History
History
IN THE
PHILIPPINE
HISTORY
GEOGRAPHIC LOCATION
The Philippines constitutes an archipelago of 7,641 islands with a total land area of
approximately 300,000 square kilometers (116,000 sq. mi.). It lies between 116° 40’ and
126° 34’ E. longitude, and 4° 40’ and 21° 10’ N. latitude, and borders the Philippine Sea on
the east, the South China Sea on the west and the Celebes Sea on the south. The island of
Borneo ties a few hundred kilometers southwest and Taiwan directly north. The Moluccas
and Sulawesi are to the south, and Palau is to the east beyond the Philippine Sea.
ADMINISTRATIVE DIVISIONS
The Philippines is divided into 3 island groups: Luzon, Visayas and Mindanao. These
are divided into 17 regions, 81 provinces, 131 cities, 1,497 municipalities, and 41,994
barangays.
On July 24, 2006, the State of the Nation Address of President Arroyo announced the
proposal to create five economic super regions to concentrate on the economic strengths in a
specific area.
RELIGION
The Philippines is one of only two majority Roman Catholic countries in Asia (the
other being East Timor). The Philippines was labeled as “The Only Christian Nation in Asia”.
About 94% of Filipinos are Christians, where 81% belong to the Roman Catholic Church, 2%
composed of Protestant denominations and 11% either to the Philippine Independent Church
(Aglipayan), Iglesia ni Cristo and others. While Christianity is a major force in the culture of
the Filipinos, indigenous traditions and rituals still influence religious practices.
Approximately 5% of Filipinos are Muslims, and are locally known as "Moros",
having been dubbed this by the Spaniards due to their sharing Islam with the Moors of North
Africa. They primarily settled in parts of Mindanao, Palawan and the Sulu archipelago, but
are now found in most urban areas of the country. Most lowland Muslim Filipinos practice
normative Islam, although the practices of some Mindanao's hill tribe Muslims reflect a
fusion with animism. There are also small populations of Buddhists, Hindus, Sikhs, and
animists, which, along with other non-Christians and non-Muslims, collectively comprise 5%
of the population.
GOVERNMENT
The Philippine form of government was “Democracy”. Filipinos elect their president.
The president is the head of state and the commander-in-chief of the armed forces and serves
a six-year term. There have been 17 presidents that have led the Philippines as follows:
Emilio Aguinaldo, Manuel Quezon, Jose P. Laurel, Sergio Osmeǹa, Manuel Roxas, Elpidio
Quirino, Ramon Magsaysay, Carlos P. Garcia, Diosdado Macapagal, Ferdinand Marcos,
Corazon Aquino, Fidel Ramos, Joseph Estrada, Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, Benigno Aquino
III, Rodrigo Duterte and Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos.
Ferdinand Marcos is the longest-serving president, having been in office for 20 years,
57 days. He is the only president to have served more than two terms. The shortest term is
Sergio Osmeǹa, who spent 1 year and 300 days in the office.
ECONOMY
The economy is based on agriculture, light industry, and services. The country
produces bananas, rice, coconuts, corn, fish, mangos, pineapples, sugarcane, pork, and beef.
The Philippines’ economic freedom score is 64.1, making its economy the 73rd freest in the
2021 Index. Its overall score has decreased by 0.4 point, primarily because of a decline in
trade freedom. The Philippines is ranked 12th among 40 countries in the Asia–Pacific region,
and its overall score is above the regional and world averages.
HISTORY
Ferdinand Magellan first landed in the Philippines in 1521. The name Philippines
comes from Philip II who was the king of Spain during the 16th century when the country
became a Spanish colony.
The Philippines was granted to the United States in 1898 following the Spanish-
American War. In 1935 the Philippines became self-governing, but their independence was
delayed by World War II and the invasion of Japanese troops.
The islands were liberated by U.S. forces in 1944-45, and the Republic of the
Philippines was proclaimed in 1946, with a government patterned on that of the United
States.
In 1965 Ferdinand Marcos was elected president. He declared martial law in 1972,
which lasted until 1981. After 20 years of rule, Marcos was driven from power in 1986.
Corazon Aquino became president and instituted a period of democratic rule in the country.
BIODIVERSITY
No doubt the Philippines is one of the richest biodiversity countries in the world. The
Philippines ranks 23rd among the most plant species-rich countries of the world, hosting
13,500 plant species, or 5 per cent of the world total. Almost one-fourth of all these plant
species are endemic to the country. The islands are home to many species of flowering plants
and ferns, including hundreds of species of orchids. Tall grasses have replaced the forests,
which have disappeared due to logging, mining, and development.
Throughout the year, numerous flowers of various colors and fragrance bloom on the
hillsides, meadows, and family gardens. The "Queen of Philippine Flowers" is the famous
sampaguita, the national flower. It is a star-shaped, snow-white, sweetly-scented flower.
Other flowers which are worth mentioning are the aurora, the amarilla (marigold), bandera
española, cadena de amor, dama de noche, gumamela (hibiscus), kamuning, kalachuchi,
jasmin, and ylang-ylang. In the forest blooms the pung-apling, one of the world's largest
flowers, with a diameter of one foot.
One hundred and seventy thousand animal species can also be found in the country.
GASTRONOMY
There is a Filipino saying that if you want a 100% sure profitable business in the
Philippines then it must be food related. Filipinos love to eat. Filipinos generally eat at least 5
The Philippine national flower is called “sampaguita” which is generally known as the
Arabian Jasmine. Its white color symbolizes purity, simplicity, humility, and strength.
The Philippine national tree is called “narra” generally known as rosewood. It was
made official by Gov. Gen. Frank Murphy through Proclamation No. 652 s. 1934. In
fact, under the DENR Memorandum Order dated February 5, 2013, cutting of Narra needs to
be approved by the DENR Central Office, particularly by the Office of the Undersecretary for
field Operations.
The Philippine national bird is called the “Philippine eagle” scientifically known as
Pithecophaga jefferyi. It was made official in 1978 by former President Ferdinand Marcos
through Proclamation No. 1732.
Arnis is to the Philippines like Japan’s Karate and Korea’s Taekwondo. It’s both a
martial art and a sport whose origins are still largely unconfirmed because of lack of
documentation. It’s known by two other names: Kali and Eskrima, and makes use of both
bladed weapons, batons/sticks, and bare hands. It became a national symbol in 2009 when
then-Pres. Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo signed Republic Act 9850 into law.
Now, you may be wondering: where or when in this list will the name Dr. Jose Rizal
appear? What about things like anahaw and mangoes? Sadly, these cannot be included in the
list above as they are listed by the NCCA as national symbols because there is no law that has
been signed declaring them as such.
Long recognized in the country’s history books as our National Hero, Dr. Jose
Protacio Rizal Mercado y Alonzo Realonda’s status as our national hero has not been the
subject of debate for the common Juan. Scholars, however, still argue about who should be
given the title: Jose Rizal, Andres Bonifacio, Emilio Aguinaldo, Apolinario Mabini, Marcelo
H. del Pilar, Sultan Dipatuan Kudarat, Juan Luna, Melchora Aquino, and Gabriela Silang
were listed down by former President Fidel V. Ramos as those worthy of being given the title
of National Hero. This list has not been acted on since being submitted by the National
Heroes Committee on November 22, 1995.
Often referred to as the National Leaf, the anahaw or round-leaf fountain palm is not
part of the country’s national symbols. Normally seen in the countryside as a roofing
material, anahaw leaves are seen as decorative pieces/plants in the metro.
A common sight in Philippine wet and dry markets, the mango has long been seen as
the National fruit. As popular as it is for making desserts, there is no law that proclaims it as a
national symbol.
If common men have dogs as their best friend, then the carabao or Philippine water
buffalo is the Filipino farmer’s best friend. They’re beasts of burden, able to do almost
everything that needs to be done on the rice fields, including carrying the farmer and his
goods. But, without any laws to recognized them, they’ll remain an unofficial symbol of the
country.
The humble bahay kubo or nipa hut is still seen in some parts of the country,
particularly in the provinces. While it has long been a symbol of Filipino homes, it has not
been recognized as a national symbol.
Bony, yet prized for its belly fat, which almost everyone fights for on the dinner table.
The bangus or milkfish has long been seen as the country’s national fish, yet without a law,
it’s status will never be official.
Other things have been cited over time as a national symbol, yet have never been
recognized.
The battle has raged on between which should be recognized as the National Dance:
Tinikling or Cariñosa.
A still-to-be-settled debate has also raged online between those who love sinigang
(sour soup) and those who love adobo as to which should be recognized as the
national dish.
To make sense of history, it is necessary to first understand what it is all about. Many people
think that history is merely lists of names, dates, places, and “important” events. However,
History or the study of history is more than just knowing and memorizing facts.
It is a historian’s duty to draw insights from the ideas and realities that have shaped the lives
of men and women and the society. And in understanding these ideas, a historian (or, in fact,
a student of history) can comprehend how situations happened, identify their elements, and
think of how these situations can solve today’s predicaments, and help them plan for the
future.
The study of history, therefore, is the study of the beliefs and desires, practices, and
institutions of human beings.
An examination of the past can tell us a great deal about how we came to be who we are. It
means looking at the roots of modern institutions, ideas, values, and problems.
Looking at the past teaches us to see the world through different eyes- appreciating the
diversity of human perceptions, beliefs, and cultures. Different and/or new perspectives will
enable us to analyze critically the present contexts of our society and beings.
But as any other academic disciplines, history progressed and opened up to the possibility of
valid historical sources, which were not limited to written documents, like government
records, chroniclers’ accounts, or personal letters. Giving premium to written documents
essentially invalidates the history of other civilizations that do not keep written records.
Some were keener on passing their history by word of mouth. Others got their historical
documents burned or destroyed in the events of war or colonization. Restricting historical
evidence as exclusively written is also discrimination against other social classes who were
not recorded in paper. Nobilities, monarchs, the elite, and even the middle class would have
their birth, education, marriage, and death as matters of government and historical record. But
what of peasant families or indigenous groups who were not given much thought about
being registered to government records? Does the absence of written documents about them
mean they were people of no history or past? Did they even exist?
This loophole was recognized by historians who started using other kinds of historical
sources, which may not be in written form but were just as valid. A few examples are oral
traditions in forms of epics and songs, artifacts, architecture, and memory. History thus
became more inclusive and started collaborating with other disciplines as its auxiliary
disciplines.
Understanding History
Why don’t we learn from history? (An excerpt from Lidell Hart, 1971)
What is the objective of history? One would simply answer, quite simply - “truth”. It is a
word and an idea that has gone out of fashion.
The object might be more cautiously expressed thus: to find out what happened while trying
to find out why it happened. It seeks the casual relations between events.
History has limitations as a guiding signpost; although it can show us the right direction, it
does not give detailed information about the road conditions. But its negative value as a
warning sign is more definite. History can show us what to avoid, even if it does not teach us
what to do - by showing the most common mistakes that mankind is apt to make and to
repeat.
A second object lies in the practical value of history. The knowledge gained from the study of
true history is the best of all education for practical life. The study of history embraces every
aspect of life. It lays the foundation of education by showing how mankind repeats its errors
and what those errors are.
SELF ASSESSMENT 1
Below is a definition of history by Zeus A. Salazar (1999). Examine it carefully then answer
the questions following the definition.
What does the author mean or imply by “Ang kasaysayan ay salaysay… na may
saysay sa sariling lipunan at kultura”?
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The statement. “Ito (referring to kasaysayan) ay iniuulat gamit ang mga konsepto at
kategorya ng sariling kultura, implies who should write a people’s history. What issues would
emerge from (1) a history of people written and interpreted by an “outsider” (a
foreign historian); and, (2) a history of people analyzed and presented by an “insider” (a
local historian)?
History written by an outsider:
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SELF ASSESSMENT 2
As a student of history, reading a historical account is not simply like reading novel or a
comic book. A learner should also know how to distinguish which of those sentences or
paragraphs that make up the narrative are facts or opinions. Although a historian attempts to
present a history free from biases, it cannot be avoided the personal opinions or
interpretations of people, places, or events are integrated in a particular historical account.
Below are excerpts from books and newspapers. Label each passage either as FACT (F) or
OPINION (O). If a passage combines fact and opinion, write (FO) and underline that part of
the passage that you think is an opinion or judgement.
