Chapter V Edited

Chapter V
The Dynamics of Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak Reforms in Rongmei Society
Religion is a belief system of worship of gods by man with an institutionalized code of moral, spiritual,
social behaviour and practices in relationship with God and society. However, religion is not only
concerned with the worship of gods and goddesses, holy, sacred things and profanity but it also
addresses other important social and secular concerns encountered or prevailing in a society. The
presence or interference of religion over matters concerning man, society and state is an indispensable
discourse in a free liberal democratic society. The all-pervading nature of religion also has its fair share
of problems, and very often contestations emerged and thrives in society when extreme religious
elements and political protagonists and bigots propound and adopts exclusive and conservative beliefs
and identity.
A new approach to understanding history and society came when rational and scientific method
was given preference over metaphysical and religious discourse to explain things about man, society,
its environment and institutions. The discovery of science and stress on rationalism and empiricism led
to the revision of religion and its hold in society. As science progressed and became dominant in
western society this period also witnessed a new wave of critical discourse that questioned the
pervasive ecclesiastical authority; soon such scientific approach led to the industrial revolution, this
phase is known as the modern era. But another dominant wave and discourse emerged and criticized
the theory of modernism.
Secularism and modern political system were projected to unshackle religion; but on the
contrary, there is a revival and growth of religion in the current system. Such changes came as a part of
the post-colonial social, cultural, and political movement. One notable change that led to the revival of
religion, happened in the late 70s in the character of a movement that became critical of the modern
democratic and political system. This period also witnessed a marked shift towards revival and
resurgence of traditional components, including religion. The post modernism wave that came in the
1980s and 1990s, also caught the attention of ethnic, cultural, racial, and religious groups. The notable
feature of this movement is its critique of contemporary Western society. Postmodernism thus became
the favourite philosophy of the new movement that emphasize on identity politics. Postmodernism also
encourages cultural relativism.
Dynamics of Religion, State and Society
There are different religions in the world today, for instance in India, we have Hinduism, Islam,
Christianity, Buddhism, Jainism, Sikhism, and various other faiths. The presence of different religions
with distinct sets of ideals and philosophies gave rise to multiple problems and issues. The major
religions in India are the Hindus and Muslims. Like other people and faiths, the faith of Islam also came
to India in various phases of history and rulers. Religious based distinctions and differentiation
happened during the colonial period, the regime used such differences to create social stratifications
Pages 1
and institutionalised it for serving its political objectives in India. This led to the growth of religious
contestations in Indian society. The coming of Christianity and the colonial powers coincided and they
came as part of the same historical forces, and therefore when Christianity appeared in India it was
viewed as a component of alien culture by the natives.
We have seen the dynamics of religion that shapes the narrative and discourse of diverse
groups and entities in the foregoing chapters. When the revival or resurgence of such religious
components is expressed in the form of contestations with other faiths, it tends to bring drastic changes
in society. The rise of Hindu organizations and right-wing parties can change the social, religious and
political landscape in India. Similarly, the emergence of social, cultural and religious movements in the
form of Donyi Polo, Heraka, TRC, and Janajati movements are viewed with extreme concern, because
it uses both religious and political mechanisms to achieve their goal. From the foregoing Chapter IV, we
can see that the faith of Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak uses religion along with cultural and identity
politics to bring socio-religious and cultural changes and revitalization in Rongmei society. The
resurgence of such traditional components creates scope and tendency for contest and conflict in
Rongmei society because such movements use identity politics which are invariably exclusive and
assertive in nature. This chapter will focus on various aspects of this tension and its implication.
Another aspect of religion that can potentially upset and set precarious precedents in society is
the interface of religion and politics. As mentioned in Chapter II, the manifestation of cultural and
religious components in politics as a part of ‘identity’ politics has become a recurring issue in
Zeliangrong society. Similarly at the larger national level, one can observe the dynamic intrusion of
religion and cultural components in politics. There are also instances in history when components of
culture, traditions and religion are used to further political goals. And, this has been seen in the case of
Zeliangrong movement. There are also some unique characteristics of religion that tend to exert its
influence and power over society, and these can be seen when we discuss the components of religion
and how such elements and dynamics have implications for the contemporary Rongmei society.
The resurgence of religion came as a critique of modernism largely due to the issues and
failure of democracy and the modern system that fail to address the pertinent issues prevailing in most
of the developing and post-colonial societies. Coincidentally, amidst such crisis the institutional
mechanism found in India today is not strong enough to prevent religious contestations within the
society.
