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Personal taste and family face: Luxury consumption in Confucian and Western
societies

Article in Psychology and Marketing · August 1998

DOI: 10.1002/(SICI)1520-6793(199808)15:5<423::AID-MAR2>3.0.CO;2-9

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 Personal Taste and Family Face: Luxury Consumption
in Confucian and Western Societies

Nancy Y. Wong, University of Hawaii

Aaron C. Ahuvia, University of Michigan

Nancy Y. Wong is an Assistant Professor of Marketing, University of Hawaii at Manoa, College

of Business Administration, 2404 Maile Way, Honolulu, HI 96822, 808-956-8167,
NWONG@busadm.cba.hawaii.edu. Aaron C. Ahuvia is an Assistant Professor of Marketing at
the University of Michigan Business School, Ann Arbor, MI, 48109-1234, (wk) 313-764-6174,
(hm) 313-994-6122, Ahuvia@umich.edu. Both authors contributed equally to this work and are
listed in random order. Correspondence may be sent to either author.

Published as:
Wong, N. and Ahuvia, A. C. (1998), “Personal Taste and Family Face: Luxury Consumption in
Confucian and Western Societies,” Psychology and Marketing, 15, 423-441.
 Personal Taste and Family Face: Luxury
Consumption in Confucian and Western Societies