1. “His” [Apolinario Mabini] writings, his behavior throughout his life, short as it
was, demonstrated extraordinary moral integrity, intense and uncompromising patriotism.” –
Roxas-Lim (200)
2. “Swimmer Miguel Molina finished fourth in the 400 – meter individual medley…,
while the men’s trap shooters missed the bronze by seven birds…” – Tempo Sports News,
Bancod, December 4, 2006
3. “President Marcos, an unscrupulous politician, craftily planned KBL strategy
before, during, and after the elections, if need be to steal the results in his favor. No effort
On the other hand, secondary sources are those sources, which were produced by an author
who used primary sources to produce the material. In other words, secondary sources are
historical sources, which studied a certain historical subject. For example, on the subject of
the Philippine Revolution of 1896, students can read Teodoro Agoncillo's Revolt of the
Masses: The Story of Bonifacio and the Katipunan published originally in 1956. The
Philippine Revolution happened in the last years of the nineteenth century while Agoncillo
published his work in 1956, which makes the Revolt of the Masses a secondary source. More
than this, in writing the book, Agoncillo used primary sources with his research like
However, a student should not be confused about what counts as a primary or a secondary
source. As mentioned above, the classification of sources between primary and secondary
depends not on the period when the source was produced or the type of the source but on
the subject of the historical research. For example, a textbook is usually classified as a
secondary source, a tertiary source even. However, this classification is usual but not
automatic. If a historian chooses to write the history of education in the 1980s, he can utilize
textbooks used in that period as a primary source. If a historian wishes to study the
historiography of the Filipino-American War for example, he can use works of different
authors on the topic as his primary source as well.
Both primary and secondary sources are useful in writing and learning history. However,
historians and students of history need to thoroughly scrutinize these historical sources
to avoid deception and to come up with the historical truth. The historian should be able to
conduct an external and internal criticism of the source, especially primary sources which can
age in centuries. External criticism is the practice of verifying the authenticity of evidence by
examining its physical characteristics; consistency with the historical characteristic of the
time when it was produced; and the materials used for the evidence. Examples of the things
that will be examined when conducting external criticism of a document include the quality
of the paper, the type of the ink, and the language and words used in the material, among
others.
Internal criticism, on the other hand, is the examination of the truthfulness of the evidence. It
looks at the content of the source and examines the circumstance of its production. Internal
criticism looks at the truthfulness and factuality of the evidence by looking at the author of
the source, its context, the agenda behind its creation, the knowledge which informed it, and
its intended purpose, among others. For example, Japanese reports and declarations during
the period of the war should not be taken as a historical fact hastily. Internal criticism entails
that the historian acknowledge and analyze how such reports can be manipulated to be used
war propaganda. Validating historical sources is important because the use of unverified,
falsified, and untruthful historical sources can lead to equally false conclusions. Without
thorough criticisms of historical evidences, historical deceptions and lies will be highly
One of the most scandalous cases of deception in Philippine history is the hoax Code of
Kalantiaw. The code was a set of rules contained in an epic, Maragtas, which was
allegedly written by a certain Datu Kalantiaw. The document was sold to the National
Library and was regarded as an important precolonial document until 1968, when American
historian William Henry Scott debunked the authenticity of the code due to anachronism and
lack of evidence to prove that the code existed in the precolonial Philippine society Ferdinand
Marcos also claimed that he was a decorated World War II soldier who led a guerilla unit
called Ang Maharlika. This was widely believed by students of history and Marcos had war
medals to show. This claim, however, was disproven when historians counterchecked
Marcos's claims with the war records of the United States. These cases prove how deceptions
can propagate without rigorous historical research.
The task of the historian is to look at the available historical sources and select the most
relevant and meaningful for history and for the subject matter that he is studying. History,
like other academic discipline, has come a long way but still has a lot of remaining tasks to
do. It does not claim to render absolute and exact judgment because as long as questions are
continuously asked, and as long as time unfolds, the study of history can never be complete.
The task of the historian is to organize the past that is being created so that it can offer
lessons for nations, societies, and civilization. It is the historian's job to seek for the meaning
of recovering the past to let the people see the continuing relevance of provenance, memory,
remembering, and historical understanding for both the present and the future.
Philippine historiography underwent several changes since the precolonial period until the
present. Ancient Filipinos narrated their history through communal songs and epics that they
passed orally from a generation to another. When the Spaniards came, their chroniclers
started recording their observations through written accounts. The perspective of historical
writing and inquiry also shifted. The Spanish colonizers narrated the. history of their colony
in a bipartite view They saw the age before colonization as a dark period in the history of the
islands, until they brought light through Western thought and Christianity. Early nationalists
refuted this perspective and argued the tripartite view. They saw the precolonial society as a
luminous age that ended with darkness when the colonizers captured their freedom. They
believed that the light would come again once the colonizers were evicted from the
SELF ASSESSMENT 3. Write true if the statement is true. Otherwise, write false in the
space provided.
1. History is the study of the past.
2. Historical sources that were not written should not be used in writing history.
3. The subject of historiography is history itself.
4. History has no use for the present, thus, the saying “past is past” is true.
5. History is limited to the story of a hero versus a villain.
6. Only primary sources may be used in writing history.
7. There are three types of sources: primary, secondary, and tertiary sources.
8. External criticisms is done by examining the physical characteristics of a source.
9. Internal criticisms is done by looking at a source’s quality
of paper and type of ink, among others.
10. The historians are the only source of history.
Learning Objectives:
To familiarize oneself with the primary documents in different historical periods
of the Philippines.
To learn history through primary sources.
To properly interpret primary sources through examining the content and context
of the document
To understand the context behind each selected document.
To interpret historical events using primary sources.
To recognize the multiplicity of interpretation than can be read from a historical text.
To identify the advantages and disadvantages of employing critical tools in
interpreting historical events through primary sources.
To demonstrate ability to argue for or against a particular issue using primary sources.
In the preceding chapter, we have discussed the importance of familiarizing oneself about the
different kinds of historical sources. The historian's primary tool of understanding and
interpreting the past is the historical sources. Historical sources ascertain historical facts.
Such facts are then analyzed and interpreted by the historian to weave historical narrative.
Specifically, historians who study certain historical subjects and events need to make use of
various primary sources in order to weave the narrative. Primary sources, as discussed in the
preceding chapter, consist or documents, memoir, accounts, and other materials that were
produced at the period of the event or subject being studied.
Using primary sources in historical research entails two kinds of criticism. The first one is the
external criticism, and the second one is the internal criticism. External criticism examines
the authenticity of the document, or the evidence being used. This is important in ensuring
that the primary source is not fabricated. On the other hand, internal criticism examines the
truthfulness of the content of the evidence. However, this criticism requires not just the act
establishing truthfulness and/or accuracy but also the examination of the primary sources in
terms of the context of its production. For example, a historian would have to situate the
document in the period of its production, or in the background of its authors. In other words,
In this chapter, we are going to look at a number of primary sources from different historical
periods and evaluate these documents content in terms of historical value, and examine the
context of their production. The primary sources that we are going to examine is Emilio
Jacinto's "Kartilya ng Katipunan and afterwards you will be examining selected primary
sources; these are: Manunggul Jar, Dasalan at Tocsohan, and Ang Dapat Mabatid ng mga
Pilipino.
Needless to say, different types of sources necessitate different kinds of analysis and contain
different levels of importance. You are going to explore that in this chapter.
Previous armed revolts had already occurred before the foundation of the Katipunan, but
none of them envisioned a unified Filipino nation revolting against the colonizers. For
example, Diego Silang was known as an Ilocano who took up his arms and led one of the
longest running revolts in the country. Silang. however, was mainly concerned about his
locality and referred to himself as El Rey de Ilocos (The King of locos). The imagination of
the nation was largely absent in the aspirations of the local revolts before Katipunan. On the
other hand, the propaganda movements led by the illustrados like Marcelo H. del Pilar,
Graciano Lopez Jaena, and Jose Rizal did not envision a total separation of the Philippines
from Spain, but only demanded equal rights, representation and protection from the abuses of
the friars.
In the conduct of their struggle, Katipunan created a complex structure and a defined value
system that would guide the organization as a collective aspiring for a single goal. One of the
The Kartilya can be treated as the Katipunan's code of conduct. It contains fourteen rules that
instruct the way a Katipunero should behave, and which specific values should he uphold.
Generally, the rules stated in the Kartilya can be classified into two. The first group contains
the rules that will make the member an upright individual and the second group contains
the rules that will guide the way he treats his fellow men.
Man is not worth more because he is a king, because his nose is aquiline, and his color white,
not because he is a priest, a servant of God, nor because of the high prerogative that he enjoys
upon earth, but he is worth most who is a man of proven and real value, who does good,
keeps his words, is worthy and honest; he who does not oppress nor consent to being
oppressed, he who loves and cherishes his fatherland though he be born in the wilderness and
know no tongue but his own.
When these rules of conduct shall be known to all, the longed- for sun of Liberty shall
rise brilliant over this most unhappy portion of the globe and its rays shall diffuse everlasting
joy among the confederated brethren of the same rays, the lives of those who have gone
before, the fatigues and the well-paid sufferings will remain. If he who desires to enter has
informed himself of all this and believes he will be able to perform what will be his duties,
he may fill out the application for admission.
As the primary governing document, which determines the rules of conduct in the Katipunan,
properly understanding the Kartilya will thus help in understanding the values, ideals,
aspirations, and even the ideology of the organization.
Moreover, one can analyze the values upheld in the document as consistent with the
burgeoning rational and liberal ideals in the eighteenth and nineteenth century. Equality,
tolerance, freedom, and liberty were values that first emerged in the eighteenth-century
French Revolution, which spread throughout Europe and reached the educated class of the
colonies. Jacinto, an illustrados himself, certainly got an understanding of these values. Aside
from the liberal values that can be dissected in the document, we can also decipher certain
Victorian and chivalrous values in the text. For example, various provisions in the Kartilya
repeatedly emphasized the importance of honor in words and in action. The teaching of the
Katipunan on how women should be treated with honor and respect, while positive in many
respects and certainly a significant stride from the practice of raping and physically abusing
women, can still be telling of the Katipunan's secondary regard for women in relation to men.
For example, in the tenth rule, the document of specifically stated that men should be the
guide of women and children, and that he should set a good example, otherwise the women
and children would be guided in the path of evil. Nevertheless, the same documents stated
that women should be treated as companions of men not as playthings that can be exploited
for their pleasure.
ln the contemporary eyes, the Katipunan can be criticized because of these provisions.
However, one must not forget the context where the organization was born. Not even in
Europe or in the whole of the West at that juncture recognized the problem of gender
inequality. Indeed, it can be argued that Katipunan's recognition of women as important
partners in the struggle, as reflected not just in Kartilya but also in the organizational
structure of the fraternity where a women's unit was established, is an endeavor advanced for
its time. Aside from Rizal's known Letter to the Women of Malolos, no same effort by the
supposed cosmopolitan Propaganda Movement was achieved until the movement's eventual
disintegration in the latter part of the 1890s.
Aside from this, the Kartilya was instructive not just of the Katipunan's conduct toward
other people, but also for the members' development as individuals in their own rights.
Generally speaking, the rules in the Kartilya can be classified as either directed to how one
should treat his neighbor or to how one should develop and conduct oneself, Both are
All in all, proper reading of the Kartilya will reveal a more thorough understanding of the
Katipunan and the significant role that it played in the revolution and in the unfolding of the
Philippine history, as we know it.
ASSIGNMENT:
Now, you will be examining the three primary sources entitled:
a. The Manunggul Jar as a Vessel of History
b. Dasalan at Tocsohan
c. Ang Dapat Mabatid ng mga Pilipino
After reading the primary sources, proceed now in answering the prepared self-assessment
tasks below.
Self-assessment Task 1: Try to complete the information below using the set of words
provided in the box.
The Mununggul Jar is a of the Philippines. The jar was found in the
chamber of the , one of the Mununggul caves in Palawan. The jar is found
from about years before the present. It was found by and _________.
Self-assessment 2
Using the table below compare the idea of the Marcelo H. del Pilar’s Dasalan at Tocsohan to
the real Cathechism of the Catholic church. Use key phrases/words only.
Conclusion:
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Before the arrival of the Spaniards After the arrival of the Spaniards
(LIWANAG) (DILIM)
Conclusion:
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History is the study of the past, but a more contemporary definition is centered on how it
impacts the present through its consequences. (Geoffrey Barraclough defines history as "the
attempt to discover, on the basis of fragmentary evidence, the significant things about the
past. He also notes the history we read, though based on facts, is strictly speaking, not factual
at all, but a series of accepted judgments. Such judgments of historians on how the past
should be seen make the foundation of historical interpretation.