India has inherited varied cultures and traditions from ancient days, many ideals and values
from the past have become a part and parcel of the present Indian system today. Dharmashastras from
ancient India, Gandhian values, which espouse a sense of religious obligations, a philosophy of
tolerance, an ideal of non-violence, and universalism are the template for the Indian system. According
to Narish Dadhish, Jawahalal Nehru influenced by Ashoka, had nurtured admiration for inclusivism and
religious pluralism and hence tried to incalculate and instill inclusive outlook in the formulation and
drafting of the Indian constitution by considering and emphasizing the multi religious beliefs and
Pages 2
practices of the people.1 The constitution of India also considered as the basic law of the nation, guides
the general social, political, economic, and statutory structures of the country. This basic law of the land
gives certain constitutional safeguards and protection to all the citizens. Such basic laws that confer
safeguards and religious freedom to its citizens are framed on the principle of ‘secularism’. The
adoption of secularism as a model for moderating the totalising claims of religion in the midst of diverse
religious backgrounds was done on the basis of the unique social, cultural, historical and political
background of Indian society, and this will become clear in the discussion given below. The framers of
the Indian constitution envisioned and contemplated a balanced religious life and atmosphere for the
people of India. According to Andre Beteille secularism
is explicitly confirmed by the 44th amendment in 1976, the Indian constitution was from its
inception secular rather than religious in its basic framework. It did not adopt a hostile attitude
to religion as such or to any religion in particular, but, rather, sought to give equal protection to
all religions within the framework of the rule of law. The final appeal in it is to a structure of
impersonal rules rather than to any religious authority. In that sense the constitution is both
'rationalist' and 'modernist', not only in regard to secularism but also in regard to equality and
liberty. It cannot be too strongly emphasized that the constitution of India makes a departure
from tradition in its stress not only on secularism but also on equality and liberty.2
However, Andre Beitelle cautioned that an attempt to “doctrinaire secularism to eliminate

religion as in the USSR under Stalin or China under Mao Zedong- has proved to be a costly folly. But
just as it has proved futile to use a militant secularism to drive out religious beliefs and practices, so
also will it prove futile in the modern world to use religious ideology to drive out secular idea and
institutions...”.3 Naresh Dadhich assessing the essence of plurality in India said “one or even a group of
the different constructs cannot truthfully represent India’s core in its entirety. India is, therefore,
quintessence plural and inclusive”. Thus, he ruled out the possibility of one entity or discourse claiming
exclusivity in India.4
However, religion is often used for political aggrandizement. The history of India is filled with
instances of political intrigue and conflicts based on religious affiliations and beliefs system. The
partition of India on the basis of religion was the greatest blotch to the diverse and secular image of
India. The ‘Two Nation’ theory of Muslim League led to the partition of India, on the basis of religion.
The aftermath of partition triggered many conflicts between the Muslims and the Hindus causing the
death of millions and untold misery on both sides of the religious divide and was a turning point in the
history of modern India. The constitution of India thus formulated after the independence of India
reflected the urgency and need for preserving the religious diversity and unity of India.
1
Naresh Dadhich, “The Indian Plural Mind”, Economic and Political Weekly, March 8, 2014
vol XLIX no 10, p. 40-41.
2
Andre Beteille, “Secularism and Intellectuals”, Economic and Political Weekly, March 5,
1994, p.560
3
Beteille, “Secularism and Intellectuals”, 561.
4
Dadhich, “The Indian Plural Mind”, 40.
Pages 3
As mentioned earlier, the faith of Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak emerged at the backdrop of a
highly competing atmosphere. It is constantly competing with the Christians, the Meitei religions
(including Sanamahi and Meitei Hinduism), Hinduism and Islam.
Amidst such crisis, there are already three dominant models and discourse in India that shapes
and form different narratives in India. This will be discussed below.
Reframing the Role of Religion by Discourse
As discussed before in the second chapter of this work, narratives can assume the form of an ideology
or exclusive pattern, when they interact with components of identity, culture, religion, indigeneity or
other exclusive claims. There are broadly three main discourses or schools of thought in India which
compete and structures the contours of Indian polity and society. These divergent discourses are the
product of a long historical process, unique social system, distinct political system and institutions.
These models are differentiated and classified on the basis of religious and economic components. The
three discourses are (1). The Secularist (2). The Rightist (mainstreamist). (3). The Leftist (Emphasised
on class distinction, and doesn’t give credit to religious factors).5
In the first two discourses, i.e., (a) Secular and (b) Rightist, religious elements constitute an
important aspect. But in the third model (c) Leftist model, the component of religion is totally removed
and it is replaced by economic considerations. According to Pohlong, the secular world view
(Secularism) can be estimated as the heart of modernity, the difference between modernity and other
past cultures consists in the denial of all the transcendence, and confine all that is real and meaningful
to the realm of secular alone.6 He also opined that “by the term ‘secular’ we generally mean worldly and
non-religious; that which does not have any religious significance whatsoever. In multi-religious
societies like India where religion still plays a positive role, ‘secular’ is interpreted as equal respect for
all religions”. 7As religion does not play a decisive role in the secularists’ understanding of the nation,
religion is not seen as a guiding factor in Indian history. 8 According to the first (secular),
discourse/model, the tantalizing claim of religion is checked and balanced by the State giving equal
importance to all religions. This model is closely connected with the idea of rationalism, empiricism,
positivism, liberalism, and democracy. Stephen Chavura averred that initially the secularization thesis
rest on “the idea that with the progress of modernity, loosely understood to be the rise of the sovereign
state, the progress of capitalism, and the advance of the empirical sciences, religion would lose its
relevance and eventually disappear in modernized countries”. 9 However, modernity cannot remove and
dislodge the position of religion today, but rather there is a resurgence of religion on many fronts.
5
Sylvie Guichard, The Construction of History and Nationalism in India, (New York:
Routledge Taylor and Francis Group, 2010).