ABSTRACT

East Asia is currently the biggest market for luxury and prestige brands from the West. This paper
examines the cultural factors that lie behind this phenomenon and, based on distinctions between
Southeast Asian and Western cultures, explores how the practice of luxury consumption differs in
these cultures. As part of this examination, self-concept theory is reviewed and integrated in a
cross-cultural consumption model. Finally, this paper makes the conceptual linkages between
existing theories of materialism and conspicuous consumption.
 than 50% of total turnover for French
INTRODUCTION conglomerate of luxury labels LVMH (Moët
Hennessy Louis Vuitton) while cognac
“For LVMH, Hanoi and Guangzhou -- not
producer Remy Martin ships 58% of its
Lyons and Madrid -- are the future.”
foreign sales to Asian markets (Asian
(Levine 1997, p. 81)
Business, 1994). Even these impressive
"The Pacific is where the action is." (Henri statistics may underrepresent East Asia's
Racamier, head of Vuitton, quoted in share of this market, since American and
Schissel 1990, p. 4) European luxury goods retailers often make
"The Japanese these days gobble up a sizable proportion of their sales to East
anything that connotes class, prestige and Asian tourists shopping where prices are
status." (Powell 1990, p. 48) considerably lower (Hooper, 1997; Powell,
1990).
"Throughout Asia, cognac is an instantly
recognized icon. A bottle of cognac affirms When we see Malaysians spending huge
self-worth. The golden color of the liquor sums of money on weddings where the
symbolizes worldly success in an obvious guests arrive in limousines, or we see
way: By definition, if you can afford the Japanese consumers flooding into Louis
drink, you have arrived…. Cognac is Vuitton, Chanel, and Gucci showrooms, it is
unmistakably seen as the mark of luxury and tempting to conceptualize this as Western-
of everything positive about life: Luck, style materialism. As Brannen (1992a)
happiness, and sexual potency." (p. 52, wrote, "[T]he abundance of ostensibly
Asian Business, July 1994) Western products in Japan leads many
people to assume that corresponding
Historically, happiness-seeking via Western materialist values have been
consumption as a major organizing norm for imported along with the 'Western' goods" (p.
society first emerged in the West (Campbell, 167). However, just because many of the
1987; McCracken, 1988). Currently products are the same in Asian and Western
however, consumer societies either have societies does not mean that consumers buy
developed or are developing in a vast them for the same reasons, or that the
number of cultures around the world (Belk, products have the same social functions in
1988). This development of consumer each society. As Linton (1936) noted,
cultures is likely to continue and gain material items can be easily moved or
momentum worldwide as previously copied, but their meanings are difficult to
communist countries turn to capitalism, and transfer across cultures (see also Brannen,
as formerly third world economies become 1996).
more affluent. Due to the great
concentration of wealth in the upper To understand the dynamic at work in
economic classes, this economic growth has East Asia, one must understand that, in
swelled the number of consumers able to addition to sharing a penchant for brand
enter the market for luxury goods. It is not name luxury goods, East Asian societies
surprising then that luxuries are big share a Confucian collectivist cultural
business. In a 1991 worldwide study of 14 tradition. This paper explores ways in which
product categories, McKinsey & Co. these two facts may be related. Specifically,
estimated that the luxury goods market was it looks at five aspects of the Confucian
around $60 billion (Dubois & Duquesne, tradition, the corresponding aspects of the
1993). Western Individualistic tradition, and how
these cultural orientations shape the practice
East Asians are particularly avaricious of brand name luxury consumption. The
luxury consumers, and are fast becoming the "practice" of luxury consumption refers to
world's largest brand name luxury goods which brands are purchased, motivations for
market. Exports to Asia account for more purchase, how these goods are used, and the
meaning of those goods to the people that divided into an inner private self (consisting
consume them. Finally, the discussion of emotions, desires, personal values,
addresses the connection between memories, impulses, etc.) and an outer
conspicuous luxury consumption and public self (based on social roles and the
materialism. persona presented to others) (Lebra, 1992;
Markus & Cross, 1990; Markus &
THE SOUTHEAST ASIAN Kitayama, 1991). In their seminal paper,
CONFUCIAN TRADITION Markus and Kitayama (1991, pp. 226-7)
outlined two different construals of self:
Existing consumer theory is steeped in Independent and interdependent. The
Western cultural values. As Tse (1996, p.1) independent construal of the self, which is
wrote, "It describes how an individual from dominant in Western cultures, is rooted in
an individualistic society fulfills his/her the belief that distinct individuals are
needs through a market system that inherently separate. For those with
emphasizes individualistic goals." As one independent construals of the self, the inner
seeks to understand consumption from a self (preferences, tastes, abilities, personal
more global perspective, one needs to look values, etc.) is most significant in regulating
more closely at collectivism's influence on behavior. In contrast, the interdependent
consumption. The current project focuses on construal of the self, commonly found in
the contemporary manifestation of Southeast Asian cultures, is based on the
Confucian collectivism operating in fundamental connectedness of human beings
Southeast Asia, where many (but not all) to each other. For those with interdependent
traditional values are vital despite selves, one's identity lies in one's familial,
modernization (Hsu, 1981; Hofstede & cultural, professional, and social
Bond, 1988). Four aspects of this tradition relationships. Internal personal attributes
are particularly relevant to the practice of and abilities are not considered particularly
brand name luxury consumption: (1) representative of the self. Instead, the self-
interdependent self-concepts; (2) the balance knowledge that guides behavior is the self-
between individual and group needs; (3) in-relation to specific others in particular
hierarchy; and (4) the legitimacy of group contexts. In sum, when asked, "Who are
affiliations. A fifth traditional value, you?" a person with a highly independent
humility, is also discussed because of its self-concept would answer in terms of
declining importance in contemporary internal attributes such as intelligence,
Southeast Asian consumption culture. In the creativity, and shyness. Someone with a
current section, this paper elaborates on the highly interdependent construal of self
differences between Southeast Asian and would talk mainly about social roles, family
Western cultures in terms of the values relationships, and national or ethnic
presented above. It then address the affiliations.
implications of these cultural differences for
luxury consumption. The final difference between the
interdependent and independent self-concept
Interdependent/Independent Self- is based on the extent to which other people
Concepts are integrated into the self-concept. Both
Westerners and Asians incorporate others in
It has been claimed that the different
their sense of self (Aron & Aron, 1986;
conceptions of the self, and of the
Aron, Aron, & Smollan, 1992; Aron, Aron,
relationship between the self and others, are
Tudor, & Nelson, 1991; Lancaster & Foddy,
the most significant source of differences
1988; Markus & Cross, 1990; Trafimow,
among cultures (Markus & Kitayama,
Triandis, & Goto, 1991), but this tendency is
1991). Recent research suggests that both
much stronger in interdependent cultures.
Eastern and Western cultures see the self as
McCort and Malhotra (1993) summarized