The Code of Kalantiaw is a mythical legal code in the epic history Maragtas. Before it was
revealed as a hoax, it was a source of pride for the people of Aklan. In fact, a historical
marker was installed in the town of Batan, Aklan in 1956, with the following text:
"CODE OF KALANTIAW. Datu Bendehara Kalantiaw, third Chief of Panay, born in Aklan,
established his government in the peninsula of Batang, Aklan Sakup. Considered the First
Filpino Lawgiver, he promulgated in about 1433 penal code now known as Code of
Kalantiaw containing 18 articles. Don Marcelino Orilla of Zarugoza, Spain, obtained the
original manuscript from an old chief of Panay which was later translated into Spanish by
Rafael Murviedo Yzamaney.”
It was only in 1968 that it was proved a hoax, when William Henry Scott, then a doctoral
candidate at the University of Santo Tomas, defended his research on pre-hispanic sources in
Philippine history. He attributed the code to a historical fiction writtern in 1913 by Jose E.
Marco titled Las Antiguas Leyendas de la lsla de Negros. Marco attributed the code itself to a
priest named Jose Maria Pavon. Prominent Filipino historians did not dissent to Scott s
findings, but there are still some who would like to believe that the code is a legitimate
document.
Historians utilize facts collected from primary sources of history and then draw their own
reading so that their intended audience may understand the historical event, a process that in
essence, "makes sense of the past. The premise is that not all primary sources are accessible
to a general audience, and without the proper training and background, a non-historian
interpreting a primary source may do more harm than good-a primary source may even cause
misunderstandings; sometimes, even resulting more problems.
There exists no manuscript of the poem handwritten by Rizal. The poem was first published
in 1906, in a book by Hermenegildo Cruz.
Cruz said he received the poem from Gabriel Beato Francisco, who claimed to have received
it in 1884, Rizal's close friend, Saturnino Raselis. Rizal never mentioned writing this poem
anywhere in his writings, and more importantly, he never mentioned of having a close friend
by the person of Raselis.
Further criticism of the poem reveals more about the wrongful attribution of the poem to
Rizal. The poem was written in Tagalog and referred to the word "Kalayaan”. But it was
documented in Rizal's letters that he first encountered the word through a Marcelo H. del
Pilar's translation of Rizal's essay El Amor Patrio, where it was spelled as kalayahan.
While Rizal's native tongue was Tagalog. he was educated in Spanish, starting from his
mother, Teodora Alonso. Later on, he would express disappointment in his difficulty in
expressing himself in his native tongue.
The poem's spelling is also suspect-the use of letters "k and "w" to replaced c and u,
respectively was suggested by Rizal as an adult. If the poem was indeed written during his
time, it should use the original Spanish orthography that was prevalent in his time.
Multi-perspectivity
With several possibilities of interpreting the past, another important concept that we must
note is multi-perspectivity. This can be defined as a way of looking at historical events,
personalities, developments, cultures, and societies from different perspectives. This means
that there is a multitude of ways by which we can view the world, and each could be
equally valid, and at the same time, equally partial as well. Historical writing is, by definition,
biased, partial, and contains preconceptions. The historian decides on what sources to use,
what interpretation to make more apparent, depending on what his end is. Historians may
misinterpret evidence, attending to those that suggest that a certain event happened, and then
ignore the rest that goes against the evidence. Historians may omit significant facts about
their subject which makes the interpretation unbalanced. Historians may impose a certain
ideology to their subject, which may not be appropriate the period the subject was from.
Historians may also provide a single cause for an event without considering other possible
causal explanations of said event. These are just many of the ways a historian may fail in his
historical inference, description, and interpretation. With multi-perspectivity as an approach
in history, we must understand that historical interpretations contain discrepancies,
contradictions, ambiguities, and are often the focus of dissert.
Exploring multiple perspectives in history requires incorporating source materials that reflect
different views of an event in history, because singular historical narratives do not provide for
space to inquire and investigate. Different sources that counter each other may create space
for more investigation and research, while providing more evidence for those truths that
these sources agree on.
Different kinds of sources also provide different historical truths - an official document may
Case Study 1: Where Did the First Catholic Mass Take Place in the Philippines?
The popularity of knowing where the "firsts" happened in history has been an easy way to
trivialize history, but this case study will not focus on the significance (or lack thereof) of the
site of the First Catholic Mass in the Philippines, but rather, use it as a historiographical
exercise in the utilization of evidence and interpretation in reading historical events.
Butuan has long been believed as the site of the first Mass. In fact, this has been the case for
three centuries, culminating in the erection of a monument in 1872 near Agusan River, which
commemorates the expedition's arrival and celebration of Mass on 8 April 1521. The Butuan
claim has been based on a rather elementary reading of primary sources from the event.
Toward the end of the nineteenth century and the start of the twentieth century, together with
the increasing scholarship on the history of the Philippines, a more nuanced reading of the
available evidence was made, which brought to light more considerations in gong against the
more accepted interpretation of the first Mass in the Philippines, made both by Spanish and
Filipino scholars.
It must be noted that there are only two primary sources that historians refer to in identifying
the site of the first Mass. One is the log kept by Francisco Albo, a pilot of one of
Magellan's ship, Trinidad. He was one of the 18 survivors who returned with Sebastian
Elcano on the ship Victoria after they circumnavigated the world. The other, and the more
complete, was the account by Antonio Pigafetta, Primo Uaggio intorno al mondo (First
Voyage Around the World). Pigafetta, like Albo, was a member of the Magellan expedition
and an eyewitness of the events, particularly, of the first Mass.
On the 16th of March (1521) as they sailed in a westerly course from Ladrones, they
saw land towards the northwest; but owing to many shallow places they did not approach
it. They found later that its name was Yunagan.
Departing from those two islands, they sailed westward to an uninhabited island of “Gada"
where they took in a supply of wood and water. The sea around that island was free from
shallows. (Albo does not give the latitude of this island, but from Pigatetta's testimony, this
seems to be the "Acquada or Homonhon, at 10 degrees North latitude.)
From that island they sailed westwards towards a large island names Seilani that was
inhabited and was known to have gold (Seilani- or, as Pigafetta calls it, "Ceylon-was the
island of Leyte.)
Sailing southwards along the coast of that large island of Seilani, they turned southwest to a
small island called "Mazava." That island is also at a latitude of 9 and two-thirds
degrees North.
The people of that island of Mazava were very good. There the Spaniards planted a cross
upon a mountain-top, and from there they were shown three islands to the west and
southwest, where they were told there was much gold. "They showed us how the gold was
gathered, which came in small pieces like peas and lentils.
From Mazava they sailed northwards again towards Seilani. Tney followed the coast of
Seilani in a northwesterly direction, ascending up to 10 degrees of latitude where they
saw three small islands.
From there they sailed westwards some ten leagues, and there they saw three islets, where
they dropped anchor for the night. In the morning they sailed southwest some 12 leagues,
down to a latitude of l0 and one-third degree. There they entered a channel between two
islands, one of which was called "Matan" and the other "Subu."
They sailed down that channel and then turned westward and anchored at the town (la villa)
of Subu where they stayed many days and obtained provisions and entered into a peace-pact
The town of Subu was on an east-west direction with the islands of Suluan and Mazava.
But between Mazava and Subu, there were so many shallows that the boats could not go
westward directly but has to go (as they did) in a round-about way.
It must be noted that in Albo's account, the location of Mazava fits the location of the island
of Limasawa, at the southern tip of Leyte, 9°54N. Also, Albo does not mention the first
Mass, but only the planting of the cross upon a mountain-top from which could be seen
three islands to the west and southwest, which also fits the southern end of Limasawa.
Saturday, 16 March 1521- Magellan's expedition sighted a "high land" named "Zamal" which
was some 300 leagues westward of Ladrones (now the Marianas) Islands.
Sunday, March 17 "The following day" after sighting Zamal Island, they landed on "another
island which was uninhabited" and which lay "to the right" of the above-mentioned island of
"Zamal." (To the "righť here would mean on their starboard going south or southwest.) There
they set up two tents for the sick members of the crew and had a sow killed for them. The
name of this island was Humunu (Homonhon). This island was located at 10 degrees North
latitude.
On that same day (Sunday, March 17), Magellan named the ensure archipelago the "Islands
of Saint Lazarus," the reason being that it was Sunday in the Lenten season when the Gospel
assigned for the Mass and the liturgical Office was the eleventh chapter of St. John, which
tells of the raising of Lazarus from the dead.
Monday, March 18 - In the afternoon of their second day on that island, they saw a boat
coming towards them with nine men in it. An exchange of gifts was affected. Magellan asked
for food supplies, and the men went away, promising to bring rice and other supplies in "four
days.
There were two springs of water on that island of Homonhon. Also, they saw there some
indications that there was gold in these islands. Consequently, Magellan renamed the island
and called it the "Watering Place of Good Omen" (Acquada la di bouni segniali).
Magellan's expedition stayed eight days at Homonhon: from Sunday, March 17, to the
Monday of the following week, March 25.
Monday, March 25 In the afternoon, the expedition weighed anchor and left the island of
Homonhon. In the ecclesiastical calendar, this day (March 25) was the feast-day of the
incarnation, also called the feast of the Annunciation and therefore "Our Lady's Day. On this
day, as they were about to weigh anchor, an accident happened to Pigafëtta: he fell into the
water but was rescued. He attributed his narrow escape from death as grace obtained through
the intercession of the Blessed Virgin Mary on her feast-day.
The route taken by the expedition after leaving Homonhon was "toward the west southwest,
between four islands: namely, Cenalo, Hiunanghan, Ibusson and Albarien." Very probably
"Cenalo is a misspelling in the Italian manuscript for what Pigafetta in his map calls "Ceilon
and Albo calls "Seilani: namely the island of Leyte. Hiunanghan" (a misspelling of
Hinunangan) seemed to Pigafetta to be a separate island, but is actually on the mainland of
Leyte "Ceylon'"). On the other hand, Hibuson (Pigafetta's Ibusson) is an island east of Leyte's
southern tip.
Thus, it is easy to see what Pigafetta meant by sailing toward the west southwest" past those
islands. They left Homonhon sailing westward towards Leyte, then followed the Leyte coast
southward, passing between the island of Hibuson on their portside and Unangan Bay on
their starboard, and then continued southward, then turning westward to "Mazaua.
Thursday, March 28 In the morning of Holy Thursday, March 6, they anchored off an island
where the previous night they had seen a light or a bonfire. That island "lies in a latitude of
nine and two-thirds towards the Arctic Pole (i.e., North) and in a longitude of one hundred
and sixty-two degrees from the line of demarcation. It is twenty-five leagues from the
Acquada, and is called Mazaua. They remained seven days on Mazaua Island.
Thursday, April 4-They left Mazaua, bound for Cebu. They were guided thither by the king
At Gatighan, they sailed westward to the three islands of the Camotes Group, namely, Poro,
Pasihan and Ponson. Here the Spanish ships stopped to allow the king of Mazaua to catch up
with them, since the Spanish ships were much faster than the native balangha - a thing that
excited the admiration of the king of Mazaua.
Sunday, April 7 - At noon they entered the harbor of "Zubu (Cebu). It had taken them three
days to negotiate the journey from Mazaua northwards to the Camotes Islands and then
southwards to Cebu.
It must be pointed out that both Albo and Pigafetta's testimonies coincide and corroborate
each other. Pigafetta gave more details on what they did during their weeklong stay at
Mazaua.
Thursday, March 28-In the morning they anchored near an island where they had seen a light
the night before a small boat (boloto) came with eight natives, to whom Magellan threw
some trinkets as presents. The natives paddled away, but two hours later two larger boats
(balanghai) came, in one of which the native king sat under an awning of mats. At Magellan's
invitation some of the natives went up the Spanish ship, but the native king remained seated
in his boat. An exchange of gifts was affected. In the afternoon that day, the Spanish ships
weighed anchor and came closer to shore, anchoring near the native king’s village. This
Thursday, March 28, was Thursday in Holy Week, i.e., Holy Thursday.
Friday, March 29-"Next day. Holy Friday, Magellan sent his slave interpreter ashore in a
small boat to ask the king if he could provide the expedition with food supplies, and to say
that they had come as friends and not as enemies. In reply to the king himself came in a boat
with six or eight men, and this time went up Magellan's ship and the two men embraced.
Another exchange of gifts was made. The native king and his companions returned ashore,
bringing with them two members of Magellan's expedition as guests for the night. One of the
two was Pigafetta.
Sunday, March 31-"Early in the morning of Sunday, the last of March and Easter day,"
Magellan sent the priest ashore with some men to prepare for the Mass. Later in the morning
Magellan landed with some fifty men and Mass was celebrated, after which a cross was
venerated. Magellan and the Spaniards returned to the ship for the noon-day meal, but in the
afternoon, they returned ashore to plant the cross on the summit of the highest hill. In
attendance both at the Mass and at the planting of the cross were the king of Mazaua and the
king of Butuan.
