-get_rich-fv sm2 .rel-loc.pl-get_rich-fv
bená
dem.iv2
‘S/he is slowly getting more and more rich.’
(25) cìkàbúrèmà
ci-kabú-rem-a
sm7 -loc.pl-become_heavy-fv
‘It is becoming heavy.’ (of something that you have been carrying for a
long time) (NF_Elic17)
(26) shèkùkàbúhìsà
she-ku-kabú-his-a
inc-sm17 -loc.pl-become_hot-fv
‘It is becoming hot.’ (NF_Elic15)
The markers kabú- and yabú- are historically derived from an inflected verb
followed by a verb with the adverbial prefix bú- (see §5.5 on adverbs). The syllable
ya is derived from the lexical verb ya ‘go’, which is still used in Fwe with this
meaning. kabú- is the result of the contraction of distal ka- with the locative
pluractional yabú-. In modern Fwe, ka-yabú- is considered to be interchangeable
with kabú-, as shown in (27). The original deictic semantics of distal ka- have
been lost in kabú-, which does not mark motion away from the deictic center.
415
11 Space
(27) ùkàyàbútùmbúkà ~ ùkàbútùmbúkà

u-ka-yabú-tumbuk-á ~ u-kabú-tumbuk-á
sm3 -dist-loc.pl-burn-fv ~ sm3 -loc.pl-burn-fv
‘It [fire] comes while burning.’ (NF_Elic17)
When the prefix yabú-/kabú- grammaticalized, the earlier inflected verb lost its
status as an independent lexical verb. This can be seen by the lack of melodic tone
in the ya/ka element, and by optional high tone spread from bú to the preceding
syllable, e.g. yábú- and kábú-. High tone spread does not cross word boundaries
(see §3.1.6), so its occurrence shows that the formerly independent verb has be-
come part of the prefix.
A similar marker yabo- is found in Subiya, as in ch’o ya bo sibila ‘he goes while
whistling’, which is also analyzed as a combination of the prefix bo and the lexical
verb ya ‘go’ (Jacottet 1896: 61).
416
12 Negation
Negation in Fwe is marked through verbal affixes, auxiliaries, and combinations
thereof, depending on the TAM construction. The pre-initial prefix ka- (Namib-
ian Fwe) /ta- (Zambian Fwe) is used to negate indicative verbs. Fwe also has two
post-initial negative suffixes, ásha-, used with subjunctive verb forms, and shá-,
used with infinitive verb forms. A negative final vowel suffix -i is seen in certain
constructions, but it is never the only marker of negation. Tone also plays a role
in negation: the present and stative constructions have different tonal patterns
for affirmative and negative forms. Table 12.1 gives an overview of the different
negative strategies used in Fwe.
Table 12.1: Negation
Position Form Inflections in which it is used

pre-initial ka- (Namibian Fwe) present, near past
ta- (Zambian Fwe) perfective, stative
post-initial (á)sha- / (á)sa- subjunctive/imperative
shá- / sá- infinitive
final vowel suffix -i present, subjunctive
auxiliary aazyá stative, fronted-infinitive
construction
auxiliary ka-/ta-ri remote past, future, past
progressive, past imperfective,
nominal predicates
12.1 Negation of indicative verb forms

Indicative verb forms are negated with a pre-initial prefix ka- or ta-, and the final
vowel suffix -i. This is illustrated with the present indicative in (1–3).
12 Negation
(1) ndìúrà
ndi-ur-á̲
sm1SG -buy-fv
‘I buy.’
(2) kàndìúrì
ka-ndi-ur-í̲
neg-sm1SG -buy-neg
‘I don’t buy.’ (NF_Elic15)
(3) tàndìúrì
ta-ndi-ur-í̲
neg-sm1SG -buy-neg
‘I don’t buy.’ (ZF_Elic14)
Present tense verbs also change their tone pattern when negated. Affirmative
present verbs take MT 1 and 4 (see §3.3), but negated present verbs take only MT
3. The tonal difference between the affirmative and negative present is illustrated
in (4).
(4) kàndìzíbârì (cf. ndìzìbárà ‘I forget’)
ka-ndi-zibá̲r-i
neg-sm1SG -forget-neg
‘I don’t forget.’ (NF_Elic15)
The negative suffix -i cannot be directly preceded by a passive suffix -(i)w.
When a passive verb is negated, the negative suffix -i is not used, but rather the
default final vowel suffix -a, as in (5). However, when the passive suffix -(i)w is
separated from the final vowel by the occurrence of the habitual suffix -ang, the
negative suffix -i is used, as in (6). Incompatibility with the passive suffix is also
observed for the near past perfective suffix -i (see §8.3.1).1
(5) kàcìhîkwà
ka-ci-hík-w-a
neg-sm7 -cook-pass-fv
‘It cannot be cooked.’ (NF_Elic15)
1
There are also other cases of overlap between the near past perfective and the negative present
tense form. Both forms use a suffix –i, neither of which ever causes spirantization (as opposed
to certain other suffixes with /i/, where spirantization is attested in lexicalized cases). Both
forms use melodic tone 3, which is assigned to the second stem syllable. In spite of these
formal similarities, however, there is little semantic overlap between the negative and near
past perfective meanings.
418
12.1 Negation of indicative verb forms
(6) báshàshéshíwàngì
ba-ásha-shesh-í̲w-ang-i
sm2 -neg-marry-pass-hab-neg
‘They should not be married.’ (ZF_Conv13)
Of the two forms of the negative prefix, ka- is mainly used in Namibian Fwe,
and tain Zambian Fwe. This areal distribution is also seen in several other Bantu
languages of the region, including those of the Bantu Botatwe subgroup, such as
Totela and Subiya, but also Yeyi, not part of Bantu Botatwe. Totela, which, like
Fwe, has a Zambian and a Namibian variety, exhibits the same distribution as
Fwe; ta- is used in the Zambian variety (Crane 2011: 82), and ka- in the Namibian
variety. Subiya and Yeyi, only spoken in Namibia, both only use ka- (Jacottet
1896: 57-58; Seidel 2008: 405-408). The distribution of the ka- and ta- forms of the
negative prefix thus more or less follows the national border between Zambia
and Namibia.
The negative prefix ta-/ka- is placed directly before the subject marker of the
verb. When the subject marker consists of a vowel only, vowel hiatus resolution
takes place between the vowel of the negative prefix and the vowel of the subject
marker. Aside from subject markers affected by predictable rules of vowel hiatus
resolution, there are no special forms of subject markers used exclusively with
negative verbs, as opposed to a tendency often observed in Bantu languages for
subject markers of the first person singular to have a special negated form: the
negated form of the first person singular is a morphologically regular combina-
tion of the negative prefix with the first person singular subject marker ndi-, as
in (7).
(7) tàndìbútùkì (cf. ndìbùtúkà ‘I run’)

ta-ndi-bú̲tuk-i
neg-sm1SG -run-neg
‘I don’t run.’ (ZF_Elic14)
The prefix ka-/ta- is also used to negate the near past perfective. This tense
uses a past suffix -i which is homophonous with the negative suffix -i. Negated
verbs in the near past perfective have the same tonal pattern as their affirmative
counterparts, as illustrated in (8).
(8) kàndàzíbònì (cf. ndàzíbònì ‘I’ve seen them’)

ka-ndi-a-zí-bon-i
neg-sm1SG -pst-om10 -see-npst.pfv
‘I haven’t seen them.’ (NF_Elic15)
419
12 Negation
Verbs in the stative construction are also negated with the prefix ka-/ta-, com-
bined with lengthening of the last vowel of the verb, which is not seen in the af-
firmative stative. This can be seen as influence from the negative suffix -i, which
contributes an extra mora to the last vowel of the verb, but its vowel quality
merges with the last vowel of the verb (/e/ or /i/, depending on the allomorph of
the stative suffix, see §9.3). The length difference in the last vowel of affirmative
and negative stative verbs is illustrated in (9–10).
(9) kàìbòrètêː (cf. ìbórêtè ‘it is rotten’)
ka-i-bor-ete-í̲
neg-sm1SG -rot-stat-neg
‘It is not rotten.’ (ZF_Elic14)
(10) kàndìyìzyîː (cf. ndìyìzyì ‘I know it’)
ka-ndi-iH -zyi-í̲
neg-sm1SG -om9 -know.stat-neg
‘I don’t know it.’ (NF_Elic15)
The negation of stative verbs also involves a change in tone pattern. Affirma-
tive stative verbs take a high tone on the second stem syllable (MT 3, see §3.3.3).
Negated stative verbs take a high tone on the last mora of the verb (MT 1, see
§3.3.1). The deletion of the lexical tone of the root, as seen in the affirmative sta-
tive, also affects the negated stative. Optional high tone spread, i.e. the copying
of high tones up to the first syllable of the verb stem, is never seen in negated
stative verbs, though it is very common in affirmative stative verbs. The different
tone patterns of affirmative and negated stative verbs are illustrated in (11–12).
(11) tàndìshèshètêː (cf. ndìshéshêtè ‘I am married’)
ta-ndi-sheH sh-ete-í̲
neg-sm1SG -marry-stat-neg
‘I am not married.’
(12) tàtùkàtìtêː (cf. tùkátîtè ‘we are thin’)
ta-tu-kat-ite-í̲
neg-sm1PL -become_thin-stat-neg
‘We are not thin.’ (ZF_Elic14)
12.2 Negation of imperative and subjunctive verb forms

Imperative and subjunctive verb forms are negated with a post-initial prefix
ásha-, combined with the negative suffix -i, as in (13–15). In Namibian Fwe, the
420
12.3 Negation of infinitive verb forms
prefix has a free variant ása-, as in (16) (see §2.2 on the free variation between /s/
and /sh/ in grammatical prefixes).
(13) wáshàyáshàmì òkìmúmé bùryò

o-ásha-yásham-i o-kiH -mum-é̲ bu-ryo
sm2SG -neg.sbjv-open_mouth-neg sm2SG -refl-close-pfv.sbjv np14 -only
‘Don’t open your mouth, just close it like that.’ (ZF_Narr13)
(14) mwáshàbútùkì câhà

mu-ásha-bútuk-i cáha
sm2PL -neg.sbjv-run-neg very
‘Don’t go too fast.’ (NF_Elic17)
(15) ndìryá bùryó kànînì òkùtêyè ndáshànúnì

ndi-ry-á bu-ryó ka-níni okutéye
sm1SG -eat-fv np14 -only adv-little that
ndi-ásha-nun-í̲
sm1SG -neg.sbjv-become_fat-neg
‘I only eat a little, so that I do not become fat.’ (NF_Elic17)
(16) kònó náàryá òkùtêyè ásàrémùhì

konó ná̲-a-a-ry-á okutéye á-sa-rémuh-i
but rem-sm1 -pst-eat-fv that sm1 -neg.sbjv-find_out-neg
‘But she ate, so that he wouldn’t find out.’ (NF_Narr17)
The negative subjunctive/imperative prefix may be realized as ásha-/ása- or

sha-/sa-. When the first vowel /a/ is dropped, the high tone of the suffix is realized
on the subject marker, as in (17).
(17) músàndìtáfùnì
mú-sa-ndi-táfun-i
sm2PL -neg.sbjv-om1SG -chew-neg
‘Don’t eat me!’ (NF_Narr17)
12.3 Negation of infinitive verb forms

Infinitive verb forms are negated with a post-initial prefix shá-, as in (18–19). In
Namibian Fwe, the prefix shá- has a free variant sá-, as in (20) (/s/ and /sh/ are
interchangeable in grammatical prefixes; see §2.2).
421
12 Negation
(18) kùshátèèzà mbùkáꜝbábù

ku-shá-teez-a N-bu-kábabú
inf-neg.inf-listen-fv cop-np14 -problem
‘Not listening is a problem.’ (NF_Elic17)
(19) nàngá mwínàkò yóbùkòbà mbàngíː bànàdàmwá kókùsházyìbà òkùbàrà

ècìpùrá nècìŋòrétwà ìyé cámàkúwà èwé mpàhó àkèːzyà kúkàrà nòrì
mùntù ókùsìhà
nangá mú-e-N-nako i-ó=bu-koba N-ba-ngíː
even np18 -aug-np9 -time pp9 -con=np14 -apartheid cop-pp2 -many
ba-na-dam-w-á̲ kó-ku-shá-zyib-a o-ku-bar-a
sm2 -pst-beat-pass-fv adv-inf-neg.inf-know-fv aug-inf-read-fv
e-ci-purá ne-ci-ŋoH r-é̲twa iyé ci-á-ma-kuwá
aug-np7 -chair rem-sm7 -write-stat-pass that pp7 -con=np6 -white
ewe N-pa-hó a-keːzy-a kú-kar-a na=o-ri
pers2SG cop-np16 -dem.iii16 sm1 -come-fv inf-sit-fv com=sm2SG -be
mu-ntu u-ó=ku-sih-a
np1 -person pp1 -con=inf-be_black-fv
‘Even in the time of apartheid, many were beaten because of not
knowing how to read. On a bench, it is written, whites only. You, that is
where you sit, when you are a black person.’ (NF_Song17)
(20) kùshábònà ~ kùsábònà

ku-shá-bon-a
inf-neg.inf-see-fv
‘to not see’
12.4 Negation with auxiliaries

All other verbal constructions are negated with the use of an auxiliary ri ‘be’ or
aazyá ‘be not’, or a lexical verb síy ‘stop, leave’. Negation with ri ‘be’ involves
the negative prefix ka-/ta- marked on the auxiliary, followed by the inflected
lexical verb, which takes a high tone on the subject marker, showing that it is a
relative verb (see §13.5.1 on the formal properties of relative clause verbs). This
construction is used to negate the remote past perfective, as in (21), the remote
past imperfective, as in (22), and the near past imperfective, as in (23).
422
(21) kàrì ndáyìbònà

ka-ri ndi-á̲-i-bon-a
neg-be sm1SG -pst-om9 -see-fv
‘I did not see it.’ (NF_Elic15)
(22) kàrì kátòmbwèr’ éꜝsózù

ka-ri ka-á̲-tombwer-á̲ e-∅-sozú
neg-be pst.ipfv-sm1 -weed-fv aug-np5 -grass
‘He was not weeding grass.’ (NF_Narr15)
(23) kàrì ndákùhîkà

ka-ri ndí̲-aku-hík-a
neg-be sm1SG -npst.ipfv-cook-fv
‘I was not cooking.’ (NF_Elic17)
The auxiliary ri ‘be’ with a negative prefix is also used to negate nominal predi-
cates. Affirmative nominal predicates are marked by a copulative prefix only (see
§5.3). When negated with the auxiliary ri, the copulative prefix is maintained, as
in (24–25).
(24) mbùrôtù kònó kàrí mbùrótù nênjà

N-bu-rótu konó ka-rí N-bu-rótu nénja
cop-np14 -good but neg-be cop-np14 -good well
‘It is good, but it is not very good.’ (ZF_Conv13)
(25) òwú kàrí ꜝngómùnzí ꜝwángù

o-ú ka-rí ngó-mu-nzí u-angú
aug-dem.i3 neg-be cop.def3 -np3 -village pp3 -poss1SG
‘This is not my village.’ (ZF_Elic13)
To express a negative future, the auxiliary ri ‘be’ is used, marked with the
negative prefix ka-/ta-, followed by a subjunctive verb. To indicate a more remote
future, the subjunctive verb takes a remoteness prefix na-/ne-, as used in (26–27).
To express a near future, the remoteness prefix is omitted, as in (28–29).
(26) rímwì zyûbà kàrì nèmúbûːꜝké nwè

rí-mwi ∅-zyúba ka-ri ne-mú̲-bú̲ːk-e enwé
pp5 -other np5 -day neg-be rem-sm2PL -wake.intr-pfv.sbjv pers2PL
‘One day, you are not going to wake up.’ (NF_Narr15)
423
12 Negation
(27) kàrì nándìsépè

ka-ri na-á̲-ndi-sep-é̲
neg-be rem-sm1 -om1SG -trust-pfv.sbjv
‘He will not trust me.’ (ZF_Conv13)
(28) kàrì ndífìyérè

ka-ri ndí̲-fiH yer-é̲
neg-be sm1SG -sweep-pfv.sbjv
‘I will not sweep.’ (ZF_Elic13)
(29) kàrì ndícìpángè shûnù

ka-ri ndí̲-ciH -pá̲ng-e shúnu
neg-be sm1SG -om7 -do-pfv.sbjv today
‘I will not do it today.’ (NF_Elic17)
The auxiliary aazyá ‘be/have not’ is also used to negate the verb iná ‘be
at/have’, as in (30–31).
(30) kwìn’ écò ndíbwènè

ku-iná e-co ndí̲-bweH ne
sm17 -be_at aug-dem.iii7 sm1SG .rel-see.stat
‘There is something that I see. / I see something.’
(31) kùààzy’ écò ndíbwènè

ku-aazyá e-co ndí̲-bweH ne
sm17 -be_not aug-dem.iii7 sm1SG .rel-see.stat
‘There is not something that I see. / I see nothing.’ (NF_Elic15)
Where the auxiliary iná with a locative subject marker is used to express
‘something’, ‘someone’, or ‘somewhere’, its negated counterpart aazyá is used
to express ‘nothing’, ‘no one’, or ‘nowhere’. Subject markers of all three locative
classes can be used with the verb aazyá, e.g. class 16, as in (32), class 17, as in
(33–34), and class 18, as in (35).
(32) ákèːzyà kùwànà ìyé hààzyá bàntù

á̲-keːzy-a ku-wan-a iyé ha-aazyá ba-ntu
sm1 .rel-come-fv inf-find-fv that sm16 -be_not np2 -person
‘When he came to find that there were no people there…’ (NF_Narr15)
424
(33) kwààzyá mùntù

ku-aazyá mu-ntu
sm17 -be_not np1 -person
‘There is no one.’ (ZF_Elic13)
(34) kwàázyó kò nìbáwânè ménò

ku-aazyá o-kó ni-bá̲-wá̲n-e ma-inó
sm17 -be_not aug-dem.iii17 rem-sm2 -find-pfv.sbjv np6 -tooth
‘There’s nowhere where he can get the teeth.’ (NF_Narr15)
(35) òbú bùsùnsò mwáázyé zwàyì

o-bú bu-sunso mu-aazyá e-zwai
aug-dem.i14 np14 -relish sm18 -be_not aug-salt
‘This relish, there is no salt in it.’ (ZF_Elic14)
The auxiliary aazyá can also be used to negate a fronted infinitive construction.
The fronted infinitive construction, which consists of an inflected verb preceded
by an infinitive copy of the same verb stem (see §9.1.1), is illustrated in (36). It
cannot be negated through the prefix ta-/ka- and the suffix -i, as shown by the
ungrammaticality of (37). Instead a construction is used with the negative aazyá
inflected for subject agreement, followed by the lexical verb in the infinitive, as
in (38).
(36) kùhòndà ndíꜝhóndà

ku-hond-a ndí̲-hó̲nd-a
inf-cook-fv sm1SG .rel-cook-fv
‘I am cooking.’
(37) *kùhòndà tàndíꜝhóndì (ZF_Elic14)
(38) ndààzyá kùhòndà

ndi-aazyá ku-hond-a
sm1SG -be_not inf-cook-fv
‘I am not cooking.’
aazyá is also occasionally used to negate verbs that may also be negated with a
prefix ka-/ta- or an auxiliary ri ‘be’. This is the case for verbs with a reduplicated
stem, as in (39), which may be negated with a prefix ka-/ta- and a suffix -i in
the present tense, as in (40), but most speakers prefer to use the auxiliary aazyá
followed by the reduplicated verb in the infinitive form, as in (41).
425
12 Negation
(39) ndìtóːrátôːrà
ndi-toːra-tó̲ːr-a
sm1SG -pl2-pick-fv
‘I pick.’
(40) kàndìtóːrìtòːrì
ka-ndi-tó̲ːri-toːr-i
neg-sm1SG -pl2-pick-neg
‘I don’t pick.’
(41) ndààzy’ ókùtóːràtòːrà

ndi-aazyá o-ku-tóːra-toːr-a
sm1SG -be_not aug-inf-pl2-pick-fv
‘I don’t pick.’ (NF_Elic15)
aazyá is also used to negate verbs expressing states, either verbs in the stative
construction, as in (42–43), or true stative verbs, as in (44). As shown in §12.1,
stative verbs can also be negated with affixes on the verb. A meaning difference
between periphrastic and morphological negation of stative verbs has not been
observed.
(42) ècìyângò cààzyá kùbórêtè

e-ci-ángo ci-aazyá ku-bor-é̲te
aug-np7 -fruit sm7 -be_not inf-rot-stat
‘The fruit is not rotten.’ (ZF_Elic14)
(43) cààzy’ ókùhárîtwà

ci-aazyá o-ku-ar-í̲t-w-a
sm7 -be_not aug-inf-close-stat-pass-fv
‘It is not closed.’ (NF_Elic15)
(44) ndàázyá kùshàkà kùrìhà òmùrándù

ndi-aazyá ku-shak-a ku-rih-a o-mu-randú
sm1SG -be_not inf-want-fv inf-pay-fv aug-np3 -fine
‘I don’t want to pay a fine.’ (NF_Elic15)
The lexical verb síy ‘leave, let go, stop’, is used in the imperative form and
followed by an infinitive to express a prohibitive, as in (45–46).
426
(45) sìy’ ókùndìkwâtà

siH -é̲ o-ku-ndi-kwát-a
stop-pfv.sbjv aug-inf-om1SG -grab-fv
‘Don’t touch me.’ (NF_Elic15)
(46) òsìyé kùyángà kwìnà

o-siH -é̲ ku-yá-ang-a kwina
sm2SG -leave-pfv.sbjv inf-go-hab-fv dem.iv17
‘Never go there.’ (NF_Elic17)
427
13 Syntax and information structure
Various issues in the syntax of Fwe have already been discussed in previous chap-
ters: the marking of subjects and (multiple) objects in Chapter 7, the syntactic
behavior of arguments introduced by the causative or applicative derivation in
Chapter 6, the use of copulative prefixes to mark non-verbal predication in §5.3,
to name a few. This chapter discusses remaining issues in the syntax of Fwe.
§13.1 discusses the canonical word order in Fwe, and Sections 13.2 and 13.3 dis-
cuss pragmatically motivated derivations from this order. In §13.4 locative inver-
sion is discussed, which involves the use of a locative constituent as a syntactic
subject. §13.5 discusses a number of dependent clause types, including relative
clauses. §13.6 discusses cleft constructions, which combine nominal predication
with a relative clause to mark constituent focus.
13.1 Canonical word order

Constituent order in Fwe depends on three factors; the syntactic function of the
constituent, that is if it functions as a subject, object, (inflected) verb, or a loca-
tive adjunct or adverb; the information structural properties of the constituent,
whether it is in focus, topicalized, or marked for definiteness; and the clause type,
either main or subordinate. The canonical, unmarked order of constituents in a
main clause in Fwe is SVO, as illustrated in (1); note that, while such clauses can
easily by elicited, in actual discourse it is likely for the subject, the object, or both
to be expressed pronominally rather than as as nominal constituents.
(1) òmùsá nàhíbí ènjìngà yángù

o-mu-sá na-hib-í̲ e-N-jinga i-angú
aug-np1 -thief sm1 .pst-steal-npst.pfv aug-np9 -bicycle pp9 -poss1SG
[Subject] [Verb] [ Object ]
‘A thief has stolen my bicycle.’ (NF_Elic15)
SVO order is used for sentences that are unmarked with respect to information
structure; neither of the constituents in a sentence with SVO order is overtly
marked for either topic or focus. Constituents may move out of their canonical
position to the left periphery of the sentence, in order to be marked as topic, or

the right periphery of the sentence, in order to be marked for definiteness. These
processes of left dislocation and right dislocation are discussed in the following
sections.
13.2 Left dislocation

Constituents can be moved out of their canonical position to the beginning of
the clause, in which case they are morphologically and prosodically marked as a
separate phrase. The prosodic marking of left dislocation is most clearly seen by
the application of phrase-final tonal processes, namely the realization of underly-
ing high tones as falling and the shift of final high tones to the penultimate mora
(see §3.1 on tonal processes), for instance, the final falling tone in the dislocated
subject constituent in (2). The morphological marking of left dislocation is only
seen on dislocated constituents that function as an object or locative adjunct, in
which case the dislocated constituent needs to be cross-referenced by an object
marker, as in (3), or locative clitic, as in (4).
(2) àá màyîː àbórêtè

a-á ma-yíː a-bor-é̲te
aug-dem.i6 np6 -egg sm6 -rot-stat
‘These eggs, they’re rotten.’
(3) òzyú múꜝkwámè kàndìmùzyîː

o-zyú mú-kwamé ka-ndi-mu-zyiH -í̲
aug-dem.i1 np1 -man neg-sm1SG -om1 -know.stat-neg
‘This man, I don’t know him.’
(4) mòwíꜝn’ ómùnzì ndáyꜝámò

mu-o-winá o-mu-nzi ndi-á̲-y-a=mó̲
np18 -aug-dem.iv3 aug-np3 -village sm1SG -pst-go-fv=loc18
‘That village, I’ve been there.’ (NF_Elic15)
As the canonical position for the subject can be the preverbal position, not
all subjects appearing before a verb are dislocated. This is only the case when a
subject constituent at the left edge of a sentence is affected by phrase-final tone
rules. Pre-verbal subjects that are not affected by these phrase-final processes are
not left-dislocated, but remain in situ; this is illustrated in (5), where the subject
constituent bàmùrútí ‘teachers’ is not affected by the phrase-final tone process
430
13.2 Left dislocation
of H retraction, showing that it is not dislocated. Compare with (2) above, where
phrase-final processes do affect the left-dislocated subject constituent àá màyîː
‘these eggs’.
(5) bàmùrútí bàbùtúkà

ba-mu-rutí ba-buH tuk-á̲
np2 -np1 -teacher sm2 -run-fv
‘The teachers run.’ (NF_Elic15)
Constituents are dislocated to the left periphery of the sentence in order to

function as a topic, the referent that a sentence is “about” (Lambrecht 1994: 114),
the old information, given through physical or linguistic context, to which the
speaker intends to add new information. In (6), the left-dislocated constituent
òzyú mwâncè ‘this child’ functions as the topic; as it refers to a child who is
present at the time, it is known to the discourse through the immediate physical
surrounding and as such functions as a topic for the rest of the utterance.
(6) òzyú mwâncè mùmùtwárè kùcìpátêrà

o-zyú mu-ánce mu-mu-twá̲r-e ku-ci-patéra
aug-dem.i1 np1 -child sm2PL -om1 -carry-pfv.sbjv np17 -np7 -hospital
‘This child, take her/him to the hospital.’ (ZF_Elic14)
Another example of the use of left dislocation for topicalization is given in (7),
which is the beginning of a story. In the first sentence, the referent òmfûmù ‘a
rich man’ is introduced. In the second, this same referent is marked as a topic by
left-dislocation; it serves as the old information to which the sentence contributes
new facts.
(7) kàrê kàkwín’ ꜝómfûmù

ka-réː ka-ku-iná o-∅-mfúmu
adv-long pst.ipfv-be_at aug-np1a -rich_man
‘Long ago, there was a rich man.’
(8) òmfûmù bàmùkúwè mùrènà

o-∅-mfúmu ba-mu-kú̲-e mu-rena
aug-np1a -rich_man sm2 -om1 -call-pfv.sbjv np1 -chief
‘The rich man, they would call him chief.’ (NF_Narr15)
Left-dislocation can be used to mark a contrastive topic; when various refer-

ents are accessible, the speaker can choose to pick out a single referent to the
431
exclusion of others. (9) and (10) are taken from a conversation in which speak-
ers discuss their views on marriage; in (9), the first speaker gives his view, and
in (10), the second speakers gives his own, contrastive view, using the personal
pronoun me ‘I’, in the left-dislocated position to mark a contrastive topic.
(9) ndìbwènè mbóbùmángò òkùshéshà òmùkéntù òzyú tàkìtùtìtêː

ndi-bwene mbó-bu-mángo o-ku-shésh-a o-mu-kéntu
sm1SG -see.stat cop.def14 -np14 -bad aug-inf-marry-fv aug-np1 -woman
o-zyú ta-a-kitut-ite-í̲
aug-dem.i1 neg.sm1 -be_educated-stat.neg
‘I think that it is bad to marry an uneducated woman.’
(10) kònó mè òbùrótù òbò ndíbwènè òkùshéshà òmùkéntù zyù tàkìtùtìtêː

konó mè o-bu-rótu o-bo ndí-bwene
but pers1SG aug-np14 -good aug-dem.iii14 sm1SG .rel-see.stat
o-ku-shésh-a o-mu-kéntu zyu
aug-inf-marry-fv aug-np1 -woman dem.i1
ta-a-kitut-ite-í̲
neg.sm1 -be_educated-stat-neg
‘But me, I think that it is good to marry an uneducated woman.’
(ZF_Conv13)
13.3 Right dislocation