2
that the Asian view of self has been freedom is valued as a good in itself because
alternatively viewed as the "center of it allows individuals to live an authentic life
relationships," (Tu, 1985; p. 232), "a by expressing their inner values and tastes.
configuration of roles expressed in self-other This positive evaluation of nonconformity is
expectations," (Chu, 1985; p. 252), and an consistent with a view that groups exists to
"individual's transactions with his fellow meet individuals’ needs. If a group -
human beings" (Hsu, 1983; p. 4). For membership in which is defined by
example, Americans generally see one's marriage, religion, or geographical basis -
social class as primarily reflecting one's fails to meet those needs, individuals may
income level, which in turn is believed to legitimately attempt to change the group, or
reflect (at least in part) one's professional simply choose to leave it.
merit. But to the interdependent Chinese,
However, in the Southeast Asian
class reflects not only one's achievement,
Confucian tradition, conformity to the group
but also the position of one's group, usually
is seen in a more positive light (Yang,
one's family, relatives, and kinship clan
1963). Because the interdependent self-
(Hsu, 1981; p. 159).
concept includes in-group members within
The independent and interdependent the self, the very distinction between group
construals of self are not discreet categories. and individual can become somewhat
Rather, they lie on opposite ends of a obscured. When a conflict between an
continuum, and most cultures fall individual's desires and his or her role
somewhere in between. Similarly, because expectations does arise, a good person is
cultures are not homogeneous, members of expected to be strong and mature (i.e., to put
any particular culture will vary in the extent his/her internal feelings and impulses aside,
to which their self-concepts are independent acting in a way that facilitates smooth social
or interdependent. As a result, global relations and achieves group goals). As
characterizations of collectivism and opposed to seeing individual freedom as a
individualism are too simplistic. It is more prerequisite to an authentic life,
accurate to see individuals as having both interdependent cultures evaluate freedom in
private and public self-concepts and to terms of its costs and benefits to the group.
consider which aspect of the self would The roots of this view can be found in
dominate in each social situation (Triandis, Confucian ethics where, in order to be a man
1989; 1994). Bearing these caveats in mind, or a sage, it is necessary to perform one's
in this paper a culture is said to be duties first, not to claim one's rights (pp. 50-
independent or interdependent based on 51, Lau & Kuan, 1988). For example, in
which self-concept characterizes a majority their studies on social interaction patterns,
of its people in the specific activity of Wheeler, Reis, and Bond (1989) found the
luxury consumption. Chinese to stress harmonious interactions
among in-group members (which can
Individual and Group Needs
involve restraining one's private internal
The independent and interdependent preferences), while the Americans focus on
conceptions of self are closely related to expressing the private self by meeting
cultural assumptions about the proper personal needs.
relationships between groups and The Legitimacy of Group Affiliations
individuals (Triandis, 1990; Yamaguchi,
1994). In Western cultures, strength and The interdependent self-concept tends to
integrity are demonstrated by being true to merge the individual with the group. This
one's own opinions and tastes and not being tendency means that people from
swayed by social pressure to conform interdependent cultures accept the
(Kashima, Yamaguchi, Kim, Choi, Gelfand, legitimacy of the judging of individuals
& Yuki, 1995). It follows that individual based on group identities, such as family or