Sunday, March 31-On that same afternoon, while on the summit of the highest hill,
Magellan asked the two kings which ports he should go to in order to obtain more abundant
supplies of food than were available in that island. They replied that there were three to
choose from: Ceylon, Zubu, and Calagan. Of the three, Zubu was the port with the most
trade. Magellan then said that he wished to go to Zubu and to depart the following morning.
He asked for someone to guide him thither. The kings replied that the pilots would be
available "any time. But later that evening the King of Mazaua changed his mind and said
that he would himself conduct Magellan to Zubu but that he would first have to bring the
harvest in. He asked Magellan to send him men to help with the harvest.
Monday, April 1 - Magellan sent men ashore to help with the harvest, but no work was done
that day because the two kings were sleeping off their drinking bout the night before.
Tuesday, April 2 and Wednesday, April3- Work on the harvest during the "next to days, 1.e.,
Tuesday and Wednesday, the 2nd and 3rd of April.
The Age of Exploration is a period of competition among European rulers to conquer and
colonize lands outside their original domains. Initially, the goal was to find alternative routes
by sea to get to Asia, the main source of spices and other commodities. Existing routes to
Asia were mainly by land and cost very expensive. A sea route to Asia means that Europeans
could access the spice trade directly, greatly reducing costs for traders. Spain's major foray
into the exploration was through Christopher Columbus, who proposed to sail westward to
find a shortcut to Asia. He was able to reach the Americas, which was then cut-off from the
rest of the known world.
Spain colonized parts of North America, Mexico, and South America in the sixteenth century.
They were also able to reach the Philippines and claim it for the Spanish crown. Later on,
other European rulers would compete with the activities of exploring and conquering lands.
It must also be pointed out that later on, after Magellan s death, the survivors of his
expedition went to Mindanao, and seemingly went to Butuan. In this instance, Pigafetta
vividly describes a trip in a river. But note that this account already happened after Magellan's
death.
The abolition of privileges enjoyed by the laborers of the Cavite arsenal of exemption from
the tribute was, according to some, the cause of the insurrection. There were, however, other
causes. The Spanish revolution which overthrew a secular throne, the propaganda carried on
by an unbridled press against monarchical principles, attenuator of the most sacred respects
towards the dethroned majesty; the democratic and republican books and pamphlets; the
speeches and preachings of the apostles of these new ideas in Spain; the outbursts of the
American publicists and the criminal policy of the senseless Governor whom the
Revolutionary government sent to govern the Philippines, and who put into practice these
ideas were the determining circumstances which gave rise, among certain Filipinos, to the
idea of attaining their independence. It was towards this goal that they started to work, with
the powerful assistance of a certain section of the native clergy, who out of spite toward
friars, made common cause with the enemies of the mother country.
At various times but especially in the beginning of year 1872, the authorities received
anonymous communications with the information that a great uprising would break out
against the Spaniards, the minute the fleet at Cavite left for the South, and that all would
be assassinated, including the friars. But nobody gave importance to these notices. The
conspiracy had been going on Since the days of La Torre with utmost secrecy. At times, the
principal leaders met either in the house of Filipino Spaniard, D. Joaquin Pardo de Tavera, or
in that of the native priest, Jacinto Zamora, and these meetings were usually attended by the
curate of Bacoor, the soul of the movement, whose energetic character and immense wealth
enabled him to exerc1se a strong influence.
...It seems definite that the insurrection was motivated and prepared by the native
clergy, by the mestizos and native lawyers, and by those known here as abogadillos..
Up to now it has not been clearly determined if they planned to establish a monarchy or a
republic, because the Indios have no word in their language to describe this different form of
government, whose head in Filipino would be called hari; but it turns out that they would
place at the head of the government a priest. that the head selected would be D. Jose Burgos,
or D. Jacinto Zamora. Such is... the plan of the rebels, those who guided them, and the means
they counted upon for its realization.
It is apparent that the accounts underscore the reason for the "revolution": the abolition of
privileges enjoyed by the workers of the Cavite arsenal such as exemption from payment of
tribute and being employed in polos y servicios, or force labor. They also identified other
reasons which seemingly made the issue a lot more serious, which included the presence of
the native clergy, who, out of spite against the Spanish friars, "conspired and supported the
rebels. Izquierdo, in an obviously biased report, highlighted that attempt to overthrow the
Spanish government in the Philippines to install a new "hari in the persons of Fathers Burgos
and Zamora. According to him, native clergy attracted supporters by giving them
charismatic assurance that their fight would not fail because they had God's support, aside
from promises of lofty rewards such as employment, wealth, and ranks in the army.
In the Spaniard's accounts, the event of 1872 was premeditated, and was part of a big
conspiracy among the educated leaders, mestizos, lawyers, and residents of Manila and
Cavite. They allegedly plan to liquidate high ranking Spanish officers, then kill the friars. The
signal they identified among these conspirators of Manila and Cavite was the rockets fired
from Intramuros.
The accounts detail that on 20 January 1872, the district of Sampaloc celebrated the feast of
the Virgin of Loreto and came with it were some fireworks displays. The Caviteños
allegedly mistook this as the signal to commence with the attack. The 200-men contingent
This uprising among the soldiers in Cavite was used as s powerful level by the Spanish
residents and by the friars. the Central Government in Madrid had announced its intention to
deprive the friars in these islands of powers of intervention in matters of civil government
and of the direction and management of the university, it was due to these facts and promises
that the Filipinos had great hopes of an improvement in the affairs of their country, while the
friars, on the other hand, feared that their power in the colony would soon be complete a
thing of the past.
...Up to that time there had been no intention of secession from Spain, and the only aspiration
of the people was to secure the material and education advancement of the country...
According to this account, the incident was merely a mutiny by Filipino soldiers and laborers
of the Cavite arsenal to the dissatisfaction arising from the draconian policies of Izquierdo,
such as the abolition of privileges and the prohibition of the founding of the school of arts
and trades tor Filipinos, which the General saw as a smokescreen to creating a political club.
However, the Central Spanish Government introduced an educational decree fusing sectarian
schools run by the friars into a school called the Philippine Institute. The decree aimed to
improve the standard of education in the Philippines by requiring teaching positions in these
schools to be filled by competitive examinations, an improvement welcomed by most
Filipinos.
Another account, this time by French writer Edmund Plauchut, complemented Tavera's
account and analyzed the motivations of the 1872 Cavite Mutiny.
General La Torre, created a junta composed of high officials... including some friars and six
Spanish officials.... At the same time there was created by the government in Madrid a
committee to investigate the same problems submitted to the Manila committee. When the
two finished work, it was found that they came to the same conclusions. Here is the summary
of the reforms they considered necessary to introduce:
Changes in tariff rates at customs, and the methods of collection.
Removal of surcharges on foreign importations.
Reduction of export fees.
Permission for foreigners to reside in the Philippines, buy real estate, enjoy freedom
of worship, and operate commercial transports flying the Spanish flag.
Establishment of an advisory council to inform the Minister of Overseas Affairs in
Madrid on the necessary reforms to be implemented.
Changes in primary and secondary education.
Establishment of an Institute of Civil Administration in the Philippines, rendering
unnecessary the sending home of short-term civil officials every time there is a
change of ministry.
Study of direct-tax system.
...The arrival in Manila of General Izquierdo... put a sudden end to all dreams of reforms...
the prosecutions instituted by the new Governor General were probably expected because of
the bitter disputes between the Filipino clerics and the friars. Such a policy must really end
in a strong desire on the part of the other to repress cruelly.
Regarding schools, it was previously decreed that there should be in Manila a Society of Arts
and Trades to be opened in March of 1871... to repress the growth of liberal teachings,
General Izquierdo suspended the opening of the school... the day before the scheduled
inauguration.
The Filipinos had a duty to render service on public roads construction and pay taxes every
year. But those who were employed at the maestranza of the artillery, in the engineering
shops and arsenal of Cavite, were exempted from this obligation from time immemorial...
Without preliminaries of any kind, a decree by the Governor withdrew from such old
employees their retirement privileges and declassified them into the ranks ot those who
worked on public roads.
The friars used the incident as a part of a larger conspiracy to cement their dominance,
which had started to show cracks because of the discontent of the Filipinos. They
showcased the mutiny as part of a greater conspiracy in the Philippines by Filipinos to
overthrow the Spanish Government. Unintentionally, and more so, prophetically, the Cavite
Mutiny of 1872 resulted in the martyrdom of GOMBURZA, and paved the way to the
revolution culminating in 1898.
The GOMBURZA is the collective name of the three martyred priests Mariano Gomez, Jose
Burgos, and Jacinto Zamora, who were tagged as the masterminds of the Cavite Mutiny.
They were prominent Filipino priests charged with treason and sedition. It is believed that the
Spanish clergy connected the priests to the mutiny as part of a conspiracy to stifle the
movement of secular priests who desired to have their own parishes instead of being merely
assistants to the regular friars. The GOMBURZA were executed by garrote in public, a scene
purportedly witnessed by a young Jose Rizal.
“The Government, by enshrouding your trial in mystery and pardoning your co-accused, has
suggested that some mistake was committed when your fate was decided; and the whole of
the Philippines, in paying homage to your memory and calling you martyrs, totally rejects
your guilt. The Church, by refusing to degrade you, has put in doubt the crime charged
against you.
The controversy regarding this event stems from the identification of the date and place
where the Cry happened. Prominent Filipino historian Teodoro Agoncillo emphasizes the
event when Bonifacio tore the cedula or tax receipt before the Katipuneros who also did the
same. Some writers identified the first military event with the Spaniards as the moment of the
Cry, for which, Emilio Aguinaldo commissioned an "Himno de Balintawak to inspire the
renewed struggle after the Pact of the Biak-na-Bato failed. A monument to the Heroes of
1896 was erected in what is now the intersection of Epifanio de los Santos (EDSA)
Avenue and Andres Bonifacio Drive-North Diversion Road, and from then on until 1962,
the Cry of Balintawak was celebrated every 26th of August. The site of the monument
was cho8en for an unknown reason.
On August 26th, a big meeting was held in Balintawak, at the house of Apolonio Samson,
then cabeza of that barrio of Caloocan. Among those who attended, I remember, were
Bonifacio, Emilio Jacinto, Aguedo del Rosario, Tomas Remigio, Briccio Pantas, Teodoro
Plata, Pio Valenzuela, Enrique Pacheco, and Francisco Carreon. They were all leaders of the
Katipunan and composed the board of directors of the organization. Delegates from Bulacan,
Cabanatuan, Cavite, and Morong were also present.
At about nine o'clock in the morning of August 26, the meeting was opened with Andres
Bonifacio presiding and Bmilio Jacinto acting as secretary. The purpose was to discuss when
the uprising was to take place. Teodoro Plata, Briccio Pantas, and Pio Valenzuela were all
opposed to starting the revolution too early... Andres Bonifacio, sensing that he would lose in
the discussion then, left the session hall and talked to the people, who were waiting
outside for the result of the meeting of the leaders. He told the people that the leaders
were arguing against starting the revolution early and appealed to them in a fiery speech in
which he said: "You remember the fate of our countrymen who were shot in Bagumbayan.
Should we return now to the towns, the Spaniards will only shoot us. Our organization has
been discovered and we are all marked men. If we don't start the uprising, the Spaniards will
get us anyway. What then, do you say?
"Revolt!" the people shouted as one.
Bonifacio then asked the people to give a pledge that they were to revolt. He told them that
the sign of slavery of the Filipinos were the cedula tax charged each citizen. "If it is true that
you are ready to revolt... I want to see you destroy your cedulas. It will be a sign that all of
us have declared our severance from the Spaniards.
From the eyewitness accounts presented, there is indeed marked disagreement among
historical witnesses as to the place and time of the occurrence of the Cry. Using primary and
secondary sources, tour places have been identified: Balintawak, Kangkong, Pugad Lawin,
and Bahay Toro, while the dates vary: 23, 24, 25, or 26 August 1896.
Valenzuela's account should be read with caution: He once told a Spanish investigator
that the "Cry happened in Balintawak on Wednesday, 26 August 1896. Much later, he
wrote in his Memoirs of the Revolution that it happened at Pugad Lawin on 23 August 1896.
Such inconsistencies in accounts should always be seen as a red flag when dealing with
primary sources.
According to Guerrero, Encarnacion, and Villegas, all these places are in Balintawak, then
part of Caloocan, now, in Quezon City. As for the dates, Bonifacio and his troops may have
been moving from one place to another to avoid being located by the Spanish government,
which could explain why there are several accounts of the Cry.