Constituents can also be moved out of their canonical position to the right edge of
the clause. Right dislocation resembles left dislocation in that dislocated objects
and locative adjuncts require cross-referencing on the main clause verb, as in (11–
12), where the dislocated constituent is marked in bold. Right-dislocation may
also target subjects, as in (13).
(11) ndìrùshákà òrú rùzyîmbò

ndi-ruH -shak-á̲ o-rú ru-zyímbo
sm1SG -om11 -like-fv aug-dem.i11 np11 -song
‘I like this song.’
(12) ndáꜝyámò mòwín’ ꜝómùnzì

ndí̲-a-ya=mó̲ mo-winá o-mu-nzi
sm1SG -pst-go-fv=loc18 np18 -dem.iv3 aug-np3 -village
‘I’ve been to that village.’ (NF_Elic15)
432
13.3 Right dislocation
(13) shìbáꜝnázyìbì báꜝmúꜝkwáꜝmé ꜝwénù

shi-bá-ná-zyib-i bá-mú-kwámé u-enú
inc-sm2 -pst-know-npst.pfv np2 -np1 -man pp1 -poss2PL
‘Your husband has now become aware.’ (NF_Narr15)
Right dislocation differs from left dislocation, however, in the phonological

phrasing of the dislocated constituent. Whereas left-dislocated constituents are
always followed by a prosodic boundary, a prosodic boundary preceding the
right-dislocated constituent is optional. Examples of right-dislocated constitu-
ents that do function as a separate phrase are given in (11–12), as seen from the
application of phrase-final tonal processes on the verb preceding the dislocated
constituent. An example of a right-dislocated constituent which is not preceded
by a prosodic boundary is given in (14), as seen from the lack of high tone retrac-
tion on the verb preceding the dislocated constituent.
(14) mùrùsháká òrú rùzyîmbò

mu-ruH -shak-á̲ o-rú ru-zyímbo
sm2PL -om11 -like-fv aug-dem.i11 np11 -song
‘Do you like this song?’ (NF_Elic15)
The possible lack of a prosodic boundary between the verb and the right-
dislocated object might suggest that the object is not dislocated, but occurs in situ,
and that the use of the object marker in this context, which is otherwise obliga-
tory only when objects are dislocated, indicates that Fwe allows object marking
for agreement, e.g. object marking when an overt object noun is present in the
clause. However, right dislocation may target subject and locative constituents
as well as objects; for subjects and locatives, right-dislocation clearly involves
movement out of the constituent’s canonical position, suggesting that objects
are moved out of their canonical position as well, and that this explains the oc-
currence of the object marker.
Right dislocation marks constituents as definite. The notion of definiteness
shows some overlap with the notion of topic, because both definite constituents
and topic constituents are referents that are known to both the speaker and the
hearer. They differ, however, in that a topic constituent is not only known, but
also the constituent that the rest of the sentence is about, to which the sentence
aims to contribute new information. A definite constituent, however, does not
(necessarily) play this pivotal role. An example of a definite constituent that does
not function as a topic is given in (15). The topic is the locative adjunct mùnjìrà
kwécì cìkúnì ‘along the path, at the tree’, which occurs in the sentence-initial
433
topic position. The object noun ménò énù ‘your teeth’, which occurs in the right-
dislocated position as seen from the use of the object marker on the verb, is
definite but does not function as a topic.
(15) mùnjìrà kwécì cìkúnì kókò ndàázìkì ménò énù

mu-N-jira kú-e-ci ci-kuní kó-ko
np18 -np9 -path np17 -aug-dem.i7 np7 -tree cop.def17 -dem.iii17
ndi-a-á-zik-i ma-íno a-enú
sm1SG -pst-om6 -hide-npst.pfv np6 -tooth pp6 -poss2PL
‘Along the path, at the tree, that’s where I’ve hidden your teeth.’
(NF_Narr15)
Subjects can be moved to the post-verbal position to be marked for definite-

ness. In (16), taken from a narrative about a lion, the lion has been mentioned
frequently in the previous discourse and is therefore construed as definite.
(16) shànàkàkárìhì òndávù

sha-na-ka-kárih-i o-∅-ndavú
inc-sm1 .pst-dist-be_angry-npst.pfv aug-np1a -lion
‘The lion was now very angry.’ (NF_Narr15)
Right-dislocation can also affect inherently definite constituents, such as per-

sonal pronouns, as in (17–18), nouns modified by a demonstrative, as in (19), and
proper names, as in (20).
(17) rímwì zyûbà kàrì nèmúbûːk’ ꜝénwè

rí-mwi ∅-zyúba ka-ri ne-mú̲-bú̲ːk-e enwé
pp5 -other np5 -day neg-be rem-sm2PL -wake-pfv.sbjv pers2PL
‘One day you are not going to wake up.’ (NF_Narr15)
(18) èyí nyàmà kàtwíyírí swè

e-í N-nyama ka-tu-í-ri-i eswé
aug-dem.i9 np9 -meat neg-sm1PL -om9 -eat-neg pers1PL
‘This meat, we don’t eat it.’ (NF_Elic15)
(19) ndókùrídàmà èryó zyôkà

ndi-ó=ku-rí-dam-a e-ryó ∅-zyóka
pp1SG -con=inf-om5 -beat-fv aug-dem.iii5 np5 -snake
‘Then I beat that snake.’ (ZF_Narr13)
434
13.4 Locative inversion
(20) mbàndíbànánúnè bàhènì

mba-ndí̲-baH -nanú̲n-e ba-heni
near.fut-sm1SG -om2 -lift-pfv.sbjv np2 -Hennie
‘I will lift up Mr. Hennie.’ (ZF_Elic14)
Although right-dislocated constituents are always definite, a constituent that
is not right-dislocated is not necessarily indefinite. An example of a definite noun
phrase used in the pre-verbal position is given in (21), and an example of a definite
noun phrase (describing a hoe that was mentioned earlier in the discourse) that
is post-verbal but not dislocated, as seen from the lack of object marker, is given
in (22).
(21) ècí cìkùnì cìrìbórérá bùryô
e-cí ci-kuni ci-riH -bor-er-á̲ bu-ryó
aug-dem.i7 np7 -tree sm7 -refl-rot-appl-fv np14 -only
‘This wood rots easily.’ (NF_Elic15)
(22) kàshùrwè ákùdánsìká èhàmbà
ka-shurwe a-ó=ku-dánsik-á e-∅-amba
np12 -rabbit pp1 -con=inf-drop-fv aug-np5 -hoe
‘The rabbit drops the hoe.’ (NF_Narr15)
Human or humanized referents that are definite are more likely to be overtly
marked for definiteness by right-dislocation than non-human and inanimate ref-
erents. This is a tendency that is also observed in many other Bantu languages
(Riedel 2009).
13.4 Locative inversion

Locative inversion is a type of clause where a locative noun phrase functions
as the grammatical subject of the clause, and the logical subject is expressed as
a post-verbal constituent. Similar constructions are widespread in Bantu, and
may involve locatives, e.g. locative inversion, but also other constituents, such
as patient or instrument inversion (Marten & van der Wal 2014). In Fwe, the only
attested inversion construction is locative inversion.
Locative inversion in Fwe is illustrated in (24). In the basic construction in
(23), the grammatical subject rùkúngwè ‘snake’ is also the logical subject. In the
locative inversion construction in (24), the noun phrase mwìnjúò ‘in the house’
is the grammatical subject, and the logical subject rùkúngwè ‘snake’ is expressed
postverbally.
435
(23) rùkúngwè nàkàbírì mwínjûò

∅-rukúngwe na-kabí̲r-i mú-e-N-júo
np1a -snake sm1 .pst-enter-npst.pfv np18 -aug-np9 -house
‘The/a snake entered the house.’
(24) mwìnjúò mwàkàbírì rùkûngwè

mu-e-N-júo mu-a-kabí̲r-i ∅-rukúngwe
np18 -aug-np9 -house sm18 -pst-enter-npst.pfv np1a -snake
‘A snake entered the house.’ (NF_Elic17)
In locative inversion, the locative subject triggers subject marking on the verb;
in (24), the subject marker on the verb is that of class 18, agreeing with the loca-
tive noun phrase mwìnjúò ‘in the house’, which is marked with a nominal prefix
of class 18. The pre-verbal locative constituent may not be cross-referenced on
the verb with a locative clitic, as shown by the ungrammaticality of (25).
(25) *mùnjúò mwàkàbírìmò mùsâ

mu-N-júo mu-a-kabí̲r-i=mo mu-sá
np18 -np9 -house sm18 -pst-enter-pst=loc18 np1 -thief
Intended: ‘Into the house entered a thief.’ (NF_Elic17)
As is typical for Bantu languages, there is no prosodic boundary between the

verb and the post-verbal constituent in locative inversion constructions. This is
seen in the locative inversion construction in (26), where the verb kwàhúrí does
not undergo high tone retraction, showing that there is no prosodic boundary
between the verb and the post-verbal constituent, and both are phrased together.
(26) kùmùnzì kwàhúrí bàbàrà

ku-mu-nzi ku-a-hur-í̲ ba-bara
np17 -np3 -village sm17 -pst-arrive-npst.pfv np2 -visitor
‘Some visitors arrived in the village.’ (NF_Elic17)
Locative inversion focuses the post-verbal constituent, and presents the pre-
verbal locative constituent as discourse-old. This is illustrated in (27), where
the location ‘this courtyard’ is discourse-old, and the post-verbal constituent, ‘a
snake’, is new information. Note that in this locative inversion construction, the
pre-verbal locative constituent is left out, as it is made clear by context, but the
use of locative subject morphology still identifies it as locative inversion.
436
13.5 Dependent clauses
(27) mùbwènè èrí ꜝrápà mwàkàbírì rùkûngwè

mu-bwene e-rí ∅-rapá mu-a-kabí̲r-i
sm2PL -see.stat aug-dem.i5 np5 -courtyard sm18 -pst-enter-npst.pfv
∅-rukúngwe
np1a -snake
‘Do you see this courtyard? A snake entered in it.’ (NF_Elic17)
As the post-verbal constituent is discourse-new, it cannot be combined with

an anaphoric demonstrative, as shown by the ungrammaticality of (28).
(28) *mwìrápá mwàkàbírì òzyó rùkúngwè

mu-e-∅-rapá mu-a-kabí̲r-i o-zyó
np18 -aug-np5 -courtyard sm18 -pst-enter-npst.pfv aug-dem.iii1
∅-rukúngwe
np1a -snake
Int.: ‘This (aforementioned) snake entered into the courtyard.’ (NF_Elic17)
Locative inversion may also be interpreted as thetic focus, e.g. all the informa-
tion is presented as new, as in (29), repeated from (26), which invites questions
about who these visitors are, and what they want, e.g. the information is pre-
sented as all new.
(29) kùmùnzì kwàhúrí bàbàrà

ku-mu-nzi ku-a-hur-í̲ ba-bara
np17 -np3 -village sm17 -pst-arrive-npst.pfv np2 -visitor
‘Some visitors arrived in the village.’ (NF_Elic17)

This section discusses types of dependent clauses that are used in Fwe. Relative
clauses are dependent clauses that modify one of the constituents in the main
clause; these are discussed in §13.5.1. There are various other ways of creating
a dependent clause, mostly introduced by a specific free morpheme; these are
13.5.1 Relative clauses

A relative clause is syntactically embedded in the matrix clause, and describes
one of the arguments of the matrix clause. The main clause contains an an-
tecedent, the noun that the relative clause modifies.
437
A relative clause differs from a main clause in four respects: the verb is always
the first element of the relative clause; the verb has a special form; the relative
clause is optionally headed by a demonstrative functioning as a relativizer; and
the antecedent noun optionally undergoes tonal changes.
The verb of a relative clause has a different tonal pattern than the verb of the
same TAM construction in a main clause. For the present, near past imperfective,
stative, and perfective subjunctive, the use of a high tone on the subject marker
(melodic tone 2) changes a main clause verb into a relative clause verb, as in
(30–33).
(30) a. mùrìrò ùtùmbúkà

mu-riro u-tuH mbuk-á̲
np3 -fire sm3 -burn-fv
‘The fire burns.’
b. mùrìró òwò útùmbúkà
mu-riró o-o ú̲-tuH mbuk-á̲
np3 -fire aug-dem.iii3 sm3 .rel-burn-fv
‘the fire that burns’
(31) a. bànjòvù bàkùjwêngà

ba-njovu ba-aku-jwéng-a
np2 -elephant sm2 -npst.ipfv-shout-fv
‘The elephants were shouting.’
b. bànjòvù bákùjwêngà
ba-njovu bá̲-aku-jwéng-a
np2 -elephant sm2 .rel-npst.ipfv-shout-fv
‘the elephants who were shouting’
(32) a. ènyàmà ìbórêtè

e-nyama i-bor-é̲te
aug-meat sm9 -rot-stat
‘The meat is rotten.’
b. ènyàm’ êyò íbòrêtè
e-nyamá e-yo í̲-bor-é̲te
aug-meat aug-dem.iii9 sm9 .rel-rot-stat
‘meat that is rotten’
438
(33) a. àbàntù bàhùpúrè

a-ba-ntu ba-hupur-é̲
aug-np2 -person sm2 -think-pfv.sbjv
‘People should think.’
b. àbàntw’ ábò báhùpúrè
a-ba-ntú a-bo bá̲-hupur-é̲
aug-np2 -person aug-dem.iii2 sm2 .rel-think-pfv.sbjv
‘people who should think’ (NF_Elic17)
The remote past perfective (RPP) uses melodic tone 2 in its main clause form,
which is maintained in the relative clause form. In addition, the relative clause
form of the RPP makes use of melodic tone 4 (the loss of underlying tones), which
is not seen in the main clause form of the RPP (see also §8.3.2 on the remote past
perfective). The tonal differences between main and relative clause forms of the
RPP are illustrated in (34).
(34) a. nìndádàmà
ni-ndí̲-a-dam-a
rem-sm1SG -pst-beat-fv
‘I beat.’
b. òmùntú zyò nìndáꜝdámà
o-mu-ntú zyo ni-ndí̲-a-dam-á̲
aug-np1 -person dem.iii1 rem-sm1SG -pst-beat-fv<rel>
‘the person that I beat’ (NF_Elic17)
The remote past imperfective has a high tone on the subject marker in the
main clause, as in (35). When used in a relative clause, as in (36), this high tone
is retained and the verb does not undergo any tonal changes.
(35) kàndíꜝshákà
ka-ndí̲-shak-á̲
pst.ipfv-sm1SG -want-fv
‘I used to like/want.’
(36) cìntw’ ícò kàndíꜝshákà

ci-ntú e-co ka-ndí̲-shak-á̲
np7 -thing aug-dem.iii7 pst.ipfv-sm1SG -want-fv
‘the thing that I used to like/want’ (NF_Elic17)
439
In the relative clause form of the near past perfective, a high tone on the subject
marker also appears to play a role, but some variation is observed that can so far
not be explained. There are cases where the relative near past perfective has a
high tone on the subject marker, as in (37), or where the high tone is absent and
the relative clause form is identical to the main clause form, as in (38). More
data are needed to study the tonal behavior of the near past perfective in relative
clauses, and what, if anything, conditions the use of the high tone on the subject
marker.
(37) a. bànjòvù bànàjwêngì

ba-njovu ba-na-jwéng-i
np2 -elephant sm2 -pst-shout-npst.pfv
‘The elephants shouted.’
b. bànjòvù bánàjwêngì
ba-njovu bá̲-na-jwéng-i
np2 -elephant sm2 .rel-pst-shout-npst.pfv
‘the elephants who shouted’
(38) a. ècìntù càhíkìwà

e-ci-ntu ci-a-hík-iw-a
aug-np7 -thing sm7 -pst-cook-pass-fv
‘The thing is cooked.’
b. ècìntú cò càhíkìwà
e-ci-ntú co ci-a-hík-iw-a
aug-np7 -thing dem.iii7 sm7 -pst-cook-pass-fv
‘the thing that is cooked’
Future constructions cannot be used in relative clauses. Various strategies ex-

ist to express future temporal reference in a relative clause. A subjunctive verb
can be used; either marked with a remoteness prefix na-/ne- to express a remote
future, as in (39), or preceded by the subordinator sàké, as in (40), or both, as
in (41). The present construction can also be used to express future reference in
relative clauses, as in (42); as discussed in §8.2, the present construction can have
a futurate use in main clauses was well.
(39) èŋòmbé zò nèndíꜝúrè

e-N-ŋombé zo ne-ndí̲-ur-é̲
aug-np10 -cow dem.iii10 rem-sm1SG .rel-buy-pfv.sbjv
‘the cattle that I will buy’ (NF_Elic17)
440
(40) ècò shàké ꜝcípàngàhárè hânù

e-co shaké cí̲-pang-ahar-é̲ hánu
aug-dem.iii7 when sm7 -do-neut-pfv.sbjv dem16
‘That which will happen now…’ (NF_Narr17)
(41) címùnyà ècìntù ècò sàké nókàwânè kwàzyúmùnyà

cí-munya e-ci-ntu e-co saké
pp7 -other aug-np7 -thing aug-dem.iii7 when
na-ó̲-ka-wá̲n-e kwa-zyú-munya
rem-sm2SG -dist-find-pfv.sbjv np17 -pp1 -other
‘The other thing that you will get from the other one…’ (NF_Song17)
(42) òzyw’ ásèbèzá zyônà

o-zyu á̲-sebez-á̲ zyóna
aug-dem.iii1 sm1 .rel-work-fv tomorrow
‘the one who will work tomorrow…’ (NF_Elic15)
Table 13.1 gives an overview of the changes that affect relative clause verbs in
different TAM constructions.
Table 13.1: Tonal patterns of relative clause verbs
Inflection Relative clause form

Present high tone on the subject marker
Subjunctive high tone on the subject marker
Stative high tone on the subject marker
Remote Past Perfective high tone on the subject marker + different
melodic tone
Near Past Perfective optional (?) high tone on the subject marker
Remote Past Imperfective high tone on the subject marker
Near Past Imperfective high tone on the subject marker
Near Future -
Remote Future -
Relative clauses are also distinguished from main clauses in the position of
the verb. In a relative clause, the verb is always the first constituent. Any other
constituent that appears in the relative clause appears after the verb, regardless
of its syntactic or pragmatic properties. This distinguishes relative clauses from
441
main clauses, where information structure influences word order, and where, in
pragmatically neutral contexts, the subject precedes the verb (see §13.1). This
is illustrated in (43), where the relative clause contains both a nominal subject,
kàshùrwè ‘the rabbit’, and a nominal object, òzyú mùkázànà ‘this girl’; both con-
stituents occur after the relative clause verb.
(43) mbóbùryàhó nàáshèshá kàshùrwè òzyú mùkázànà
mbó-bu-ryahó na-á̲-shesh-á̲ ka-shurwe
cop.def14 -np14 -like_that pst-sm1 -pst-marry-fv<rel> np12 -rabbit
o-zyú mu-kázana
aug-dem.i1 np1 -girl
‘That is how the rabbit married this girl.’ (NF_Narr15)
Relative clauses may be headed by a demonstrative that functions as a rela-
tivizer. With subject relatives, where the antecedent is the subject of the relative
clause, the demonstrative as a relativizer is optional. This is illustrated in (44–45),
where the demonstrative abo can be used, as in (44), or left out, as in (45).
(44) bànjòvw’ ábò bájwêngà
ba-njovú a-bo bá̲-jwé̲ng-a
np2 -elephant aug-dem.iii2 sm2 .rel-shout-fv
‘The elephants who shout…’
(45) bànjòvù bájwêngà
ba-njovu bá̲-jwé̲ng-a
np2 -elephant sm2 .rel-shout-fv
‘The elephants who shout…’ (NF_Elic17)
In object relatives, where the object functions as the antecedent of the relative
clause, the demonstrative functioning as a relativizer is obligatory, as in (46), and
leaving out the demonstrative is ungrammatical, as in (47).
(46) bàntw’ ábò ndíbwènè
ba-ntú a-bo ndí̲-bweH ne
np2 -person aug-dem.iii2 sm1SG .rel-see.stat
‘The people that I see…’
(47) *bàntù ndíbwènè
ba-ntu ndí̲-bweH ne
np2 -person sm1SG .rel-see.stat
Intended: ‘The people that I see…’ (NF_Elic17)
442
When the antecedent is a locative, a demonstrative functioning as a relativizer

is obligatory, as in (48), which uses the class 17 demonstrative oko as a relativizer.
Cross-referencing the locative antecedent on the relative clause verb through the
use of a locative clitic, is not possible, as in (49).
(48) kùmùnzí òkò ndíyà kwámàkângà

ku-mu-nzí o-ko ndí̲-i-a ∅-kwá-makánga
np17 -np3 -village aug-dem.iii17 sm1SG .rel-go-fv cop-np17 -Makanga
‘The village that I go to is Makanga.’
(49) *kùmùnzí òkò ndíyàkò kwámàkângà

ku-mu-nzí o-ko ndí̲-i-a=ko
np17 -np3 -village aug-dem.iii17 sm1SG .rel-go-fv=loc17
∅-kwá-makánga
cop-np17 -Makanga
Intended: ‘The village that I go to is Makanga.’
The demonstratives of the locative classes are also used with non-locative an-
tecedents which only have a locative use in the relative clause, as in (50): the
antecedent mùsébézì ‘a job’ is not locative, but has a locative use in the following
relative clause, which is headed by the class 17 demonstrative òkò.
(50) kùbònàhárá yé òkwésí mùsébézì òkò kòshákí nòkùàmbà nàbàntù

ku-bon-ahar-á̲ yé o-kwesí mu-sebézi o-ko
inf-see-neut-fv that sm2SG -have np3 -job aug-dem.iii17
ka-o-shak-í̲ no=ku-amb-a na=ba-ntu
neg-sm2SG -want-neg com=inf-talk-fv com=np2 -person
‘It seems you have a job where you don’t want to talk to people.’
(NF_Narr15)
In cleft constructions, the demonstrative is never used as a relativizer, even

when the antecedent, which is the clefted element, has the role of object (see
also 13.6 on cleft constructions), as in (51).
(51) mbàntù ndíꜝdámà

N-ba-ntu ndí̲-dam-á̲
cop-np2 -person sm1SG .rel-beat-fv
‘It’s people that I beat.’ (NF_Elic15)
443
Of the four demonstrative series used in Fwe (see §4.3.2), most can be used as
relativizer. In Namibian Fwe, a series III demonstrative is always used. In Zam-
bian Fwe, a series I demonstrative is preferred, but other demonstratives are also
allowed, as illustrated in (52).
(52) àkàfùró àkà / àkànò / àkò /àkènà ndíbèrèkìsâ

a-ka-furó a-ka / a-kano / a-ko / a-kena
aug-np12 -knife aug-dem.i12 /aug-dem.ii12 /aug-dem.iii12 /aug-dem.iv12
ndí̲-berek-is-á̲
sm1SG .rel-work-caus-fv
‘The knife that I am using…’ (ZF_Elic13)
As discussed in §4.3.2, the tonal realization of demonstratives varies depend-

ing on their syntactic function. When used as a relativizer, the demonstrative
does not have a high tone on the demonstrative stem. The demonstrative does,
however, have an underlying high tone on the augment which attaches to the
last syllable of the preceding word, namely the antecedent. This is illustrated in
(53) with the noun bànjòvù ‘elephants’, which is realized without high tones in
isolation, but is assigned a final high tone when followed by the demonstrative
functioning as a relativizer.
(53) bànjòvú àbò bánùnîtè

ba-njovú a-bo bá̲-nun-í̲te
np2 -elephant aug-dem.iii2 sm2 .rel-become_fat-stat
‘Elephants who are fat…’ (NF_Elic17)
This high tone only occurs on the antecedent noun when a demonstrative used
as relativizer is present. When the demonstrative is absent, as it may be in subject
relatives, no high tone is assigned to the last syllable of the antecedent, as in (54).
(54) bànjòvù bánùnîtè

ba-njovu bá̲-nun-í̲te
np2 -elephant sm2 .rel-become_fat-stat
‘Elephants who are fat…’ (NF_Elic17)
The high tone of the demonstrative’s augment does appear, however, when
the vowel of the augment is not realized. This is illustrated in (55), where the
demonstrative zyo lacks the augment o-, but still assigns a high tone to the an-
tecedent ònjòvú ‘elephant’.
444
(55) ònjòvú zyò ndíbwènè

o-∅-njovú zyo ndí̲-bweH ne
aug-np1a -elephant dem.iii1 sm1SG .rel-see.stat
‘The elephant that I see…’ (NF_Elic17)
The behavior of the augment on demonstratives in relative clauses is similar

to the behavior of augments in other contexts, where the tonal and segmental
form of the augment are also separated and one may occur without the other
(see §4.1.2).
All the previous examples contain relative clauses with an overt antecedent.
Fwe also allows headless relative clauses, where the antecedent is a demonstra-
tive that functions as both antecedent and relativizer, as in (56).
(56) òzyw’ ázìzyìː òzyw’ ázìshúwîrè òzyw’ ázìbwènè

o-zyu á̲-ziH -zyiːH o-zyu á̲-ziH -shuH -í̲re
aug-dem.i1 sm1 .rel-om8 -know.stat aug-dem.i1 sm1 .rel-om8 -hear-stat
o-zyu á̲-ziH -bweH ne
aug-dem.i1 sm1 .rel-om8 -see.stat
‘The one who knows them, the one who hears them, the one who sees
them.’ (NF_Song17)
Headless relative clauses introduced by a class 16 demonstrative, àhà, express

a temporal clause, translated as ‘when’, as in (57–58). Noun class 16 is primarily a
locative class, but is also used for expressing location in time rather than in space,
as discussed in §4.1.5. Fwe also has various other ways of expressing temporal
clauses, which are discussed in §13.5.2.
(57) àhà bákèːzyà kùkúw’ òbwâtò

a-ha bá̲-ké̲ːzy-a ku-kú-a o-bu-áto
aug-dem.i16 sm2 .rel-come-fv inf-call-fv aug-np14 -canoe
‘When they came to call the canoe…’ (NF_Narr15)
(58) àhà kàndírwârà nàndákàtà

a-ha ka-ndí̲-rwá̲r-a na-ndí̲-a-kat-a
aug-dem.i16 pst.ipfv-sm1SG -be_sick-fv pst-sm1SG -pst-become_thin-fv
‘When I was sick, I was very thin.’ (ZF_Elic14)
445
Table 13.2: Markers of dependent clauses
kùtí / kùtêyè / ìyé - complement ‘that’

- quotative ‘that’
- purpose ‘(so) that’
- conditional ‘if’
háìbà - conditional
shàké - conditional ‘if’
- temporal ‘when’
nârì - counterfactual ‘if, if not for’
shi- - conditional ‘if’
13.5.2 Other types of dependent clauses

There are various other types of dependent clauses, marked by a free morpheme,
or by a verbal affix. Table 13.2 gives an overview of the different dependent clause
markers.
The free morpheme kùtí / kùtêyè / ìyé ‘that, so that, if’ is realized as kùtí in
Zambian Fwe, as ìyé in Namibian Fwe, and kùtêyè can be used in both varieties.
The forms kùtí and kùtêyè are contractions of the verb kùtá ‘to say’, with the
complementizer ìyé ‘that’.
The forms kùtí / kùtêyè / ìyé can introduce various types of dependent
clauses. It can be used to introduce a complement clause, as in (59), where ìyé
marks a complement clause that functions as the object of the main clause verb
shòshùwírè ‘you hear’. A complement clause marked by kùtí is illustrated in (60),
and a complement clause introduced by kùtêyè in (61).
(59) kàpá shòshùwírè ìyé shàkwèsí òmúkwàmé ꜝkwímbari
kapá sha-o-shuH -í̲re iyé sha-a-kwesí o-mú-kwamé
or inc-sm2SG -hear-stat comp inc-sm1 -have aug-np1 -man
kú-e-N-bari
np17 -aug-np9 -side
‘Or you hear that she now has a man on the side.’ (ZF_Conv13)
(60) mbábòné kùtí cìpèpà bùryó cìbámùdàrà
mbo-á̲-boH n-é̲ kutí ∅-ci-pepa bu-ryó
near.fut-sm1 -see-pfv.sbjv comp cop-np7 -paper np14 -only
ci-bá-mu-dara
pp7 -np2 -np1 -old_man
‘She will see that it is just a paper of her husband.’ (ZF_Conv13)
446
(61) ndìkéːzyà kùtóndà kùtêyè ndùngwè

ndi-ké̲ːzy-a ku-tónd-a kutêye ndu-∅-ngwe
sm1SG -come-fv inf-see-fv comp cop1a -np1a -leopard
‘I came and saw that it is a leopard.’ (ZF_Narr14)
Complement clauses are often introduced by a verb of saying in the main

clause, where the complement clause represents that which is said. This can be
direct speech, where the complement clause literally quotes what is said, as in
(62), or indirect speech, where the complement clause paraphrases what is said
from the perspective of the speaker, as in (63).
(62) rùkúngwè àkéːzyà kùmùtóròkèrà ìyé mùyéꜝnzángù ndìkùfwírà ènshêː

∅-rukúngwe a-ké̲ːzy-a ku-mu-tórok-er-a iyé
np1a -snake sm1 -come-fv inf-om1 -explain-appl-fv comp
mu-énz-angú ndi-ku-fw-í̲r-a e-nshéː
np1 -friend-poss1SG sm1SG -om2SG -die-appl-fv aug-pity
‘Snake came to tell him: my friend, I feel pity for you.’ (NF_Narr17)
(63) nàndìsúmwìnì ìyé ndákùménèkàngà

na-ndi-súmwin-i iyé ndi-áku-mének-ang-a
sm1 .pst-om1SG -tell-npst.pfv comp sm1SG -sbjv.ipfv-wake_early-hab-fv
‘S/he told me that I should regularly wake up early.’ (NF_Elic17)
ìyé can also be used as a quotative without an overt speech verb in the main
clause, as in (64–65), where the quotative ìyé is directly followed by the quoted
speech.
(64) òmbwá ꜝákùshwáhùrà ìyé hmm òzyú mùntù kàndíhì ècí cìfûhà
o-mbwá á-ku-shwáhur-a iyé hmm o-zyú mu-ntu
aug-dog con1 -inf-give_up-fv comp hmm aug-dem.i1 np1 -person
ka-ndí̲-ha-i e-cí ci-fúha
neg-sm1SG -give-neg aug-dem.i7 np7 -bone
‘The dog then gave up. [He said] that, hmm, this person, he will not give
me this bone.’ (NF_Narr17)
(65) ìyé njìnyàmà njìnyàmà índìrwáríkà

iyé nji-N-nyama nji-N-nyama í̲-ndi-rwaH r-ik-á̲
comp cop9 -np9 -meat cop9 -np9 -meat sm9 .rel-om1SG -be_sick-imp.tr-fv
‘[She said] that, it’s meat. It’s meat that makes me sick.’ (NF_Narr17)
447
kùtí / kùtêyè / ìyé may also introduce a dependent clause with a subjunctive
verb, that expresses the (intended) goal of the main clause, as in (66–67).
(66) ákùhá òmòyà kwíŋwàrárà ìyé àyéndè kózywìnà òmùntù