6
Bash Pohlong, Secular Critique of Religion: A Conceptual Study, (New Delhi: Mittal
Publication, 2004), p. 41.
7
Pohlong, Secular Critique of Religion, p.39.
8
Guichard, Construction of History and Nationalism 29-30.
9
Stephen Chavura, “The secularization thesis and the secular state: reflections with special
attention to debates in Australia”, in Jack Barbalet, Adam Possamai, Bryan S. Turner, ed.,
Religion and the State Book Subtitle: A Comparative Sociology, (Anthem Press. (2011), p.66.
Pages 4
The insertion of the word ‘secular’ in the preamble of the constitution of India, explicitly
specified provision for pluralistic socio-religious, political space in the country. 10 Andre Beteille imagined
this space as a differentiated and autonomous sphere where religion and state functioned within their
own sphere.11 Bhattacharya’s stated that “to critique the communalist valorization of the religious,
secular historians have tried to see in every action only the play of nonreligious interests - either
political or economic”, in other words, religion influence on individuals’ actions and thus explanatory
power on historical events are not encouraged by the secularist in its opposition to communalism.12
Secular historians claim that religious divide and conflicts between Hindus and Muslims
appeared only in the nineteenth century and are essentially a by-product of western imperialism.
According to this view, the English followed the principle of ‘divide and rule’ and deliberately
strengthened ‘Muslim communalists’ to counter the growing strength of Indian nationalism. In this
model, citizens have equal rights and religious practices belong to their private life. The secularist
model stressed on territorial view.13 Critique of secular model alleged that it is essentially a western
nature, and argue that imposition of this concept on the Indian political system has contributed to
communalism because the later behaviour is seen as a movement of opposition to secularism. 14 Sylvie
Guichard asserts that the agreement to this argument would amount to contradicting the founding
principles of the Indian state, and therefore secularism is necessary for guaranteeing the necessary
space for an individual to follow their religious practices. 15 The proposition of Beteille, that secularism is
‘nonreligious rather than anti-religious’, implying that it is not committed to any total or complete plan or
organisation for the whole society in terms of a single consistent principle describes more aptly the idea
of secularism in the Indian context.16 In other words secularism disfavour the exclusivist model but
favours pluralism. The secular arrangement along with some other provisions in the constitution of India
is regarded as the basic foundation of the constitution of India.
Secularists claim that violence between the Hindus and the Muslims was mainly due to
economic or socio-political reasons and not for religious reasons. According to the claims of secularists,
the classification of Indian population into separate categories such as ‘Hindu’ and ‘Muslim’ happened
only in the nineteenth century, and this was the work of the colonial enterprise. For the secularists, the
relationship between Hindus and Muslims was symbiotic before India’s colonization and even at the
beginning of the colonial period. According to Kakar, the development of a popular syncretic religion
10
Granville Austin, The Constitution of India, (Oxford University Press, 1999).
11
Beteille, “Secularism and Intellectuals”, 567.
12
Guichard, Construction of History and Nationalism, 30-31.
13
Guichard, 18.
14
Guichard, 19.
15
Guichard, 19.
16
Beteille, Andre, ‘Secularism and Intellectuals’, Economic and Political Weekly, 5 March,
559–66, quoted in Sylvie Guichard, The Construction of History and Nationalism in India,
(New York: Routledge Taylor and Francis Group, 2010), p.19.
Pages 5
combining Muslim practices and Hindu rituals with believers worshipping both Muslim and Hindu saints
was there before the dawn of British rule.17
Indian politics is replete with examples of political organizations and parties based on religious
affiliations. According to the narative of this model, the interest of the State is best preserved by
protecting the interest of the majority (Hindus) society. While investigating the formation and
development of Bharatya Jana Sangh, B. D. Graham said, “The Jana Sangh's attempt, in the 1950s
and 1960s, to supplant Congress as the major party in the states of northern India was the first real test
of the claim that Hindu nationalism was the natural philosophy of the Hindi-speaking heartland and
therefore the key to political power in this region”.18
This model prescribes building a society unified by a strong sense of oneness but dislikes the
concept of plurality and mutual co-existence. The prescription of this model for the minority is to either
subscribe with the philosophy and ideology of the Hindus, (Hindutva) or risk being labelled as alien and
antithetical to the interest of the Indian state. 19 This model defines the nation’s boundaries on the basis
of adherence to a particular religion, and prescribe unification of Hindus as a criterion for protection of
their interest; Christianity, Muslims and the West and its values are considered a threat to the Hindus.
It, therefore, opposed the national model where membership is based on citizenship with no distinction
between citizenship and nationality. This model portrays an ethnic view of nationality. 20 For the Hindu
mainstreamists, “Religion is an essential component of the nation imagined as a Hindu nation
constantly struggling for survival against outsiders, mainly Muslims. According to this approach, these
two communities have been in opposition during the nine centuries of Indo-Muslim history, from Al-
Beruni in the eleventh century to Jinnah and the creation of Pakistan.”21
The third model (leftist), employs the concept of ‘class’ to study Indian society. The Left saw
religion as a dividing factor and as a hindrance to rationality that had to be removed and replaced by
civic loyalties. This interpretation reflects the general position of Left-wing historians who do not
consider religion as a force by itself. Here, also, the Marxist influence on the Indian elites of the 1950s
comes into play. The Marxist approach and its economic determinism grant no agency and analytical
space for religion to play a role in politics. In this model, religious identities are of secondary importance
as they are determined by socio-economic conditions; it also considers religion as a ‘false
consciousness’.22
17
Kakar Sudir, ‘The Construction of a New Hindu Identity’, in Kaushik Basu and Sanjay
Subrahmanyam (eds.), Unravelling the Nation. Sectarian Conflict and India’s Secular
Identity, (New Delhi: Penguin Books, 1996) cited in Sylvie Guichard, p 30.