Assignment 2
Critical essay about a primary source; students are to discuss the importance of the text, the
authors background, the context of the document, and its contribution in understanding
Philippine History. Topics will be distributed to you in your group chat. Format and Rubric
are indicated in the course requirements and Deadlines in your course guide.
The Spanish Expansion is a result of various forces. Aside from the Philippines, the
Spaniards have already colonized parts of South, North, and Central America. The inclusion
of the Philippines resulted out of the attempts of Spaniards to control the spice trade in the
Moluccas islands. Aside from the interests in spices, Spain had been motivated by its
mercantilist nature or accumulation wealth in the form of gold. This was simultaneous with
the invention of new technologies needed for exploration like the compass and sextant. Maps
were also refined at this time that greatly aided the explorers.
Before Spain actually decided to occupy the Philippines, two noted voyages already reached
the Philippines. This was Magellan voyage in 1521 and the Villalobos voyage in 1543. These
did not start Spanish colonialism although they provide information and fed the interest of the
Spanish government to finally take the islands. In 1565, Legaspi carried the Spanish flag and
set up in the Philippine islands another colony for Spain. This commenced the Spanish
colonial rule in the Philippines.
Exploration and colonization during this time were realized through contractual agreements
between the Crown and the Conquistadores. In essence, the Consquistadores conquered for
Spain but they shall share in the riches of the new territories they conquered. Thus,
conquistadores like Legaspi instituted measures both for the pacification of the people and
the satisfaction of their private goals. It is within this frame that we understand that the
The services are compensated from the shares an Encomendero can get from the tributes
and the services of the natives. So, while the system was meant to facilitate the
organization and administration of the colony, the Encomendero gave a negative image to it.
This system was characterized by greed and cruelty. It was an opportunity for one to enrich
oneself primarily by collection of tribute or unlawful exaction of numerous services.
Tributor. This is levying of tax to all Filipinos aged 19-60 except government employees,
soldiers with distinguished services, descendants of Lakandula and some few native
chieftains, choir members, sacristans, porters of the church, and government witnesses. The
alcalde mayors, encomendero, gobernadorcillo, and the cabezas acted as tribute collectors.
The Spanish form of “taxation” was by itself heavy for the native. But this was aggravated by
the force and abuses that accompanied its implementation. Soldiers were used to escort tax
collectors to force collection and these often resulted to violence. Worst, of course, is the act
of collecting much more than what the law required by the tax collectors.
The abusive nature of this policy is evidenced by the fact that Filipinos who joined the revolts
later on cite the exploitative nature of tribute collection as a chief cause. In Apayao, for
example, they constructed tribute as a monster that could kill people. The understanding is
borne by the fact that the Ilokanos who entered the Apayao territory related that they were
scared of the tribute that has killed several of them.
This policy was meant to help set up of government infrastructure and the laborers were even
given ration of rice and paid minimal amounts. There were other regulations to ensure the
protection of the workers. In practice though, all these regulations were violated. Laborers
were not paid and were not given any rice ration. The policy became insensitive to the need
of the communities so that it was still enforced in time of planting or harvest seasons.
In the end, polo y servicio became a forced labor that contributed to famine experiences and
the destruction of communities.
Bandala. This is another policy meant to augment the finances of the colonial government. It
required the compulsory sale of products to the government. Communities were given
quotas to produce and sold only to the government. The prices set by the government were
lower than the prevailing prices of these products but were sold back to the people for a high
price. This practice formed natives to be indebted to the chieftain entrenching the socio-
economic position of the chief. In worst cases, which was usually the case, farmers were not
paid at all of their produce and were given promissory notes. In effect, this policy became a
virtual confiscation of natives’ products.
Divide and Rule. This is a military strategy utilized by the Spaniards against the natives. In
this method, native mercenaries were used against other groups to beef op limited military
contingency of the Spaniards. Ny its very nature, it was exploitative as the inter- village
warfare tradition of the early Filipinos was reinforced to serve the interests of the colonizers.
The policies provide clear examples as to how the colonial policies impacted on the native
Filipinos. For them, the policies were exploitative even if these were just part of the
pacification process of the Spaniards.
These difficulties were compounded by the constant war Spain was into against the Dutch
and Portuguese.
Conclusion:
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Given the exploitive nature of Spanish colonialism, early Filipinos chose to revolt against
the regime. Among the earliest revolts were those by Lakandula in Manila. Revolts became
an indispensable response of early Filipinos to Spanish Rule. Revolts became an
indispensable response of early Filipinos to Spanish rule. In the 1600’s nativistic revolts
characterized the reactions of the people towards the Spanish rule. More complicated revolts
continued up to the 1700’s. the earlier revolts could be generalized as revolts from ordinary
natives. These revolts could be generalized as revolts from ordinary natives. These revolts
include Tamblot, Bankaw, Tapar, Dagohoy, Sumuroy, Dabao, and others. Since many of the
leaders of these revolts were babaylans, or traditional priests, one of important underlying
objective was to go back to old native religion (nativistic). As such leaders emerge as self-
proclaimed messiahs saving the people from evil effects of colonization.
The second group of revolts were those initiated by local chiefs, or the principales, whose
type of leadership are already complicated by Spanish ways. This type of revolt manifested
class interest where the mass revolts were taken advantage of in the desire to seize power for
themselves. This is why many of these were open to compromises. Examples of this type of
revolt are the revolts of Maniago, Malong, Gumapos, Palaris, Silang, and others.
Both types of revolts, however, contained the desire to improve the hardship brought about
by the colonial rule. Economic grievance remained the primary reason why people supported
groups and leaders versus Spaniards.
The Igorot Resistance to Spanish Interests and the Price of Igorot Independence
The Igorots, together with the Muslims in Mindanao were the two biggest groups that were
not colonized by the Spaniards. During the entire 300 plus years of Spanish rule, these groups
remained independent. This work shall consider only the Igorot resistance.
A note on the word Igorot should be made. Historically speaking, the groups that were
referred by Spanish documents as Igorots were the inhabitants of Benguet and Bontoc. Other
groups in the Cordillera region were called distint names such as Mandayas for the Apayao,
The Spaniards entered the Cordillera for many reasons but gold was initially the primary aim.
As soon as the colonizers learned of Igorot gold in the region, expeditions were immediately
sent to secure it. In the 1600, several attempts like those of Aldana, Carino, and Quirante.
They have taken samples of ores and were brought to Manila for tests. The attempt at
reducing the Igorots to Christianity was another motivation for the Spaniards. The
Augustinians entered the mountain from the Ilocos areas while the Dominicans penetrated
Ifugao in the east. Another reason for Spanish intrusion into the Cordillera was simply to
extend the conquered territories or to protect the conquered areas of the lowlands.
Still other motivations was the punitive expeditions, which were meant to punish the Igorots
for the resistance they have been showing. However, it was the sabotage of the tobacco
monopoly that really angered the Spaniards to sponsor succeeding punitive expeditions
against the Igorots. The most successful of these expeditions was the Galvey expedition.
Guillermo Galvey led a 10- year campaign against the Igorots from 1829-1839, burning
tobacco plantations and communities, and crushing Igorot opposition. It was the Galvey
expeditions that finally opened the region to Spanish conquest. By the later part of 1840’s up
to the 1950’s, the Spaniards were able to set up military posts in key areas in the Cordillera.
These posts were called Commandancia Politico-Militares, which were manned by military
people and intended for collection of taxes.
Confronted by the intrusions, the Igorots responded in different ways but almost always
resisting all the plans of the intruders. In many instances, Igorots simply abandoned their
communities when they learn of Spanish arrival. They would retreat into deeper parts of the
mountain and wait until the Spaniards are gone. If the Igorots were ready, though, they
would engage the Spanish troops with their traditional weapons as spears, head axes, and
bolos. Although the Igorot weapons were of inferior kind, they relied heavily on ambushes
utilizing the mountainous landscape to their advantages. In some recorded instances, the
In the Christianization efforts, the Spaniards were able to convert some Igorots into
Christianity. Most of these converts have been relocated in the lowland areas of Ilocos, La
Union and Nueva Viscaya. Overall, though, the Igorots remained pagans. Whereabout of
their gold have also been denied to Spaniards and other foreigners. These responses have
been largely successful so that at the end of the Spanish colonial rule, the Igorots remained
independent.
A discussion of the Igorot resistance is incomplete without considering the price that the
Igorots had to pay for their freedom. One is the periodic destruction of homes. Most often
than not, the Spaniards burned villages along their route. These were reconstructed by the
Igorots only to be destructed with the next Spanish expedition.
Another is the estrangement between the lowlanders and the Igorots. Before Spanish
colonization, it has been the case that the two were partners in trade. The lowlanders brought
up salt, animals, threads, and fish to the highlands. Igorots brought down gold, beeswax, and
other forest products. With the colonization of the lowlands and the resistance of Igorots, the
friendly relation soured. This is basically because lowlanders were colonized while the
Igorots remained independent. Specifically, the lowlanders were used by the Spaniards in
their attempts at subjugating the Igorots. The lowlanders usually accompanied the colonizers
as guides and soldiers. One can add the long period of time that the Spaniards have portrayed
negative images of Igorots to lowlanders painting them as “headhunters”, “pagans”, and
“savages”.
After the period of colonization, it became ironic that the Filipinos who resisted colonialism
were indifferently treated by later Philippine government. They have often been understood
as the others or the “minority”. As minority, the state has ignored them for a long time and
has used their territories only as sources of raw materials. In the 1970’s the Marcos
government ignored the pleas of Igorot of Bontoc and Kalinga not to build the dams along the
Chico River. It was only stopped when resistance included international groups and the local
resistance became violent.
Realizing the danger of fighting for their cause on the home front, the sons of the wealthy and
the well-to-do Filipino families migrated to Europe to breath the free atmosphere of the Old
World. There they initiated a sustained campaign for reforms in the Spanish administration of
the Philippines. In the homeland, meanwhile, the Filipino intellectuals secretly collaborated
with those in Spain and founded nationalistic societies.
The dissatisfaction of the Filipino men of wealth and intellect was centered on the abuses of
the Spanish authorities, civil as well as clerical. The middle class denounced Spanish abuses
and asked Spain to make the Philippines one of its provinces. There was no clamor for
independence, for the reformists believed that the Filipinos would be better off if they were to
become Spanish citizens, enjoying the rights and privileges of the latter. Such a program
constituted what has been known as assimilation.
For more than a decade the Filipino propagandists waged their war against the Spanish
authorities and friars, but they failed to awaken the Government of the Peninsula to the
demoralizing realities of colonial administration. The reform movement was a failure for it
did not achieve its goals. In another sense, however, it was a success, for its failure led to the
founding of the Katipunan with separatist aims (Agoncillo, 1990).
The Katipunan
The Kataastaasan Kagalanggalangang Katipunan ng mga Anak ng Bayn, otherwise known as
KKK or simply Katipunan, was a secret society that was established by Andres Bonifacio and
some of his comrades on July 7, 1892. This was a significant event for the Filipinos because
it marked the end of the peaceful campaign for reforms and the beginning of a movement
which aimed to end Spanish oppression by uniting the Filipinos and achieve independence by
means of a revolution.
To increase the number of members of the organization, and to stop suspicion on the part of
the family members, the Katipunan accepted women members. The women were least
The Katipunan became especially popular in the suburbs of Manila and in the provinces of
Central Luzon. But as the number of its affiliates increased, the Spanish authorities began to
suspect its underground character. The friars began to denounce the nightly meeting
held by Katipuneros and on August 19, 1896, a certain Patino, a Katipunan member,
exposed the society to Fr. Mariano Gil. With the discovery of the Katipunan, Bonifacio had
no alternative than to take the field and on August 23, at Pugadlawin, he and his men
declared their intention to fight to the bitter end. The revolution spread to the other
provinces. In Cavite, meanwhile, the two factions of the society were at loggerheads and
Bonifacio was invited to mediate between them. At Tejeros, it was agreed to change the
society with a government responsive to the demands of the times, and in the election that
followed, Bonifacio was chosen Director of the Interior. Unfortunately, his election was
questioned by Daniel Irona. Bonifacio hurt by insult, declared the results of the lection null
and void. In April, he was ordered arrested, tried and executed. The Filipinos were at that
time losing battle after battle. Aguinaldo retreated to Biak-na-Bato, where the Republic was
founded. Later in, December, the Truce of Biak-na-Bato was concluded between the rebels
and the Spanish Government. The truce, however, was a failure (Agoncillo, 1990).