á-ku-há-a o-mu-oya kú-e-∅-ŋwarará iyé
con1 -inf-give-fv aug-np3 -soul np17 -aug-np5 -crow comp
a-é̲nd-e kú-o-zywina o-mu-ntu
sm1 -go-pfv.sbjv np17 -aug-dem.iv1 aug-np1 -person
‘Then he gave a soul to the crow, so that he can go to that person.’
(NF_Narr17)
(67) mbùtí nàyíꜝwánè èyí shérêŋì òkùtêyè àyé ndìbòózèrè

N-bu-tí na-í̲-wan-é̲ e-í ∅-sheréŋi
cop-np14 -how rem.sm1 -om9 -find-pfv.sbjv aug-dem.i9 np9 -money
okutéye a-y-é̲ ndi-boó̲z-er-e
comp sm1 -go-pfv.sbjv om1SG -return-appl-pfv.sbjv
‘How will he get this money, so that he brings it back to me?’
(ZF_Conv13)
kùtí / kùtêyè / ìyé may also introduce a dependent clause that functions as a
conditional, as in (68–69).
(68) mùzyìː òmfúmù kùtèè àkwèsí bânà bèná bânà bàsépáhárá ꜝcáhà
mu-zyiː o-∅-mfúmu kuteye a-kwesí ba-ána bená
sm2PL -know.stat aug-np1a -chief comp sm1 -have np2 -child dem.iv2
ba-ána ba-sep-ahar-á̲ cáha
np2 -child sm2 -trust-neut-fv very
‘You know, a chief, if he has children, those children are highly respected.’
(NF_Narr15)
(69) èswé tùbáꜝkwámè òkùtêyè tùshúwé bùryáhò ryètú èfùfá rìhítírìzè

eswé tu-bá-kwamé o-kutéye tu-shuH -é̲ bu-ryahó
pers1PL app1PL -np2 -man aug-comp sm1PL -hear-pfv.sbjv np14 -like_that
ri-etú e-∅-fufá ri-hiH t-í̲riz-e
pp5 -poss1PL aug-np5 -jealousy sm5 -pass-int.caus-pfv.sbjv
‘Us men, if we hear like that, our jealousy is very big.’ (ZF_Conv13)
The free morpheme háìbà ‘if, when’ can be used to introduce a conditional
clause (‘if…’), as in (70–71), or a temporal clause (‘when…’), as in (72).
448
(70) háìbà mbwáshòk’ ómvûrà kàndìyêndì

háiba mbo-á̲-shoH k-é̲ o-∅-mvúra ka-ndi-é̲nd-i
if near.fut-sm1a -rain-pfv.sbjv aug-np1a -rain neg-sm1SG -go-neg
‘If it rains, I will not go.’ (NF_Elic15)
(71) háìbà ènyázì yàkàkùŋórèrì ŋórò

háiba e-N-nyázi i-a-ka-ku-ŋór-er-i
if aug-np9 -mistress sm9 -pst-dist-om2SG -write-appl-npst.pfv
∅-ŋoró
np5 -letter
‘If your mistress has written you a letter…’ (ZF_Conv13)
(72) èfoni háìbà mbòíꜝrírè òìtábè

e-∅-foni háiba mbo-í̲-rir-é̲
aug-np9 -phone if near.fut-sm9 -cry-pfv.sbjv
o-iH -tab-é̲
sm2SG -om9 -answer-pfv.sbjv
‘The phone, when it rings, you must answer it.’ (NF_Elic17)
háìbà is a borrowing from Lozi haiba ‘if’ (Burger 1960: 78). In Fwe, it may occur
on its own, as in (70–72), or it may combine with the native complementizer kùtí
(and variations thereof), as in (73).
(73) háìbà kùtéyè sìànàmání mênjì kàzíꜝyángà kúmìrâkà

háiba kutéye si-a-na-man-í̲ ma-ínji
when comp inc-sm6 -pst-finish-npst.pfv np6 -water
ka-zí̲-ya-á̲ng-a kú-mi-ráka
pst.ipfv-sm10 -go-hab-fv np17 -np4 -kraal
‘When the water is finished, they would go to the kraals.’ (NF_Narr17)
The free morpheme shàké ‘when, if’ is used to introduce a dependent clause
that is either conditional, as in (74–75), or temporal, as in (76–77). The verb in
the dependent clause is in the subjunctive mood. The morpheme itself is realized
as shàká in Zambian Fwe, and as either shàké or sàké in Namibian Fwe. The
interchangeability of /s/ and /sh/ is also seen in other grammatical morphemes
(see §2.2). shàké is derived from the lexical verb shàkà ‘want’.
449
(74) òzyú mùntù shàká ndìmùshêshè ndìmùkwànìsá kàpá kàndìmùkwánîsì

o-zyú mu-ntu shaká ndi-mu-shé̲sh-e
aug-dem.i1 np1 -person if sm1SG -om1 -marry-pfv.sbjv
ndi-mu-kwan-is-á̲ kapá ka-ndi-mu-kwan-í̲s-i
sm1SG -om1 -fit-caus-fv or neg-sm1SG -om1 -fit-caus-fv
‘This person, if I marry her, will I manage her, or will I not manage her?’
(ZF_Conv13)
(75) shàké bàkéːzyè bàtùbùrè hànò mbòbátùcìrírè
shaké ba-ké̲ːzy-e ba-tuH -bur-é̲ hano
if sm2 -come-pfv.sbjv sm2 -om1PL -miss-pfv.sbjv dem.ii16
mbo-bá̲-tuH -cirir-é̲
near.fut-sm2 -om1PL -follow-pfv.sbjv
‘If he comes and does not find us here, he will follow us.’ (NF_Narr15)
(76) shàké ndíkàhùré ꜝkúnjûò ndìkàráːrà bùryô
shaké ndí̲-ka-hur-é̲ kú-N-júo
when sm1SG .rel-dist-arrive-pfv.sbjv np17 -np9 -house
ndi-ka-rá̲ːr-a bu-ryó
sm1SG -dist-sleep-fv np14 -just
‘When I arrive home, I will just sleep.’ (NF_Elic17)
(77) wìná òmùndárè sàké mùwânè mùkàcìncìsá èŋòmbè
winá o-mu-ndaré saké mu-wá̲n-e
dem.iv3 aug-np3 -maize when sm2PL -find-pfv.sbjv
mu-ka-cinc-is-á̲ e-N-ŋombe
sm2PL -dist-change-caus-fv aug-np10 -cattle
‘That maize, when you get it, you exchange for cattle.’ (ZF_Conv13)
The verbal post-initial prefix shi- marks a dependent clause with a conditional
interpretation, as in (78–79). This prefix is glossed as ‘conditional’ cond.
(78) òshìshónj’ ónjòvù òkwàtìwâ
o-shi-shoH nj-á̲ o-∅-njovu o-kwat-iw-á̲
sm2SG -cond-shoot-fv aug-np1a -elephant sm1 -catch-pass-fv
‘If you shoot an elephant, you will be caught.’ (NF_Elic15)
(79) òshìpángà bútì tùzwírà hábùsò
o-shi-pá̲ng-a bu-tí tu-zw-í̲r-a há-bu-so
sm2SG -cond-do-fv np14 -so sm1PL -come_out-appl-fv np16 -np14 -front
‘If you do like this, we will make a profit.’ (ZF_Conv13)
450
The conditional prefix shi- resembles the post-initial persistive prefix shí-, which
marks persistive aspect, i.e. a subtype of imperfective aspect that presents an
event as still ongoing (see §9.4). It is unclear if conditional shi- and persistive shí-
are two functions of the same morpheme, or accidentally homophonous. Accord-
ing to Nurse (2008: 148), there are two separate morphemes common in Bantu
that are a reflex of *ki-; one expressing persistive, and one expressing a situative,
possibly both with a different tone. Persistive shí- in Fwe is underlyingly high-
toned, but the underlying tones of conditional shi- cannot be established, because
it is only ever used with verbs in the present construction, and therefore always
combines with melodic tone pattern 4, the deletion of underlying tones. It can
therefore not be established if the low-toned realization of conditional shi- is a
reflex of an underlyingly toneless morpheme, or the result of the tonal pattern
imposed by the present construction.
There are two strategies for marking counterfactuals, a type of conditional
dependent clause in which the condition is presented as not met. The first is to
introduce the conditional clause with the marker nárì, while the main clause verb
is marked with the remoteness prefix na-/ne-/ni-, as in (80–81).
(80) nárì nóndìtúsì nìndàkùríhì

nári nó̲-ndi-tus-i
if sm2SG .pst-om1SG -help-npst.pfv
ni-ndi-a-ku-rih-í̲
rem-sm1SG -pst-om2SG -pay-npst.pfv
‘If you had helped me [but you did not], I would have paid you.’
(NF_Elic17)
(81) nárì nómùtúkì nánàkùkùtì

nári nó̲-mu-tuk-í̲ ná̲-na-ku-kut-i
if sm2SG .pst-om1 -insult-npst.pfv rem-sm1 .pst-om2SG -curse-npst.pfv
‘If you had insulted her/him, s/he would have cursed you.’ (NF_Elic17)
The remoteness prefix used in a counterfactual is the same remoteness prefix

used in, for instance, the remote past perfective. When a counterfactual contains
a remote past perfective verb, the remoteness prefix is stacked onto the prefix
marking remote past, as in (82).
451
(82) nárì nìmwákêːzyà zyônà nìnìmwákêːzyà kùshàngànà mùyéꜝnzángù

nári ni-mú̲-a-ké̲ːzy-a zyóna ni-ni-mú-a-ké̲ːzy-a
if pst-sm2PL -pst-come-fv yesterday rem-pst-sm2PL -pst-come-fv
ku-shangan-a mu-yénz-angú
inf-meet-fv np1 -friend-poss1SG
‘If you had come yesterday [but you did not], you would have met my
friend.’ (NF_Elic15)
The use of the remoteness prefix to mark temporal remoteness as well as coun-
terfactual meaning can be united in the model developed by Botne & Kershner
(2008). They conceptualize tense not as a linear timeline, but as a number of sep-
arate cognitive “worlds” or domains, which can be associated, i.e. close to the
here and now, or dissociated. The remoteness prefix na-/ne-/ni- in Fwe could be
analyzed as a marker of the dissociated domain, marking temporal remoteness
in the case of the remote past perfective or remote future, and marking irrealis
in the case of the counterfactual.
Counterfactuals may also contain a conditional clause that lacks a verb, in
which case they are introduced by the marker shárì, as in (83–84).
(83) shárì òmwêzì nèkùsíhà

shári o-mu-ézi ne-ku-sih-á̲
if aug-np3 -moon rem-sm17 -be_dark-fv
‘If not for the moon, it would be dark.’ (NF_Elic17)
(84) ákùbáꜝtéyè shárì zyùzyú mwâncè nìndáꜝyéndà néyè nìnìndámàn’ óꜝkáfwà

á-ku-bá-téye shári zyu-zyú mu-ánce
con1 -inf-om2 -say_that if emph1 -dem.i1 np1 -child
ni-ndí̲-a-é̲nd-a ne=ye ni-ni-ndí̲-a-man-á̲
rem-sm1SG -pst-go-fv com=pers3SG rem-rem-sm1SG -pst-finish-fv
o-ka-fw-á
aug-inf.dist-die-fv
‘She told them: if not for this very child, that I went with, I would have
died there.’ (NF_Narr15)
13.6 Cleft constructions

Cleft constructions are used to mark that a constituent is in focus, meaning that it
contains new information, not recoverable from the pragmatic context. However,
452
the use of a cleft construction is not obligatory for presenting new information in
Fwe; information can be new or unrecoverable from the pragmatic context even
when it is not presented in a cleft construction, as in (85), which answers the
question ‘what did you buy?’. Although the bicycle is new information and the
fact that the speaker bought something is old information, no cleft construction
is used to present the new information.
(85) nìndákàùr’ énjìngà

pst-sm1SG -pst-dist-buy-fv aug-np9 -bicycle
Even though a focus interpretation is available outside a cleft construction,

clefts are extremely common in Fwe, especially in Zambian Fwe. A cleft con-
struction consists of two clauses, a main clause and a relative clause. The main
clause consists of a copulative prefix and a nominal, and the relative clause, which
modifies the constituent in the main clause. An example of a cleft construction
is given in (86), consisting of the clefted element ndìŋòmbè ‘it’s a cow’ and the
relative clause ndíꜝshákà ‘that I want’.
(86) ndìŋòmbè ndíꜝshákà

ndi-N-ŋombe ndí̲-shak-á̲
cop-np9 -cow sm1SG .rel-want-fv
[clefted element] [relative clause]
‘It’s a cow that I want.’ (NF_Elic15)
The copulative prefix on the clefted element can be the basic or the definite
copulative prefix (which differs in form according to the noun class, see §5.3
on the copula), but as clefts are mainly used to present new information, the
copulative forms expressing definiteness are rarely used.
The clefted element is always a nominal, but rarely a complex noun phrase.
If the noun that is clefted is modified by a connective, only the head noun is
clefted, and the connective modifying it is expressed in the relative clause. This
is illustrated in (87), where the noun mbóbùrótù ‘it is good’ is clefted, and the
connective bókùshéshà modifying it is expressed in the relative clause modifying
the clefted element.
453
(87) kònò mbóbùrótù ndíbwènè bókùshéshà zywìn’ ákìtùtîtè

konó mbó-bu-rótu ndí̲-bweH ne bu-ó=ku-shésh-a
but cop.def14 -np14 -good sm1SG .rel-see.stat pp14 -con=inf-marry-fv
zywina á̲-kitut-í̲te
dem.iv1 sm1 .rel-be_educated-stat
‘But I think that it is good to marry one who is educated.’ (Literally: ‘It is
goodness that I see in marrying an educated one.’) (ZF_Conv13)
Less complex nominal modifiers, such as a possessive or a numeral, are allowed

in the clefted element, as in (88–89); the clefted element is marked in bold.
(88) ndìwá ꜝryángù kàndíkèkérà

ndi-∅-wá ri-angú ka-ndí̲-keH ker-á̲
cop5 -np5 -field pp5 -poss1SG pst.ipfv-sm1SG -plough-fv
‘It was my field that I was ploughing.’ (ZF_Elic14)
(89) njìcécì yònkéː túkàbírà

nji-∅-céci i-onké tú̲-kabir-á̲
cop9 -np9 -church pp5 -one sm1PL .rel-enter-fv
‘It’s the same church that we go to.’ (ZF_Narr15)
The clefted element does not need to consist of a full noun, but can also consist
of a demonstrative, as in (90), or a personal pronoun, as in (91).
(90) mómò nìbákìtòbòhérà

N-o-mó ni-bá̲-kiH -toH boh-er-á̲
cop-aug-dem.iii18 pst-sm2 -refl-console-appl-fv<rel>
‘That’s how they consoled themselves.’ (ZF_Narr15)
(91) ndíw’ ózyâːkà

ndi-wé ó̲-zyá̲ːk-a
cop-pers2SG sm2SG .rel-build-fv
‘It is you who builds.’ (NF_Elic15)
The clefted element is modified by a relative clause, which takes the same
shape as relative clauses used outside cleft constructions (see §13.5.1), except that
a demonstrative functioning as a relativizer never occurs in a cleft construction.
Any kind of constituent can be clefted; examples are given where the clefted
element is a subject in (92), an object in (93), a locative in (94), an adverb in (95),
and a temporal adverb in (96).
454
(92) ndúmbwá ábbòzâ

ndu-∅-mbwá á̲-bboH z-á̲
cop1a -np1a -dog sm1 .rel-bark-fv
‘It’s a dog who barks.’ (ZF_Elic14)
(93) hàpé ndìgámbùtì ndízyàbèrè
hapé ndi-∅-gámbuti ndí̲-zyabere
again cop5 -np5 -boot sm1SG .rel-wear.stat
‘Again, it’s boots that I am wearing.’ (ZF_Narr13)
(94) shùnù kùmùnzì ndíyà
shunu ∅-ku-mu-nzi ndí̲-y-a
today cop-np17 -np3 -village sm1SG .rel-go-fv
‘Today, it is to home that I go.’ (ZF_Elic14)
(95) mbóbùryáhò nìyápàngàhàrírà
mbó-bu-ryáho ni-í̲-a-pang-ahar-ir-á̲
cop.def14 -np14 -like_that pst-sm9 -pst-do-neut-appl-fv<rel>
‘That is how it happened.’ (ZF_Narr15)
(96) ndìshúnù ndàtátìkì kèːzyà kùnù
ndi-shúnu ndi-a-tátik-i keːzy-a kunu
cop-today sm1SG -pst-start-npst.pfv come-fv dem.ii17
‘It’s today that I started to come here.’ (ZF_Elic14)
Cleft constructions can be embedded into longer sentences, where a constit-
uent can be moved to the position before the clefted element (see also §13.2 on
left dislocation). This left-dislocated constituent behaves like other left-dislocated
constituents in that it functions as a topic, and that it is prosodically marked as
extraclausal, i.e. it is affected by phrase-final tonal processes such as high tones
realized as falling, as in the left-dislocated constituent òbûcì in (97).
(97) òbûːcì ndìmpùká názàbúpàngà
o-búː-ci ndi-N-puká ná̲-zi-a-bú-pang-a
aug-np14 -honey cop-np10 -bee pst-sm10 -pst-om14 -make-fv<rel>
‘Honey, it’s bees who make it.’ (ZF_Elic14)
Cleft constructions are used to mark focus on the clefted element, as in (98),
which answers the question ‘when did you become ill?’. The speaker becoming
ill is old information, but the time at which this happens is not. To mark this as
new information, the speaker uses a cleft construction.
455
(98) ndìzyónà nàndárwârà

ndi-zyóna na-ndí̲-a-rwá̲r-a
cop-yesterday pst-sm1SG -pst-become_sick-fv<rel>
‘It was yesterday that I became sick.’ (ZF_Elic14)
Cleft constructions are not only used to mark information as new, but also to
mark information as contradicting the beliefs of the hearer (or rather, the beliefs
that the speaker assumes the hearer has), called ‘counter-presuppositional focus’
by Dik (1997: 332). This is illustrated in (99), which contains direct speech taken
from a narrative in which a girl becomes angry at a rabbit who is weeding in her
field, pulling out crops instead of weeds. The girl corrects the rabbit by explaining
that it is not maize that people usually weed, but grass, using a cleft construction.
(99) ndìsózú ꜝbárìmângà

ndi-∅-sozú bá̲-rim-á̲ng-a
cop5 -np5 -grass sm2 .rel-weed-hab-fv
‘It’s grass that people usually weed.’ (NF_Narr15)
Another example where a cleft construction marks counter-presuppositional

focus is given in (100), from a conversation between two sisters which is part of
a narrative. Previously, the older sister did not believe her younger sister; now
that the younger sister has provided proof, the older sister concedes that she was
in fact right.
(100) njíꜝnítì wákùàmbà

njí-N-níti ó̲-aku-amb-a
cop9 -np9 -truth sm2SG .rel-npst.ipfv-speak-fv
‘It’s the truth that you were speaking.’ (NF_Narr15)
Another type of focus for which cleft constructions are used is exclusive or
restrictive focus; the speaker uses a cleft construction to indicate that only the
referent in focus, and no other, is meant, combined with the adverb bùryò ‘only’,
as in (101).
(101) màbéré bùryò ndíbyârà

N-ma-beré bu-ryo ndí̲-byá̲r-a
cop-np6 -millet np14 -only sm1SG .rel-plant-fv
‘It’s only millet that I plant.’ (ZF_Elic14)
456
Cleft constructions can also mark thetic focus, where all the information is
new and therefore the entire utterance is in focus, and not just one constituent.
Though only one element (either the subject or the object) is clefted, the entire
construction is interpreted as being in focus. This is illustrated in (102); the con-
text for this utterance is that a noise was heard, and the speaker was asked what
happened. Neither the breaking nor the fact that it was a cup that broke are
known to the hearer, yet only the cup is marked as the clefted element, and the
verb expressing the breaking, though equally focal, is expressed in the relative
clause.
(102) njìnkómókí yàpwàcûkì

nji-N-komokí i-a-pwacú̲k-i
cop9 -np9 -cup sm9 -pst-break-npst.pfv
‘A cup broke.’ (NF_Elic15)
Another example of thetic focus using a cleft is given in (103). In this context,
the speaker was asked if his wife is at home. Although the hearer does not know
that the wife is fetching something, nor what she is fetching, only the constituent
ménjì ‘water’ is expressed as the clefted element, and the verb báꜝtékà ‘she fetches’
is expressed in the relative clause.
(103) tàbènáhò ménjì báꜝtékà

ta-ba-ina=hó̲ N-ma-ínji bá̲-teH k-á̲
neg-sm2 -be=loc16 cop-np6 -water sm2 .rel-fetch-fv
‘She’s not here, she’s fetching water.’ (ZF_Elic14)
In order to focus a verb, a fronted-infinitive construction (FIC) is used, which

is essentially a cleft construction in which the inflected verb is copied as an in-
finitive and clefted. The infinitive form which forms the clefted element is an
infinitive, which behaves like a noun of class 15. As the infinitive functions as a
clefted element, it is marked with a copulative prefix, which is realized as zero
before a voiceless consonant (see §5.3 on the form of copulatives), as in (104). The
copula also has a form which is used on definite constituents, and for class 15,
this form of the copula is (n)kó-. This definite copula can also be used to mark
the infinitive in a FIC, as in (105).
(104) kùshèkà báꜝshékà

∅-ku-shek-a bá̲-shek-á̲
cop-np15 -laugh-fv sm2 .rel-laugh-fv
‘They laugh.’
457
(105) kókùmànà ndíꜝmánà

kó-ku-man-a ndí̲-man-á̲
cop.def-np15 -finish-fv sm1SG .rel-finish-fv
‘I just finished.’ (ZF_Elic14)
The FIC is also used to mark progressive aspect. This use, as well as other
formal aspects of the construction, are discussed in §9.1.1. The focus use of the
FIC is illustrated in (106), in which the speaker warns someone not to drink the
tea yet, as it is still cooling down.
(106) èntîː kùhórà íꜝhórà

e-N-tíː ku-hór-a í̲-hoH r-á̲
aug-np9 -tea inf-cool-fv sm9 .rel-cool-fv
‘The tea is cooling down.’ (ZF_Elic14)
Another example of the use of the FIC to express focus on the verb is given in
(107), which is the answer to the question ‘what did you do today?’.
(107) kùkékèrà kàndíkèkérà

ku-kéker-a ka-ndí̲-keH ker-á̲
inf-plough-fv pst.ipfv-sm1SG -plough-fv
‘I was ploughing.’ (ZF_Elic14)
In many cases where the FIC marks verb focus, the verb is also interpretable as
progressive. There are, however, examples of the fronted-infinitive construction
where the verb is in focus, but not progressive. This is the case in (108), where
the inflected verb of the FIC is in the near past perfective, which is incompatible
with a progressive interpretation (see §8.3.1 on the near past perfective). This
sentence is uttered in a context where an injured child is brought to the clinic,
and the clinic personnel asks how the injury came about.
(108) òmwâncè kùgwà nâgwì

o-mu-ánce ku-gw-a ná̲-gw-i
aug-np1 -child inf-fall-fv sm1 .pst-fall-npst.pfv
‘The child has fallen down.’ (ZF_Elic14)
The use of the FIC differs between Namibian and Zambian Fwe. In Zambian
Fwe, a simple present verb may not occur on its own, as in (109), but only in a
FIC, as in (110).
458
(109) * ndìshékà
ndi-shek-á̲
sm1SG -laugh-fv
Intended: ’I am laughing/I laugh.’
(110) kùshèkà ndíꜝshékà

ku-shek-a ndí̲-shek-á̲
inf-live-fv sm1SG .rel-laugh-fv
‘I am laughing/I laugh.’ (ZF_Elic14)
A verb may occur without the FIC if it is combined with an object, an adverb
or a subject, though in the latter case the use of the FIC is still preferred. In
Namibian Fwe, however, an inflected verb is allowed outside the FIC, even if no
other constituent is present. The use of the FIC in Zambian Fwe whenever the
verb is the only element in the sentence is related to the focal meaning of the
FIC; when no other constituent is present, focus must be marked on the verb.
Cleft constructions are also used in questions, where the question word func-
tions as the clefted element. This is illustrated with the question words ni ‘who’,
nji ‘what’, kwí ‘where’, and bu-ti ‘how’ in (111–114).
(111) ndìní náàŋánk’ òndôngò

ndi-ní ná̲-a-ŋá̲nk-a o-∅-ndóngo
cop-who sm1 -pst-peel-fv<rel> aug-np1a -groundnut
‘Who has peeled the groundnuts?’ (ZF_Elic14)
(112) cìnjí bátêndà

∅-ci-njí bá̲-té̲nd-a
cop-np7 -what sm2 .rel-do-fv
‘What are they doing?’
(113) nkòkwí ꜝmúyà

N-kokwí mú̲-y-a
cop-where sm2PL -go-fv
‘Where are you going?’ (NF_Elic15)
(114) mbùtí mwàbûːkì