18
B.D. Graham, Hindu Nationalism and Indian Politics: The Origin and Development of
Bharatya Jana Sangh, (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 4.
19
Pralay Kanungo, “Hindutva’s Fury against Christians in Orissa”, Economic & Political
Weekly, September 13, 2008, 16.
20
Guichard, Construction of History and Nationalism, 18.
21
Guichard.
22
Guichard, Construction of History and Nationalism, 30-31.
Pages 6
The rise and dominance of any model in India produce a comprehensive change in the society
and the state. To further check the extent of such discourse in Indian society and the state, it is
pertinent to analyse the issue of nationalism. And this is discussed below in the following section.
Nationalism
For John Hutchinson and Anthony Smith, the central difficulty in the study of nations and nationalism
has been the problem of finding adequate and agreed definitions of the key concepts, viz., nation and
nationalism.23 The idea of nation synonymously began to be identified with people after the
democratization process in the sixteenth century. This paradigm shift mirrors the rise of the commoners
to the position of an (at first specifically political) elite as the new custodian of sovereignty. For Liah
Greenfeld, the essence of sovereignty lies with people and the awareness and assertion of their
equality among its various classes and groups, and it constitute the distinguishable features of the idea
of a sovereign nation, and are at the same time the essentials principles of democracy. Thus,
democracy was birthed driven with the deep sense of equality, togetherness, pride, patriotism and
nationality.24
Alain Dieckhoff and Christophe Jaffrelot said that, ‘even before the process of democratic
institution began, develop and established; Greenfeld observed that, sovereignty became personified
in a state which had attained the character of a centralised apparatus, the French Declaration of the
Rights of Man and the Citizen declare that the source of all sovereignty resides fundamentally in the
nation.25 Alain Dieckhoff and Christophe Jaffrelot made a clear distinction between nation, state and
nationalism, as given in the excerpt below:
“While the people's sovereignty was embodied in the state, simultaneously the state
bureaucracy attempted to homogenise the population comprised within its borders and to
foster the people's national allegiance. As a result, the nation eventually epitomised the
relation between the state and its subjects-hence the key formula of the 'nation-state'.26
After the Revolution of 1789 in France, famous declaration called the Rights of Man and the
Citizens was made by the revolutionaries, thereafter the latter regarded themselves as the vanguard of
this movement and went on to liberate people from slavery by fighting vigorously even beyond their
domain of influence and national territory. For Louis Dumont French nationalism possesses the
characteristic of a typical universalistic brand of nationalism. 27 There is often a tendency to classify
nationalism which has global, civic, and liberal nationalisms to the West, whereas ethnic, particularistic,
and non-liberal nationalisms are usually considered as the attribute of the East. The global-
23
Alain Dieckhoff, Christophe Jaffrelot, ed. Revisiting Nationalism: Theories and Processes,
(New York: C, Hurst & Co. Ltd., 2005) p. 2
24
Dieckhoff, Jaffrelot, ed., Revisiting Nationalism: Theories and Processes.
25
Dieckhoff, Jaffrelot, ed., pp. 2-3.
26
Dieckhoff, Jaffrelot, ed.,
27
Dieckhoff, Jaffrelot, ed., p.3.
Pages 7
universalistic nationalisms are known to be liberal and inclusive, while the latter are reckoned as
closed, compulsive, and unconventional. 28
For Charles Tilly, nationalism aided the process of state building, and this happened due to
war. This model believed that nation state was made by the fallout of war, since the costs of these wars
compelled and indulged the kings to levy hefty tax and funds from their vassals and subjects and hence
led to the development of financial management and later on to the territorialisation of the
administration.29
For Michael Hechter, nationalism is a “collective action designed to render the boundaries of
the nation congruent with those of its governance unit”. 30 Hechtar described three models of
nationalism, the first one is the pre-modern state which existed in the form of empires, but the indirect
system of rule did not aid the process of nationalism. The second model is conducive to the growth of
nationalism with its system of direct rule aided by advancement in technical development and progress
of communication. The third model of nationalism emerges as a reaction to direct rule, this is also
called peripheral nationalism, it is sustained by groups resisting state nationalism.31
For Benedict Anderson, nationalism is seen more in the line of, “national sentiment, a mental
fact, that is rooted in the past and relies on a linear as well as abstract conception of time.” 32 The model
of Anderson is aided by the growth of print medium or synonymously seen as the standardised
language of the state, and the ideal type of Weberian bureaucratic state system which creates a feeling
of nationhood, as the interface between the administrators and the citizens developed into a new
homogenous cultural consciousness by appreciating the feeling of otherness. 33 Anderson model
described the serialisation process in the nineteenth century as the significant policy of the state’s
effort, to establish a totalizing classificatory grid. For Anderson, this style of imagining paved the way
for nationalism in the colonies too because it shaped the grammar which would in due course make
possible Burma and Burmese, Indonesia and Indonesians'.34
For Ernest Gellner, nationalism is a product of modernization. The emergence of industrial
society promoted cultural homogenisation, supported by the evolution of new technology, and
professionalization. The consequent level of technical competence and specialization could not be
catered and regulated by the kin or local units. And hence, to meet these requirements state emerge.