Nature
Aims
Methods
Result
Conclusion:
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These ulterior motives of America’s colonial rule later became a reality when the US
government gained complete control of the Philippine archipelago politically. Finding no
other way to repel American motives, the Filipinos painfully succumbed to compromising
their sovereignty to colonialism by way of serving under American military and civilian rule
in the Philippines.
To train Filipinos to govern their constituencies in the way Americans want them to towards
achieving their ulterior motives, the first election was held by Gen. Henry W. Lawton in
Baliwag, Bulacan. These patterns of pacification campaign which were employed
successfully in Luzon, Visayas, and Mindanao resulted in readiness of Filipino elite leaders
to collaborate with the US government in the Philippines.
In the central American government, those Filipino elites who believed in the sovereignty of
the US over the Philippines were appointed to top executive, legislative, and judicial
positions by being members of the First Philippine Commission, otherwise known as the
Schurman Commission (1899), and the Second Philippine Commission (1900) also known as
the “Taft Commission.”. there were three reasons why Filipino elite leaders opted to
collaborate with the American authorities. The first reason was to preserve the security of
their privileges as there was a growing demand from the masses for the redistribution of
economic benefits and resources. The second reason was the elite class, distrust of the
masses, nothing that some of them were branded as bandits or troublemakers, ignorant
people who possess questionable moral conduct. Thirdly, the elite could not entrust their
interests and future to the masses, thus, by co-opting with the Americans, they were assured
of the protection of their wealth, power, and prestige. To the Americans, the pro-American
attitude of the Filipino elites was advantageous to their colonial purposes and economic
interests in the Philippines.
In the Cordilleras, the Americans used a strategy to win the Ifugaos, and Kalingas to
cooperate and accept American rule. The head-hunting skirmishes between and among the
In Southern Mindanao, the American approach to establish collaboration was a political co-
existence characterized by mutual respect for personal property and political rights. The
sultanate form of government of the datus and sultans was a formidable block to improve
American political presence in Mindanao. Sa as not to agitate the Sultans and datus from
usurping their authorities as leaders of the sultanate government, American authorities
negotiated and concluded treaties with Muslim leaders such as the Bates Treaty (1899) and
later, the Carpenter-Kiriam Agreement (1905). Consequently, these treaties with the Muslims
led to the erosion of power of the sultanate and paved the way for the total imposition of
American sovereignty in all territories of the sultanate.
Filipinization in government involving the participation of Filipino elites was suitable to the
Americans since it was an aid rather than a hindrance to colonialism. In the purview of the
Americans, keeping the elite involved in government would be beneficial to American
economic interests in the Philippines, because it warranted economic partnership between
Americans and Filipino landlords and capitalists.
This partnership eventually led to a special relationship between the American and Filipino
Even though American democratic styles have found a distinct place in Filipino life, Filipino
values which were anchored on Filipino tradition were not abandoned by those who co-opted
with the Americans. Large majority of Filipinos saw no contradictions between the American
values and Filipino tradition. This perception of many Filipinos was contributory to the
Americanization of Filipino lifestyle.
In 1918, just after the World War 1 ended, the Filipinos began to agitate for the
Nature of Extent of
Participation in Participation in Implications (Effects
Filipino Groups
American American or Consequences)
Colonialism Colonialism
1. TheElite Filipinos
2. Cultural Communities
(Indigenous groups in
Mindanao and
Cordillera)
Conclusion:
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The Commonwealth Government of the Philippines, which became the realization of the real
desire of Filipinos for independence, was able to accomplish the following achievement: (1)
Reorganization of the government by creating new offices, including the Department of
National Defense, the Institute of National Language, the National Council of Education, the
Filipinization of the Judiciary from the Supreme Court down to the municipal courts, the
Court of Appeals, and the Court of Industrial Relations. (2) Granting of women suffrage,
after a special national plebiscite in which 447, 725 women voted in favor of women
suffrage and 44,397 against it. (3) Creation of new chartered cities, namely: Cebu, Iloilo,
Bacolod, Davao, Zamboanga, San Pablo, Quezon City, Cavite, and Tagaytay. (4) The
adoption of Tagalog as the national language. (5) Promotion of social justice (Eight-hour
Labor Act) and the appointment of public defenders to defend the rights of the poor laborers
in the courts. (6) Compulsory military training of able-bodied Filipino youths, under the
supervision of General Douglas MacArthur. Taking of the 1939 official census of the
Philippines. (7) Improvement of the Philippine economy as revealed by the growth of
agriculture, commerce, and industries. (8) Creation of the Joint Preparatory Committee
Philippine Affairs (JPCPA), which recommend the following, (1) granting of Philippine
Independence on July 4, 1946, and (2) extension of Philippine-American Preferential trade
to December 31, 1960. (9) Passage of three amendments to the 1935 Philippine Constitution
which were ratified by the national plebiscite on June 18, 1940. These amendments were as
follows:
a. Tenure of office of the President and Vice-President to was four years with re-election
for another term.
b. Establishment of a bicameral Congress of the Philippines, with the Senate as Upper
House and the House of Representatives as Lower House.
c. Creation of an Independent Commission on Election composed of three members to
supervise all elections.
Social
Cultural
Economic
Political
Based on the table above, which aspect (s) of Filipino life was greatly advanced by the
Philippine Commonwealth? Justify.
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The economic progress under America did not pass without a great price on the part of the
Filipinos. Local production and business gave way to accommodate American Products and
industries. In terms of who benefited most in terms of economic progress, the Filipinos got
the least, while American capitalists got the most profit using Filipino skills and labor.
Industrial Development
The American period facilitated the Industrial Age in the Philippines. Factories sprang up in
towns and cities, producing commodities such as cigars, coconut oil, sugar, textile, and
cordage using local resources. Mining industries boomed into huge international industries.
The Philippines became known as a gold producer and supplier of other minerals such as
chromate, manganese, copper, iron, silver and others. Fishing and fish canning became major
industries, placing the Philippines in the limelight of the international market as a rich ground
for deep-sea fishing.
In 1905, telephone system was introduced in Manila. Radio- telephone services were installed
in 1933. Towns and provincial capitals were inter-connected by radio, telegraph lines, and
telephones. By 1935, more than a thousand mail offices all over the Philippines were
established, facilitating communications though ordinary mails, telegrams, money orders,
packages, and air mail letters.
These material progress in the Philippines that were achieved during the American colonial
period had an impact on the economic condition of the Philippines. However, form the
perception of Filipino nationalists, America’s regime in the Philippines transformed the
Philippines into a market of surplus products of the US and a gold mine of economic
resources at the expense of most Filipinos, who gave so much of the expense of the
resources, time, and talents but received the least of benefits.
Filipino cultural life changed dramatically as the English language became an official
medium, not only in schools, but also in private and public offices. The influx of ideas from
the progressive West acquired through the knowledge and proficiency in English helped
enrich the English language, which was patronized by Filipinos, proved itself as the potent
force which changed Filipino cultural life and gave importance to a Western-oriented cultural
environment.
Social
Cultural
Economic
Political
The Japanese military police or “KEMPETAI” had wanton disregard for human lives. They
sowed fear and terror in communities by raiding houses of occupants with unregistered
radios. All those arrested suspects were severely tortured or executed publicly by hanging or
by firing squad. Oftentimes, torture by water cure, punching bad or “red-hot iron” or “electric
Social evils such as poverty and pretty crimes were rampantly prevalent. Crimes against
property increased for the sake of survival. Stealing was a usual crime as it was a desperate
means to survive attributed to scarcity of food and hopelessness due to the acute state of
poverty. Scavengers roamed the streets and the public markets scrounging for food in garbage
drums. Some women grave in desperation had to sustain their family by employing
themselves as comfort women for Japanese soldiers and sex attendants to the bourgeoisie and
plutocrats.
In the cultural context, the Filipinos were forcibly induced for educational re-orientation.
Military Order no.2, the Japanese policy on education, was issued on February 2, 1942, to
inculcate Japanese culture; promote the dissemination of the principle of Greater East Asia
Co-Prosperity Sphere, spiritual rejuvenation. And the teaching of Nippongo language; further
vocational and elementary education; and promote the love of labor. The main goal of this
Japanese educational policy was to erase Western cultural influences and to create an
atmosphere of friendship to push through Japanese intentions and war aims. Schools were re-
opened and were forced to strictly observe Japanese educational policies.
In the field of arts expression, strict prohibitions were enforced by Japanese authorities.
Performers in theatres were not allowed to present entertainment that were Western-oriented
and injurious to Japanese sensibilities. Writers did not enjoy freedom to expression. Only a
few print media were allowed for circulation with strict censorship. While encouraging
Filipino culture, the Japanese imposed restrictions to ensure that they do not impair Japanese
aims of war.
The final phase of the war in the Philippines during World War 2 involved a series of events
in which leaders and personalities who were Either Filipinos or Americans had put their
lives at stake or had somehow perished, all for the sake of a noble cause – freedom from the
clutches of the Japanese hawks of military expansionism.
Social
Economic
Political
Cultural
What would you conclude as the most adversely affected aspect of Filipino life during the
period of the Japanese occupation in the Philippines? Why?
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TO DO!
Assignment 4
Write a Critical Essay about readings in different occupations in the Philippines that you
have chosen.
This chapter is dedicated to enduring issues in Philippine society, which history could lend a
hand in understanding. and hopefully, proposing solutions. These topics include the mandated
discussion on the Philippine constitution and policies on agrarian reform. It is hoped that
these discussions will help us propose recommendations or solutions to present-day problem
based on our understanding of root causes and how we anticipate future scenarios in the
Philippine setting.
The Constitution of the Philippines, the supreme law of the Republic of the Philippines, has
been in effect since 1987. There were only three other constitutions that have effectively
governed the country: the 1935 Commonwealth Constitution, the 1973 Constitution, and the
1986 Freedom Constitution. However, there were earlier constitutions attempted by Filipinos
in the struggle to break free from the colonial yoke.
The Constitution of Biak-na-Bato was never fully implemented, since a truce, the Pact of
Biak-na-Bato, was signed between the Spanish and the Philippine Revolutionary Army.
The separation of the Philippines from the Spanish monarchy and their formation into an
independent state with its own government called the Philippine Republic has been the end
sought by the Revolution in the existing war, begun on the 24th of August, 1896; and,
therefore, in its name and by the power delegated by the Filipino people, interpreting
faithfully their desires and ambitions, we the representatives of the Revolution, in a meeting
at Biak-na-bato, November 1, 1897, unanimously adopted the following articles for the
constitution of the State.
The document they came up with, approved by the Congress on 29 November 1898, and
promulgated by Aguinaldo on 21 January 1899, was titled "The Political Constitution of 1899
We, the Representatives of the Pilipino People, lawfully convened, in order to establish
justice, provide for common defense, promote the general welfare and insure the benefits of
liberty, imploring the aid of the Sovereign Legislator of the Universe for the attainment of
these ends, have voted, decreed, and sanctioned the following political constitution.
As a direct challenge to colonial authorities of the Spanish empire, the sovereignty was
retroverted to the people, a legal principle underlying the Philippine Revolution. The people
delegated governmental functions to civil servants while they retained actual sovereignty.
The 27 articles of Title IV detail the natural rights and popular sovereignty of Filipinos, the
enumeration of which does not imply the prohibition of any other rights not expressly stated.
Title III, Article V also declares that the State recognizes the freedom and equality of all
beliefs, as well as the separation of Church and State. These are direct reactions to features of
the Spanish government in the Philippines, where the friars were dominant agents of the
state.
The 1899 Malolos Constitution was never enforced due to the ongoing war. The Philippines
was effectively a territory of the United States upon the signing of the Treaty of Paris
between Spain and the United States, transferring sovereignty of the Philippines on 10
December 1898.
Two acts of the United States Congress were passed that may be considered to have
qualities of constitutionality. First was the Philippine Organic Act of 1902, the first organic
law for the Philippine Islands that provided for the creation of a popularly elected Philippine
Assembly. The act specified that legislative power would be vested in a bicameral
legislature composed of the Philippine Commission as the upper house and the Philippine
Assembly as lower house. Key provisions of the act included a bill of rights for Filipinos and
the appointment of two non-voting Filipino President Commissioners of the Philippines as
representative to the United States House of Representatives. The second act that functioned
as a constitution was the Philippine Autonomy Act of 1916, commonly referred to as "Jones
Law," which modified the structure of the Philippine government through the removal
of the Philippine Commission, replacing it with a Senate that served as the upper house and
its members elected by the Filipino voters, the first truly elected national legislature. It was
also this Act that explicitly declared the purpose of the United States to end their
In 1932, with the efforts of the Filipino independence mission led by Sergio Osmeña and
Manuel Roxas, the United States Congress passed the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act with the
promise of granting Filipinos independence. The bill was opposed by then Senate President
Manuel L. Quezon and consequently, rejected by the Philippine Senate By 1934, another
law, the Tydings-McDuffie Act, also known as the Philippine Independence Act, was passed
by the United States Congress that provided authority and defined mechanisms for the
establishment of a formal constitution by a constitutional convention. The members of the
convention were elected and held their first meeting on 30 July 1934, with Claro M. Recto
unanimously elected as president.