N-bu-tí mu-a-búːk-i
cop-np14 -how sm2PL -pst-wake-npst.pfv
‘How did you wake up?’ (morning greeting)
459
Appendix A: A man who does not like
dogs
This appendix contains a story told in Fwe by Mr. Charles Kendwa, a native
speaker of Fwe who hails from Makanga, Namibia.
mbòndímìkàndékéré èkàndè
mbo-ndí̲-miH -kandek-er-é̲ e-∅-kande
near.fut-sm1SG -om2PL -tell-appl-pfv.sbjv aug-np5 -story
‘I will tell you a story.’
òrùtángù rwángù rwáꜝbákwàmé bòbírè

ru-tángu ru-angú rú-a=bá-kwamé ba-o=biré
np11 -story pp11 -poss1SG pp11 -con=np2 -man pp2 -con=two
‘My story, about two men.’
àbó ꜝbákwàmé bòbírè kàbárì bàntù nòmùshêrè

a-bó bá-kwamé ba-o=biré ka-bá̲-ri ba-ntu
aug-dem.iii2 np2 -man pp2 -con=two pst.ipfv-sm2 -be np2 -person
no=mu-shére
com=np1 -friend
‘These two men were friends.’
bànàhârì òzyú zyúmùnyà kámùnítè ómbwà

ba-na-hár-i o-zyú zyú-munya ka-á̲-mun-í̲te
sm2 -pst-live-npst.pfv aug-dem.i1 pp1 -other pst.ipfv.sm1 -own-stat
o-∅-mbwá
aug-np1a -dog
‘They lived. One of them had a dog.’
òzyù zyúmùnyà kàrì káꜝsháká ꜝbámbwà

o-zyu zyú-munya ka-ri ka-á̲-shak-á̲ ba-mbwá
aug-dem.i1 pp1 -other neg-be pst.ipfv.sm1 -like-fv np2 -dog
‘The other one did not like dogs.’
A A man who does not like dogs
mbóbùryáhò kàbáhàrá múmùnzì múmò bànàhârì bànàhârì

mbó-bu-ryáho ka-bá̲-haH r-á̲ mú-mu-nzi mú-mo
cop.def14 -np14 -like.that pst.ipfv-sm2 -live-fv np18 -np3 -village emph-dem.iii18
ba-na-hár-i ba-na-hár-i
sm2 -pst-live-npst.pfv sm2 -pst-live-npst.pfv
‘Like that, they were living in that village. In there, they lived, they lived.’
kókùwànìsìkà òkùtêyè bókùhìnd’ ómùsípîrì ìyé bàkàpóté kúcìbàkà címùnyà

kó-ku-wan-isik-a okutéye ba-ó=ku-hind-á o-mu-sipíri iyé
cop15 -inf-find-neut-fv that pp2 -con=inf-take-fv aug-np3 -journey that
ba-ka-pot-é̲ kú-ci-baka cí-munya
sm2 -dist-visit-pfv.sbjv np17 -np7 -place pp7 -other
‘It came to pass that they took a journey to visit another place.’
bànàhíndì òwó mùsípîrì bànànánûkì mùnjìrà múmò nèrà tùyêndè

ba-na-hí̲nd-i o-wó mu-sipíri ba-na-nanú̲k-i
sm2 -pst-take-npst.pfv aug-dem.iii3 np3 -journey sm2 -pst-leave-npst.pfv
mu-N-jira mú-mo nera tu-é̲nd-e
np18 -np9 -way emph-dem.iii18 then sm1PL -go-pfv.sbjv
‘They took that journey. They left on their way: “Let’s go!”’
nìbáhìndà nèzíryó ꜝzábò zóꜝkábúryà èmpùmpò

ni-bá̲-a-hind-a ne=zi-ryó zi-a=bó zi-ó=kabú-ry-a
rem-sm2 -pst-take-fv com=np8 -food pp8 -con=dem.iii2 pp2 -con=loc.pl-eat-fv
e-N-pumpo
aug-np9 -travel_food
‘They brought their food for eating in different places, food for along the way.’
àhò kàbákàbúrâːrà bùryáhò

a-ho ka-bá̲-kabú-ráːr-a bu-ryahó
aug-dem.iii16 pst.ipfv-sm2 -loc.pl-sleep-fv np14 -like.that
‘When they were sleeping in different places like that…’
nàkàsùnsò kàbò bàrìhíndîrè

na=ka-sunso ka-a-bo ba-riH -hind-í̲r-e
com=np12 -relish pp12 -con=dem.iii2 sm2 -refl-take-appl-stat
‘And also their relish, they were carrying.’
462
òzyù zyúmùnyà nàáyèndà nòmbwá wàkwé bùryáhò
o-zyu zyú-munya na-á̲-a-end-a no=∅-mbwá u-akwé
aug-dem.i1 pp1 -other rem-sm1 -pst-go-fv com=np1a -dog pp1 -poss3SG
bu-ryahó
np14 -like.that
‘One of them went with his dog like that.’
bàkàbúyèndà nòmbwá ꜝwábò bùryáhò

ba-kabú-end-a no=∅-mbwá u-abó bu-ryahó
sm2 -loc.pl-go-fv com=np1a -dog pp1 -aug-dem.iii2 np14 -like_that
‘They were going with their dog like that.’
básìhúrà àhò bánàhúrì kùzyímànà òkùtêyè bàryê

bá̲-siH -hur-á a-ho bá̲-na-hur-í̲ ku-zyíman-a okutéye
sm2 .rel- per-arrive-fv aug-dem.iii16 sm2 -pst-arrive-npst.pfv inf-stop-fv
ba-ry-é̲
that sm2 -eat-sbjv
‘When they arrived where they arrived, to stop so that they can eat…’
ìn’ ényàmà yézìfûhà

iná e-N-nyama i-é=zi-fúha
dem.iv9 aug-np9 -meat pp9 -con=np8 -bone
‘That meat with bones…’
òzyó káshàká cáhà kùyàbùr’ èzìfûhà ènyàmà yézìfûhà

o-zyó ka-á̲-shak-á̲ cáha ku-yabur-a e-zi-fúha
aug-dem.iii1 pst.ipfv-sm1 -like-fv very inf-take-fv aug-np8 -bone
e-N-nyama i-é=zi-fúha
aug-np9 -meat pp9 -con=np8 -bone
‘The one who liked to take bones, meat with bones…’
sìkwàsíyàrìrì èzìfûhà
si-kw-a-síyar-ir-i e-zi-fúha
inc-sm17 -pst-leave-appl-npst.pfv aug-np8 -bone
‘Now the bones remain.’
463
ndózywìn’ áàzy’ ómbwà

ndó-zywiná á-azyá o-∅-mbwá
cop.def1 -dem.iv1 sm1 .rel-have_not aug-np1a -dog
‘It’s the one who doesn’t have a dog.’
ècò kápàngírà kùtêyè òzyw’ ákwès’ ûmbwà

e-co ka-á̲-pang-ir-á̲ kutéye o-zyu á̲-kwesí
aug-dem.iii7 pst.ipfv-sm1 -do-appl-fv that aug-dem.i1 sm1 -have
o-mbwá
aug-np1a -dog
‘He was doing that so that the one who has a dog…’
òmbwá wàkwê nàngà àryê zìn’ ézìfûhà

o-∅-mbwá u-akwé nanga a-ry-é̲ ziná e-zi-fúha
aug-np1a -dog pp1 -poss1SG even sm1 -eat-pfv.sbjv dem.iv8 aug-np8 -bone
‘…his dog might eat those bones.’
mbùryàhó kàbápàngângà búꜝryáhò

N-bu-ryahó ka-bá̲-pang-á̲ng-a bú-ryahó
cop-np14 -like.that pst.ipfv-sm2 -do-hab-fv np14 -like.that
‘That’s how he did.’
àsìmánà òkùyàbùrà zywìnà áàzy’ ómbwà èzìfûhà

a-si-man-á̲ o-ku-yabur-a zywina á̲-azyá o-∅-mbwá
sm1 -cond-finish-fv aug-inf-pick-fv dem.iv1 sm1 .rel-have_not aug-np1a -dog
e-zi-fúha
aug-np8 -bone
‘When he finishes picking the bones, that one without a dog…’
àsìmáná ꜝkúryà kúzìfûhà ákùzíhìndà kùzízìkà mwívù

a-si-man-á̲ ku-ry-á kú-zi-fúha á-ku-zí-hind-a
sm1 -cond-finish-fv inf-eat-fv np17 -np8 -bone pp1 -inf-om8 -take-fv
ku-zí-zik-a mu-e-∅-vú
inf-om8 -bury-fv np18 -aug-np5 -ground
‘When he finishes eating from the bones, he takes them to bury them in the
ground.’
464
òkùté òmbwá ꜝwózywìná mùyênzè àswábè
okuté o-∅-mbwá u-ó=zywiná mu-yénz-e a-swab-é̲
that aug-np1a -dog pp1 -con=dem.iv1 np1 -friend-poss3SG sm1 -be_sad-pfv.sbjv
‘So that the dog of that friend of his would be sad.’
kàrì náàrìshùwìsìsìsá nênjà òzyú ꜝsímbwà

ka-ri ná̲-a-a-riH -shuH -isis-á̲ nénja o-zyú sí-∅-mbwá
neg-be rem-sm1 -pst-refl-feel-int-fv<rel> well aug-dem.i1 as-np1a -dog
‘He did not feel good, the one with the dog.’
àhà òzyú mùshérè wángù mbùtí àh’ átêndà

aha o-zyú mu-shére u-angú N-bu-tí a-ha
oh aug-dem.i1 np1 -friend pp1 -poss1SG cop-np14 -how aug-dem.i16
á̲-té̲nd-a
sm1 .rel-do-fv
‘“Oh, this friend of mine, why is he doing this?”’
mònsh’ ómò túyàbwîrà èyé àpìhènèrá òkùyàbùrà èzìfûhà hàpé èyé ààzy’
ômbwà
mo-nshéː o-mo tú̲-yabw-í̲r-a eyé a-pihener-á̲
np18 -all aug-dem.iii18 sm1PL .rel-pick-appl-fv pers3SG sm1 -insist-fv
o-ku-yabur-a e-zi-fúha hapé eyé a-azyá o-∅-mbwá
aug-inf-pick-fv aug-np8 -bone again pers3SG sm1 -lack aug-np1a -dog
‘“Whenever we pick, he insists on picking the bones, he doesn’t even have a
dog.”’
èmé ꜝndímùnít’ ômbwà hàpé kàndìsîyì ìyé ndìyàbùré zìfûhà

emé ndí̲-mun-í̲te o-∅-mbwá hapé ka-a-ndi-sí-i
pers1SG sm1SG .rel-own-stat aug-np1a -dog again neg-sm1 -om1SG -leave-neg
iyé ndi-yabur-é̲ zi-fúha
that sm1SG -pick-pfv.sbjv np8 -bone
‘“Me, who owns a dog, he doesn’t let me pick the bones.”’
áù nìyámùryángànìsà
aú ni-i-á̲-mu-ryánganis-a
oh rem-sm9 -pst-om1 -disturb-fv
‘It disturbed him.’
465
kàkùbíràèzì
ka-ku-bí̲raez-i
neg-sm15 -matter-neg
‘“It doesn’t matter.”’
mbùryàhó kàbákàbúpângà bùryáhò àhò kàbákàbúráːrà bùryáhó

N-bu-ryaho ka-bá̲-kabú-pá̲ng-a bu-ryahó a-ho
cop-np14 -like.that pst.ipfv-sm2 -loc.pl-do-fv np14 -like.that aug-dem.iii16
ka-bá̲-kabú-ráːr-a bu-ryaho
pst.ipfv-sm2 -loc.pl-sleep-fv np14 -like.that
‘That is how he used to do, when they were spending the night in different
places.’
ênì àkàbúyàbùrà èzìfûhà zyúzyò áàzy’ ómbwà

éni a-kabú-yabur-a e-zi-fúha zyú-zyo á̲-azyá
yes sm1 -loc.pl-pick-fv aug-np8 -bone emph-dem.iii1 sm1 .rel-have_not
o-∅-mbwá
aug-np1a -dog
‘In each place he takes the bones, the one who doesn’t have a dog.’
màmànìkìzò àhò bákàráːrà hápè nàyábûrì hápè cìtùnùrà cécìfûhà

ma-manikizo a-ho bá̲-ka-ráːr-a hapé na-yabú̲r-i
np6 -end aug-dem.iii16 sm2 -dist-sleep-fv again sm1 .pst-pick-npst.pfv
hapé ci-tunura ci-é=ci-fúha
again np7 -big_piece_of_meat pp7 -con=np7 -bone
‘In the end, when they slept again, he has taken a big piece of meat with a bone
in it.’
shànàhíndì cícò cìfûhà zyúzyò áàzy’ ómbwà

shi-a-na-hí̲nd-i cí-co ci-fúha zyú-zyo
inc-sm1 -pst-take-npst.pfv emph-dem.iii7 np7 -bone emph-dem.iii1
á̲-azyá o-∅-mbwá
sm1 .rel-have_not aug-np1a -dog
‘He has now taken that bone, that one who doesn’t have a dog.’
tùyêndè ákùhìndà kùcíshùmìnìnà kùmùzîò

tu-é̲nd-e á-ku-hind-a ku-cí-shumin-in-a ku-mu-zío
sm1PL -go-pfv.sbjv pp1 -inf-take-fv inf-om7 -tie-appl-fv np17 -np3 -load
‘“Let’s go.” He then takes it and ties it on his luggage.’
466
kókw’ àcìshùmìnínà cícò cìfúhà càkwê
kókwi a-ciH -shuH min-in-á̲ cí-co ci-fúha ci-akwé
where sm1 -om7 -tie-appl-fv emph-dem.iii7 np7 -bone pp7 -poss3SG
‘That is where he ties it, that bone of his.’
nìbàkàyâ bàkàbúyèndà bàkàbúyèndà

ni=ba-ka-y-á ba-kabú-end-a ba-kabú-end-a
com=sm2 -dist-go-fv sm2 -loc.pl-go-fv sm2 -loc.pl-go-fv
‘And they went. They were walking, walking.’
ómbwà kébàkà ryécìfúhà cînà sàpìhénèrè kúmàshârà òmùzîò zywìn’ ákùrìkítè

o-∅-mbwá ∅-kébaka ri-é=ci-fúha ciná si-a-pihé̲nere
aug-np1a -dog np5 -because pp5 -con=np7 -bone dem.iv7 inc-sm1 -insist.stat
kú-ma-shára o-mu-zío zywina á̲-kuH rí̲k-ite
np17 -np6 -back aug-np3 -load dem.iv1 sm1 .rel-carry-stat
‘The dog, because of that bone, he is now behind the load, the one who is
carrying.’
àtòndérèrè kúcìfûhà ìyé témà zywìn’ ómùntù mbwámùdánsíkìrè cìn’ écìfûhà

a-toH nd-é̲rer-e kú-ci-fúha iyé téma zywiná o-mu-ntu
sm1 -watch-int-stat np17 -np7 -bone that maybe dem.iv1 aug-np1 -person
mbo-á̲-mu-daH nsí̲k-ir-e ciná e-ci-fúha
near.fut-sm1 -om1 -drop-appl-pfv.sbjv dem.iv7 aug-np7 -bone
‘He is staring at the bone, so that maybe that person will drop the bone for him.’
ècìfúhà cìpárá òkùcíshùmùnùnà ìyé àcìh’ ómbwà

e-ci-fúha ci-par-á̲ o-ku-cí-shum-unun-a iyé
aug-np7 -bone sm7 -fail-fv aug-inf-om7 -tie-sep.tr-fv that
a-ciH -h-é̲ o-∅-mbwa
sm1 -om7 -give-pfv.sbjv aug-np1a -dog
‘The bone failed to become untied, so that he would give it to the dog.’
bànàyéndì bùryáhò ècìfúhà cìpárá òkùcíshùmùnùnà

ba-na-é̲nd-i bu-ryaho e-ci-fúha ci-par-á̲
sm2 -pst-go-npst.pfv np14 -like.that aug-np7 -bone sm7 -fail-fv
o-ku-cí-shum-unun-a
aug-inf-om7 -tie-sep.tr-fv
‘They went like that. The bone did not become untied.’
467
òmbwá àrí kùtóndèrèrà kúcìfúhà kúmùzîò

o-∅-mbwá a-rí ku-tónd-erer-a kú-ci-fúha kú-mu-zío
aug-np1a -dog sm1 -be inf-look-int-fv np17 -np7 -bone np17 -np3 -load
‘The dog was just looking at the bone on the load.’
bàkàbúyèndà bùryáhò
ba-kabú-end-a bu-ryahó
sm2 -loc.pl-go-fv like.that
‘They went like that.’
òmbwá ákùshwáhùrà ìyé hm òzyó mùntù kàndíhì ècí cìfûhà

o-∅-mbwa á-ku-shwáhur-a iyé hm o-zyú mu-ntu
aug-np1a -dog pp1 -inf-give.up-fv that hm aug-dem.i1 np1 -person
ka-a-ndí̲-h-i e-cí ci-fúha
neg-sm1 -om1SG -give-neg aug-dem.i7 np7 -bone
‘The dog now gives up, saying that, “hmm, this person won’t give me this
bone.”’
ákùshwáhùrà kùhítà kúꜝbúsò nàkàbúrìcànìnàcànínà zîngìː

á-ku-shwáhur-a ku-hít-a kú-bu-só
pp1 -inf-give_up-fv inf-pass-fv np17 -np14 -front
na=a-kabú-riH -canina-can-í̲n-a zi-ngíː
com=sm1 -loc.pl-refl-pl2-hunt-appl-fv pp8 -many
‘He now gives up and goes to the front, and he starts hunting other things.’
ómbwà àshàká ꜝcáhà èzìfûhà

o-∅-mbwá a-shak-á̲ cáha e-zi-fúha
aug-np1a -dog sm1 -like-fv very aug-np8 -bone
‘The dog, he likes bones very much.’
témà mbwákàcìndìhé zywînà

téma mbo-á̲-ka-ciH -ndi-h-é̲ zywína
maybe near.fut-sm1 -dist-om7 -om1SG -give-pfv.sbjv dem.iv1
‘“Maybe he will give it to me, that one.”’
468
shókùbòòrà hàpé kùmùzíò kàtóndàkò kùwàn’ écìfûhà sìcákùàázyà
shi-ó-ku-boor-a hapé ku-mu-zío ka-tónd-a=ko
inc-aug-inf-return-fv again np17 -np3 -load dist.inf-look-fv=loc17
ku-wan-a e-ci-fúha si-ci-áku-aazyá
inf-find-fv aug-np7 -bone inc-sm7 -npst.ipfv-be_not
‘He returned again to the load to look at it, to find that the bone is no longer
there.’
sìcákùàázyà ècìfúhà sìcákùàázyà

si-ci-áku-aazyá e-ci-fúha si-ci-áku-aazyá
inc-sm7 -npst.ipfv-be_not aug-np7 -bone inc-sm7 -npst.ipfv-be.not
‘It’s not there anymore, the bone is no longer there.’
kàntì háhò mwéyò ènàkò zyúzyò sícìfûhà, zyúzyò mùntù ákùcíhìndà

kùcíshònjèrà múmùtêmwà cókùwà
kanti há-ho mú-e-yo e-N-nako zyú-zyo
then emph-dem.iii16 np18 -aug-dem.iii9 aug-np9 -time emph-dem.iii1
sí-ci-fúha zyú-zyo mu-ntu á-ku-cí-hind-a
as-np7 -bone emph-dem.iii1 np1 -person pp1 -inf-om7 -take-fv
ku-cí-shonj-er-a mú-mu-témwa ci-ó=ku-w-a
inf-om7 -throw-appl-fv np18 -np3 -forest pp7 -con=inf-fall-fv
‘And in that time, that one with the bone, that person, he takes it and throws it
into the forest, and it falls.’
àhà shècíkàwâ kàntì cìkàwírà hámfùmò

a-ha she-cí̲-ka-w-á̲̲ kanti ci-ka-w-í̲r-a
aug-dem.i16 inc-sm7 .rel-dist-fall-fv then sm7 -dist-fall-appl-fv
há-∅-mfumo
np16 -np1a -rhino
‘When it fell, it fell onto a rhino.’
ómbwà ècìfúhà càkùààzy’ ôkò, kúmùzîò

o-∅-mbwá e-ci-fúha ci-aku-aazyá o-ko
aug-np1a -dog aug-np7 -bone sm7 -npst.ipfv-be_not aug-dem.iii17
kú-mu-zío
np17 -np3 -load
‘The dog [thought]: “the bone is not on the load”.’
469
ákùbòòrà múmàshârà kàbúnùnkìzànùnkìzà ècó cìfûhà

á-ku-boor-a mú-ma-shára kabú-nunkiza-nunkiz-a e-có
pp1 -inf-return-fv np18 -np6 -back inf.loc.pl-pl2-sniff-fv aug-dem.iii7
ci-fúha
np7 -bone
‘He then goes back to sniff around for that bone.’
mànì nákàcìwánè ómbwà

mani na-á̲-ka-ciH -wá̲n-e o-∅-mbwá
until rem-sm1 -dist-om7 -find-pfv.sbjv aug-np1a -dog
‘Until the dog finds it.’
àh’ ákàtôndà ndùmfùmò páhà náàfwîrà

a-ha á̲-ka-tó̲nd-a ndu-∅-mfumo pá-ha
aug-dem.i16 sm1 .rel-dist-look-fv cop1a -np1a -rhino cop16 -dem.i16
na-á̲-a-fw-í̲r-a
rem-sm1 -pst-die-appl-fv<rel>
‘When he looked there, there was a rhino, it had died there.’
òmbwá ákùtángìsà òkùbbóòzà

o-∅-mbwá á-ku-tángis-a o-ku-bbóoz-a
aug-np1a -dog pp1 -inf-start-fv aug-inf-bark-fv
‘The dog starts to bark.’
bèn’ âbò bànêtì múmùsípîrì

bena a-bó ba-néti mú-mu-sipíri
dem2 aug-dem.iii2 sm2 -be_gone np18 -np3 -journey
‘As for them, they continued their journey.’
zywiná ꜝsímbwà àhà sákàbóná bùryáhò òmbwá ꜝwángù àhà kàndìsìmùbwènè

mbùtí
zywiná sí-∅-mbwá a-ha si-á̲-ka-boH n-á̲ bu-ryahó
dem.iv1 as-np1a -dog aug-dem.i16 inc-sm1 .rel-dist-see-fv np14 -like.that
o-∅-mbwá u-angú a-ha ka-ndi-siH -mu-bweH ne
aug-np1a -dog pp1 -poss1SG aug-dem.i16 neg-sm1SG -per-om1 -see.stat
N-bu-tí
cop-np14 -how
‘The one with the dog, when he starts to look around like that: “My dog, why
don’t I see it anymore?”’
470
ómbwà òmbw’ êyè ákwèsì àbbòòzá kúkò
o-∅-mbwá o-∅-mbwá éye a-kwesi a-bboH oz-á̲ ku-kó
aug-np1a -dog aug-np1a -dog pers3SG sm1 .rel-prog sm1 -bark-fv emph-dem.iii17
‘The dog, the dog who is barking there.’
òmbwá ꜝwángù îwè acho kàndìmùbwênè

o-∅-mbwá u-angú íwe acho ka-ndi-mu-bwé̲ne
aug-np1a -dog pp1 -poss1SG pers2SG please neg-sm1SG -om1 -see.stat
‘“My dog, you, please, I don’t see it.”’
tùyéndè bùryô ècíbbwà ncènjí

tu-é̲nd-e bu-ryó e-ci-bbwá N-ci-e=njí
sm1PL -go-pfv.sbjv np14 -just aug-np7 -dog cop-pp7 -con=what
‘“Let’s just go. What about the stupid dog?”’
mùntù káshàkí ꜝbámbwà

N-mu-ntu ka-á̲-shak-í̲ ba-mbwá
cop-np1 -person neg-sm1 .rel-like-neg np2 -dog
‘He is a person who does not like dogs.’
tùyéndè bùryô cààzy’ éntàbà cíbbwà ncènjí

tu-é̲nd-e bu-ryó ci-aazyá e-N-taba ci-bbwá
sm1PL -go-pfv.sbjv np14 -just sm7 -be_not aug-np9 -issue np7 -dog
N-ci-e=njí
cop-pp7 -con=what
‘“Let’s just go. Why should you care about the stupid dog?”’
ènkânì èmé sèndìbòórà ndìsìtónd’ òmbwá ꜝwángù múmàshârà

e-N-káni emé se-ndi-boor-á̲ ndi-siH -tó̲nd-a
aug-np10 -argument pers1SG inc-sm1SG -return-fv sm1SG -per-look-fv
o-∅-mbwá u-angú mú-ma-shára
aug-np1a -dog pp1 -poss1SG np18 -np6 -back
‘An argument. “Me, I’m going back to look for my dog.”’
tùyêndè á’à sèndìbòórà émè ndìtòndé òmbwá ꜝwángù múmàshârà

tu-é̲nd-e á’a se-ndi-boor-á̲ emé ndi-toH nd-é̲
sm1PL -go-pfv.sbjv no inc-sm1SG -return-fv pers1SG sm1SG -look-pfv.sbjv
o-∅-mbwá u-angú mú-ma-shára
aug-np1a -dog pp1 -poss1SG np18 -np6 -back
‘“Lets go!” “No. I am going back to look for my dog.”’
471
bókùfútùmùkà kùbòòrà
ba-ó=ku-futumuk-a ku-boor-a
pp2 -con=inf-turn_around-fv inf-return-fv
‘He turns around and goes back.’
òzù ábòórà ndózwìnà símbwà

o-zyu á̲-boor-á̲ ndó-zywina sí-∅-mbwá
aug-dem.i1 sm1 .rel-return-fv cop.def1 -dem.iv1 as-np1a -dog
‘The one who returns is the one with the dog.’
òzyù áàzy’ ómbwà kàbòôrì ìyé bòóré wê

o-zyu á̲-azyá o-∅-mbwá ka-a-boó̲r-i iyé
aug-dem.i1 sm1 .rel-be_not aug-np1a -dog neg-sm1 -return-neg that
boor-é̲ wé
return-pfv.sbjv pers2SG
‘The one who does not have a dog does not go back. He says, “you can go back.”’
nìkwápàrà kàkúrì òmwínì wómùsípîrì òzyù ázyì òkò báyà ndóòzyù mwini
wómbwà
ni-kú̲-a-par-a kakúri o-mw-íni u-ó=mu-sipíri o-zyu
pst-sm15 -pst-fail-fv because aug-np1 -owner pp1 -con=np3 -journey aug-dem.i1
á̲-zyiH o-ko bá-y-a ndó-o-zyú mu-íni
sm1 .rel-know.stat aug-dem.iii17 sm2 .rel-go-fv cop-aug-dem.i1 np1 -owner
u-o-∅=mbwá
pp1 -con=np1a -dog
‘It became difficult, because the owner of the journey, the one who knows
where they are going, is that owner of the dog.’
mùshérè sànàbòôrì mbùtí sàké ndìpángè

mu-shére si-a-na-boó̲r-i N-bu-tí saké ndi-pang-é̲
np1 -friend inc-sm1 -pst-return-npst.pfv cop-np14 -how if sm1SG -do-pfv.sbjv
‘“My friend has gone back. What can I do?”’
nòkùmúcìrìrà kùbòòrà múmàshârà

no=ku-mú-cirir-a ku-boor-a mú-ma-shára
com=inf-om1 -follow-fv inf-return-fv np18 -np6 -back
‘He follows him going back.’
472
ómbwà éyè àkwèsì àbbòòzá òkó
o-mbwa eye a-kwesi a-bboH oz-á̲ o-kó
aug-np1a -dog pers3SG sm1 -prog sm1 -bark-fv aug-dem.iii17
‘The dog is barking far away!’
sàkàshúwîrè òmbwá wàkwê àbbòòzâ

si-a-ka-shuH -í̲re o-∅-mbwá u-akwé a-bboH oz-á̲
inc-sm1 -dist-hear-stat aug-np1a -dog pp1 -poss1SG sm1 -bark-fv
‘He now hears his dog barking.’
òh ndómbwà wángù zyùnú sàbbòòzâ

oh ndó-∅-mbwá u-angú zyunú si-a-bboH oz-á̲
oh cop.def1 -np1a -dog pp1 -poss1SG dem.ii1 inc-sm1 .rel-bark-fv
‘“Oh! That is my dog that is barking there!”’
kùbòòrà kàmùwán’ ꜝómbwà òzyú kùtôndà hárùbbârì cìpâù cìtùúmènè

ku-boor-a ka-mu-wan-á o-∅-mbwá o-zyú ku-tónd-a
inf-return-fv dist.inf-om1 -find-fv aug-np1a -dog aug-dem.i1 inf-look-fv
há-ru-bbári ∅-ci-páu ci-tuú̲men-e
np16 -np11 -side cop-np7 -animal sm7 -lie-stat
‘They went and got the dog there. When they look to the side, it’s a wild animal.
It’s lying there.’
ómbwà kútà ndùmbwá ꜝwángù sànàwání cìpâù njìnyàmà nyàmà nyàmà

o-∅-mbwá kutá ndu-∅-mbwá u-angú si-a-na-wan-í̲
aug-np1a -dog true cop-np1a -dog pp1 -poss1SG inc-sm1 -pst-find-npst.pfv
ci-páu nji-N-nyama N-nyama N-nyama
np7 -animal cop9 -np9 -meat np9 -meat np9 -meat
‘“It’s true! It’s my dog. It has got an animal. It’s meat, meat, meat.”’
ákàbòòrà nêyè zywînà zywìná ꜝkáshàkí ꜝbámbwà kùtôndà nêyè óh

á-ka-boor-a né=ye zywína zywiná ka-á̲-shak-í̲
pp1 -dist.inf-return-fv com=pers3SG dem.iv1 dem.iv1 neg.sm1 .rel-like-neg
ba-mbwá ku-tónd-a né=ye óh
np2 -dog inf-look-fv com=pers3SG oh
‘He also came back, that one, the one who doesn’t like dogs, when he looks, he
says, “oh!”’
473
òzyû mbwà sànàwání ènyàmà

o-zyú o-∅-mbwá si-a-na-wan-í̲ e-N-nyama
aug-dem.i1 aug-np1a -dog inc-sm1 -pst-find-npst.pfv aug-np9 -meat
‘“This dog found some meat.”’
nìkwáwàn’ ènkânì cwárè

ni-kú̲-a-wan-a e-N-káni cwaré
pst-sm15 -pst-find-fv aug-np9 -argument then
‘There broke out an argument.’
zyúzyò áàzy’ ómbwà sàpìhénèrè nêyè ècìpáù ncángù ncàngú cìpâù

zyú-zyo á̲-azyá o-∅-mbwá si-a-pihé̲ner-e né=ye
emph-dem.i1 sm1 .rel-be.not aug-np1a -dog inc-sm1 -insist-stat com=pers3SG
e-ci-páu N-ci-angú N-ci-angú ci-páu
aug-np7 -animal cop-pp7 -poss1SG cop-pp7 -poss1SG np7 -animal
‘The one who doesn’t have a dog, he is now insisting, “the animal is mine, it’s
my animal.”’
òzyú ꜝsímbwà nêyè nè kàkùòːrésèkì ècìpáù ncángù

o-zyú sí-∅-mbwá né=ye ne ka-ku-oːr-é̲sek-i
aug-dem.i1 as-np1a -dog com=pers3SG no neg-sm15 -can-neut-neg
e-ci-páu N-ci-angú
aug-np7 -animal cop-pp7 -poss1SG
‘The one with the dog says, “no, it’s not possible, the animal is mine.”’
òzyú ìyé ncángù

o-zyú iyé N-ci-angú
aug-dem.i1 that cop-pp7 -poss1SG
‘This one says, “it’s mine”.’
nìkwáwàn’ ènkânì kàbàsíꜝshúwânì

ni-kú̲-a-wan-a e-N-káni ka-ba-sí-shuwá̲n-i
rem-sm15 -pst-find-fv aug-np9 -argument neg-sm2 -per-get_along-neg
‘There was an argument. They did not get along anymore.’
tùyéndè bùryó kàntì tùhîndè

tu-é̲nd-e bu-ryó kanti tu-hí̲nd-e
sm1PL -go-pfv.sbjv np14 -just then sm1PL -take-pfv.sbjv
‘“Let’s just go and take [it].”’
474
kùyá kùzyùnà cìn’ écìpâù kùkúrìkà ábò nòmùsípîrì kàbàshúwânì
ku-y-á ku-zyun-a ciná e-ci-pau ku-kúrik-a a-bó
inf-go-fv inf-skin-fv dem.iv7 aug-np7 -animal inf-shoulder-fv aug-dem.iii2
no=mu-sipíri ka-ba-shuwá̲n-i
com=np3 -journey neg-sm2 -agree-neg
‘He starts skinning that animal. They loaded it onto their shoulders and went.
They did not get along.’
níbàríàbèrà níbàríbbàtwìrà háꜝkátì

ní̲-ba-a-rí-ab-er-a ní̲-ba-a-rí-bbatw-ir-a
rem-sm2 -pst-refl-divide-appl-fv rem-sm2 -pst-refl-split-appl-fv
há-ka-tí
np16 -np12 -middle
‘They divided it. They split it in half for each other.’
nìbàkáyá mùsípîrì kàbàshúwênè

ni=ba-ka-y-á̲ mu-sipíri ka-ba-shuwé̲ne
com=sm2 -dist-go-fv np3 -journey neg-sm2 -agree.stat
‘And they went on their journey. They couldn’t agree.’
néyè á’à cìpáù ncángù

né=ye á’a ci-páu N-ci-angú
com=pers3SG no np7 -animal cop-pp7 -poss1SG
‘He says, “no, the animal is mine.”’
tùyéndè kàntì mbòtúkàbûzè hówù mùnzì kúbàntù àbò báyèndèsá òmùnzì

tu-é̲nd-e kanti mbo-tú̲-ka-bú̲z-e há-o-wu
sm1PL -go-pfv.sbjv then near.fut-sm1PL -dist-ask-pfv.sbjv np16 -dem.i3
mu-nzi kú-ba-ntu a-bo bá̲-end-es-á̲ o-mu-nzi
np3 -village np17 -np2 -person aug-dem.iii2 sm2 .rel-go-caus-fv aug-np3 -village
‘“Let’s go then. We’ll go and ask at this village, from the people who lead the
village.”’
àhà bákàhúrá ꜝhámùnzì kàbàrùmérènè mònsh’ ômò

a-ha bá̲-ka-hur-á̲ há-mu-nzi ka-ba-rumé̲rene
aug-dem.i16 sm2 .rel-dist-arrive-fv np16 -np3 -village pst.ipfv-sm2 -differ.stat
mo-nshéː o-mo
np18 -all aug-dem.iii18
‘When they arrived at the village, they differed even more.’
475
kàhùrà kàsûsà kùbárùmèrèsàrùmèrèsà bànákàrì

ka-hur-a ka-sús-a ku-bá-rumeresa-rumeres-a
dist.inf-arrive-fv dist.inf-put_down-fv inf-om2 -pl2-greet-fv
ba-ná-kar-i
sm2 -pst-sit-npst.pfv
‘They arrived and put down [their loads] and they greeted them. They sat
down.’
mbàní bàìndùná hânù hámùnzì