3
nationality. In contrast, people from urban consumers in what Ariga, Yasue, &
independent cultures tend to make much Wen (1997, p. 24) call the "One-Cut-Above-
clearer distinctions between group and the-Rest Mentality" where consumers are
individual identities. This leads them to be "obsessed with the idea of wanting to make
suspicious of group identifications, and to others say 'Wow! That guy's really
believe that each person should be judged as something!'" Further evidence for this
an individual (even though, in actuality, change in values can be found in the
group judgments are still very common). resistance it generates from proponents of
the older consumer practices. For example,
Hierarchy
Tomotsu Sengoku, a Japanese sociologist,
Strong social hierarchies are a common said of Japan's luxury brand-loving teens,
trait of collectivist cultures (Markus & "With teens like these, Japan is finished"
Kitayama, 1991, p. 236; Triandis, (Los Angeles Times, 1997, p. A5). Despite
McCusker, & Hui, 1990). Within the such complaints, traditional values of
Southeast Asian context, the five cardinal humility seem incapable of withstanding the
relations in Confucianism underlie the modern consumerist pressures.
cultural values of respect for authority and
obedience to political dictates (Bond, 1991).
RESEARCH PROPOSITIONS
This is not to deny the important role of This paper now turns to the ways in
social hierarchy in contemporary Western which differences in independent versus
societies as well, but in the West social interdependent self-concepts combine with
hierarchy is seen as more suspect and the Southeast Asian Confucian tradition to
potentially illegitimate, especially if it create an Asian style of luxury consumption
cannot be clearly linked to individual (see figure 1).
achievements (Hofstede & Bond, 1988;
Wheeler, Reis, & Bond, 1989). --- INSERT FIGURE 1 ---

The Value of Humility Focus on the Internal Versus External

Aspects of the Self
Douglas and Isherwood (1996) report
that collectivist societies frequently stress Differences between independent and
modesty and humility in consumption to interdependent self-concepts have
control the potentially negative implications for the types of value
consequences of envy. The Confucian consumers will seek. Products can be seen
tradition also stresses humility, although it as yielding three types of value:
allows for more elaborate consumption if Instrumental, symbolic, and hedonic. Most
that is seen as appropriate to one's social products provide each of these value types
station (Yang, 1963). In Max Weber's to a certain degree. For example, food
(1963) analysis, this stress on humility was provides instrumental value when it
part of a larger Confucian doctrine that functions as a means to an end, such as
Weber saw as too socially conservative to maintaining a healthy body. Food provides
allow for the development of modern symbolic value when, for example, eating
capitalism. As Southeast Asia has been steak is used to convey masculinity. And
drawn into a modern capitalist universe, the food provides hedonic value when eating a
rhetoric of wealth as achievement has delicious meal is a pleasurable experience.
supplanted the Confucian language of Hedonic value primarily gratifies the
humility (Tu, 1992). This is especially true internal, private self. No matter how closely
among the younger generation of consumers P empathizes with O, when O eats a piece of
who are widely seen as the driving force chocolate, s/he tastes it in a way that P does
behind Asia's appetite for luxury brands. not. Therefore, people with an independent
This can be seen among China's younger self-concept who emphasize the importance