The constitution was crafted to meet the approval of the United States government, and to
ensure that the United States would live up to its promise to grant independence to the
Philippines.
The Filipino people, imploring the aid of Divine Providence, in order to establish a
government that shall embody their ideals, conserve and develop the patrimony of the nation,
promote the general welfare, and secure to themselves and their posterity the blessings of
independence under a regime of justice, liberty, and democracy, do ordain and promulgate
this constitution.
The constitution created the Commonwealth of the Philippines, an administrative body that
governed the Philippines from 1935 to 1946. It is a transitional administration to prepare the
country toward its full achievement of independence. It originally provided for a unicameral
National Assembly with a president and vice president elected to a six-year term without re-
election. It was amended in 1940 to have a bicameral Congress composed of a Senate and a
House of Representatives, as well as the creation of an independent electoral commission,
and limited the term or office of the president and vice president to four years, with one re-
election. Rights to suffrage were originally afforded to male citizens of the Philippines who
are twenty- one years of age or over and can read and write; this was later on extended to
women within two years after the adoption of the constitution.
The draft of the constitution was approved by the constitutional convention on 8 February
1935, and ratified by then U.S. President Franklin B. Roosevelt on 25 March 1985. Elections
were held in September 1935 and Manuel L. Quezon was elected President of the
Commonwealth.
The Commonwealth was briefly interrupted by the events of the World War II, with the
Japanese occupying the Philippines. Afterward, upon liberation, the Philippines was declared
an independent republic on 4 July 1946.
Before the convention finished its work, Martial Law was declared. Marcos cited a growing
communist insurgency as reason for the Martial Law, which was provided for in the 1935
Constitution. Some delegates of the ongoing constitutional convention were placed behind
bars and others went into hiding or were voluntary exiled. With Marcos as dictator, the
direction of the convention turned, with accounts that the president himself dictated some
provisions of the constitution, manipulating the document to be able to hold on to power for
as long as he could. On 29 November 1972, the convention approved its proposed
constitution.
President Marcos issued Presidential Decree No. 73 setting the date of the plebiscite to
ratify or reject the proposed constitution on 30 November 1973. This plebiscite was
postponed later since Marcos feared that the public might vote to reject the constitution.
Instead of a plebiscite, Citizen Assemblies were held, from 10-15 January 1973, where the
citizens coming together and voting by hand, decided on whether to ratify the constitution,
suspend the convening of the Interim National Assembly, continue Martial Law, or place a
moratorium on elections for a period of at least several years. The President, on 17 January
1973, issued a proclamation announcing that the proposed constitution had been ratified by
an overwhelming vote of the members of the highly irregular Citizen Assemblies.
The constitution was amended several times. In 1976, Citizen Assemblies, once again,
decided to allow the continuation of Martial Law, well as approved the amendments: an
interim Batasang Pambansa to substitute for the Interim National Assembly, the president to
also become the Prime Minister and continue to exercise legislative powers until Martial Law
was lifted and authorized the President to legislate on his own on an emergency basis. An
overwhelming majority would ratify further amendments succeeding. In 1980, the retirement
age of members of the judiciary was extended to 70 years. In 1981, the parliamentary system
was formally modified to a French-style, semi-presidential system where executive power
was restored to the president, who was, once again, to be directly elected; an Executive
Committee was to be created, composed of the Prime Minister and 14 others, that served as
the president's Cabinet; and some electoral reforms were instituted. In 1984, the Executive
Committee was abolished, and the position of the vice president was restored.
After all the amendments introduced, the 1973 Constitution was merely a way for the
President to keep executive powers, abolish the Senate, and by any means, never acted as a
parliamentary system, instead functioned as an authoritarian presidential system, with all the
real power concentrated in the hands of the president, with the backing of the constitution.
The situation in the 1980s had been very turbulent. As Marcos amassed power, discontent
In March 1986, President Aquino proclaimed a transitional constitution to last for a year
while a Constitutional Commission drafted a permanent constitution. This transitional
constitution, called the Freedom Constitution, maintained many provisions of the old one,
including in rewritten form the presidential right to rule by decree. In 1986, a constitutional
convention was created, composed of 48 members appointed by President Aquino from
varied backgrounds and representations. The convention drew up a permanent constitution,
largely restoring the setup abolished by Marcos in 1972, but with new ways to keep the
president in check, a reaction to the experience of Marcos's rule. The new constitution was
officially adopted on 2 February 1987.
The Constitution begins with a preamble and eighteen self- contained articles. It established
the Philippines as a "democratic republican State" where "sovereignty resides in the people
The Executive branch is headed by the president and his he appoints. The president is the
head of the state and the chief executive, but his power 1s limited by significant checks from
the two other co-equal branches of government, especially during times of emergency. This is
put in place to safeguard the country from the experience of martial law despotism during the
presidency of Marcos. In cases of national emergency, the president may still declare martial
law, but not longer than a period of sixty days. Congress, through a majority vote, can revoke
this decision, or extend it for a period that they determine. The Supreme Court may also
review the declaration of martial law and decide if there were sufficient justifying facts
for the act. The president and the vice president are elected at large by a direct vote, serving a
single six-year term.
The legislative power resides in a Congress divided into two Houses: the Senate and the
House of Representatives. The 24 senators are elected at large by popular vote and can serve
no more than two consecutives six-year terms. The House is composed of district
representatives representing a particular geographic area and makes up around 80% of the
total number representatives. There are 234 legislative districts in the Philippines that elect
their representatives to serve three-year terms, The 1987 Constitution created a party-list
system to provide spaces for the participation of under-represented community sectors or
groups. Party-list representatives may fil up not more than 20% of the seats in the House.
Aside from the exclusive power of legislation, Congress may also declare war, through a two-
thirds vote in both upper and lower houses, the power of legislation, however, is also subject
to an executive check, as the president retains the power to veto or stop a bill from becoming
a law. Congress may only override this power with a two-thirds vote in both houses.
The Philippine Court system is vested with the power of the judiciary and is composed of a
Supreme Court and lower courts as created by law. The Supreme Court is a 15-member court
appointed by the president without the need to be confirmed by Congress. The appointment
the president makes, however, is limited to a list of nominees provided by a constitutionally
specified Judicial and Bar Council. The Supreme Court Justices may hear, on appeal, any
cases dealing with the constitutionality of any law, treaty, or decree of the government, cases
The Constitution also established three independent Constitutional Commissions, namely, the
Civil Service Commission, a central agency in charge of government personnel; the
Commission on Elections, mandated to enforce and administer all election laws and
regulations; and the Commission on Audit, which examines all funds, transactions, and
property accounts of the government and its agencies.
To further promote the ethical and lawful conduct of the government, the Office of the
Ombudsman was created to investigate complaints that pertain to public corruption, unlawful
behavior of public officials, and other public misconduct. The Ombudsman can charge public
officials before the Sandiganbayan, a special court created for this purpose.
Changing the Constitution is a perennial issue that crops up, and terms such as
"Cha-Cha," "Con-Ass," and "Con-Con'" are regularly thrown around. Article XVII of the
1987 Constitution provides for three ways by which the Constitution can be changed.
Congress (House of Representatives and the Senate) may convene as a Constituent
Assembly (or Con-Ass) to propose amendments to the Constitution. It is not clear,
however, if Congress is to vote as a single body or separately. How the Congress convenes
as a Con-Ass is also no provided for in the Constitution.
Another method is through the Constitutional Convention (or Con- Con), where
Congress, upon a vote of two-thirds of all its members, calls for a constitutional
convention. They may also submit to the electorate the question of calling a convention
through a majority vote of all its members. In a Con-Con, delegates will propose
amendments or revisions to the constitution, not Congress. The 1987 Constitution does not
provide for a method by which delegates to the Con-Con are chosen.
The third method is called the "People's Initiative" (or P). In this method,
amendments to the Constitution may be proposed by the people upon a petition of at least
12% of the total number of registered voters. All legislative districts must be represented
by at least 12% of the registered votes therein. No amendment is allowed more than once
every five years since a successful PL. The 1987 Constitution directs the Congress to enact
a law to implement provisions of the PI, which has not yet materialized.
Amendments or revision to the constitution shall be valid only when ratified by a
majority of the votes cast in a national referendum.
The succeeding president, Joseph Ejercito Estrada, formed a study Commission to investigate
the issues surrounding charter change focusing on the economic and judiciary provisions of
the constitution. This effort was also blocked by different entities. After President Estrada
was replaced by another People Power and succeeded by his Vice President, Gloria
Macapagal- Arroyo, then House Speaker Jose de Venecia endorsed constitutional change
through a Constituent Assembly, which entails a two-thirds vote of the House to propose
amendments or revision to the Constitution. This initiative was also not successful since the
term of President Arroyo was mired in controversy and scandal, including the possibility of
Arroyo extending her term as president, which the Constitution does not allow.
The administration of the succeeding President Benigno Aquino III had no marked interest
in charter change, except those emanating from different members of Congress, including the
speaker of the House, Feliciano Belmonte Jr., who attempted to make amendments to the
Constitution that concern economic provisions that aim toward liberalization. This effort
did not see the light of day.
Our current system is that of a unitary form, where administrative powers and resources are
concentrated in the national government. Mayors and governors would have to rely on
allocations provided to them through a proposed budget that is also approved by the nation
government, a system prone to abuse.
There are many pros to a federal form of government. Each region may custom fit solutions
to problems brought about by their distinct geographic, cultural, social, and economic
contexts. Regions also have more power over their finances, since they handle majority of
their income and only contributes to a small portion to the national government.
They can choose to directly fund their own development projects without asking for the
national government's go signal. A federal system could also promote specialization since
the national government could focus on nationwide concerns while regional governments
can take care of administrative issues.
A federal form of government could also solve a lot of decade-old problems of the
country. It may be a solution to the conflict in Mindanao, since a separate Bangsamoro
region could be established for Muslim Mindanao. It could address the inequality in wealth
distribution and lessen the dependence to Metro Manila, since regions can proceed with
what they must do without needing to consider the situation in the capital.
There are also cons to federalism. While it creates competition among regions, it could
also be a challenge to achieving unity in the country. There might be regions which are
not ready to govern themselves, or have lesser resources, which could mire them deeper in
poverty and make development uneven in the country.
There could be issues regarding overlaps in jurisdiction, since ambiguities may arise where
In an upsurge of populism, President Rodrigo Duterte won the 2016 presidential elections in
a campaign centering on law and order, proposing to reduce crime by killing tens of
thousands of criminals. He is also a known advocate of federalism, a compound mode ot
government combining a central or federal government with regional governments in a single
political system. This advocacy is in part an influence of his background, being a local leader
in Mindanao that has been mired in poverty and violence for decades. On 7 December 2016,
President Duterte signed an executive order creating a consultative committee to review the
1987 Constitution.
In our attempt to understand the development ot agrarian reform in the Philippines, we turn
our attention to our country’s history, especially our colonial past, where we could find the
root or the agrarian woes the country has experienced up to this very day.
Families were not allowed to own their land-the King of Spain owned the land, and Filipinos
were assigned to these lands to cultivate them, and they paid their colonial tributes to the
Spanish authorities in the form of agricultural products.
Later, through the Law of the Indies, the Spanish crown awarded tracts of land to (1)
religious orders; 2) repartimientos for Spanish military as reward for their service; and (3)
Spanish encomenderos, those mandated to manage the encomienda or the lands given to
them, where Filipinos worked and paid their tributes to the encomendero. Filipinos were not
given the right to own land, and only worked in them so that they might have a share of the
crops and pay tribute. The encomienda system was an unfair and abusive system as
"compras y vandalas" became the norm for the Filipino farmers working the land-they were
made to sell their products at very low price or surrender their products to the encomenderos,
who resold this as a profit. Filipinos in the encomienda were also required to render services
to the encomenderos that were unrelated to farming.