N-ba-ní ba-induná hánu há-mu-nzi
cop-np2 -who np2 -headman dem.ii16 np16 -np3 -village
‘“Who is the headman of this village?”’
nábò ìyé mbáꜝbábà kwìrápá ꜝryábò kó ꜝkwínà

ná=bo iyé mbába-bá ku-e-∅-rapá ri-abó
com=dem.iii2 that cop.def2 -dem.i2 np17 -aug-np5 -courtyard pp5 -dem.iii2
kó ku-iná
dem.iii17 sm17 -be_at
‘They said, “it’s this one. His courtyard is that one.”’
nìbàyákò
ni=ba-y-a=kó̲
com=sm2 -go-fv=loc17
‘And they went there.’
hàpé mbùtí kùyá kùbásùkùrwìrà zònshéː zómùsípírì wábò

hapé N-bu-ti ku-y-á ku-bá-sukurw-ir-a zi-onshéː
again cop-np14 -how inf-go-fv inf-om2 -report-appl-fv pp8 -all
zi-ó=mu-sipíri u-abó
pp8 -con=np3 -journey pp3 -dem.iii2
‘And what? They go and tell him all about their journey.’
nèrà nìtwákèːzyà nètùrùmérènè

nera ni-tú̲-a-keːzy-a ne=tu-rumé̲rene
then rem-sm1PL -pst-come-fv com=sm1PL -agree.stat
‘“We came while understanding each other.”’
476
tùrì bàntù nòmùshêrè
tu-ri ba-ntu no=mu-shére
sm1PL -be np2 -person com=np1 -friend
‘“We are friends.”’
cwàré àhà túꜝkéːzyà kùhùrà háꜝkátì zyúzy’ òmbwá ꜝwángù nèrà nàábòòrà
múmàshârà
cwaré a-ha tú̲-ké̲ːzy-a ku-hur-a há-ka-tí
then aug-dem.i16 sm1PL .rel-come-fv inf-arrive-fv np16 -np12 -middle
zyú-zyu o-mbwa u-angú nera na-á̲-a-boor-a mú-ma-shára
emph-dem.i1 aug-np1a -dog pp1 -poss1SG then pst-sm1 -return-fv np18 -np6 -back
‘“Then when we reached halfway, this dog of mine, he went back.”’
ákàwàn’ écìfûhà cìdánsì

á-ka-wan-á e-ci-fúha ci-dans-í̲
pp1 -dist.inf-find-fv aug-np7 -bone sm7 -put_down-imp.intr.stat
‘“He found a bone lying there.”’
àhà sákàwàná cìfûhà ákàwàn’ écìpâù

a-ha si-á̲-ka-wan-á̲ ci-fúha á-ka-wan-á
aug-dem.i16 inc-sm1 .rel-dist-find-fv np7 -bone pp1 -dist.inf-find-fv
e-ci-páu
aug-np7 -animal
‘“After getting the bone, he got an animal.”’
shànàwàní ècó cìpâù páhà nìháꜝzwírà ènkánì zétù twèbírè

shi-a-na-wan-í̲ e-có ci-páu pá-ha
inc-sm1 -pst-find-npst.pfv aug-dem.iii7 np7 -animal cop16 -dem.i16
ni-há̲-a-zw-í̲r-a e-N-káni zi-etú twe-biré
rem-sm16 -pst-come_out-appl-fv aug-np10 -argument pp10 -poss1PL con1PL -two
‘“When he got this animal, that is when our argument started, the two of us.”’
néyè zyúzyò áàzy’ ómbwà nêyè ákàsùkùrùrà zàkwê

ne=ye zyú-zyo á-azya o-∅-mbwá né=ye
com=pers3SG emph-dem1 sm1 .rel-be_not aug-np1a -dog com=pers3SG
á-ka-sukurur-a zi-akwé
pp1 -dist.inf-report-fv pp8 -poss3SG
‘And the one who does not have a dog, he too reports his side of the story.’
477
kàtúyêndà nózyù mùyéꜝnzángù

ka-tú̲-é̲nd-a nó=zyu mu-yénz-angú
pst.ipfv-sm1PL -go-fv com=dem.i1 np1 -friend-poss1SG
‘“I was walking with this friend of mine.”’
àhà túhùrá ꜝháꜝkátì èmé kàndíshùmínínè ècìfúhà kúmùzîò

a-ha tú̲-hur-á̲ há-ka-tí emé
aug-dem.i16 sm1PL .rel-arrive-fv np16 -np12 -middle pers1SG
ka-ndí̲-shuH min-í̲n-e e-ci-fúha kú-mu-zío
pst.ipfv-sm1SG -tie-appl-stat aug-np7 -bone np17 -np3 -load
‘“When we were halfway, me, I had the bone tied to my luggage.”’
àhà kàndíshùmínínè bùryáhò páhà sèndícìhîndà kùcíshònjèrà múmùtêmwà

kùcíbùkùmùnà
a-ha ka-ndí̲-shumin-í̲n-e buryahó pá-ha
aug-dem.i16 pst.ipfv-sm1SG -tie-appl-stat np14 -like.that cop16 -dem.i16
se-ndí̲-ciH -hí̲nd-a ku-cí-shonj-er-a mú-mu-témwa
inc-sm1SG .rel-om7 -take-fv inf-om7 -throw-appl-fv np18 -np3 -bush
ku-cí-bukum-un-a
inf-om7 -throw-sep.tr-fv
‘“When I had it tied like that, that is when I took it and threw it into the bush,
to throw it away.”’
àhà sècíkàwâ kàntì cìkàwírà hácìpâù

a-ha se-cí̲-ka-w-á̲ kanti ci-ka-w-í̲r-a
aug-dem.i16 inc-sm7 .rel-dist-fall-fv then sm7 -dist-fall-appl-fv
há-ci-páu
np16 -np7 -animal
‘“When it fell down, it fell on an animal.”’
càkàwírì hécìpâù
ci-a-ka-w-í̲r-i há-e-ci-páu
sm7 -pst-dist-fall-appl-npst.pfv np16 -aug-np7 -animal
‘“It fell onto the animal.”’
478
cwàré òzyú mbwà wôzyò mpáhà sìkábòòrá múmàshârà ákàwàn’ ècó cìpâù
cwaré o-zyú ∅-mbwá u-ó=zyo mpá-ha
then aug-dem.i1 np1a -dog pp1 -con=dem.iii1 cop16 -dem16
si-ka-á̲-boor-á̲ mú-ma-shára á-ka-wan-a e-có
inc-pst.ipfv-sm1 -return-fv np18 -np6 -back pp1 -dist-find-fv aug-dem.iii7
ci-páu
np7 -animal
‘“Then this one’s dog, that’s when he went back, he found that animal.”’
sànàkàcíꜝwánì mpáhà nézàzwírà ènkânì ìyé ècìpáù càkwê

si-a-na-ka-cí-wan-í̲ mpá-ha
inc-sm1 -pst-dist-om7 -find-npst.pfv cop16 -dem.i16
ne-zí̲-a-zw-í̲r-a e-N-káni iyé
rem-sm10 -pst-come_out-appl-fv<rel> aug-np10 -argument that
e-ci-páu ∅-ci-akwé
aug-np7 -animal cop-pp7 -poss3SG
‘“When he had found it, that is when the argument broke out, that the animal is
his.”’
kàntí mé ncángù ècìpâù

kantí mé N-ci-angú e-ci-páu
then pers1SG cop-pp7 -poss1SG aug-np7 -animal
‘“But the animal is mine.”’
cwàré mbóbùryàhó ꜝtúꜝkéːzyà kàtùsìrùmèrènêː

cwaré mbó-bu-ryaho tú̲-ké̲ːzy-a
then cop.def14 -np14 -like_that sm1PL .rel-come-fv
ka-tu-siH -rumerené̲ː
neg-sm1PL -per-agree.stat.neg
‘“That is how we are coming. We no longer see eye to eye.”’
mbóbùryáhò bùryânù
mbó-bu-ryahó bu-ryanu
cop.def14 -like.that np14 -like.this
‘“Is it like that?” “It is like this.”’
479
kàntì èswé tùbàsíꜝnkútà mbòtúmìààtúrè

eswé tu-ba-sí-N-kutá mbo-tú̲-miH -aH atur-é̲
pers1PL app1PL -np2 -as-np9 -court near.fut-sm1PL -om2PL -judge-pfv.sbjv
‘“Then us, the people of the court, we will judge you.”’
mbòtúmìààtùr’ êswè
mbo-tú̲-miH -aH atur-é̲ eswé
near.fut-sm1PL -om2PL -judge-pfv.sbjv pers1PL
‘“We will judge you.”’
ècò shàké cìpàngàhàré hânù

e-co shaké ci-pang-ahar-é̲ hánu
aug-dem.iii7 if sm7 -do-neut-pfv.sbjv dem.ii16
‘“What will happen now…”’
éwè wèmwínì wómbwà ècí cìpâù ncákò

ewé we-mw-íni u-ó=mbwá e-cí ci-páu
pers2SG app2SG -np1 -owner pp1 -con=np1a -dog aug-dem.i7 np7 -animal
N-ci-akó
cop-pp7 -poss2SG
‘“You, the owner of the dog, this animal is yours.”’
kàkúrì kùbònàhárá òkùtêyè òzyú kàshàkí ꜝbámbwà

kakúri ku-boH n-ahar-á̲ okutéye o-zyú ka-a-shak-í̲ ba-mbwá
because sm15 -see-neut-fv that aug-dem.i1 neg-sm1 -like-neg np2 -dog
‘“Because it seems that this one doesn’t want dogs.”’
kàshákí ꜝbámbw’ ôzyù

ka-a-shak-í̲ ba-mbwá o-zyú
neg-sm1 -like-neg np2 -dog aug-dem.i1
‘“He doesn’t like dogs, this one.”’
kùbònàhárá òkùtêyè éwè ècò óꜝkéːzyà kùzèkàkw’ éwè

ku-bon-ahar-á̲ okutéye ewé e-co ó̲-ké̲ːzy-a
sm15 -see-neut-fv that pers2SG aug-dem.iii7 sm2SG .rel-come-fv
ku-zek-a=ko ewé
inf-sue-fv=loc17 pers2SG
‘“It seems that you, what are you coming to sue for?”’
480
ncìfúhà cákò ècò nówàshònjérà múmùtêmwà, ècò nìcákàwáníwà kóꜝzyú mbwà
wôzyù
N-ci-fúha ci-akó e-co nó̲-w-a-shoH nj-er-á̲
cop-np7 -bone pp7 -poss2SG aug-dem.iii7 rem-sm2SG -pst-throw-appl-fv<rel
mú-mu-témwà e-co ni-c-á̲-ka-wan-iw-á̲
np18 -np3 -bush aug-dem.iii7 rem-sm7 -pst-dist-find-pass-fv<rel>
kú-o-zyú ∅-mbwá u-ó=zyu
np17 -aug-dem.i1 np1a -dog pp1 -con=dem.i1
‘“It is your bone that you threw into the forest, and that was found by this one’s
dog.”’
cwàré éwè wèmwínì wômbwà kùtí nòmàní kúryà kwényàmà kùryá ènyàmà ínà
cwaré ewé we-mu-íni u-ó=∅-mbwá kutí
then pers2SG app2SG -np1 -owner pp1 -con=np1a -dog if
no-man-í̲ ku-ry-á kú-e-N-nyama ku-ry-á
sm2SG .pst-finish-npst.pfv inf-eat-fv np17 -aug-np9 -meat inf-eat-fv
e-N-nyama iná
aug-np9 -meat dem.iv9
‘“Then you, the owner of the dog, when you have finished eating from the meat,
eating that meat…”’
wókùhìndá èzìfûhà kùzíhà zyúzyù

u-ó=ku-hind-á e-zi-fúha ku-zí-ha-a zyu-zyú
pp2SG -con=inf-take-fv aug-np8 -bone inf-om8 -give-fv emph-dem.i1
‘“…then you take the bones and give them to this one.”’
kàkúrì kùbònàhárá ìyé nzìfúhà áꜝkéːzyà kùzèk’ ôzyù

kakúri ku-bon-ahar-á̲ iyé N-zi-fúha á̲-ké̲ːzy-a ku-zek-a
because sm15 -see-neut-fv that cop-np7 -bone sm1 .rel-come-fv inf-sue-fv
o-zyú
aug-dem.i1
‘“Because it seems that it’s bones that he comes to sue about, this one.”’
mùshúwîrè ìyé twàshûwì

mu-shuH -í̲re iyé tu-a-shú-i
sm2PL -hear-stat that sm1PL -pst-hear-fv
‘“Do you understand?” They say, “we understand.”’
481
njénkàtúrò yàmánì
njé-N-katuró i-a-man-í̲
cop.def9 -np9 -judgment sm9 -pst-finish-npst.pfv
‘“That’s the judgment. It is finished.”’
kàkúrì wé kòshákí zìmùnântù

kakúri wé ka-o-shak-í̲ zi-munántu
because pers2SG neg-sm2SG -like-neg np8 -pet
‘“Because you don’t like pets.”’
kózyì òkùtêyè àh’ óshônjà cìn’ écìfûhà ócìbùkùmúnà kózyì ìyé hèn’ écìpâù
ka-ó̲-zyiH okutéye a-ha ó̲-shó̲nj-a ciná
pst.ipfv-sm2SG -know.stat that aug-dem.i16 sm2SG .rel-throw-fv dem.iv7
e-ci-fúha ó̲-ciH -bukum-un-á̲ ka-ó̲-zyiH iyé
aug-np7 -bone sm2SG .rel-om7 -throw-sep.tr-fv pst.ipfv-sm2SG -know.stat that
ha-iná e-ci-páu
sm16 -be_at aug-np7 -animal
‘“Did you know that when you threw that bone, when you threw it, did you
know there was an animal there?”’
nêyè kàrì kàndîzyì kàrì kôzyì

né=ye ka-ri ka-ndí̲-zyiH ka-ri
com=pers3SG neg-be pst.ipfv-sm1SG -know.stat neg-be
ka-ó̲-zyiH
pst.ipfv-sm2SG -know.stat
‘He said, “I did not know.” “Yes, you did not know.”’
cwárè ènyàmà njôzyù

cwaré e-N-nyama nji-ó=zyu
then aug-np9 -meat cop9 -con=dem.i1
‘“Then the meat is his.”’
éwè mbwákùkúhà bùryó èzìfûhà

ewe mbo-a-áku-ku-h-á bu-ryó e-zi-fúha
pers2SG near.fut-sm1 -sbjv.ipfv-om2SG -give-fv np14 -only aug-np8 -bone
‘“He will give you bones only.”’
482
ndìbwènè mpáhò nìkwámànínà ènkàtùró ꜝyínù
ndi-bweH ne mpá-ho ni-kú̲-a-man-in-á̲
sm1SG -see.stat cop16 -dem.iii16 rem-sm15 -pst-finish-appl-fv<rel>
e-N-katuró inú
aug-np9 -judgment dem.iv9
‘I see that is where the judgment has ended.’
nâbò kókùmànà bókùshúwànà nénjà nénjà hápè

ná=bo kó-ku-man-a ba-ó=ku-shuwan-a nénja nénja
com=dem.iii2 cop15 -inf-finish-fv pp2 -con=inf-get_along-fv well well
hapé
again
‘It ended there. They are good friends again.’
ndìbwènè ndórùtángò rwángù rúrò

ndi-bweH ne ndó-ru-tángu ru-angú ru-ró
sm1SG -see.stat cop.def11 -np11 -story pp11 -poss1SG emph-dem.iii11
‘I see that this is my story.’
483
Appendix B: Useful phrases
This appendix contains a number of phrases that can be useful when
communicating with Fwe speakers. A learner’s grammar or handbook of Fwe
has, to my knowledge, never been made. Although the purpose of the current
grammar is not the instruction of those who intend to learn Fwe as a second
language, it is nonetheless hoped that the remarks made here can be of use.
When greeting Fwe speakers, non-verbal communication is as important as
verbal communication. A practice that is widely spread across Western Zambia
and the Zambezi region involves repeatedly clapping the hands, as a sign of
respect. A typical greeting consists of clapping the hands once or twice, shaking
the other person’s hand, and clapping the hands again. This process is repeated,
depending on the relative importance of the participants, and the degree of
respect that is due. Even more respect is expressed by bending the knees.
The morning greeting is mbùtí mwàbûːkì, literally ‘how did you wake up?’,
comparable to English ‘good morning’. It can be shortened to mwàbûːkì.
(1) mbùtí mwàbûːkì

N-bu-tí mu-a-búːk-i
cop-np14 -how sm2PL -pst-wake-npst.pfv
‘Good morning.’ (Lit. ‘How did you wake up?’)
(2) mwàbûːkì
mu-a-búːk-i
sm2PL -pst-wake-npst.pfv
‘Good morning.’ (Lit. ‘Did you wake up?’)
The answer to the morning greeting is twàbúːkì nênjà, literally ‘we woke up
well’, comparable to English good morning. It can be shortened to twàbûːkì, or
to nênjà.
(3) twàbúːkì nênjà

tu-a-búːk-i nénja
sm1PL -pst-wake-npst.pfv well
‘Good morning.’ (Lit. ‘We woke up well.’)
B Useful phrases
(4) twàbûːkì
tu-a-búːk-i
sm1PL -pst-wake-npst.pfv
‘Good morning.’ (Lit. ‘We woke up.’)
(5) nênjà
nénja
well
‘[We woke up] well.’
Morning greetings are appropriate to about midday. From midday onwards, a

different greeting is used, mbùtí mwàríꜝshárì, comparable to English ‘good
afternoon’, though with a literal meaning ‘how have you stayed?’. As with the
morning greeting, mbùtí can be left out.
(6) mbùtí mwàríꜝshárì

N-bu-tí mu-a-rí-shar-í̲
cop-np14 -how sm2PL -pst-stay-npst.pfv
‘Good afternoon.’ (Lit. ‘How have you stayed?’)
(7) mwàríꜝshárì
mu-a-rí-shar-í̲
sm2PL -pst-stay-npst.pfv
‘Good afternoon.’ (Lit. ‘Have you stayed?’)
The answer to the afternoon greeting is twàríshàrí nênjà, which can be

shortened to twàríꜝshárì. A correct response to the afternoon greeting is also
nênjà.
(8) twàríshàrí nênjà

tu-a-rí-shar-í̲ nénja
sm1PL -pst-stay-npst.pfv well
‘Good afternoon.’ (Lit. ‘We’ve stayed well.’)
(9) twàríꜝshárì
tu-a-rí-shar-í̲
sm1PL -pst-stay-npst.pfv
‘Good afternoon.’ (Lit. ‘We’ve stayed.’)
486
(10) nênjà
nénja
well
‘[We’ve stayed] well.’
Afternoon greetings are appropriate from midday until the end of the day. All
greetings are reciprocal; after the first participants has asked after the
well-being of the second, the second inquires after the well-being of the first.
Like greeting, thanking involves non-verbal expressions of respect such as
(repeated) clapping, handshaking, and bowing, depending on the level of
respect and gratitude one wishes to express. There is a Namibian and a
Zambian variant, one with kí- using the form of the reflexive prefix as it is used
in Zambina Fwe, and one with rí- using the form of the reflexive prefix as it is
used in Namibian Fwe.
(11) Namibian Fwe

twàrítùmêrì
tu-a-rí-tumé̲r-i
sm1PL -pst-refl-thank-npst.pfv
‘Thank you.’
(12) Zambian Fwe

twàkítùmêrì
tu-a-kí-tumé̲r-i
sm1PL -pst-refl-thank-npst.pfv
‘Thank you.’
The expression for thanking can take a first person plural subject marker, or,
less commonly, a first person singular subject marker, ndàrítùmêrì /
ndàkítùmêrì.
The verb tùmèlà is not of Fwe origin, as the lack of vowel and nasal harmony in
the putative applicative suffix -el show. It is evidently borrowed from the Lozi
verb ku itumela ‘be thankful’, which is inflected as ni itumezi to mean ‘thank
you’ (Burger 1960).
As in many African/Bantu languages, the expressions for goodbye depend on
who stays and who goes. To bid farewell to someone who leaves, the person
who stays says mùyéndè nênjà, literally ‘go well’. The person who leaves bids
farewell to the person who stays with mùsìyàré nênjà ‘stay well’.
487
B Useful phrases
(13) mùyéndè nênjà

mu-é̲nd-e nénja
sm2PL -go-pfv.sbjv well
‘Goodbye (said to someone who leaves).’
(14) mùsìyàré nênjà

mu-siar-é̲ nénja
sm2PL -stay-pfv.sbjv well
‘Goodbye (said to someone who stays).’
488
Appendix C: Word list
This Fwe-English word list is organized alphabetically by the first letter of the
lexical root. Nominal prefixes are separated from the root with a hyphen, verbs
are listed without the infinitive prefix ku-. Nouns are given in the singular
(except when no singular is attested). For each lexical item, the part of speech is
listed: n for nouns, v for verb, adj for adjective, adv for adverb, num for
numeral, con for conjunction, pp for personal pronoun, and id for ideophone.
Each lexical item is given an approximate English translation or description.
For nouns, the noun class and plural form (if attested) are listed. The last
column lists the source language for known borrowings, and regional variation
(NF for Namibian Fwe and ZF for Zambian Fwe).
All words are given with their surface tones in citation form, e.g. in isolation.
When words have an underlying high tone that is not realized in the citation
form (for instance, a floating high tone or a tone that is subject to high tone
retraction), this high tone is marked separately to the left of the word.
mw-áánjà n silver terminalia ànjà n hand 5,6 mà-ànjà

(Terminalia sericea) 3,4 mì-áánjà mà-ànò n knowledge 6
áàtùrà v judge ányîsì n onion 9 English
kw-àhà n armpit 15,6 m-àhà ́ àrà v close
mw-âkà n year 3,4 mì-âkà àrìrà v follow (in order of birth)
àmbà n scales (of a fish) 5,6 mà-àmbà cí-àrìsò n latch 7,8 zí-àrìsò
àmbààmbà v talk a lot cì-àrò n basket 7,8 zì-àrò
àmbàhùrà v discuss ́ àrùkà v open (intr.)
zì-ámbântù n things people talk àrùkà v go back
about 8 àrùmùkà v roll (intr.)
mw-âncè n child 1,2 b-âncè àrùmùnà v roll (tr.)
bw-ânce n youth 14 àrùrà v open
c-ândà n pole 7,8 z-ândà NF rw-âtà n crack 11
àndà v freeze bw-átò n canoe 14,6 m-átò
cì-ândè n frost 7 cí-àzò n door 7,8 zí-àzò
àngà v tie àzyàrà v plan
mw-ânì n mopane tree 3,4 mì-yânì ng-àzyàrò n plan 9,10 ng-àzyàrò
C Word list
àːzyàrìrà v wish (onto s.o.) bbàmùkà v break in half (intr.)