4
of the internal self should also emphasize P2: Relative to Western consumers,
the importance of hedonic experience as a Southeast Asian consumers will place
motivation for luxury consumption. This more emphasis on publicly visible
hypothesis explains findings such as Cheng possessions.
and Schweitzer's (1996) that American
television ads stressed "enjoyment" much Taken together, propositions 1 and 2
more than did Chinese commercials. suggest that when faced with a trade-off
Similarly, Tse, Belk and Zhou (1989) also between goods that provide hedonic value
found that advertising in Hong Kong, which (say, a cheap sweet wine that the consumer
is the Asian society with the greatest likes) and those that provide symbolic value
exposure to Western culture, had more (an expensive dry wine with a taste that the
hedonic advertising themes than both consumer does not like), Asians, relative to
Taiwan and China. They also found that the Westerners, would place more importance
level of hedonic advertising appeals on the symbolic value, at least when
increased in direct proportion to the length consuming in public. In addition to affecting
of exposure to Western influences. The the overall emphasis placed on the symbolic
connection between an independent cultural value of products, these cultural orientations
orientation and a focus on internal influence the type of symbolic value sought
experience also explains the finding by Abe, from products. Specifically, one would
Bagozzi, and Sadarangani (1996) that expect a difference in the importance placed
Americans have a higher level of private on public versus private meanings in
self-consciousness (i.e., monitoring one's product symbolism (Richins, 1994b). Public
internal psychological states) than do the meanings are symbolic meanings that are
Japanese. widely shared within a culture or group
(e.g., apple pie represents traditional
P1: Relative to Asian consumers, Western
America), whereas private meanings are
consumers will place a greater
idiosyncratic to an individual (e.g., a lucky
importance on hedonic experience.
scarf). The relative emphasis placed on
public versus private meanings of goods
Conversely, because the interdependent
should be related to differences in self-
self-concept emphasizes social roles and
concept as follows.
public perceptions as central to one's
identity, it leads to the Asian focus on 'face' P3a: Relative to Asian consumers, Western
(Ho, 1977). Although it is a human consumers will place more emphasis on
universal, the 'face' concept is particularly the private meanings of their
salient for people of Confucian culture and possessions.
is claimed to be a key to explaining much of
their behavior (Redding & Ng, 1983). P3b: Relative to Western consumers,
Because of the importance of 'face', people Southeast Asian consumers will place
in Confucian cultures are more concerned more emphasis on the public meanings
with other people's perceptions of them, and of their possessions.
with the maintenance of their own status.
This tendency leads, for example, to the This paper has just discussed the
finding that Japanese have higher levels of importance of a product's public meanings in
social anxiety (i.e., anxiety over their public Southeast Asia. Further analysis of the
appearance) than do Americans (Abe, interaction between traditional cultural
Bagozzi, & Sadarangani, 1996). factors (e.g., hierarchy) and contemporary
economic conditions helps explain what
kinds of public meanings will be particularly
important in Southeast Asia. Early work on
the public meanings of goods focused

5
narrowly on their ability to convey messages P4: Relative to Western consumers,
about wealth and social class (Veblen, Southeast Asian consumers will more
1899). But more contemporary research has often use products to symbolically claim
investigated products’ ability to convey a a desirable vertical location within the
much broader range of meanings pertaining socio-economic hierarchy.
to social values, sexuality, age, ethnicity,
hobbies, and a myriad of other aspects of Conformity Pressures
identity (Blumer, 1969; Davis, 1992).
Object markers (i.e., products whose public So far this paper has discussed how the
meanings convey an explicit message about Southeast Asian Confucian tradition
their owner’s social identity) are used to predisposes consumers to focus more on the
mark the social categories a culture public meanings of luxury products than on
considers important. The more a society hedonic experience or private meanings. The
focuses on economic status differences, the importance of conformity within Southeast
more emphasis it will place on symbolic Asian societies has been implicit in this
goods that mark those differences discussion, but the issue plays an important
(Wuthnow, Hunter, Bergesen, & Kurzweil, enough role in luxury consumption to merit
1984). Two key factors contribute to the a more extended treatment. As noted above,
Southeast Asian consumer culture's focus on 'face' plays an important role in Southeast
locating individuals vertically within the Asian luxury consumption. The dimension
socio-economic hierarchy. First, the of 'face' pertinent to material values is the
hierarchical nature of many Southeast Asian concept of "mien-tzu: Which stands for a
societies creates a need to mark that reputation achieved through getting on in
hierarchy. Since one's position in these life, through success and ostentation" (Hu,
societies is determined largely by economic 1944, p. 45). People in Confucian culture
advancement, displays of wealth become are always under pressure to live up to the
important social markers. Second, many expectations of others in order to preserve
middle- and upper-class Western consumers 'face'. Hence, the concern for mien-tzu
have come to take affluence for granted, and exerts a mutually coercive power upon the
hence have shifted their focus to other forms members of the social network (Yau, 1986).
of self-expression and self-actualization Zheng (1992) explains how in Hong Kong,
(Inglehart, 1990; Abramson & Inglehart, the need to maintain mien-tzu creates ever
1995). But for most Southeast Asian escalating expectations of what possessions
societies, affluence is a new phenomenon. are needed to maintain a socially appropriate
Therefore it is understandable that economic appearance.
achievement would be a cultural fixation. In Given the scarcity of resources and
some societies like Hong Kong, the recency opportunities, everyone has to strive
of affluence is compounded by its potential hard for them…. Once they have
transience. A 23-year-old student at the succeeded in this, given the
University of Hong Kong was recently concentration of wealth in a
quoted as having said, "We cannot blame geographically confined area, they
this generation [for its materialism]. People need to show these achievements
can get security from money. All the rest is through the possession of publicly
uncertainty" (Leland & Clemetson, 1997, p. visible luxuries in terms of expensive
46). automobiles, ostentatious jewelry,
clothes, and rare antiques. In this way,
they show themselves to be exemplars
of Chinese achievers possessing the
best that Western societies have to
offer. However, when the