Nationalism is a product of this cultural homogenisation process formulated by the state to generate
national consciousness.35
In the Marxist model, nationalism is often seen as the ideological tool of dominant states, which
are interested in consolidating the solidarity of their subjects and fortifying their rule over them.
28
29
30
Dieckhoff, Jaffrelot, ed., p.12
31
Dieckhoff, Jaffrelot, ed., 13.
32
33
34
35
Pages 8
Smaller nations are eventually considered as strategic productions of powerful states which find
themselves organised within a new world system.36
In the conflict and instrumentalism model of nationalism, John Breuilly link the birth of the first
nations of Western Europe to the influence of the political and religious divisions of the protestant
countries of the North on the monarchies of the South. The same analogy is applied to explain cases
in other parts of the world, for example, the movement for national unity in Italy, Germany and Poland
in the nineteenth century is described as stemming from the political opposition of the elite classes by
multinational states.37
Nationalism as instrumentalism; here, Paul Brass view nationalism as the paradigm that
emphasizes use of cultural symbols by the elites to gain instrumental advantage for themselves or the
group they represent, here nationalism is viewed not as a political principle but as a means serving
other interest and objective in the framework of political discourse and engagements.38
Nationalism as an ideological response focuses on the conditioning of ideas either as a product
of ideological reinterpretation or as agents of history as seen in the case of diffusionists. In the
diffusionist model, ideas of nationalism are exported from West, or from outside, but this idea is
streamlined by the intellectuals of dominated societies and formulated to suit the requirements of the
dominated society.39
Nationalism as a derivative discourse; this model of nationalism rises from the concern of
inability to delink from the very idea against which it has been constructed. In other words, “there is a
relative failure to create identities independent of the dominant categories of the West from the very
aim of the nationalist to establish a free nation state”, 40 nor can it negate the foundation of a system of
knowledge that has conquered the world by producing a different discourse. John Plamenatz, Liah
Greenfeld and Partha Chatterjee, tried to explain how the reformist nationalism tried to overcome this
problem by adapting/interpreting the ancestral tradition in accord with the cultural cannons of the
invader, with a dual objective of preserving the essence of their tradition and at the same time raising
its prestige and bringing it in parity with the dominant culture. 41 Some example of such discourse, is the
case of modernisation of a traditional society, by invoking the Golden Age of India, revival of Sanskrit
as the mother of Indo-European language, or by popularizing Aryan civilization as the Zenith of Indian
equivalent to the western golden age. Jaffrelot noted that this ethnic nationalism with strong Hindu
connotation has an assimilationist tone and is of a universalist type.42
For Frederik Barth ethnic groups are constructs whose identities changed continuously.
According to Barth, “the most important element of ethnicity is, the ethnic boundary that defines the
group, and not the cultural stuff that it encloses. The group's culture may change without affecting the
36
37
Dieckhoff, Jaffrelot, ed., p. 24.
38
39
40
Dieckhoff, Jaffrelot, ed, 33-34.
41
42
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ethnic boundary. In fact, the culture of an ethnic group may change because of a moving frontier but
not the other way round. A group may even alter or change some of its cultural features in order to
maintain or reinforce its boundaries.”43 In other words, the Barthian model of nationalism proposes that
ethnicity is a construct, but the boundary is sacred and holy. Hence in this model of nationalism,
ethnicity is constructed to achieve the interest of the nation.
The different aspects of nationalism discussed above shows that the dynamics of nationalism
presuppose and prioritize certain claims and conditions. The objective and priority of nationalism differ
according to the context and location of the people and nation. We can also see different priorities such
as liberty, equality, freedom, unity, unification of nation, or glorification of past social and cultural values
including religion to achieve national unification, ethnicity etc. come to the fore to achieve national
aspirations.
For Heimsath, Nationalism in India was actually a myth based on consciously propagated
ideas, based on the personal preferences of the nationalists. Furthermore, He believes that once this
was done, through a process of rationalisation, an attempt was made to relate this myth to shared
religious, linguistic and geographic identifications. Hence, for Heimsath, the growth of nationalism in
India is a consciously and carefully planned movement by the nationalist. 44 Vijay Nambiar, classify two
types of nationalism in the formative year of Indian Nationalism, the first group encompassed the whole
continent, civilization and culture of India and this is represented by Congress, the second is identified
on the lines of narrower affiliation, and it is identified with local and parochial components. The
Congress idea of nationalism was elitist and gradualist in conception’ and believed in the idea of
filtration of ideas from top to bottom. In the parochial model there is a stress on the identification of
religious and cultural loyalties based on regional or at the community level.45
The political milieu of India in post-colonial period is therefore shaped and dominated by
dominant political parties and leaders. The Indian political system to a great extent is affected by
prevailing dominant discourse. For Christophe Jaffrelot, “nationalism is an ideology (an 'ism') which
often claims the control of a nation and/or promotes one's own identity against Others'. Its foundations,
therefore, are rooted in identity politics.”46 The conception of Other also underwent a change, for the
Congress it is socio economic and political issues but for the nationalist groups religion, western
values, leftist groups etc., became their Other.