mù-bângà n tree (Combretum bbàmùnà v break in half (tr.)
imberbe; Acacia sieberiana) 3,4 bbáryàntà v burn across a stretch of
mì-bângà land
bâzyì n Euphorbia ingens 5,6 màbâzyì bbátàùrà v divide
bâbà v itch; be bitter bbátùkà v separate (intr.)
bábàrèrà v guard bbátùrà v separate (tr.)
cì-bàkà n place 7,8 zì-bàkà ́ -bbì adj bad
m-bàndè n eagle 9,6 mà-mbàndè bbîhà v become bad
m-bàndè bbìmbìrírò n rubbish heap to be set
bàndò n wing 5,6 mà-bàndò on fire 5,6 mà-bbìmbìrírò
rù-bàngò n fish sp. 11,6 mà-bàngò bbîsà v look bad because of one’s
bànjà v scoop clothes
rù-bánjè n cannabis 11 m-bórà n ball 9,10 m-bórà
bàrà v read bbôːzà v bark
mù-bàrà n guest 1,2 bà-bàrà NF bbùà v swim, splash around
mù-bárà n color, spot, stripe 3,4 bbùkùkà v be blown on (of fire)
mì-bàrà bbùkùrà v blow on fire
bàràkàtà v flap (as a fish on dry land) cì-bbùkùrìsò n bellows 7,8
mù-bàránà n guinea fowl 3,4 zì-bbùkùrìsò
mì-bàránà bémbàmà v stand next to
rù-bârè n palm leaves 11 bémbèkà v put next to
rù-bàrè n seed, pip 11,10 m-bàrè bêngà v become angry
mù-bàrì n reader 1,2 bà-bàrì béngèrèrà v be always angry
mù-bárù n Calodendrum capense 3,4 bù-bêngì n anger 14
mì-bárù rù-bênzwà n pancreas 11,6 mà-bênzwà
bárùkà v taste (a crop to test if it is mà-bérè n millet 6
ripe) kà-bérèbèrè n centipede 12,13
rù-bàsì n swallow-tailed bee eater 11 tù-bérèbèrè
rù-bàsì n extended family 11,6 mà-bàsì bèsà v shine, flash
cì-bâtà n scar 7,8 zì-bâtà bèzyà v carve (wood)
cì-bàtànà n predator, carnivore 7,8 mù-bèzyàmpâmpà n tree sp. 3,4
zì-bàtànà mì-bèzyàmpâmpà
cì-bàzù n body part 7,8 zì-bàzù mù-bèzyì n carver 1,2 bà-bèzyì
bbâbbà n grandfather 1a,2 bà-bbâbbà m-bèzyò n ax for making surfaces
bbábbàtà v touch with fland hands smooth 9,6 mà-mbèzyò
cì-bbákù n snake sp. 7,8 zì-bbákù bìbêrè n bible 9,6 mà-bìbêrè
bbàmpà v bounce (tr.) bìkà v prepare for a fight
bbàmpùkà v bounce (intr.) m-bìngwà n leprosy 9
490
búkìsà v have a witch doctor consult
bînzwà v ripen spirits
bìrà v boil (intr.) mù-búkù n African dream herb 3,4
bíràèrà v complain mì-búkù
bírè num two búkùshùrà v rub hard (an itch)
mù-bìrì n body 3,4 mì-bìrì mà-bùkùtà n cattle skin used for
m-bìrìmbìrì n pepper 9,10 m-bìrìmbìrì sharpening axes 6
bìrìsà v boil (tr.) bùkùtà v sharpen (an axe)
cì-bîshì n something unripe 7 bûmbà v make a pot; create
mù-bísì n root 3,4 mì-bísì mù-bûmbì n potter; creator (God) 1,2
mà-bísì n sour milk 6 bà-bûmbì
bìtà n grave 5,6 mà-bìtà zì-búmbwàntù n creatures (people) 8
cì-bízù n something ripe 7 bùnà n leaf 5,6 mà-bùnà
bízyù n Baobab tree 5,6 mà-bízyù kà-bùndù n mist 12
bîːkà v put m-bùndù n dew 9
bôkò ~ kù-bôkò n arm 15/5,6 mà-bôkò búnìnìkìzà v be stingy
m-bòmà n python 9,6/10 mà-mbòmà ~ búpùrà v beat
m-bòmà bûrà v not find, miss, fail
bòmbà v become wet cì-búrù n Afrikaans 7
mà-bòmbà n blisters 6 mù-búrù n Afrikaner 1,6 mà-búrù
bòmbàmà v soak (intr.) bùrùkà v remember
bòmbèkà v soak (tr.) bûsà v wake up (tr.); greet
bônà v see m-bútò n seed 9,6 mà-mbútò
bónàhàrà v be visible, seem bútùkà v run
bónàhàzà v make visible bútùkìsà v drive
cì-bónàntù v something visible mù-bútùkìsìrò n driving 3
rù-bônò n castor oil plant (Ricinus bútùrà v clear a field (from small
communis) 11,10 m-bônò shrubs)
bòòrà v return bûzà v ask
bòòzà v bring back bù-bûzì n poverty
bòrà v rot m-bûzì n lie (ZF); information (NF) 9
bòtêlà n bottle 5,6 mà-bòtêlà English cì-bwângà n frog 7,8 zì-bwângà
bówà n amaranth 5 bwè n stone 5,6 mà-bwè
bù-bózù n rot 14 bw-îrì n Grielum humifusum 14
bùbì n spider 5,6 mà-bùbì cì-byà n household item 7,8 zì-byà
m-búfù n bream 9,10 m-búfù cì-byáràntù n cultivated plant 7,8
m-búkà n book 9,10 m-búkà zì-byáràntù
bûkà v wake up (intr.); consult spirits byâːrà v plant
(as a witch doctor) câbà v fetch, collect (firewood)
491
C Word list
cábàcàbà v fish by scooping with a cènkùrà v cut off half; look over one’s
bucket shoulder
câhà adv very ́ ! cényà adj small
cáìsà v collide; knock off (work) bú-! cényà n smallness 14
n-càkà n rattle 9,10 n-càkà ká-! cényácènyà n sth. very small 12
cákànìzà v rattle cényèhèsà v make small
càkànsà v shake (a liquid) cêrà v wound, injure
càmàùnà v divide food rù-cérè n grass sp., used for mats 11,
càmùnà v cut off a piece; take (food) 10 n-cérè
càncàùsà v be fast cérùkà v become torn
rù-cáncì n lavender croton (Croton cérùrà v tear
gratissimus) 11 bû-cì n honey 14
mù-cânì n hunter 1,2 bà-cânì cìkàrìrà adv always
cànkà v sow cìmbùrà v lift up, improve
cànkàmà v stand on the fire (of a pot) cìncà v change
cànkàwìrà v sow an entire field cìncànà v be different; exchange
cànkìkà v put a pot on the fire cíndù n wild date palm 5,6 mà-cíndù
cánkùrà v remove a pot from the fire cînkà n tree sp. 5,6 mà-cînkà
mù-cârò n buffalo thorn (Ziziphus mù-cîrà n tail 3,4 mì-cîrà
mucronata) 3 Khwe círìrà ~ ʹcìrìrà v follow
n-cárò n fruits of the buffalo thorn 10 círùkà v jump
câːnà v hunt kà-cíyó! cíyò n chick 12,13 tù-cíyó! cíyò
cébùkà v look behind còbà v cycle
mù-cècè n baby 1,2 bà-cècè còkàmà v spy, hide in order to spy
cécèntà v winnow còkòkà v come off (of chaff)
cékù adj sharp còkòrà v remove chaff
cékùrà v cut oneself còmpòrà v snatch
mù-cèmbèrè n old lady 1,2 bà-cèmbèrè cònà v disappear, be gone for a long
Lozi time
cèmpà v cut at the stem of a sorghum cònkà v press, push, poke
plant cònkòmònà v press buttons
cènà v become clean còːkà v break (intr.)
cènèsà v clean còːrà v break (tr.)
céngàmà v be right next to cùkàcùkà v shake (a drink)
mù-cêngè n bushwillow 3,4 mì-cêngè cùkùnsà v shake
céngèkà v smoke/dry by the fire cùncùnà v kiss
cènkà n aloe 5,6 ma-cènkà cùncùrà v stumble
cènkùkà v look behind, over one’s cùnkùtà v limp
shoulder n-cùpà n whip 9,10 n-cùpà
492
cùpùrà v undress cì-dùdì n fat person 7
cùùnà v limp dùdùsà ~ dùdùsâ n dust, dried black
bù-cwàrà clay 5
~ bù-jwàrà n beer 14 cì-dùkùtùrì n owl, hawk 7,8
cwárè adv then zì-dùkùtùrì
cwè n stone 5,6 mà-cwè dùnà v stare round-eyed
n-dàànò n message 9,10 n-dàànò dùnàmìnà v stare at s.o. with round
dàbbàmà v jump into water eyes
dàbbìkà v throw s.o. into water n-dúngàtì n disturbance 9
cì-dàkwà n heavy drinker, addict 7,8 dùnkà v swim
zì-dàkwà dùnkùrà v thresh
dàmà v beat dùrà v be expensive Afrikaans
dàmàdàmà v beat repeatedly c-êhò n winter 7
dàmàùrà v beat up bw-ékè n grain 14
dânà adj small èkèzà v continue
mù-dânà n child 1,2 bà-dânà émè pp I ZF
dánkàmà v be put down m-ênjì n water 6
dánsàìkà v scatter (tr.) énwè pp you (plural) ZF
dánsìkà v drop mw-èrì n firstborn 1,2
dêbà v hang loose éswè pp we ZF
dèbèrà v be not taut éwè pp you (singular) ZF
dékèshèrà v move the shoulders in a éyè pp he, she ZF
dancing movement mw-êzì n moon, month 3,4 mì-êzì
dékètà v move the shoulders up and cì-fàtéhò n face 7,8 zì-fàtéhò Lozi
down in a dancing movement kà-fìfì n darkness 12
dìbà v tie (a chitenge) fíyèrà v sweep Lozi
n-díshì n dish 9,10 n-díshì English rù-fíyêrò n grass (Stipagrostis
dòkòmà v clear one’s throat uniplumis) 11
dòkòrà v belch, clear one’s throat mù-fíyêzò n broom 3,4 mì-fíyêzò Lozi
dòkótà n doctor 1a,2 bà-dòkótà cí-fò n poison (used in hunting) 7,8
n-dòngà n needle 9,10 n-dòngà zí-fò
dònkà v drip fônì n phone 5,6 mà-fônì English
dònkèsà fòsà v sin, make a mistake
~ dònsà v cause to drip fòsàhàrà v be wrong, be a bad person
dònsà v cause to drip; pull rú-fù n death 11,6 má-fù
dòntà v get blisters fúàmà v park (a boat)
mù-dôrò n back of the knee 3,4 fúfà n jealousy 9
mì-dôrò fùfùrèrwà v sweat
drámù n drum 5 English cì-fûhà n bone 7,8 zì-fûhà
493
C Word list
fùkêrà n fever 9 mù-fwè n stone (used for sharpening)

fûmà v become rich 3,4 mì-fwè
mù-fûmbò n Cheesewood tree cì-fwè n Fwe language, culture 7
(Pittosporum viridiflorum) 3,4 fwèbà v smoke (tobacco)
mì-fûmbò mù-fwèzì n smoker 1,2 bà-fwèzì
mù-fúmì n rich person 1,2 bà-fúmì fwíìkà v park
fùndà v carve meat fwíìmpìsà v make short
fúndùkà v leave, start off (on a fwìnkà v seal a hole
journey) cì-fwìnkìsò ~
fùndùsà v escort out cì-fwìnsò n stopper, seal 7,8
cì-fúpì n lid 7,8 zì-fúpì zì-fwìnkìsò ~ zì-fwìnsò
fûrà v sharpen, weld mù-fwírwà n widow, widower 1,2
fùrà v pick (fruit) bà-fwírwà
fúrâyì n airplane 9,6 mà-fúrâyì fwíyàùrà v be blessed with sth.
English fwîyì adj short
m-fùrèmfùrè n small insect that bù-fwîyì n shortness 14
walks backwards 9,10 m-fùrèmfùrè fwíyìmpà v become short
cì-fúrì n duck 7,8 zì-fúrì fwîzyà v curse
mù-fûrì n blacksmith 1,2 bà-fûrì gâbà v block
kà-fùrò n knife 12,13 tù-fùrò gábàgàbà v talk nonsense
cì-fùròfùrò n aloe 7,8 zì-fùròfùrò gábàmà v hang on a hook (intr.)
fúrùmànà v become adult (of girls) gàbbà n tin 5,6 màgàbbà Lozi
fúrùmìkà v place upside down gábìkà v hang on a hook (tr.)
fúrùmùnà v remove a lid; put upright gábùkà v break off
mà-fútà n oil (for putting on skin) 6 gábùrùrà v unblock
fútàtìrà v stand with one’s back to gángìrà v freeze
s.o.; quit a job gàrà v dig (with hands)
fútùmùkà v turn around gàyà v sew
fútùrùkà v turn to face s.o. gáyìrà v fence in
mù-fûzì n blacksmith 1,2 bà-fûzì n-gè n scorpion 9,10 n-gè
fúzìrà v blow on a fire to get it going n-gêrè n part between bones 9,10
fúzìrìrà v blow on a fire n-gêrè
ʹfwà v die; break gîː (ZF) ~ yîː (NF) n egg 5,6 mà-gîː ~
fwáfwàtìrà v get crushed mà-yîː
fwáfwàtìzà v crush n-gìnà n louse 9,10 n-gìnà
mù-fwákàzì n co-wife (said by n-gìrìngìrì n shell 9,6 mà-ngìrìngìrì
co-wife) 1,2 bà-fwákàzì góbbòrà v wade
fwánìkìzà v be better n-góngà mùrívù n adam’s apple 9
ʹ! fwányà v be nothing n-gòngò n joint 9,10 n-gòngò
494
n-gó! ngórézà n resin 9,10 g ǀóntàùrà v drip continuously
n-gó! ngórézà g ǀòtòmònà v scrub; wash s.o.’s back
gòrà v become strong g ǀúkùmù n fruit sp. 5,6 mà g ǀúkùmù
n-gòrò n curse 9,10 n-gòrò g ǀùkùmùnà v scrub
cì-gòrògòrò n puddle; well 7,8 g ǀàpùrà v spread one’s legs or arms
zì-gòrògòrò g ǀárùmùkà v shout loudly
mà-grázì n glasses 6 English cì-g ǀìnjò n tree sp. 7,8 zì-g ǀìnjò
n-gù n sheep 9,10 n-gù g ǀínkìtà v pound with short, sharp
gùmbàmà ~ gùmbànà v stand next to movements

e.a. g ǀônsà v make drip
gùmbìkà v put next to e.a. g ǀòpòkà v widen (intr.)
rù-gú! ngúrà n dead tree 11,6 g ǀòpòrà v widen (tr.); remove flesh, an
mà-gú! ngúrà eye

gùnkà v bump/lean into háfù n lung 5,6 mà-háfù
gùnkàmà v kneel háfùkà v be not normal; be half full
n-gúrì n namegiver 9,10 n-gúrì háfùrà v make half full
n-gúrò n business 9,10 n-gúrò háìbà con if Lozi
gwà (ZF) ~ wà (NF) v fall hâkà v not feel, hear, understand
gwàgùrà v brush (teeth); remove cì-hámbà kùfûrà n duck sp., with a
callous beak shaped like a hoe 7,8 zì-hámbà
rù-gwáràrà n grass (Juncus krausii) 11 kùfûrà
n-gwè n leopard 9/1a,2 bà-ngwè hámbàùkà v walk this way and that
mù-gwégwèsì n ankle bone 3,4 mù-àmbì n speaker 1,2 bà-àmbì
mì-gwégwèsì hámbìkà v accuse
n-gwèshì n tigerfish 9,10 n-gwèshì hámbìrìzà v accuse
gwìsà (ZF) ~ wìsà (NF) v drop hândè n bark; 200 dollar bill (plural
g ǀábùrùrà v stick on clothes (thorns) only) 5,6 mà-hândè
g ǀákàmìnà v sit with arms and legs hángàmà v be put in a high position,
extended (to catch fish; warm oneself be hung
by the fire) hángùmùkà v fall down from a high
g ǀàmbùrà v strip a tree position
g ǀàndàùkà v disperse hángùrà v remove from a high
g ǀàndàùrà v scatter (tr.) position
g ǀàndùkà v disperse hánjìkà v hang (tr.), put in a high
g ǀárùmùsà v warm oneself position
g ǀâzà v shiver, be startled hápè adv again Lozi
g ǀênè ~ gênè adj thin hápù n watermelon 5,6 mà-hápù
g ǀìmà n small fish sp. 5,6 mà g ǀìmà hârà v live, survive
g ǀôntà v drip hàrà v scrape, rake
495
C Word list
kà-hômò n disease with symptoms

kà-hárá! hárà n African finger millet similar to AIDS 12
12 hòmpwèrà v hammer
hàrànténè n cockroach 5,6 hòndà v cook (porridge)
mà-hàrànténè mà-hóndêrò n kitchen 6
hàràùkà v be completely scratched hó! ngórò n millipede 5,6 mà-hó! ngórò
hárìbìkà v try hard, apply oneself hòrà v be paid
hàrìkà v fry hôrà v cool down, recover
bù-hârò n life 14 cì-hórè n disabled person (from an
hásànà v scatter injury) 7,8 zì-hórè
rù-hátì n rib 11,10 m-pátì hóròngànà v become worn, broken
hátò n amaranth (Amaranthus hôshà v plait; twist a rope
hybrides) 5 hóshòròrà v take out plaits
hâwà adv very NF hósòkà v slip out
hâzà v save hótòkà v break off (of a branch)
hêmbà v blow one’s nose hôzà v heal
hèmêrè n bucket 5,6 mà-hèmêrè mù-hôzì n healer 1,2 bà-hôzì
Afrikaans, via Lozi bù-hùbà n lightness 14
hênjà v look secretly, spy hùbà adj light
hèːrà ~ hwèrà v hurry mù-hûkò n lid 3,4 mì-hûkò
hîbà v steal hùkò n water snake sp. 5,6 mà-hùkò
hîkà v cook (relish) hùmbwà n cheetah 5,6 mà-hùmbwà
mù-hîkì n cook 1,2 bà-hîkì hùmpà v follow
cì-híkìsò n cooking utensil 7,8 hùmpìrìrà v follow excessively
zì-híkìsò mù-hùngà n tree sp. 3,4 mì-hùngà
hímìnìnà v sink, go down hùpùrà v remember, think Lozi
hìnà v disagree (by saying ‘hm’) hùrà v arrive
hìndà v take hùrèhà v put a yoke
hìndìrìrà v take all, take and take mù-hùrì n buyer 1,2 bà-hùrì
híngìsà v put more, make full mù-hùrìsì n seller 1,2 bà-hùrìsì
mà-hìrà n sorghum 6 hùrùrà v take a yoke off
hîtà v pass by hûwà v shout
hítùrà v carry húwèrèzà v shout
rûː-hò n wind 11 mù-húwò n shouting 3
bù-hóbè n porridge 14 from Lozi; ZF hûzyù n breath 5
hômà v lie hùzyà v breathe
bù-hómà n mongongo tree hùːtà v sip
(Schinziophyton rautanenii) 14,6 mw-ìkà n slave 1,2 b-èkà
mà-hómà mw-í! kánà n slave 1,2 b-é! kánà
496
ímè pp I NF jùkùtà v rinse clothes
mw-îndì n leg of a pot 3,4 m-îndì jùkùtùrà v scrub clothes; struggle to
ìndúnà n induna (political figure) 1a,6 remove sth.
mà-ìndúnà Lozi jùmbà v leave in protest
kà-ìngà n clay bowl; spot on the skin jùntà v hop
12,13 tù-ìngà jùntàùkà v hop across a distance
mw-îngà n thorn 3,4 m-îngà n-jûò n house 9,6 mà-zyûò
mw-ínì n handle of a tool 3,4 m-ínì cì-jûò n nest 7,8 zì-jûò
r-ínò n tooth 5,6 m-énò rù-jûù n pea, jugo bean 11,10 n-jûù
mw-ìnshì n pestle 3,4 m-ìnshì jwêngà v shout (of an elephant)
r-înshò n eye 5,6 m-ênshò bú-kà n black ant 14
ínwè pp you (plural) NF bù-ká! bábù n problem 14
îsà v burn, be hot cì-kàbì n skins 7,8 zì-kàbì
mw-îsì n thorn 3,4 m-îsì kábùhàrà v be difficult
íswè pp we NF kàbùà v stop raining
íwè pp you (singular) NF kácìkìrà v be interrupted
íyè pp he, she NF kácìkìzà v interrupt
rw-îzyì n river 11 cì-kâhù n flat tray-like basket used
jàjùrà v shell groundnuts for winnowing 7,8 zì-kâhù
jânà v gape kákànà v argue
jánàmà v gape rù-kákàtìrà n burdock 11
n-jàrà n hunger 9 kákàtìrà v become stuck
járùmùkà v raise one’s voice kâmà v milk
́ n-jè n outside 9 n-kámà n comb 9,10 n-kámà
jéfù n poison 5 kámàtà v scoop
jérùmùkà v be sour, have a strong kàmbà n river bank 5,6 mà-kàmbà
taste that makes the mouth contract kâmbà v clap (once)
jìkìtà v dance (a type of dance) kámbàmà v be on top of e.a.
mù-jìsíwà n poison (used on humans) n-ká! mbámò n upward slope 9,6
3,4 mì-jìsíwà mà-nká! mbámò
n-jìngà n bicycle 9,6 mà-njìngà kámbìkà v put on top of e.a.
n-jìnjò n funeral 9 n-kámbìkìrò n profit 9
n-jìrà n way 9,6 mà-zyìrà n-kámbìkwà n profit 9
n-jôkà ~ zyôkà n snake 9/5,6 kámbìrìzà v applaud
mà-zyôkà kámbùrà v remove from on top of e.a.
jókwè n yoke 5,6 mà-jókwè mù-kámìsò n squeezing tool 3,4
jómbèzà v shout mì-kámìsò
jùjùkà v become bleached, fade kàmùnà v comb
jùjùrà v bleach kánàmà v lay down while facing up
497
C Word list
n-kàwùhânò n divorce 9,10

kánànà v argue n-kàwùhânò
n-kândà n plain, valley 9,6 káwùhànyà v separate Lozi
mà-nkândà kàyà v tie with rope; tie a cow while
kàndà v massage milking
kàndáŋòmbè n lily sp. 5 mù-kázànà n girl
kàndè n story 5,6 mà-kàndè cì-kâzì n sp. of women’s disease 7
kàndèkà v tell kâːnà v divorce, reject, refuse
mà-kándò n type of treatment for cì-kébéngà ~
success or luck 6 cì-gébéngà n criminal 7,8 zì-kébéngà ~
rù-kânì n jaw 11,10 n-kânì zì-gébéngà Lozi
kànkà v hack kékèrà v plough
kànkàùrà v destroy crops by cutting cì-kékêrè n disc plough 7,8 zì-kékêrè
kântì adv then kênà v be present
kàntùkà v cross (a river, road) mù-kènà n tree (Burkea africana) 3,4
kàntùsà v help s.o. cross (a river, mì-kènà
road) bù-kêntù n female genitals 14
n-kànzà n central village square 9 mù-kêntù n woman, wife 1,2 bà-kêntù
kápà con or Lozi cì-kérè n scissors 7,8 zì-kérè
kàpàsò n policeman 1a,2 bà-kàpàsò n-kèrékè n church 9,10 n-kèrékè
Lozi Afrikaans
kârà n charcoal 5,6 mà-kârà n-kèrézò n advice 9,10 n-kèrézò
ʹkàrà v sit, stay rù-késhà n foxtail millet 11
káràmìndwà n crab 5,6 cì-kèsì n eyebrow 7,8 zì-kèsì
mà-káràmìndwà kèːzyà v come
zí-kàràntù n problems 8 kíkòzà v be the same
kárìhà v shout, scold kìmà adj fat
kárìkà v put down bù-kìmà n fatness 14
kàrìmà v borrow kímùmà v close one’s mouth
ʹkàrìsà v keep s.o. company mù-kítì n party 3,4 mì-kítì
má-kàrò n place 6 kítùkìsèzà v get ready
n-kárúrò n share 9,6 n-kárúrò kítùtà (ZF) ~ rítùtà (NF) v learn
kàtà v become thin kìyà v lock
bù-kâtà n weakness 14 kíyùrùrà v unlock
kátàzà v be naughty kízìmà (ZF) ~ rízìmà (NF) v close one’s
ká-tì n middle 12 eyes
n-kàtúrò n judgment 9,10 n-kàtúrò mù-kôː n lid 3,4 mì-kôː
mà-kátûrò n shoes 6 Lozi bù-kòbà n apartheid 14 Lozi
káwùhànà v be separated Lozi kòbòcà v drive
498
kóbúmàyì adv unfortunately kôrà v irritate
cì-kôcì n skirt 7,8 zì-kôcì kórèkà v carry on the shoulders
kûhà v wink, blink ʹ! n-kórì n walking stick 9,10 ʹ ́ ! n-kórì
n-kôhè n eyelid 9,10 n-kôhè kòròtà v borrow
kôkà v pull, suck mù-kòròtèrà n pod 3,4 mì-kòròtèrà
kókìŋà v cock a gun kôshà v take meat apart after cooking
n-kôkò n porridge 9,6 mà-kôkò kóshàùkà v be (easily) cut
kókòbà v crawl kóshàùrà v cut into two
rù-kó! kónà n elbow 11,10 n-kó! kónà kóshòrà v cut off, pull off, cross
kókòròrà v drag kòsì n nape of the neck 5,6 mà-kòsì
mù-kókòsì n bush (Osyris compressa) kósòròkwà v sleep until rested
3,4 mì-kókòsì kòtàmà v bend over
kòmà v win mù-kòtânà n bag 3,4 mì-kòtânà
n-kômbà n lastborn 9 cì-kôtè n basket 7,8 zì-kôtè
kômbà v lick kòtèkà v delegate
rù-kômbò n navel 11,10 n-kômbò kôtò n knot 5,6 mà-kôtò
cì-kómbómbà n flower (Acrotome kòtòmòkà v hold up one’s head
angustifolia) 7,6 mà-kómbómbà kòtòmònà v hold up s.o.’s head
mù-kòmbwè n rooster 3,4 mì-kòmbwè mù-kôwà n age group; family 3,4
n-kòmókì n cup 1a/9, 10 n-kòmókì mì-kôwà
kòmòkwà v be surprised kòwà v blink
n-kómòngù n part of Cape Bulrush mù-kózù n strength, power 3,4
9,10 n-kómòngù mì-kózù
mù-kónà n tree (Acacia fleckii) 3, mù-kôzù n strong person 1,2 bà-kôzù
kòndè n banana 5/9,6 mà-kòndè Lozi kózyàùrà v pick (fruit)
kòndòrà v brew kôːrà v cough
kó! ngórò n flower sp. 5,6 mà-kó! ngórò cì-kùbábè n plant (Dioscorea
n-kòngòròfù ~ quartiniana) 7
n-kòngòròkòfù n snail 9,10 n-kòngòròfù kúbàzà v hurt
~ n-kòngòròkòfù kûbì n vulture 5,6 mà-kûbì
kònkà v swear cì-kûbò n time 7
kókòmònà v hatch kùbùrà v pluck (a chicken)
kónò con but kùkà v float away
kònsà v doze kúkùrà v cut nails, cut the side of a
kòpànà v meet Lozi mat to make it even
kòpànìsà v gather Lozi n-kùkwè n leftovers 9
n-kòpèrò ~ rù-kùmbà n rope, used in building
n-kòpêzò n button 9,10 n-kòpèrò ~ 11,6 mà-kùmbà
n-kòpêzò kúmbàtà v hug
499
C Word list
kúmbìrà v beg kûtà v curse

kùmbùkà v come out (fibres from a kútàzà v preach
tree) tékèhà v be respectable
kùmbùrà v cut fibres from a tree kútìkà v respect
kà-kúmbwàtìtì n laughing dove 12,13 kûwà v call
tù-kúmbwàtìtì n-kûwà n tick 9,10 n-kûwà
kûnà v grow (crops) cì-kúwà n English 7
kúnàmà v lie on a smoking shelve bù-kúwà n urban area 14
cì-kúnàntù n plant 7,8 zì-kúnàntù mù-kúwà n white person 1,6 mà-kúwà
mù-kùngù n dish used for washing kúzìkìzà v infect
with medicine 3,4 mì-kùngù kùzyà n outer cover of a mongongo
kúngùrà v clean up after a meal nut 5,6 mà-kùzyà
cì-kûnì n tree 7,8 zì-kûnì kúzyùkà v come out (of the outer
n-kúnjù n mortar 9,6 mà-nkúnjù shell of a mongongo nut)
kúnìkà v smoke (food stuff) kúzyùrà v take off the outer shell of a
mù-kûnkù n tree sp., roots are used mongongo nut
as medicine 3,4 mì-kûnkù kûːrà v shift, move
kûrà v grow kwàcàmà n watermelon 5,6
kùrà v sweep mà-kwàcàmà
cì-kùrìkùrì n shrub (Euclea undulata) rù-kwákwà n fence 11
7,4 mì-kùrìkùrì mù-kwàkwà ~
kúrìrà v infect, be infectious mù-gwàgwà n road 3,4 mì-kwàkwà ~
cì-kùrìsò n broom 7,8 zì-kùrìsò mì-gwàgwà
mù-kùrò n district 3,4 mì-kùrò mú-! kwámè n man, husband 1,2
mù-kûrôː n your older sibling 1,2 bá-! kwámè
bà-kûrôː bú-! kwámè n male genitals 14
mù-kûrù n elder, older sibling, adult ká-! kwáméànà n boy 12,13
1,2 bà-kûrù tú-! kwáméànà
mù-kúrùànà n young man 1,2 kwànà v fit, be normal
bà-kúrùànà n-kwánà n pot for beer or water 9,6
cì-kùrùbè ~ mà-nkwánà
cì-gùrùbè n pig 7,8 zì-kùrùbè kwângà v become tired, weak
cì-kùrùkùrù n padlock 7,8 kwángìsà v be tiresome
zì-kùrùkùrù kwângwà v fail
kúrùmpàrà v become old n-kwânì n hat 9,10 n-kwânì
kùrùrà v cut hair n-kwáràkwàsì n trouble 9
mù-kûsì n Zambezi teak 3,4 mì-kûsì mù-kwàrèzò n sticks that close a
n-kútà n courtroom 9,10 n-kútà kraal 3,4 mì-kwàrèzò
ʹkùtà v become satiated cì-kwàrò n door 7,8 zì-kwàrò
500
kwâsà v help máyèmwàncè n maternal aunt 1a,2
kwâtà v catch bà-máyèmwàncè
kwátàkwàtà v touch everywhere màyí! wúyè n wild duck sp. 1a
kwátàùrà v touch everywhere màzùkà n squirrell 1a,2 bà-màzùkà
mà-kwátìrò n handle 6 mbàràmànyà n dragon fly 1a,2
cì-kwàyèzò n lid 7,8 zì-kwàyèzò bà-mbàràmànyà
rù-kwêː n reed sp. 11 kà-mbàryàmbàryà n lizard sp. 12,13
kwèrà v board a vehicle tù-mbàryàmbàryà
cì-kwèrèsò n money for a taxi 7,8 cì-mbàyàmbàyà n storage drum 7,8
zì-kwèrèsò zì-mbàyàmbàyà
kà-kwíkwîndè n ebony 12,13 mbèbà n rat 1a,2 bà-mbèbà
tù-kwíkwîndè mù-mbétà n bed 3,4 mì-mbétà Lozi
rù-kwîrà n cyphia sp. 11,10 n-kwîrà mbîzyì n zebra 1a,2 bà-mbîzyì
bù-kwízyù n sycamore fig 14,6 mbó! érà n wild dog 1a,2 bà-mbó! érà
mà-kwízyù mù-mbòngòrò n plant (Hyaenanche
kyèrà v cut with scissors globosa) 3,4 mì-mbòngòrò
máìrûmè n maternal uncle 1a,2 mù-mbòrè n shrub (Flacourtia indica)
bà-máìrûmè 3,4 mì-mbòrè
màkà v be watchful cì-mbòtwè n frog 7,8 zì-mbòtwè
rù-màkà n berries of Grewia flava mbòwà n mushroom 9/14
11,10 màkà kà-mbú! mbúrù n beetle sp. 12,13
cì-màkà n tree (Grewia flava) 7,8 tù-mbú! mbúrù
zì-màkà mù-mbùwà n grass sp. 3
mâmà n grandmother 1a,2 bà-mâmà ́ mbwà n dog 1a,2 bá-mbwà
màmèrà v take care of kà-mbwânà n puppy 12,13 tù-mbwânà
mànà v finish mbwêshì n giraffe 1a,2 bà-mbwêshì
bù-mângò n evil, ugliness 14 mbwîtì n horned melon 1a,2
mângò adj bad, ugly bà-mbwîtì
màngùrà v remove a thorn mù-mè n dew 3
mà-mànìkìzò n end 6 mèmà v invite
mànìnà v disappear mènà v sprout (of cultivated plants)
mântà v hop ménèkà v be early
mà-rândà n village of one’s husband mérèsà v greet
6 mfùmò n rhinoceros 1a,2 bà-mfùmò
màryânjò ~ mfûmù n chief, king 1a,2 bà-mfûmù
màryânshò n virgin 1a,2 bà-màryânjò ~ mfûzì n blacksmith 1a,2 bà-mfûzì
bà-màryânshò bú-mì n life (state of being alive) 14
cì-mátè n wall 7,14 bù-mátè ʹmìnà v set (of the sun)
mâyè n mother 1a,2 bà-mâyè mìnà v swallow
501
C Word list
rù-mìnànjókà n small plant sp. 11 mwémwètà v smile