6
 superachievers begin their values is not expected in East Asian
conspicuous consumption, the effects cultures, where external roles are seen as
cascade down to people in middle and legitimate. Rather than being an obstacle to
lower income segments, who feel the the self (viz., the inner self), interdependent
pressure to keep up. (pp. 110-112) cultures see outward role demands as the
center of the 'true self' (Smith, 1983), and
Herein lies the paradox: Instead of
the ability to set one's personal preferences
alienating the individual from the social
aside and conform to role expectations is
group, this public display of wealth is
seen as a sign of strength and maturity.
"enforced" through the desire to fit in with
Whereas in Western culture there is a
the in-group or elite class. In other words, if
greater tendency for people to conspicuously
the in-group prescribes expensive and
consume luxuries because they want to (i.e.,
ostentatious possessions or activities as
the products reflect private preferences), in
socially appropriate, then a good member
the East Asian Confucian societies, there is a
must subscribe to such public display of
greater tendency for people to behave this
wealth in order to fit in.
way because they feel they have to (i.e., the
Perhaps the greatest difference between products conform to social norms). This
East Asian and Western conspicuous notion is consistent with findings that
consumption is the extent to which the subjective norms are more significant in
purchase of status symbols reflects an inner predicting Korean consumers' behavioral
personal preference for ostentatious goods. intentions, while attitude is the only
When one conforms to social norms and significant determinant of behavioral
pressures, there is often no consistency intentions for American consumers (Lee &
between the internal private self and the Green, 1991; see also Davidson, Jaccard,
public self. Since the 'true self' in the West Triandis, Morales, & Diaz-Guerrero, 1976;
generally refers to one's private self, Bontempo & Rivero, 1992). The East's more
conformity is usually seen as a negative trait positive orientation towards conforming to
indicating a lack of personal integrity, a social roles also helps explain why the
willingness to betray one's personal Chinese place great importance on
convictions and tastes to gain social anticipated reactions of others to their
advantage, or a cowardly fear of others' behavior (Yang, 1981, p. 161), especially
opinions. As Ryff (1989) reviews the when these others are in-group members
Western literature on what it means to be (Tse, 1996). When they are alone, however,
psychologically healthy, she notes that the social pressure to consume expensive
"[t]he fully functioning person is also goods is removed. Hence the marketing of
described as having an internal locus of Prive, a lower-priced brand of cognac sold
evaluation, whereby one does not look to in Japan. "Prive, as its name suggests, is
others for approval, but evaluates oneself by designed for drinking at home - where no
personal standards. Individuation is seen to one will see that you're tippling cheaper"
involve a deliverance from convention, in (Levine, 1997, p. 82).
which the person no longer clings to the
collective fears, beliefs, and laws of the
masses" (p. 1071). Even when Westerners
use products to manage the impressions they
give to others, they are either trying to
express their "true" (i.e., inner) self or they
are aware of their actions as strategic, and
view them as 'deceptive.'
On the other hand, such consistency
between public consumption and internal