The ascendance of the rightist model came with the rise of RSS and its affiliated parties. The
section below will discuss some of these points.
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and the Rightist Discourse
The early and pioneering idea of Hindu nationalism was inspired by Vinayak Damodar Savarkar’s work,
who is a Hindu? published in 1923. Hindu Mahasabha was established in 1915 to bring together local
43
Dieckhoff, Jaffrelot, ed., 40
44
Vijay Nambiar, “Review of Indian Nationalism and Hindu Social Reform”, by Charles H
Heimsath, Oxford University Press, 1964, Economic and Political Weekly, September 18,
1965, p. 1442.
45
Nambiar, Review of Indian Nationalism pp.1443-1444.
46
Pages 10
Hindu movements and strategies on ways to counteract the policies of Muslim League and the
Congress. Savarkar led this movement as the president. And soon after a decade, Rashtriya
Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) was founded in 1925, by Keshav Baliram Hedgewar. He was the member
of Hindu Mahasabha, but left to form a more inclusive model, which could include all individuals and all
strata of society and institutions. Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), vouched to make sociocultural
changes to promote and strengthen the Hindu nation.47
Bharatya Jana Sangh (Association of Indian People) was established in 1951, in the same way
many other organizations were also formed, these happened under the influence of Rashtriya
Swayamsevak Sangh. Collectively they are referred to as Sangh Parivar.48
According to Golwalkar, the mission of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh is the revitalisation
of the Indian value system based on universalism, peace and prosperity to all. It aspires to unite all
Hindus and build a strong India. The model of integration imagined by Gowalkar is given below.
to inculcate in our people the burning devotion for Bharat and its national ethos; kindle in them
the spirit of dedication and sterling qualities and character; rouse social consciousness, mutual
good-will, love and cooperation among them all; to make them realise that casts, creeds and
languages are secondary and that service to the nation is the supreme end and to mold their
behaviour accordingly; instil in them a sense of true humility and discipline and train their
bodies to be strong and robust so as to shoulder any social responsibility; and thus to create
all-round Anushasana in all walks of life and build together all our people into a unified
harmonious national whole, extending from Himalayas to Kanyakumari.49
Under the consistent effort and hard work of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) many
organizations had been formed, catering to varies aspects and needs of the Hindu society. Some of the
groups affiliated to the Sangh Parivar are mentioned below: -
a) RashtriyaSevika Samiti (Patriotic Association of Women Volunteers),
b) Sewa Bharati (Service of India)
c) AVBP(Akhil Vidyapit …) students’ association,
d) Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP - Universal Hindu Association)
e) Bajrang Dal (Hanuman’s Army).
f) Vansvasi Kalyan Ashram (organization targeted to include tribals in its fold).
g) BharatiyaKisan Sangh, literally, Indian Farmers' Association and others.
Beside these, several sectoral organizations including labour union, a political party (the BJP),
all function to further the Sangh Parivar objectives. These organizations have different modes of
47
Indra Prakash, A Review of the History and Work of the Hindu Mahasabha and the Hindu
Sanghatan Movement (New Delhi, 1938), pp. 1-31.
48
Walter Andersen, “The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh -1: Early concerns”, Economic and
Political Weekly (Bombay), VII, 11 (11 March 1972), pp. 589-97.
49
Devi Prasad Srivastava, Ideology of RSS, Review Journal of Political Philosophy, Vol. 15,
No. 1, 2017
Pages 11
functioning; each has its own ‘public’ or audience, and each has developed a specific area of activities
and has a recognizable discourse.50
Sylvie Guichard opined that, stressed in adherence to Hinduism as a pre-requisite and
essential condition for belonging to Indian nation is important for the mainstreamist model of
nationalism. And added that the formula for minorities to qualify as Indian is to recognize Hindu
symbols as national symbols and confine their faith strictly to the private domain. Citizenship and
nationality, therefore in India is determined by appreciation and acceptance of Hinduism. Hindu
mainstreamist, therefore, focused on the transformation of political space so that it corresponds to the
Hindu mainstreamist definition of the Indian nation.51 This is what Brubaker calls ‘nation-shaping
nationalism’. Hindu nationalism is, indeed, not a movement in search of a state or a movement for a
nation’s political autonomy (or ‘state-seeking nationalism’).52 Its aim is to ensure that the state
corresponds to a particular view of the nation. Hindu mainstreamists aspired to make India a Hindu
nation, and therefore efforts are being made to bring about this by actively reorienting the Indian public
space and politics in the model of Hinduism.53 The Hindu model of nationalism is closer to that Michael
Hechtar’s model of nationalism which consists of political activities that aim to make the boundaries of
the nation – a culturally distinctive collectivity aspiring to self-governance. 54 It also takes the model of
Anderson’s nationalism, which is established in the past and depend on a linear as well as abstract
conception of time.55
Under the overwhelming presence of powerful group like RSS, the stand and position of
Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak indicate the dynamics of religion and politics in peripheral tribal societies.