ʹmìnìnà v sink mwênà v be quiet
mìnìsà v put in, tuck in mwèndì adv maybe
mírò yóngùrù n sweet potato stalks 4 mwéngèsà v greet
cí-! mónshò n left 7 zí-! mónshò kà-mwîː n heat (from the sun);
mótà n car 9,6 mà-mótà English afternoon 12
ká-! mpáfwà ~ rù-mwîː n summer 11
ká-mpàfwà n bat sp. 12,13 tú-! mpáfwà ~ mwínshì n under 9
tú-mpàfwà mw-í! wángù n grandchild 1,2
cì-mpàngò n silver barbel fish 7,8 bw-é! bángù
zì-mpàngò ŋà n callous 5,6 mà-ŋà
mpêngù n white impala 1a,2 nàhànà v think
bà-mpêngù rù-nâkà n horn 11,6 mà-nâkà
mpíyù n kudu 1a,2 bà-mpíyù nàkò n time, period 9
mpókò n vegetable sp. 1a,2 bà-mpókò kà-nàmánì n calf 12,13 tù-nàmánì
cì-mpónì n mirror 7,8 zì-mpónì nàmúntàbùrà n flower (Commelina
kà-mpòrwè n diarrhea 12 subulata) 1a,2 bà-nàmúntàbùrà
mpûngù n pumpkin 1a,2 bà-mpûngù nàmùróbá! róbà n flower (Scilla
cì-mpùrùmùnùnkà n small insect sp., natalensis) 1a,2 bà-nàmùróbá! róbà
secretes bad smell 7,8 ŋâŋà v be stingy; tie firmly
zì-mpùrùmùnùnkà nángà adv even (if)
mú-kwè n mother-in-law 1 ŋàngà n doctor 1a,2 bà-ŋàngà
kà-múmbùrù n Rhinoceros beetle mù-ŋângà n flower (Pelargonium
12,13 tù-múmbùrù luridum) 3,4 mì-ŋângà
múmùtùrà v open one’s mouth nákàrà n acacia 1a
mùnà v own ŋánkùsùrà v struggle free, prise open
cì-múnântù n domesticated animal nánùkà v leave, stand up
7,8 zì-múnântù nànùnà v lift
mù-mùnì n lightning, light 3,4 nànùnìsà v ask for help in carrying
mì-mùnì sth.
mùnìkà v shine bù-nànzì n brown ants 14
mùnǀápì n frog sp. 1a,2 bà-mùnǀápì ŋárò n chameleon 1a,2 bà-ŋárò
mû-zyà n steam 3 ŋàrùkà v be scratched
mvùmbè n snake sp. 1a,2 bà-mvùmbè nàrùnkàrámbà n praying mantis 1a,2
mvûrà n rain 1a bà-nàrùnkàrámbà
mvúù n hippopotamus 1a,2 bà-mvúù nàrwézá! ézà n chameleon 1a,2
rú-mvwì n grey hair 11,10 ́ ʹmvwì bà-nàrwézá! ézà
mvwì n kudu 1a,2 bà-mvwì ŋàtà v beat
rù-mwè n mosquito 11,10 mwè ŋàtàùkà v be full of scratches
502
ŋàtàùrà v cut in strips
ŋàtùkà v crack, tear nînì adj small
ŋàtùrà v tear nínìsà v make small
ŋàtùràmùshòrò n vine 1a,2 mà-nyînjà n border 6
bà-ŋàtùràmùshòrò bù-njèwè n poverty 14
ŋàtùzà v stay up all night njèwè n poor person 1a,2 bà-njèwè
ŋàù n cheetah 5,6 mà-ŋàù njíbà n dove 1a,2 bà-njíbà
ncênjè n cricket 1a,2 bà-ncênjè njòmbà v get stuck (for instance, a car
ncèrè n snake sp. 1a,2 bà-ncèrè in the sand)
cì-ncèrè n Swainson’s francolin 7,8 mù-njòngòrò n bush sp. 3,4
zì-ncèrè mì-njòngòrò
kà-ndàngárà n striped ground njòvù n elephant 1a,2 bà-njòvù
squirel 12,13 tù-ndàngárà mù-nkà n shortness of breath 3
mù-ndárè n maize 3 ká-nkàfwà n bat 12,13 tú-nkàfwà
ndárè n cob of maize 5,6 mà-ndárè nkângà n guinea fowl 1a,2 bà-nkângà
ndávù n lion 1a,2 bà-ndávù nkàrâmbà n old person 1a,2
ndôngò n groundnuts 1a bà-nkàrâmbà
rù-nèmbwè n cannabis plant 11 nkázè n cat 1a,2 bà-nkázè
nênè adj big nkêː num one
nénèhà v become big nkòmò n bush tortoise 1a,2 bà-nkòmò
nèngà v dance, play cì-nkómbwà n slave 7,8 zì-nkómbwà
nèngò n aardvark 9,6 mà-nèngò nkômbwè n tortoise 1a,2 bà-nkômbwè
nênjà adv well nkûkù n chicken 1a,2 bà-nkûkù
ká-! nénsà n pinkie, little toe 12,13 n-kûmbà n plant (Ancylanthos
tú-! nénsà bainesii) 9,10 n-kûmbà
nêː num four nkúmbìzì n beggar 1a,2 bà-nkúmbìzì
rú-ngàmàzyòbà n plant sp. 11 kà-nkúnè n smoking shelf 12,13
bû-ngì n multitude 14 tù-nkúnè
ngìrì n warthog 1a,2 bà-ngìrì kà-nkûnè n snake sp. 12,13 tù-nkûnè
ngóngòtà v knock nkùtè n bird sp. 1a,2 bà-nkùtè
cì-ngùndè n fishing implement 7 cì-nkwà n bread 7,8 zì-nkwà
ngùrù n sweet potato 1a nkwéngà n parrot 1a,2 bà-nkwéngà
ngûyà n baboon 1a,2 bà-ngûyà kà-nkwìrímbà n pigeon 12,13
ngwébùnà n plant sp. 1a tù-nkwìrímbà
ngwènà n crocodile 1a,2 bà-ngwènà nkwìzyù n rabbit sp. 1a,2 bà-nkwìzyù
n-gwêngwè n ankle 9,10 n-gwêngwè nôkà n hip 5,6 mà-nôkà
n-gwéngwèsì n joint 9,10 n-gwéngwèsì ŋòkòkà v charge, attack
ngwénjùrà v slash grass (to clear a bú-! ŋómbà n plant (Lannea edulis) 14
piece of land) ŋòmbè n cow 9,10 ŋòmbè
503
C Word list
kà-ŋômbyà n xylophone 12,13 nsîwà n orphan 1a,2 bà-nsîwà

tù-ŋômbyà cí-! nsózì n tear 7,8/4 zí-! nsózì ~
ŋòmézò n button 9,10 ŋòmézò mí-! nsózì
cì-nôngò n nose booger 7,8 zì-nôngò nsùmbò n black impala 1a,2
cì-nônò n black-footed cat 7,8 zì-nônò bà-nsùmbò
nònòsà v exaggerate, blow out of mà-ntà n power 6
proportion mà-ntêngù n evening 6
ŋônzì n sleep, drowsiness 9 ntìmbìrà n dung beetle 1a,2
ŋôrà v write Lozi bà-ntìmbìrà
cì-ŋórìsò n pen 7,8 zì-ŋórìsò Lozi n-tòbòrò n gun 9,6 mà-ntòbòrò
ŋórò n letter 5,6 mà-ŋórò Lozi rù-ntù n pupil 11
nsâ n duiker 1a,2 bà-nsâ bù-ntù n humanity 14
mù-nséfà n sieve 3,4 mì-nséfà English mù-ntù n person, human being 1,2
nsèmbèrè n rhinoceros 1a,2 bà-ntù
bà-nsèmbèrè cì-ntù n thing 7,8 zì-ntù
kà-nsènè n tortoise (appears during ntûù n amaranth 1a
the rainy season) 12,13 tù-nsènè ntûù n hyena 1a,2 bà-ntûù
n-shângù n pair of shoes 9 nùnà v become fat
mù-nshàrè n sugar cane 3,4 nûngù n porcupine 5,6 mà-nûngù
mì-nshàrè rù-nùngùrà n waterlily sp. 11,6
má-! nsáwánshàwà n berries of mà-nùngùrà
Grewia sp. 6 nùnkà v smell
nshéfù n eland 1a,2 bà-nshéfù mù-nùnkò n (bad) smell 3,4 mì-nùnkò
nshîndì n squirel, mongoose 1a,2 nûnsà v make (s.o.) smell; crave a
bà-nshîndì certain food (during pregnancy)
nshôkò n monkey 1a,2 bà-nshôkò kà-nwà n mouth 12,13 tù-nwà
nshôhò n barbel fish 1a,2 bà-nshôhò ŋwàrárà n crow 5,6 mà-ŋwàrárà
nshómbò n edible plant sp. 1a,2 mù-nwè n finger; toe 3,4 mì-nwè
bà-nshómbò ŋwètà v pull tight
nshôngè n puku 1a,2 bà-nshôngè ŋwètètèzà v tighten
nshúngwè n Matabele ant 1a,2 nyà v defecate
bà-nshúngwè nyàkàùrà v kick the limbs
nshwê n breast 5,6 mà-nshwê nyàkùrà v kick, stretch a limb
n-síkì n disease 9,10 n-síkì nyàmà n meat 9
ká-nsìkwè n darkness 12 nyámbè n god 1a
nsîmbà n genet 1a,2 bà-nsîmbà kà-nyàndì n fishing net 12,13
n-síngò n neck 9,6 mà-nsíngò tù-nyàndì
ká-! sísì n small blue bird sp. 12,13 nyàngànìsà v whobble (tr.)
tú-! sísì nyàngànà v whobble (intr.)
504
nyângù n beans 10 before cultivating 7,8 zì-nyôrò
ká-! nyángwé-nyàngwè n tree nyôtà n thirst 9
(Mundulea sericea) 12,13 nyùkàùrà v uproot, pull out
tú-! nyángwényàngwè nyùkùrà v uproot
nyànsà v blame, accuse nyûmbù n wildebeest 1a,2 bà-nyûmbù
nyánsìrìzà v be ignorant kà-nyùndwè n small stone, pebble
nyàtérà n sandal 5,6 mà-nyàtérà 12,13 tù-nyùndwè
nyâtì n buffaloe 1a,2 bà-nyâtì nyùngà v shake
nyàyà v scratch nyùngànyùngà v shake repeatedly
nyàzì n lover 9,6/2 mà-nyàzì ~ cì-nyùngèrà n food, put in a
bà-nyàzì Lozi container with water which needs to
nyèèrwà v become angry be shaken before eating 7
nyèèzà v annoy, anger ʹnywà v drink
nyèhèrèrà v be sad nywínìnà v drink incessively
cì-nyémbêrè n barbary fig (Opuntia mù-nzì n village 3,4 mì-nzì
ficus-indica) 7,8 zì-nyémbêrè rù-nzì n fly 11
nyêndà n visitor 1a,2 bà-nyêndà nzìkè n single, unmarried 1a,2
nyéngètèkà v be unstable, wobbly bà-nzìkè
nyêngwà v be nauseous mú-! nzúrè n shadow, malaria 3,4
nyènsà v defeat mí-! nzúrè
nyényètèzà v warn nǀàmbùkà v burst (of a mukusi pod)
nyérèrà v hang from, dangle nǀàmbùrà nkúsì n mukusi seed;
nyìnà n mother 1a,2 bà-nyìnà hundred dollars 5,6 mà-nǀàmbùrà
nyìnàkúrwè n his grandmother 1a,2 nkúsì
bà-nyìnàkúrwè nǀâmpà v suck (even though there is
nyìnàkú! rwétù n our grandmother no milk); be flat (of stomach)
1a,2 bà- nyìnàkú! rwétù nǀámpàùrà v go from one breast to
nyìnyánì n earrings another when the milk is finished
nyírù n tigerfish sp. rú-! nǀánǀà n sedge-leaf (Kilyinga alba)
nyòkòkúrò n your grandmother 1a,2 11
bà-nyòkòkúrò nǀàngì n resin 5/9
nyònà v have heartburn nǀânkà v shell groundnuts
nyòngàmà v bend sideways (intr.) nǀánkùmùnà v take maize off a cob
nyòngèkà v bend (tr.) nǁárànǁàsà v rummage noisily
nyônkà v breastfeed (intr.) mù-nǀáwà n tree (Rhus tenuinervis)
nyónkèsà ~ nyônsà v breastfeed (tr.) 3,4 mì-nǀáwà
nyònònà v twist nǀínǀà n fruit of the wild date palm
cì-nyôrò n plant remains or rubbish in 9,10 nǀínǀà
the fields which needs to be removed nǀômpà v taste by sucking one’s finger
505
C Word list
nǀòndòrà v take a fingerful of sth. óngòzà v shout

nǀòngòmònà v hollow out mù-ònò n snoring 3
rù-nǀórè n toe 11 ònzònòkà v stretch
nǀûmà v suck blood (as treatment for òrà v can, be able to
pain, a snake bite, or a curse; same as òrèsèkà v be necessary
shúwìkà) c-ôrò n rubbish 8 zì-côrò
nǀónzòròkà v be thread-like, m-òyà n wind 3,4
stretching (like ocra) r-ózì n plant (used as rope) 11,10 nyózì
nǀórèzà n resin 5/9 b-ôzyà n feathers 14
nǀúmàrè n fruit sp. 5,6 mà-nǀúmàrè m-òzyò n heart 3,4 mì-òzyò
nǀùmàùnà v uproot ʹpàkà v carry in a sling on the back
nǀúmèntà v kiss cì-pàkò n bead 7,8 zì-pàkò
nǀùmpàmà v be planted (of a pole) m-pâkwà n cloth used to carry a baby
nǀùmpìkà v plant (a pole) 9,10 m-pâkwà
nǀúmpwàmà v fall in water (of an m-pàmà n slap 9,6 mà-mpàmà
inanimate object) m-pâmpà n forked stick 9,10
nǀùmpwí id ideophone of falling in m-pâmpà
water pânà v put on a yoke
nǀùmùnà v pull out, uproot pângà v do, make, repair
cì-nǀùnà n grasshopper sp. 7,8 pángàhàrà v happen
zì-nǀùnà pàpàùrà v divide a dead animal into
mú-nǀùryà ~ pieces
mú-! nǀúryà n lizard 3,4 mí-nǀùryà ~ pàrà v fail, refuse
mí-! nǀúryà type of lizard in ZF; generic pàrìsà n flower 5,6 mà-pàrìsà Lozi
word for lizard in NF pàtàmà v lie on stomach, be flat Lozi
cì-nǀûshù n sore 7,8 zì-nǀûshù pátèhà v be busy Lozi
nǁámpwìzà v say a click as insult cì-pátêrà n hospital 7,8 zì-pátêrà Lozi
m-ôfù n blind person 1,2 b-ôfù cì-pátù n duck 7,8 zì-pátù Lozi
ng-ômà n drum (musical instrument) cì-pâù n wild animal 7,8 zì-pâù
9,6 mà-òmà m-péhò n cold; malaria 9
òmbà v play (an instrument) pékà n honeycomb 5,6 mà-pékà
òmbàrà v be quiet, calm pèndà v paint
ònà v snore m-pênè n goat 9,10 m-pênè
òndè n waterlily (Nymphea nouchali) kà-pêntà n Lake Tanganyika sardine
5,6 mà-òndè 12,13 tù-pêntà
m-ôndò n shrub (Bauhinia petersiana) cì-pèpà n paper 7,6 mà-pèpà English
3,4 mì-ôndò m-pérèmpêrè n butterfly 9,10
cì-òngò n storage 7,8 zì-òngò m-pérèmpêrè
rù-òngòrà n backbone 11,10 ng-òngòrà pèrèsà n horse 5,6 mà-pèrèsà Lozi
506
cì-ràbò n paddle, punting pole 7,8
kà-pêrù n pail 12,13 tù-pêrù English zì-ràbò
pícùkà v escape, dodge cì-ráhà n trap 7,8 zì-ráhà
kà-píkírì n nail 12,13/8 zì-píkírì ~ ràhà v kick
tù-píkírì Afrikaans mù-ràhò n law 3,4 mì-ràhò Lozi
m-pòhò n bull 9,6 mà-pòhò cì-ràhò n paddle 7,8 zì-ràhò
pômpì n pump, tap 9/5,6 mà-pômpì mù-râkà n kraal 3,4 mì-râkà Lozi
English rákàtà n gill; plural: uvula 5,6
pòmpòròkà v become deflated mà-rákàtà
cì-pôncì n sponge 7,8 zì-pôncì cì-ràmà n part 7,8 zì-ràmà
m-pòndà n spear 9,6 mà-mpòndà rá! mátwà n devil’s claw 5,6
pòpòkà v pop mà-rá! mátwà
pòròkà v have diarrhea râmbà v plaster a mud wall
pòtà v visit ràmbò n pit
m-pùmpò n food for on the road 9 ràmbùrùrà v smoothen a wall after
pùmùrà v be on holiday, rest Lozi applying plaster
pùndà v doubt, guess mù-rámù n stick 3,4 mì-rámù
m-púkà n bee 9,10 m-púkà mù-râmù n sibling in law 1,2 bà-râmù
ʹ! m-púndù n sandpaper raisin bush Lozi
9,10 ́ ʹ! m-púndù cì-ràndàbèrè n secondborn 7
cì-púrà n chair 7,8 zì-púrà Lozi ràndàtà v follow (tracks)
kà-púrà n stool 12,13 tù-púrà Lozi mù-rândù n fine 3,4 mì-rândù
m-pùrânì n plan 9,6 mà-pùrânì rângù n Mozambique cherry orange
English (Citropsis daweana) 5,6 mà-rângù
pùrù n ox 5,6 mà-pùrù Lozi mù-ràngù n bell 3,4 mì-ràngù
cì-púrùpúrù n deaf and dumb person bù-ránzàbì n sleeping uneasily 14
7,8 zì-púrùpúrù bù-rànzì n ants 14
kà-pùtùrà n short trousers 12,13 rápà n fence, courtyard 5,6 mà-rápà
tù-pùtùrà Lozi Lozi
mù-pùzò n gift 3,4 mì-pùzò Lozi rápèrà v pray
m-pùzò n question 9,10 mú-ràrà n leftovers 3,4 mí-ràrà
pwàcàùkà v be broken (everything) râːrà v sleep, lie down
pwàcàùrà v break everything mù-ráràmbîndà n milky way 3
pwàcùkà v break (intr.) rù-ràrì n palm tree 11
pwàcùrà v break (tr.) ráːrìkà v lay down (tr.)
mù-rà n intestine 3,4 mì-rà rárìrà v eat dinner
ràànà v say goodbye rárìrà v sleep close to a sick person
ràbbùnùkà v stretch (of rubber) mù-rárìrò n dinner 3
cì-rábì n wound 7,8 zì-rábì mà-rârò n room 6
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C Word list
ràtèrà v follow a plough, sowing rímbùrùrà v discover, figure out,

ràyîsì n rice 9 English prove wrong
bù-rêː n length 14 rù-rîmì n tongue 11,6/10 mà-rîmì ~
rèhà v become tall n-dîmì
rèkà v leave (s.o.) mù-rìmì n farmer 1,2 bà-rìmì
rèmà v be heavy cì-rìmò n season, year 7,8 zì-rìmò
rémànà v become injured rìndà v wait
rémèkà v injure (tr.) rínèkà v dance on tiptoes with the
bù-rémù n weight 14 stomach held in
rémù adj heavy mù-ríngà n thunder 3,4 mì-ríngà
rémùhà v discover rìrà v cry, mourn
rèndà v go very high mù-rìrì n mourner 1,2 bà-rìrì
réndèrà v flee from mù-rìrò n fire 3
rèngà v hurt (in bones); be beaten, kà-rìròrìrò n plant sp. 12,13 tù-rìròrìrò
thunder rîsà v feed
rèrà v feed mù-rísânì n herder 1,2 bà-rísânì
mù-rèrì n animal breeder 1,2 bà-rèrì rísìkà v feed
mù-rérò n plan 3,4 mì-rérò rísùkà v have breakfast
rêːsà v prolong mù-rísìkò n breakfast 3
rêːtà v bring; give birth (humans) rísùngàmìnà v look down
mù-réːtìsì n midwife 1,2 bà-réːtìsì rítàbìrìrà v ignore advice
réːtìwà ~ rêːtwà v be born (humans) ríùmà v be quiet
cì-réyì n sledge 7,8 zì-réyì mù-rívù n windpipe 3,4 mì-rívù
cì-rèzù n cheek 7,8 zì-rèzù rívwàngà v put on a chitenge
cîː-rì n puff-adder 7,8 zîː-rì rívwàngùrùrà v take off a chitenge
rìhà v pay rù-rîyà n taro (Colocasia esculenta)
rîhà v pretend to be important 11,10 n-dîyà
rìkà v try ríhèhà v be late
ríkùkà v hiccup mà-rí! zíkò n hiding place 6
kà-ríkùrîkù n hiccup 12,13 tù-ríkùrîkù rízìngà v twist (like a vine)
rù-rímà n bat 11,13/2 tù-rímà ~ rízìngàìzà v wrap oneself around
bà-rùrímà mù-rízìngè n vine 3
rìmà v farm rîːzyà v climb
cì-rìmbà n lamellophone, thumb rízyùmìnìnà v ignore; be
piano 7,8 zì-rìmbà unconscious
rímbàùzà v not pay attention; be rízyùmìnìzà v pretend to be
ignorant unconscious, be ignorant; keep quiet
mù-rímbùrîmbù n ignorance 3 bú-rò n sleeping place 14,6 má-rò
508
mù-róbà n young male, teen 1,2 bù-rúkwè n long trousers 14,6
bà-róbà mà-rúkwè Afrikaans, via Lozi
ròbèrà v capsize; eat fast cì-rûmbà n ghost 7,8 zì-rûmbà
ròbòrà v pay dowry mù-rúmbùrùmbù n robber fish 3,4
mà-ròhà n blood mì-rúmbùrùmbù
cì-ròmbòrà n elephant’s trunk 7 mù-rùméhò v horn used to suck
mù-ròmò n mouth, plural: lips 3,4 blood 3,4 mì-rùméhò (same as
mì-ròmò mù-shûwì)
ròndà v be slow rúmò n bullet 5,6 mà-rúmò
kà-ròndòròndwè n beetle sp. 12,13 mù-rùmò n sound 3,4 mì-rùmò
tù-ròndòròndwè rùmùkà v go/come down
mù-rôngà n seasonal stream 3,4 rúndù n mountain 5,6 mà-rúndù
mì-rôngà rúngàrùngà v disturb (with noise)
ròngà v load rúngàùzà v make noise
kà-rôngò n three-legged cooking pot rúngàwìzà v disturb (s.o.)
12,13 tù-rôngò bù-rùngù n beads 14
ròngòrà v offload rùngwè n morning star 9
rònzòròrà v compare mù-rùò n mother/daughter-in-law 1,2
mù-ròrà n soap 3,4 mì-ròrà bà-rùò
mù-rórì n whistling 3,4 mì-rórì rúpùkà v arrive
rôrò n custard apple (Annona rùrà v be bitter
stenophylla) 5,6 mà-rôrò kà-rùrérùrè n plant sp. 12,13
rôːtà v dream tù-rùrérùrè
cì-rôːtò n dream, the topic of the rùrì n dust 5,6 mà-rùrì
dream 7,8 zì-rôːtò bù-rùrù n bitterness 14
bù-rôtù n goodness, beauty 14 rùtà v teach Lozi
rôtù adj good, beautiful mù-rútì n teacher 1,6 mà-rútì Lozi
rótùhà v be exciting, nice rúvùkà v stare
ròwà v perform witchcraft bù-rúwàrúwà n centella (Centella
bù-ròzì n witchcraft 14 asiatica) 14
mù-ròzì n witch, sorcerer 1,2 bà-ròzì mà-rùwò n village of one’s in-laws 6
rùbà v not recognize; mix rwà v fight
bù-rùbì n brain 14 rwârà v become sick
rùkà v braid, sew (with machine) cì-rwáràntù v disease 7
rûkà v vomit rwárìkà v take care of a sick person
rùkìsà v repair mà-rwá! rírà n sickness 6
rùkúngwè n snake; black mamba 1a,2 cì-rwârù n disease 7,8 zì-rwârù
bà-rùkúngwè rwárùkà v get better
rùkùrùrà v divorce rwèrà v watch
509
C Word list
mù-rwèrè n sick person 1,2 bà-rwèrè n-sépò n hope 9 Lozi

rwêzyà n taboo 9,6 mà-rwêzyà sèsì n bullfrog 5,6 mà-sèsì
mù-rwì n fighter 1,2 bà-rwì mù-sètò n border 3,4 mì-sètò
ʹryà v eat rù-sêzà n fruit sp, grows underground
kà-ryábàcânì n flower (Pelargonium 11,10 n-sêzà
tomentosum) 12,13 tù-ryábàcânì shábùrà v cut down
bù-ryáhò n like that 14 sháhìkà v cook (relish)
ryángànìsà v disturb, trouble shàkà v love, like, want, look for
ryàtà v step on shàkàhàrà v be necessary
ryénkwètà v bribe shàkàshàkà v look for
ryôwà v be sweet mù-shàkàshèrà n tree (Albizia
mù-sâ ~ mú-sà n thief 1,2 bà-sâ versicolor, Bobgunnia
ʹsà v dig madagascariensis) 3,4 mì-shàkàshèrà
n-sàbátà n Saturday 9,10 n-sàbátà shàkìsìsà v investigate
sákà n bag 5,6 mà-sákà Afrikaans, via shâmà v make strips of dried meat
Lozi cì-shá! mátwà n sickness involving
sàmbà n tea 5,6 mà-sàmbà nausea 7
n-sàndò n hammer 9,6/10 mà-nsàndò shàmbà v swim, bathe
~ n-sàndò shàmbànà v play in water
cì-sàndùrè n turned language cì-shàmbàngò n place to play around
(metathesis) 7 in the water 7,8 zì-shàmbàngò
sánì n hard grains left after pounding shàmbèrèrà v pray; dance in
9,6 mà-sánì celebration of s.o. who has been away
sànzà v wash for a long time
sàrùtó! mbórwà n tree (Combretum cì-shàmbìrò n bathroom 7
mossambicense) 1a shàmpùrà v deny
bù-sàwànà n lie 14 mù-shámù n medicine 3,4 mì-shámù
ká-sè n cat 12,13 tú-sè cì-shámù n tree; stick 7,8 zì-shámù
sèbèzà v work mù-shânà n back 3,4 mì-shânà
mù-sébézì n work, job 3,4 mì-sébézì shândà v suffer
Lozi shândò n suffering 5,6 mà-shândò
sêfà v sieve Lozi shàngànà v meet
séhèkà v suffer rù-shá! ngánì n plant (Salsola aphylla)
kà-sèkà n bracelet 12,13 tù-sèkà 11
sèkà v put on (ring, bangle, cap, etc) mà-shángànjìrà n crossroads 6
n-sèkè n female chicken 9,10 n-sèkè shángàshàngà v contribute (money)
sèpà v trust, hope Lozi shángàùrà v contribute (money)
sèpàhàrà v be honest, important shànshà n shoulder 5,6 mà-shànshà
sèpìsà v promise Lozi shàràngàrà v scatter
510
shàrùrà v take out rotten groundnuts bù-shìbì n tree (Berchemia zeyheri)
from good ones 14,6 mà-shìbì
shâshà n mat 5,6 mà-shâshà rú-! shíkà n African Mangosteen
shèbà v sieve (Garcinia livingstonei) 11,10 n-shíkà
bù-shèbè n gossip 14 shíká! nkózè n falcon 1a,2
shèbèkà v gossip bà-shíká! nkózè
shèhà n joke 5 shìkàrìmbírè n kite 1a,2
shèkà v laugh bà-shìkàrìmbírè
shèkàshèkà v laugh often shìmbà v carry a baby on the shoulder
shêkè n sand (in the bush) 5 shímùǀòpwè n fish sp. 1a,2
shékèshêkè n sand 5 bà-shímùǀòpwè
mù-shêmì n parent 1,2 bà-shêmì mù-shînjà n soup 3
shémpèkà v shoulder a load shînjà v harvest
mù-shêmpù n load 3 shínténgwè n red-winged starling
shémpùrà v walk with a load on 1a,2 bà-shínténgwè
one’s shoulders shírìrà v desire
shèmùnà v carry a child on one’s shírùbùmbìrà n mud wasp 1a,2
shoulders bà-shírùbùmbìrà
shèndàmà v recline shíryà n other side 5
shèndèkà v put into a leaning shò n bow 5,6 mà-shò
position mù-shóbêngwà n tree (Acacia
shèndèkèrà v joke, mock sieberiana/hebeclada) 3,4
shènè n worm 5,6 mà-shènè mì-shóbêngwà
shèngà n liver 5,6 mà-shèngà cì-shòbò n language 7,4 mì-shòbò
shèngà v sharpen mù-shòbò n tribe, kind, type 3,4
shèngèkà v veer off course mì-shòbò Lozi
mù-shèngèrà n sharp tip 3,4 shòhà v lose weight; throw away
mì-shèngèrà shôkà v fall (rain)
mù-shêrè n friend 1,2 bà-shêrè mà-shókèrà n falling 6
shêshà v marry (of a man) bù-shó! mánì n bad luck 14
shêshwà ~ shômbò n cassava leaves 1a
shéshìwà v be married (of a woman) shòmpà v stab, spear
bù-shéshèzì n village of one’s in-laws shòngà v talk about s.o. who is not
14 there, tattle
mà-shêshwà n marriage 6 cì-shóngò n bullet cartridge 7,8
cì-shêwò n tree (Boscia albitrunca) 7,8 zì-shóngò
zì-shêwò shônjà v shoot, throw
cí-shì n country, world 7,8 zí-shì mù-shônjì n hunter 1,2 bà-shônjì
shîbà v whistle shôrà v produce a click in offense
511
C Word list
rù-shòshò n shin 11,10 n-shòshò