7
P5: When conflicts arise between brand has more to do with whether it is the
expressing one's personal preferences brand purchased by one's parents than one's
(i.e., one’s personal attitudes and personal opinion of the brand. Finally, in a
beliefs) and being socially appropriate study of Chinese achievement motivation,
(e.g., by heeding of the subjective norms Yang (cf. p. 17, Bond 1991) found that
of important others), Southeast Asians achievement goals are often presented as
will place a greater emphasis on social being for the benefit of the in-group (e.g.,
propriety than will Western consumers. family), rather than the individual, and the
measures of one's success are defined by
These differences between independent others instead of the individual. This has
and interdependent cultures are much more a powerful implications for conspicuous
matter of degree than of kind, and many consumption: When one is seen in
Western readers will be able to relate to the possession of luxury goods, one is not
situation of having a professional wardrobe labeled a "selfish materialist" but rather, is
that may not express their personal tastes. seen as an exemplar of social virtues in
The difference is the extent of the fulfilling familial obligation.
experienced pressure, and the number of
P6: Relative to Western consumers,
social situations - not just professional
Southeast Asian consumers will place a
situations - in which one feels the need for
greater emphasis on the implications of
expensive attire and other publicly visible
their luxury consumption upon the
luxury goods. Since current cultural tastes in
public reputation of in-group members,
East Asian societies define expensive luxury
particularly their families.
goods as socially appropriate in a large
number of situations, this tendency to
Gifts
behave in a situationally appropriate manner
(Miller, 1984) leads many people to Gifts establish and maintain social ties
purchase luxury goods that they might (Camerer, 1988; Belk & Coon, 1993), so it
otherwise have left on the shelf. should not be surprising that they play a
This pressure to adhere to social norms is major role in interdependent cultures. A
compounded by the fact that people with particularly interesting and formalized
interdependent self-concepts tend to example of this is the tradition of Japanese
integrate in-group members deeply into the travelers for bringing home omiyage - local
structure of the self. Therefore, when one specialties purchased as gifts for families
takes any action, one is not just acting as an and friends at home. Unlike souvenirs,
autonomous individual, but as the which are purchased for the self, omiyage
representative of a group. Even if one is are intended as tokens for others to share in
willing to resist the social pressure to one's travel experience. Nitta (1992) found
conform, one must also think about how that the Japanese Beach Press shopping
one's behavior reflects on one's family and checklist for Japanese travelers in Hawaii
other in-group members. In a large cross- contains nineteen categories of omiyage
national study of materialism, Ger and Belk recipients, including self, parents, siblings,
(1994) noted that in collectivist cultures, children, spouses, grandparents, teachers,
"the wealth status and possessions of the employer, employees, boss, clients,
family may be more important than that of colleagues, and marriage go-betweens. The
the individual" (p. 34). This fact may importance of gifts in collectivist societies is
underlie the finding that Chinese advertising relevant here because luxury goods are
stresses family far more than does U.S. considered particularly appropriate for gift
advertising (Hong & Schweitzer, 1996). giving (Belk, 1994, p. 7). Symbolically,
Childers and Rao (1992) also found that in luxury goods encode esteem for the gift
Thailand the decision to choose a certain recipient by conveying the message, "This