The position of Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak and the discourse it had chosen will be analysed in the
section below; further analysis are done on the internal and external factors that will potentially cause
or has caused religions contestations among the Rongmei people.
Many describe the resurgence of religion as a critique of the modern system, and hence it is
pertinent to see why modern mechanisms such as democracy, equality, and secularism has not
resolved some pertinent issue prevalent in the post-colonial societies. Guichard sees three distinct
trends and perspectives in the post-colonial Indian society that constantly compete with each other for
dominance. The rightist model use religion and other primordial elements to achieve their objectives,
while the secularist model accepts the essence of religion, but it did not allocate religion to explain
things about history, on the other hand, the leftist completely negates religion, and gave emphasis on
economic considerations.56
50
Guichard, Construction of History and Nationalism.
51
Guichard, 23
52
Rogers Brubaker, Nationalism Reframed. Nationhood and the National Question in the
New Europe, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), quoted in Guichard,
Construction of History and Nationalism.
53
54
Ibid., n16, p.12.
55
Ibid., n.16, p.16
56
Guichard, Construction of History and Nationalism
Pages 12
In India, the secularist and the rightist narrative and its proponents have come to power at the
national and regional levels. These two discourses have become the framework for both the state and
the society to generate social, political and economic discourse.
The secular and the rightist model used nationalism as a discourse and narrative to claim
predominance in the social, political and economic milieu of the society. As discussed above in the
foregoing chapter II, nationalism like religion has its fair share of history. Nationalism supported nation
building process in India.
We have seen the dynamics of religion that shapes the narrative and discourse of diverse
groups and entities in the foregoing chapters. Diversity in religion and culture also leads to religious
contestation in India. Such problems are expressed when there is a resurgence of religious
components in the social, cultural and political areas in Indian society. This chapter will focus on
various aspects of this tension and its implication.
The broad nature of religion and its diverse aspects were discussed in the second chapter, and
it has been observed that religion has a pervasive nature. Another aspect of religion that can potentially
cause major changes and effects in society is the interface of religion and politics. Alain Dieckhoff, and
Christophe Jaffrelot have highlighted the dynamics of religion as an important aspect in the discourse of
nations and nationalism.57 One unique character of nationalism according to Alain Dieckhoff,
Christophe Jaffrelot is “explicitly articulated devotion to the nation”.58
The Religious reform movement of the rightist model also emphasizes in primordial attributes to
assert their space and dominance, in fact there is a confluence of interest for both the rightist and the
religious reform movement because both use cultural and religious components to produce a distinct
model allegedly different from the secular narrative. In Zeliangrong society, religious factor and
components continue to give meaning and direction to the social, political, cultural and traditional
components of their life and society. 59 Similarly, in India, religion finds its place in all aspects of life,
sometimes such concern predominates the whole discourse of the society and the state.60
The faith of Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak also use religion to bring socio-religious and cultural
changes and revitalization in Rongmei and Zeliangrong society and likewise we can see the renewed
interest of Hindu organization and its right-wing political parties that strives to bring socio-religious,
cultural and political changes in India by adopting the rightist model of nationalism. However, it must be
noted that resurgence of religion, creates scope and tendency for contest and conflict among different
faiths.
The Contest for Space and Dominance:
The proponents of tribal religion defended their religion from the narrative of colonialism. They
also prefer to describes their society using the narrative of primordialism and indigeneity. Gangmumei
57
Dieckhoff, Jaffrelot, ed., Revisiting Nationalism: Theories and Processes.
58
Dieckhoff, Jaffrelot, “Introduction”, in Alain Dieckhoff, Christophe Jaffrelot, eds.
Revisiting Nationalism: Theories and Processes, (New York: C, Hurst & Co. Ltd., 2005), p.3.
59
Kamei, History of the Zeliangrong.
60
Guichard, Construction of History and Nationalism
Pages 13
Kamei a renown historian of the region has defended that the tribal and indigenous religion as a highly
evolved religion, and argued that it had been misrepresented, by the colonial administrator and
ethnographers. The reason for the decline of this tribal religion according to Kamei, is due to the waning
of this memory of High God, a benign creator and Father God who is no longer worshipped because He
is no longer feared.61
Kamei also used the term “primal religion” to describe the tribal religion. He agreed with Dr.
Harold Turner whose work “A Lion Handbook: The World Religions” defended the religion of the
indigenous people. Turner argued the primal religion precede the Universal religion. The basic feature
of primal religion is found in all religions. Some attributes of Primal religion includes, concept of
Supreme God, belief in the idea of spirits or gods, belief in the worship of ancestor, importance of
dreams and vision, belief in the essence of rituals and festival and the importance of medicine men,
etc., and hence for Turner and Kamei the usage of term such as, heathen, savage, primitive or
superstitious and words such as animistic, pre-literate, traditional or ethnic to describe the religion of
tribal and indigenous people is inaccurate. Turner also argued that religion must be distinguished from
magic, because magic is a medium which involves use of spirit power for selfish ends.62
The position of the Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak reforms and apprehension of their leaders,
indicate that the factor of external threats is still dominant in their thought process. For instance, the
looming presence of other organised religion, like Christianity are still reckoned as an existential threat.