shòshòtà v whisper shúwìsìsà v understand
shótàùkà v jump up and down n-shwâ n termite 9,10 n-shwâ
kà-shòtò n fish-hook 12,13 tù-shòtò shwáhùrà v console; be disappointed,
shótòkà v cross, jump give up
mù-shú n urine 3,4 mì-shú mù-shwátì n sugar cane 3,4 mì-shwátì
shùbà v urinate shwátìrà v whip
cì-shùkà n rooftop 7,8 zì-shùkà shwènà v become tired
n-shúkì n hair 10 shwènùnùkà v become rested
shûmà v bite bûː-sì n smoke 14
cì-shûmì n biting insect 7,8 zì-shûmì sì-bbwê n jackal 1a,2 bà-sìbbwê
shúmìnà v tie sìhà v be dark, black
shúmìnìnà v be engaged sîkà v light
shùmpùrà v shout mù-sìkà n market 3,4 mì-sìkà
shúmùnùkà v be interesting; become sìkíò n earring 5,6 mà-sìkíò
untied; give birth (euphemism); feel cì-síkí! síkì n tree stump 7,8 zì-síkí! síkì
better sìkónò n type of roasted food 5,6
shúmùnùnà v untie mà-sìkónò
mù-shúndùkìrè n lizard 3,4 mà-síkù n night 6
mì-shúndùkìrè ZF mà-síkùsíkù n morning 6
shùndùrùkùtù n water rat 5,6 ʹ! símà n well 5,6 má-! símà
mà-shùndùrùkùtù sìnà v wrestle
shúngùrà v distrust kà-sìndè n bracelet, made of beads or
cì-shûngwà n African cabbage ivory 12,13 tù-sìndè
(Cleome gynandra) 7,8 zì-shûngwà mù-sìndè n Indian finger millet 3
shùnshà v shrug síndìkìzà v escort
cì-shûnshù n burnt grass remains 7,8 rù-sîngà n vein 11,10 n-sîngà
zì-shûnshù sìngà v paint
shûnù adv today sìngàbà v apply oil on one’s skin
kà-shùrù (ZF) ~ sìnkà v patch
kà-shùrwè (NF) n rabbit 12,13 tù-shùrù sìntà v pour
~ tù-shùrwè sìnyà v destroy Lozi
shùtà v fish (with hook) ʹ! sínzà n snot 9,6 má-! sínzà
kà-shùtò n fishing hook 12,13 tù-shùtò cì-sînzì n termite 7,8 zì-sînzì
shûwà v understand, hear, feel cì-sí! nzínà n heel 7,8 zì-sí! nzínà
mù-shûwì n horn used to suck blood mù-sípírì n journey 3,4 mì-sípírì Lozi
3,4 mì-shûwì (same as mù-rùméhò) sírà n piece of cloth 5,6 mà-sírà
shúwìkà v suck blood (same as mà-sìrà n dirt 6
nǀûmà) sìrà v grind; cross a river
512
cì-sìrìsò n upper grinding stone 7,8 sùkà v soften (a skin)
zì-sìrìsò sùkùrà v doze
bù-sîrù n stupidity 14 sùkùrùrà v report, tell
mù-sîrù n stupid person 1,2 bà-sîrù sûmà v sew
mù-sírù n tree (Acacia ataxantha) 3,4 rú-! súmà n jackalberry (Diospyros
mì-sírù mespiliformis) 11,10 n-súmà
sírùhà v be stupid bù-sûmbà n pregnancy 14
rù-sîwù n reed (Cyperus fulgens) 11,10 mù-sûmbà n pregnant woman 1,2
n-sîwù bà-sûmbà
sîyà v leave, drop súmbàrà v be pregnant
síyàbàrìrà n black mamba 5,6 súmbàzà v impregnate
mà-síyàbàrìrà sûmbì n Marsh cane-rat 5,6 mà-sûmbì
kà-sîyè n forehead wrinkle 12,13 súmbìkà v impregnate
tù-sîyè súmìkà v burn
rù-sí! yízà n darkness before rain 11 mù-sùmò n big pole (for houses) 3,4
rù-sîyò n kidney 11,10 n-sîyò mì-sùmò Lozi
bú-sò n front 14 súmùnà v report
sókòròrà ~ súmwìnà v explain, tell
sòkòròrà v feel heartburn sûnà v love (romantically)
mù-sókwânì n stirring stick 3,4 sûndà v show
mì-sókwânì Lozi n-súndà n week 9,6 mà-nsúndà
sóndàìkà v point (to multiple things); Afrikaans
wag finger at s.o. n-sûndè n bush (Baphia massaiensis) 9
sóndèkà v point (to one thing) mù-sûngà n belt 3,4 mì-sûngà
n-sòngà n needle 9,6 mà-nsòngà súngàmà v bow the head
cì-sóngò n kind of disease 7,8 zì-sóngò sùnsà v dip porridge in relish
sónsònìsà v search around bù-sùnsò n relish 14,6 mà-sùnsò
bù-sòròsòrò n tree (Abrus precatorius) mù-sûnsù n front part of lower leg 3,4
14 mì-sûnsù
sòsèrà v poke (a fire) mù-sûrà n bushwillow 3,4 mì-sûrà
cì-sòtì n woollen hat 7,8 zì-sòtì cì-sùrìràmbîzyì n green stink bug 7,8
sózù n grass 5 zì-sùrìràmbîzyì
bù-sù n flour 14 súrùmùkà v descend
mú-sù n acacia (Acacia tortilis) 3,4 n-súrùmùkò n downward slope 9
mí-sù sûsà v put down (when carrying sth.),
kà-sûbà n dish 12,13 tù-sûbà drop
sùbìrà v be red sûtù n chaff 5
sûhà v spit mú-swà n small rope (for making
sûkà v disembark, climb down mats) 3,4 mí-swà
513
C Word list
swâbà v be ashamed n-tàngà n pumpkin seeds 10

mà-swàbì n death; shame 6 tángányàmbè n calabash 5,6
swànà v be the same Lozi mà-tángányàmbè
ʹswànèrà v must tàngàràrà v rejoice
swàyà v sharpen tángàùrà v provoke
ʹn-swì n fish 9,10 ʹn-swì tángìsà v start
mù-swîtì n magic guarri (Euclea tángìzà v walk in front of s.o., lead
divinorum) 3,4 mì-swîtì rù-tângo ~ tângò n story, proverb
bú-tà n bow 14,6 má-tà 11/5,6 mà-tângò
ʹtà v say tángùrà v tell a story
rù-tâː n crack 11 cì-tántà n hill 7,8 zì-tántà
ʹtàbà v answer tàntà v overtake, pass
tàbà v become happy ká-tànzì adv first
n-tâbà n case 9,10 n-tâbà cì-tàpà n garden at the river or
n-táúrò n headveil 9,10 n-táúrò floodplain 7,8 zì-tàpà
cì-tàbàmàhúrè n plant (Gunnera tàpà n mud 5
perpensa) 7,8 zì-tàbàmàhúrè tâpà v take forcibly, against s.o.’s will
mù-tâbì n branch 3,4 mì-tâbì mù-tàrà n footprint 3,4 mì-tàrà
tàbìsà v be interesting, exciting táràùkà v go step by step
táfùnà v chew, graze cì-târè n tool; piece of iron 7,8 zì-tárè
mù-táfùnànjòvù n acacia sp, with bù-tárì n wisdom 14
thorns 3,4 mì-tàfùnànjóvù tárùkà v take a step
tâhà v give, be generous tárùsà v explain
táhùrà v divide food tátà n father 1a,2 bà-tátà
rù-tàkà n reeds 11,3 mù-tàkà tàtámwâncè n paternal uncle 1a,2
tâkò n buttock 5,6 mà-tâkò bà-tàtámwâncè
tàkùmà v scream tàtánkâzì n paternal aunt 1a,2
tâmà n cheek 5,6 mà-tâmà bà-tàtánkâzì
tâmbà v give herbs (as witchcraft) tàtèrà v cock a gun
támbìkà v give tátìkà v start (intr.)
támbùrà v receive bù-tátù n third 14
tànànà n tree (Croton megalobotrys) tátùrùrà v take out stitches
5,6 mà-tànànà tátwè num three
tândà v chase rù-tâyà n walking stick 11,13 tù-tâyà
tándàbàrà v stretch legs while sitting má-tè n saliva 6
tándàbìkà v make s.o. stretch his/her rú-tè n saliva gland 11,6 má-tè
legs mù-tébè n reed (Typha capensis) 3,4
tângà v start mì-tébè
rù-tàngà n pumpkin stem 11 tèènà v limp
514
têkà v fetch tóbòhà v console
tékè adj fresh tòkwàhàrà v pass away
têmà v chop mà-tòkwànì n cannabis 6
témà adv maybe tòmà v charge dowry; pull apart/taut;
kà-têmù n axe 12,13 tù-têmù sentence
mù-têmwà n forest 3,4 mì-têmwà cì-tômbò n wound 7,8 zì-tômbò Lozi
tèndà v do, make mù-tômbwè n tobacco; cigarette 3
tèndàhàrà v happen tòmbwèrà v weed
cì-téndântù n (human) action 7 tómèsà v give s.o. meat
têndè n foot, leg, footprint 5,6 tòmpòrà v uproot
mà-têndè tôndà v look, watch
cì-tèndò n action 7 tóndèrèrà v stare
kà-tênè n calabash 12,13 tù-tênè tóndèsà v look carefully
kà-tênè n otter 12,13 tù-tênè tôngà v become sick, complain about
tèngà v be dissatisfied (with what you feeling sick, groan
are given) tòngàmà v kneel
téngàmà v bend (intr.) tóngàùkà v complain
téngèkà v bend (tr.) tòngèkà v bend one’s knees; lean on
tèngènà v carry on the head an elbow
kà-téntèrè n xiphoid 12 mà-tòngêrà n illness 6
mù-tèpwèrèrè n thin porridge (with tòngò n deserted village 5/9,6
sugar and/or sour milk) 3 mà-tòngò
tèrà v pay tax tóntòrà v be cold; be calm, quiet
tèrèrà v be soft, slippery tôːrà v pick up
térèzà ~ téèzà v listen tóːràtòːrà v pick, gather
n-tètè n kingfisher 9,6 mà-ntètè tòrè adj soft, easy
n-tétè zìkâzì n yellow berries sp. 10 cì-tòrè n female cow 7,8 zì-tòrè
n-tétè zìrûmè n red berries sp. 10 tòrèhà v become soft
têyà v trap tóròkà v translate, explain
tîkà v roll/fall out of tòyà v hate
tìmbà v push mù-tòyà n tree (Ficus burkei) 3,4
tìmbìkà v send mì-tòyà
tìnà v press, push tùbà v be white
cì-tínà n brick 7,8 zì-tínà tùbìsà v make white
tìshùmùkà v sneeze tùkà v insult
tîːyà v be afraid n-tùkèrò n responsibility, right 9,10
tíyìzà v be fearsome, dangerous, scare n-tùkèrò
s.o. mà-tûkà n insults 6
mù-tóbò n bushwillow 3,4 mì-tóbò bù-túkù n disease 14
515
C Word list
tùkùsà v warm up (tr.) tùtùmà v shiver

mù-tú! kútà n heat 3,4 mì-tú! kútà cì-tûwà n roof 7,8 zì-tûwà
tú! kútà n dirt 5 ʹtwà v pound
tùkùtà v become warm twámìkà v succeed; be spot on, be
cì-tùkùtùkù n sweat 7 exactly right
tûmà v send twârà v bring
n-tùmbù n calf (of the leg) 9,10 ʹtwè n ash 5
n-tùmbù mú-twì n head 3,4 mí-twì
rù-tùmbù n back of calve 11,10 kú-twì ~ ʹtwì n ear 15/5,6 má-twì
n-tùmbù ng-ùbò n blanket 9,10/6 n-gùbò ~
túmbùkà v burn (intr.) mà-hùbò
tùmbùrà v cut and gut a fish c-ûngù n bird sp., red tail 7,8 z-ûngù
tùmbûrwà n roasted scone 5,6 ùrà v buy
mà-tùmbûrwà ùrìkà v name
túmbùsà v light, burn (tr.) ùrìsà v sell
túmìkà v send ng-ùrìsò n profit; sales 9
túmìnìzà v send cì-ùrù n anthill, mud 7,8 zì-ùrù
tùmpà v sprout (of wild plants) kù-ùrù n leg 15,6 mà-ùrù
tùmpìkà v poison (a pot) ùrùkà v fly
tùmpùrà v fish with a net; take meat ùrùsà v blow away (tr.), winnow
from a pot on the fire ùtwánà n small pole 5,6 mà-ùtwánà
tùmpwàmà v plunge mûzyà n character 3,4 my-ûzyà
tùmpwìkà v put sth. in water vù n wasp 5,6 mà-vù
cì-tûndù n flat open basket 7,8 ʹvù n sand, soil, land 5
zì-tûndù vúkùmà v throw
tûngà v take fire to one’s own vùkùtà v blow on the fire
fireplace vùmò n stomach 5,6 mà-vùmò
cì-tûngù n canopy 7,8 zì-tûngù vùngà v fold
túngùrùrà v hit (while shooting) vùngùrùrà v unfold
rù-túngwêzì n star 11,10 n-túngwêzì vúrùmàtà v close one’s eyes
kà-tûò n spoon 12,13 tù-tûò vùrùrà v winnow
cì-tùpù n corpse 7,8 zì-tùpù Lozi rù-vú! támò n lower part of stomach 11
tûrà v land vwìkà v cover
túrùkà v burst vwìkùrà v uncover
túrùrà v pierce wà n field 5,6 mà-wà
tùsà v help; cure ʹwà (ZF) ~ ʹhà (NF) v give
n-túsò n help 9 cì-wàkàkà n horned melon (Cucumis
mù-tùtàbônì n blind person 1,2 metuliferus) 7,8 zì-wàkàkà
bà-tùtàbônì wànà v find
516
wànàhàrà v be found mà-yìkútò n feelings 6
wànìsìkà v be found mà-yìrà n sorghum 6
rù-wâwà n jackal 11,2 bà-wâwà yùrùmìkà v pile up
wàyà v fish with a spear zànà v play (a game), joke, dance
mù-wàyò n arrow, spear 3,4 mì-wàyò zândò n fishing trap made out of reed
Lozi 9,10 zândò
wèzà v add cì-zànò n game 7,8 zì-zànò
wìrù n sky 5 zârà v give birth (animals)
wízyù n baobab 5,6 mà-wízyù n-zâsì n sparks 10
wóngòrò n millipede 14,6 mà-óngòrò zásìmìtà v sneeze
ʹyà v go zèkà v appear in court
yàbùrà v take meat from a plate mù-zèkò v court hearing
cí-yàìsì n killer 7 zêrà ~ zérèrà v hang, dangle
yâmbà n hoe 5,6 mà-yâmbà zèrìkà v faint
yàmbà v fish zêzà v carry in the hand
yângà v pick fruit zèzà v think, plan
cì-yàngà n cripple (from birth) 7,8 mà-tûzì n excrement 6
zì-yàngà zìbà n lake 5,6 mà-zìbà
cì-yângò n fruit 7,8 zì-yàngò zìbàrà v forget
yáshìmìsà v sneeze n-zìbísò n notice 9
kà-yávù n piece of meat 12,13 tù-yávù zíìzà v imitate
ʹyàà v kill zìːkà v hide, bury
cí-yàzì n traitor 7,8 zí-yàzì zîkò n hearth, nuclear family 5
ìyé con that, so that zîmà v turn off, extinguish
yècà ~ yòcà v roast (in ash) zîmbà v swell, hit
mà-yémò n nature, characteristics 6 zímbàùkà v walk in circles, keep
yèndà v go, walk, travel walking around
yèndàùrà v walk around zímbìkà v cause to swell
bù-yèndàòzì n walking too much 14 zímbùkà v go around
yèndàyèndà v continue walking; zímbùrùkà v walk around, surround;
walk back and forth smuggle
yèndèsà v guide zímbùrùsà v smuggle; spin (tr.)
rù-yèndò n journey 11 zímbùsà v bring sth. around
mù-yé! nzángù n my friend 1,2 zímìsà v extinguish
bà-yé! nzángù mù-zîmù n spirit 3,4 mì-zîmù
mù-yênzêː n his/her friend 1,2 zînà n name 5,6 mà-zînà
bà-yênzêː zîngà v twist
mù-yénzôː n your friend 1,2 bà-yénzôː zíngàìzà v tie around
yèrèkà v try, taste mù-zîò n load 3,4 mì-zîò
517
C Word list
mù-zwákêrà n poison (used for

zìzà v obey an instruction humans) 3,4 mì-zwákêrà
cì-zò n tradition, traditional 7,8 zì-zò zwàkèrà v poison
zòkàùkà v turn around, toss and turn zwâsà v dress (tr.)
while sleeping; be unreliable zwâtà v dress (oneself)
zòːkà v turn around (intr.) cì-zwâtò n bottom garment 7,8
zòːrà v turn around (tr.) zì-zwâtò
n-zózì n (process of) dreaming 9 zwâyì n salt 5
cì-zúbà n chest 7,8 zì-zúbà ʹzwì n knee 5,6 má-zwì
zùbìrìrà v put the first flour into a pot zwìsà v take out; fire
of boiling water to make porridge zyàbàrà v dress (oneself)
zùbùkà v ford cì-zyàbàrò n top garment 7,8
zùbùrà v take food from a boiling pot zì-zyàbàrò
zûhà v pole (a boat) zyábìkà v dress s.o.
zùkàùkà v move around (of food in a zyàbùrà v undress
pot) zyâːkà v build
zùkàùrà v stir mù-zyâːkì n builder 1,2 bà-zyâːkì
zûmà v hum zyákùnùkà v be destroyed, taken
mù-zùmàngòmà n tree (Albizia apart
versicolor) 3,4 mì-zùmàngòmà zyákùrùrà v take apart (to be reused)
mù-zúmbì n continuous rain 3,4 zyàmbìrà v gather
mì-zúmbì zì-zyàmbìrò n gathered fruits 8
zùmìnà v believe, agree, accept a zyánàmà v hang to dry (intr.)
marriage proposal zyángùrà v harvest
zùmìnìzà v allow zyánìkà v stretch out to dry
zùmìnzànà v agree with/ understand rù-zyârà n fingernail, claw 11,10/6
e.a. njârà ~ mà-zyârà
zùngùzùngù n tree (Kigelia africana) zyàrà v spread a bed
5,6 mà-zùngùzùngù cì-zyàrò n mat 7,8 zì-zyàrò
bù-zûnzù n loneliness, homesickness zyàrùrà v take blankets off a bed
14 mà-zyâshà n yawn 6
zúpà n wet clay 5 Lozi zyáshàmà v open one’s mouth
zûːrà v undress zyâwà v be denied what one expects
zúràùkà v miss (people) zywáwìsà v deny s.o. what s/he
mù-zúzù n grass roof 3,4 mì-zúzù expects
mù-zúzûmbì n shadow; light rain 3,4 zyéèkà v put in a leaning position
mì-zúzûmbì zyéndàmà v lean
zùzùnyà v doubt cì-zyì n door 7,8 zì-zyì
zwà v come out, come from zyíàmà v lean back, lean onto (s.o.)
518
ʹzyìbà v get to know cì-zyùnì n bird 7,8 zì-zyùnì
zyíbàhàrà v be known, famous ʹzyùrà v become full
mú-zyìhìsì n teacher 1,2 bá-zyìhìsì zyûrù n nose; plural: nostrils 5,6
zyímànà v stop, stand up; be pregnant mà-zyûrù
zyîmbà v sing ʹzyùsà v fill
zì-zyímbàntù n song 8 ʹzywì n voice, word 5,6 má-zywì
zyímbàzyìmbà v hum zywìzyà v leak
mù-zyîmbì n singer 1,2 bà-zyîmbì ǀàmpùtùrà v dig
rù-zyîmbò n song 11,10 n-jîmbò ǀánàùnà v divide, share
zyímìkà v put in a standing position ǀàpàùrà v destroy
rù-zyíyì n fruit of Berchemia discolor ǀàpàìkà ~ ǀàpìkà v put mud on a wall
11,10 n-jíyì ǀàpùrùrà v take mud from a wall;
bù-zyíyì n tree (Berchemia discolor) 14 dismantle
zyòbà n cloud 5,6 mà-zyòbà ǀàpùrà ~ ǀàpùrùrà v tear
zyòbà v get lost ǀàrùmùnà v search through s.o.’s
zyônà v destroy, spill, waste belongings
zyônà adv tomorrow; yesterday ǀárùmùnà v stretch a fishing net
zyónàùkà v get destroyed ǀásàùkà v spark
zyónàùrà v destroy bù-ǀôː n tastelessness 14
zyôːtà v warm oneself by the fire rù-ǀómà n papyrus 11
mà-zyòvù n twins 6 mù-ǀômbè n anus 3,4 mì-ǀômbè
zyûbà n sun, day 5,6 mà-zyûbà ǀôːhà v become tasteless
zyùbà v peel ǀòpòrà v run fast
zyûmà v become dry ǀôːsà v be boring
bù-zyûmì n life 14 ǀùtùrà v bite a piece of
zyúmìnìnà v be unconscious; dry (of tough/undercooked meat
grains, wood) ǀwápìzà v click in anger or insult
zyúmìsà v dry (tr.) ǁósè int true
zyùnà v skin
519
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529
Name index
Andersson, Lars-Gunnar, 2 De Blois, K. F., 121, 212

Ariel, Mira, 181 De Kind, Jasper, 362
Austin, Peter K., 5 De Luna, Kathryn, 1, 7
Devos, Maud, 297
Bastin, Yvonne, 18, 24, 33, 43, 44, 50, Dickens, Patrick, 152
53, 54, 92, 372 Dieckmann, Ute, 2
Baumbach, E. J. M., 7, 11, 18, 174 Diessel, Holger, 179
Bertinetto, Pier Marco, 365 Dik, Simon C., 456
Bickmore, Lee, 102 Doke, Clement M., 15, 152, 398
Bokamba, Georges D., 214
Bostoen, Koen, 1, 7, 11, 13, 18, 19, 39, Eberhard, David M., 4
43, 44, 48, 53, 76, 88–90, Elderkin, E. D., 2
116, 153, 155, 159, 163, 230,
253, 254, 282, 284, 294, 373, Fleisch, Axel, 149
376 Fortune, George, 7, 116, 280
Botne, Robert, 300, 409, 410, 452 Freed, Alice F., 300
Bow, Catherine, 9
Gambarage, Joash Johannes, 121
Brenzinger, Matthias, 2
Gibson, Hannah, 163
Burger, J. P., 13, 38, 45, 47, 281, 449,
Goes, Heidi, 163
487
Goldsmith, John, 76, 88
Bybee, Joan, 355
Gowlett, Derek F., 4, 26, 71, 253, 398
Carter, Hazel, 88, 179, 239, 310 Greenberg, Joseph H., 70
Chafe, Wallace L., 8 Güldemann, Tom, 2, 163, 310
Collins, B., 179, 239 Gunnink, Hilde, 28, 31, 136, 150, 151,
Coly, Jules Jacques, 266 163, 247, 295, 359
Comrie, Bernard, 300, 357, 365 Guthrie, Malcolm, 1
Connell, Bruce, 78
Corbett, Greville, 288 Hammarström, Harald, 1
Cover, Rebecca T., 299 Haspelmath, Martin, 207
Crane, Thera, 1, 8, 39, 88, 101, 121, Heine, Bernd, 152, 397, 410
239, 300, 301, 310, 354, 383, Himmelmann, Nikolaus P., 179
419
Name index
Hyman, Larry M., 36, 74, 121, 126, Petzell, Malin, 121
241, 242, 310
Riedel, Kristina, 435
Inkelas, Sharon, 263
Sakuhuka, Clifford, 4, 5
Jacottet, E., 179, 253, 354, 416, 419 Sallabank, Julia, 5
Jerro, Kyle, 239 Sands, Bonny, 7
Jones, Brian T. B., 2 Schadeberg, Thilo C., 153, 252–254,
282, 284, 294
Kagaya, Ryohei, 88 Seidel, Frank, 1, 2, 4, 7, 11, 18, 30, 48,
Kangumu, Bennett, 5 253, 300, 411, 419
Katamba, Francis, 121, 126 Shibatani, Masayoshi, 236–238
Kershner, Tiffany L., 300, 452 Smith, Edwin W., 179, 239
Kilian-Hatz, Christa, 38, 45, 152, 161 Snyman, Jan W., 15, 152
Kisseberth, Charles, 76 Sommer, Gabriele, 2
Klein, Wolfgang, 299 Storch, Anne, 266
König, Christa, 152
Kula, Nancy C., 2, 297 Tonhauser, Judith, 299
Lambrecht, Knud, 431 Van de Velde, Mark, 126, 179, 184,

Lenci, Alessandro, 365 187, 188
Lukusa, Stephen T. M., 13 Van der Wal, Jenneke, 173, 310, 435
Verkuyl, H. J., 302
Madan, A. C., 239 Visser, Marianna, 121
Maho, Jouni F., 121, 169
Marlo, Michael, 74, 76, 82, 107 Wynne, R. C., 13
Marten, Lutz, 2, 297, 435
Meeussen, A. E., 76, 88, 159, 187, 201, Yip, Moira, 78
212, 282, 310, 366
Miller, Amanda, 49
Möhlig, W. J .G., 2
Mous, Maarten, 151
Nicolle, Steve, 173, 174, 410

Nurse, Derek, 306, 320, 366, 388, 451
Odden, David, 74, 76, 79, 82, 102
Pacchiarotti, Sara, 247, 249

Pardeshi, Prashant, 236–238
Persohn, Bastian, 297, 300, 301
532
A grammar of Fwe
This book provides a first-ever comprehensive overview of the grammatical structure

of Fwe. Fwe is a Bantu language spoken on the border between Zambia and Namibia,
by some 20,000 people. Very little previous documentation exists on the language, and
the current description of Fwe is based exclusively on data collected by myself in both
Zambia and Namibia, between 2013 and 2017 for a total of about 7 months. An earlier ver-
sion of this grammar served as a dissertation for obtaining the degree of PhD in African
Languages and Cultures from Ghent University in 2018.

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A grammar of

1. Schrock, Terrill B. The Ik language: Dictionary and grammar sketch.

2. Brindle, Jonathan. A dictionary and grammatical outline of Chakali.

3. Friesen, Dianne. A grammar of Moloko.

5. Namyalo, Saudah, Alena Witzlack-Makarevich, Anatole Kiriggwajjo, Amos Atuhairwe,

6. Gunnink, Hilde. A grammar of Fwe.

This title can be downloaded at:

Cover and concept of design: Ulrike Harbort

Language Science Press

Storage and cataloguing done by FU Berlin

2.5.2 Vowel hiatus resolution . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56

4 Nominal morphology 113

4.3.5 Possessives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 194

5 Minor word categories 199

6 Verbal derivation 223

7 Subject, object, and locative marking 287

8.4 Future . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 340

13 Syntax and information structure 429

13.6 Cleft constructions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 452

Appendix A: A man who does not like dogs 461

Appendix B: Useful phrases 485

Appendix C: Word list 489

1.2 Sociolinguistic profile

Figure 1.1: The distribution of Fwe

1.3 Language vitality

1.4 Regional variation

Zambian Fwe Namibian Fwe

1.5 Earlier research

Table 1.2: Morphological differences between Zambian and Namibian

Zambian Fwe Namibian Fwe

by Fortune (1970), which is limited to listing languages and their approximate

1.6 Data collection and transcription

(1) kùtôːrà - kùkôːrà

Table 2.1: Contrastive consonants

bilabial dental alveolar palatal velar glottal

(2) kùpàrà - kùgàrà

(3) kùdùnkà - kùgùnkà

(4) cìbbákù - cìbàkà

(8) kàpíkírì ‘nail’ < Afrikaans spyker ‘nail’

(9) kàpêrù ‘pail’ < English pail

(11) kùdùrà ‘be expensive’ < Afrikaans duur ‘expensive’

(12) màgrázì ‘glasses’ < English glasses

(13) bbùndù bbúndù

(14) cìsùbírà cò bbûkù

(17) cìkùrùbè (NF) ~ cìgùrùbè (ZF/NF)

(18) cìkébéngà (NF) ~ cìgébéngà (ZF/NF)

(19) mùkwàkwà (NF) ~ mùgwàgwà (ZF/NF)

(20) mùᵍǀênè ~ mù-gênè

(22) ᵍǀúkùmù ~ gúkùmù ~ dúkùmù

(23) kùcírìrà - kùshírìrà

(24) kùcâːnà - kùkâːnà

(25) kùjánàmà - kùzyánàmà

(31) kùvùrùrà - kùfùrà

(33) kùbûrà - kùfûrà

(34) cìràbò - ràmbò

Many speakers realize /v/ as a bilabial fricative /b/, as in (35–36). Comparative

(35) kùvwângà ~ kùbwângà

(36) cìvwângà ~ cìbwângà

(37) kùsèkà - kùshèkà