8
fine product is appropriate for you." Giving as a sign of materialism. This view raises the
expensive luxury goods also brings honor to question: What is the relationship between
the gift giver by displaying his or her ability the public consumption of luxury products
to afford to give the gift. Much of the East and materialism? This question is
Asian concern with luxury goods, then, can particularly important because materialism
be seen as a reflection of the important role has become a highly researched area.
gifts play in these cultures and the Understanding the connection between
appropriateness of luxury goods as gifts. conspicuous consumption and materialism is
necessary if one wishes to evaluate luxury
P7: Relative to Western consumers,
consumption in this larger research context.
Southeast Asian consumers will be more
likely to have acquired their luxury At the layperson's level, materialists are
goods through gift exchange. viewed as focusing on the consumption of
"status goods" so materialism and the
Brand, Manufacturer and Country of conspicuous consumption of luxury goods
Origin are often associated (Fournier & Richins,
1991; Mason, 1981). But in the academic
This metaphor of individual identity literature the association is less clear. Belk
versus group affiliation extends into brand (1985) sees materialism as manifested by
choice as well. Westerners should be more three personality traits: Possessiveness,
disposed to judge each product as an nongenerosity, and envy; a fourth trait,
individual, whereas Southeast Asians may preservation, was added in cross-cultural
place more emphasis on the product's studies of the materialism scale (Ger &
affiliation to a group such as a brand, Belk, 1996). While none of these personality
manufacturer, or country of origin (Han & traits explicitly include conspicuous
Schmitt, 1997). For example, in America, consumption, materialism and conspicuous
P&G sells Pampers only under the brand consumption are implicitly linked through
name. But in Japan, they have started envy, because one only envies the
including manufacturer information at the possessions of others when one can not
end of their advertisements because they easily obtain comparable possessions. The
found that the Japanese didn't trust products primary reason one can not obtain a
until they knew who made them. comparable, commercially-available item is
Metaphorically, this can be interpreted as because one can not afford it. Therefore,
the Japanese asking who Pampers' parents envy is often directed at expensive products.
are, and judging them in part by their An envious person is places a high value on
family's reputation. these expensive products, so envy is clearly
P8: Western consumers should be more linked to the dynamic of conspicuous
ready to judge each product as an consumption of luxuries.
individual, whereas East Asians are Richins (e.g., Fournier & Richins, 1991;
expected to place more emphasis on the Richins, 1994a, 1994b; Richins & Dawson,
product's affiliation to a group such as 1992) sees materialism as a value (the basic
brand, manufacturer, or country of enduring belief that it is important to own
origin. material possessions), rather than a behavior
or personality variable. According to
CONNECTING LUXURY Richins, one key element of materialism is
CONSUMPTION TO THE the belief that one's own and others' success
can be measured by the things one owns. If
MATERIALISM LITERATURE
materialists believe that success can be
The predilection for luxury goods among visibly demonstrated through possessions, it
East Asians is often viewed by Westerners stands to reason that expensive luxury goods
would be a natural mechanism for such

9
demonstrations. This inference is confirmed Asians pay a great deal of attention to
by empirical evidence which showed that possessions which are both public and
compared to low materialists, high visible, such as designer labeled goods,
materialists are more likely to value expensive cars, jewelry, etc. But this
expensive objects, items that convey apparent materialism may or may not reflect
prestige, and objects that enhance the internal personal tastes, traits, or goals.
owner's appearance (Richins, 1994a). Instead it may reflect the value that an
interdependent self places on social
CONCLUSION conformity in a materially-focused, family-
oriented, and hierarchical culture.
Redding (1990) concluded in his study of
Chinese economic behavior that any
attempts to explain social behavior from a
Western model would be incomplete
without due consideration of cultural
factors. The Western rationality inherent in
most consumer theories needs to be re-
interpreted through the eyes of Eastern
reality. That is, the premise that consistency
exists between private and public selves in
independent cultures needs to be re-
examined in an Eastern framework, where
such consistency is not as crucial. In this
model, Western independent assumptions
are replaced by Eastern interdependent
assumptions with the Confucian emphasis
on inter-relatedness, and an external
orientation in behavior direction.
When one sees Southeast Asians
consuming luxury goods, it is tempting to
come to the same conclusion one would
draw were one to see Westerners behaving
in the same way. However, this behavior
needs to be understood in light of the
specific cultural context in which it takes
place. Because East Asian culture is based
on an interpersonal construal of self, East
Asians value group norms or group goals
more highly (Miller, 1984; Markus &
Kitayama, 1991; Abe, Bagozzi, &
Sadarangani, 1994). Furthermore, because
the Asian interdependent self focuses more
on the public, outer self than the Western,
independent self, Asian group norms and
goals frequently emphasize public and
visible possessions. Since economic status is
a central social concern in these hierarchical
and newly industrialized (or industrializing)
societies, publicly visible markers are
needed to concretize and communicate
financial achievement. Therefore, Southeast

10
 (Eds.), Research in Marketing (Suppl. 4).
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 Figure 1

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