From this encomienda system, the hacienda system developed in the beginning or the
nineteenth century as the Spanish government implemented policies that would fast track the
entry of the colony into the capitalist world. The economy was tied to the world market as the
Philippines became an exporter of raw materials and importer of goods. Agricultural exports
were demanded, and the hacienda system was developed as a new form of ownership. In the
1860s, Spain enacted a law ordering landholders to register their landholdings, and only those
who knew benefitted from this. lands were claimed and registered in other people's names,
and many peasant families who were "assigned" to the land in the earlier days of colonization
were driven out or forced to come under the power of these people who claimed rights to the
land because they held a title.
This is the primary reason why revolts in the Philippines were often agrarian in nature.
Before the colonization, Filipinos had communal ownership of land. The system introduced
by the Spaniards became a bitter source of hatred and discontent for the Filipinos. Religious
Filipinos fought the Philippine Revolution in a confluence of motivations, but the greatest
desire for freedom would be the necessity of owning land. Upon the end of the Philippine
Revolution, the revolutionary government would declare all large, landed estates, especially
the confiscated friar lands as government property. However, the first Philippine republic was
short-lived. The entrance of the Americans would signal a new era of colonialism and
imperialism in the Philippines.
Landownership did not improve during the American period; in fact, it even worsened,
because there was no limit to the size of landholdings people could possess and the
accessibility of possession was limited to those who could afford to buy, register, and acquire
fixed property titles. Not all friar lands acquired by the Americans were given to landless
peasant farmers. Some lands were sold or leased to American and Filipino business interest.
This early land reform program was also implemented without support mechanisms-if a
landless peasant 1armer received land, he only received land, nothing more. Many were
forced to return to tenancy and wealthy Filipino hacienderos purchased or forcefully took
over lands from farmers who could not afford to pay their debts. The system introduced by
The Sakdal (or Sakdalista) Uprising was a peasant rebellion in Central Luzon that lasted
for two days, May 2-3, 1935. It was easily crushed by government forces then, but this
historical event tells of the social inequality brought about by issues in land ownership
and tenancy in the country.
The Filipino word sakdal means "to accuse, which is the title of the newspaper helmed by
Benigno Ramos. He rallied support from Manila and nearby provinces through the
publication, which led to the establishment of the Partido Sakdalista in 1933. They
demanded reforms from the government, such as the abolition of taxes and "equal or
common ownership of land, among others. They also opposed the dominant Nacionalista
Party's acceptance of gradual independence from the United States, and instead demanded
immediate severance of ties with America.
For a new party with a small clout, they did well in the 1934 general elections, scoring
three seats in the House of Representatives and several local posts. This encouraged them
to attempt an uprising in 1936. Upon being crushed, Ramos fled to Tokyo and the Partido
Sakdalista collapsed.
During the years of the Commonwealth government, the situation further worsened as
peasant uprisings increased and landlord-tenant relationship became more and more
disparate. President Quezon laid down a social justice program focused on the purchase of
haciendas, which were to be divided and sold to tenants. His administration also created the
National Rice and Corn Corporation (NARIC) to assign public defenders to assist peasants in
court battles for their rights to the land, and the Court of Industrial Relations to exercise
jurisdiction over disagreements arising from landowner- tenant relationship. The homestead
program also continued through the National Land Settlement Administration (NLSA).
Efforts toward agrarian reform by the Commonwealth failed because of any problems such as
budget allocation to the settlement program and widespread peasant uprisings. World War II
put a halt to all interventions to solve these problems as the Japanese occupied the country.
Under the term of President Elpidio Quirino, the Land Settlement Development Corporation
(LASEDECO) was established to accelerate and the resettlement program for peasants. This
agency later became the National Resettlement and Rehabilitation Administration (NARRA)
under the administration of President Ramon Magsaysay.
Magsaysay saw the importance of pursuing genuine land reform program and convinced the
Congress, majority of which were landed elites, to pass legislation to improve the land reform
situation. Republic Act No. 1199 or the Agricultural Tenancy Act was passed to govern the
relationship between landholders and tenant farmers, protecting the tenurial rights of tenants
and enforced tenancy practices. Through this law, the Court of Agricultural Relations was
created in 1955 to improve tenancy security, fix land rentals of tenanted farms, and resolve
land disputes filed by the landowners and peasant organizations. The Agricultural Tenancy
Commission was also established to administer problems created by tenancy. The
Agricultural Credit and Cooperative Financing Administration (ACCFA) was also created
mainly to provide warehouse facilities and assist farmers in marketing their products. The
administration spearheaded the establishment of the Agricultural and Industrial Bank to
provide easier terms in applying for homestead and other farmlands.
Despite a move vigorous effort toward agrarian reform, the situation for the farmers remained
dire since the government lacked funds and provided inadequate support services for the
programs. The landed elite did not fully cooperate, and they criticized the programs.
A major stride in land reform arrived during the term of President Diosdado Macapagal
through the Agricultural Land Reform Code (Republic Act No. 3844)
This Code abolished share tenancy in the Philippines and prescribed a program to convert
tenant-farmers to lessees and later owner-cultivators. It also aimed to free tenants from
tenancy and emphasize owner cultivatorship and farmer independence, equity, productivity
improvement, and public land distribution. Despite being one of the most comprehensive
pieces of land reform legislation ever passed in the Philippines, Congress did not make any
effort to come up with a separate bill to fund its implementation, even though it proved
beneficial in the provinces where it was pilot tested.
A. This shall apply to tenant farmers of private agricultural lands primarily devoted to
rice and corn under a system of sharecrop or lease-tenancy, whether classified as
landed estate or not;
"Operation Land Transfer" on lands occupied by tenants of. more than seven hectares on rice
and corn lands commenced, and through legal compulsion and an improved delivery of
support services to small farmers, agrarian reform seemed to be finally achievable. Under the
rice self-sufficiency program "Masagana '99, farmers were able to borrow from banks and
purchase three-hectare plots of lands and agricultural inputs However, the landlord class still
found ways to circumvent the law. Because only rice lands were the focus of agrarian
On 22 July 1987, Aquino issued Presidential Proclamation 131 and Executive Order 229,
which outlined her land reform program. In 1988, the Congress passed Republic Act No.
6657 or the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Law (CARD), which introduced the program
with the same name (Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program or (CARP). It enabled the
redistribution of agricultural lands to tenant-farmers from landowners, who were paid in
exchange by the government through just compensation and allowed them to retain not
more than have hectares. Corporate landowners were, however, allowed under law to
voluntarily divest a proportion of their capital stock, equity, or participation in favor of their
workers or other qualified beneficiaries instead of turning over their land to the government.
CARP was limited because it accomplished very little during the administration of Aquino. It
only accomplished 22.5% of land distribution in six years since Congress, dominated by
the landed elite, was unwilling to fund the high compensation costs of the program. It was
also mired in controversy since Aquino seemingly bowed down to the pressure of her
relatives by allowing the stock redistribution option. Hacienda Luisita reorganized itself into
a corporation and distributed stocks to farmers.
Under the term of President Ramos, CARP implementation was speeded in order to meet the
ten-year time frame, despite limitations and constraints in funding, logistics, and participation
From 2009 to 2014, CARPER has distributed a total of 1 million hectares of land to 900,000
farmer beneficiaries. After 27 years of land reform and two Aquino administrations, 500,000
hectares of lands remain undistributed. The DAR and the Department of Environment and
Natural Resources (DENR) are the government agencies mandated to fulfill CARP and
CARPER, but even the combined effort and resources of the two agencies have proved
incapable of fully achieving the goal of agrarian reform in the Philippines. The same
problems have plagued its implementation: the powerful landed elite and the ineffectual
bureaucracy of the Philippine government. Until these two challenges are surmounted,
genuine agrarian reform in the Philippines remains but a dream to Filipino farmers who have
been fighting for their right to landownership for centuries.
Self-assessment 2
Answer the following questions on the spaces provided.
Why is a constitution considered as the “highest expression of the law”?
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How important is the Malolos Republic Constitution about the ideas and provisions that it
introduced?
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TO DO!
Assignment 5
Watch the documentary video about Hacienda Luisita. (YouTube: Lupa at Hustisya:
Hacienda Luisita by Tudla Productions). Then, write a reaction paper about the video.
Handwritten will do. Part 1 is the summary of the work, Part 2 is your reaction to the
work, and it must contain a concluding paragraph. For guiding you on how to write a
reaction paper, visit (http://www.hunter.cuny.edu).
TO DO!
Assignment 6
Compare and contrast Philippine Constitutions and the Proposed Federal Constitution.
1935 Constitution
1973 Constitution
1987 Constitution
Indigenous peoples in the area, including the Kalinga and the Bontoc, resisted the project for
three decades as the proposed dam's reservoir threatened to drown 1,400 square-kilometers of
traditional highland villages and ancestral domains in the modern-day provinces of Mountain
Province, Kalinga and Apayao.
On 24 April 1980, elements from 4th Infantry Division of the Philippine Army opened fire on
Dulag at his home, killing him and wounding a companion. His murder unified the various
peoples of the Cordillera Mountains against the proposed dam, causing both the World
B a n k and the Marcos’s regime to eventually abandon the project a few years after.
Commemoration
The date of Dulag's death is unofficially observed as "Cordillera Day" annually by
indigenous communities along the Chico River.
Dulag's name is also inscribed in the Bantayog ng mga Bayani (Monument of the Heroes) in
Quezon City, Metro Manila, which is dedicated to victims of extrajudicial killings since the
Martial Law era.
But the Kalinga and Bontok peoples knew that the project would flood their rice fields and
their homes, communal forests and sacred burial grounds. It would destroy their lives by
changing their environment forever.
Macliing Dulag was a respected elder of the Butbut tribe in the tiny mountain village of
Bugnay in the 1960s. He was a pangat, one of those listened to by the community because
of their wisdom and courage. He was also the elected barrio captain of Bugnay, serving
out three terms since 1966. Ordinarily, he tended his rice fields and worked as a laborer on
road maintenance projects (earning P405 a month).
Macliing became a strong and articulate figure in this struggle which pitted small nearly
powerless communities in the Cordilleras against the full powers of the martial law regime.
Kalinga and Bontok leaders were offered bribes, harassed by soldiers and government
mercenaries, even imprisoned. But the anti-dam leaders, including Macliing, stayed firm in
their opposition to the project. They argued that development should not be achieved at such
extreme sacrifice.
“If you destroy life in your search for what you say is the good life, we question it,” Macliing
said”. Those who need electric lights are not thinking of us who are bound to be
destroyed. Should the need for electric power be a reason for our death?”
Macliing expressed the people’s reverence for the land, affirming their right to stay: “Such
arrogance to say that you own the land, when you are owned by it! How can you own that
which outlives you? Only the people own the land because only the people live forever. To
claim a place is the birthright of everyone. Even the lowly animals have their own place…
how much more when we talk of human beings?”
Resistance to the dam project unified the Cordillera region. Macliing and other Cordillera
leaders initiated a series of tribal pacts (bodong or vochong), which helped cement this unity
and create a very broad alliance of the communities and their supporters. They recognized
the leader of the Butbut as their spokesperson, for although Macliing had had no formal
education, he always found the right words for what they needed to say.
Macliing was murdered by government soldiers on April 24, 1980. They surrounded his
house one night and sprayed it with bullets. His assassination merely solidified opposition to
the dam and won it sympathizers from all over the country and even abroad. Even the World
Bank, which would have funded the dam construction, withdrew from the project,
finally forcing the martial law government to cancel its plans.
Four of Macliing’s killers were charged and in 1983 tried before a military tribunal. An army
Self-assessment Task 3
Answer the following questions below.
Despite not having formal education, Macli-ing was considered as one of the most influential
people in the Cordillera. What are the lessons that the Great Macli-ing left to the Cordilleran
Generation?
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What are the political/social/environmental issues today that are comparable to the story of
Macli-ing Dulag and the government?
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What is the importance of land and heritage to the Cordilleran people?
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TO DO!
Since then, the virus has spread to other countries, inside and outside of Asia, leading the
World Health Organization (WHO) to declare this as a pandemic.
To date, the novel coronavirus — called severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2
(SARS-CoV-2) — has been responsible for millions of infections globally, causing
hundreds of thousands of deaths. The highest number of deaths has occurred in the United
States.
What do we really know about this virus? To what extent is it likely to affect the global
population?
Medical News Today have contacted the WHO, collected information from public health
organizations, and investigated the newest studies in peer reviewed journals to answer these
and other questions from our readers.
As of today (August 10, 2020) the World Health Organization has a total record of
20,026,161 cases around the world, 734,020 deaths and 12,900, 625 recoveries.
In the Philippines, the Department of health has recorded a total of 129,913 Covid-19
cases, 2,270 death and 67, 637 total recoveries.
Social
Political
Environmental
Economy
Conclusion:
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True
True
True
False
True
True
True
False