And this possibly may have been the reason for seeking mechanism to form a united and concerted
effort to develop indigenous religions of this region.63 This movement however, has another problem,
because all the indigenous religions of the region did not have any common established and accepted
socio-religious order that can accommodate all the indigenous religions of the region into a united
entity. But this was addressed by organising the tribal religions of the region under the banner of
indigeneity and indigenous fraternity. There are implicit variation between these faiths; for example, the
religious order of Heraka and Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak, despite having followers from the same
kindred tribes of Zeliangrong community; and despite both faiths linking their religious belief to the
same Supreme God, (called Tingwang or Ragwang). It would be inconceivable to even contemplate
subsuming any of the two entities by one more dominating entity. According to the account of Arkotong
Longkumar, in his studies of the Heraka religion; he observed some conflicts in the opinion and method
of rituals in the bubhon cave, believed to be the abode of Bancahnu, or Bishnu, between the Heraka
and the Paupaise (the traditionalist) religion of the Zeliangrong. This paupaise now is the Tingkao
Ragwang Chapriak.64 The faith of Heraka has accepted their religion as a monotheistic religion, but the
Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak, has accepted the monotheistic character of their faith but they described
their religion closer to polytheism. According to Gangmumei Kamei, Zeliangrong religion is essentially
61
Gangmumei Kamei, Essays on Primordial Religion, (New Delhi: Akansha Publishing
House, 2006), p. 65.
62
Kamei, Essays on Primordial Religion,12-14.
63
Chaoba Kamson, “The Philosophical Concept of Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak” (Imphal:
Published by TRC Phom, Assam, Manipur and Nagaland, 2011), pp.8,9.
64
Arkotong Longkumer, The Poetry of Resistance the Heraka Movement of North East
India, (Continuum International Publishing Group: London, 2010), pp.39-41.
Pages 14
characterised by polytheism with an element of Henotheism and thus “worship of one Supreme God out
of many gods”.65And, therefore, though, these groups of different faiths may agree to accept some
common principles, the possibility of unity based on merging of the different faiths seems distant and
not pragmatic. However, one clear development that can be observed in this area is the eagerness and
the foresightedness to forge a common platform to further their interest and venture a universalistic
approach leaving behind their parochial and rigid belief system.
The proclivity of the tribal religions of this region to forge a common body or to come together
under one common banner in the face of other overwhelming organised religions can be observed from
the visions and objectives that has been idealized and put forward by these groups. And it is observed
that, to a large extent it is dictated by the prevailing social, cultural and political environment of their
society and external forces. Amidst the search for reforms and revivalism, the presence of an exclusive
ideology such as the one propounded by the RSS, that classifies every tribal people and society of
India as Indigenous people connected under the order of one great Hindu family; provides a platform
and alternative to these ‘tribal’ religions. This mechanism resembles the Michael Hechtar’s model of
nationalism which consist of political activities that aim to make the boundaries of the nation – a
culturally distinctive collectivity aspiring to self-governance.66 And that of Anderson’s nationalism model,
which is rooted in the past and relies on a linear as well as abstract conception of time.67
The people of North East India are categorized as ‘tribals’, ‘indigenous’, or ‘Adivasi’ by the colonial,
post-colonial system and the state for administrative convenience and political expediency. 68 K.S. Singh
said, that “tribes in India is an administrative concept, which means the communities are scheduled
(classified) as tribes under the Constitution.”69 In the colonial ethnography, the concern of the British
administrators and scholars was to mark off tribes from caste, while the main concern in the Indian
ethnography is to show the close interaction of tribes with the larger society. The native (Indian)
ethnographer charged the British ethnographers for treating the tribes as a museum specimen, while
Indian ethnographers are charged for bringing the tribes under the discriminative caste-ridden Hindu
system. The patterning of the indigenous people of India into different groups thus has enabled the
colonial power to divide and rule India. While on the other hand, Indian sociologists like G.S. Ghurye
charged Verrier Elwin (British Ethnographer-cum-Administrators) for following a policy towards the
tribes which he termed isolationist and maintaining them as ‘museum species for the study by
anthropologists’. However, Ghurye argues that the Indian tribal populations are part of the Hindu
population and hence, efforts, therefore, should be made to assimilate them with the larger Hindu
population. He blamed anthropologists for propagating the idea of “isolating tribal people on the pretext
of preserving their cultural traditions.”70
65
Kamei, Essays on Primordial Religion, 65.
66
Ibid., n16, p.12.
67
Ibid., n.16, p.16
68
B.K. Roy Burman, Indigenous and Tribal People: Gathering Mist and New Horizon,
(Mittal Publications: New Delhi, 1994), pp.1-3.
69
K.S. Singh, ed., Tribal Movements in India – Vol-I, (New Delhi: Manohar Publication,
1982), p. X.
Pages 15
‘Indigeneity’ is another widespread concept used by the religious reformist for formulating an
alternative dominant order. This concept is often used by the tribals to represent their identity; with
name ranging from ‘Indigenous religion’, ‘Indigenous culture’, ‘Indigenous land’, etc. However, this
concept is contested because of its wide scope and nature of the subject that has a classificatory
tendency. It has also become one of the widely accepted terms associated with the idea of justice,
redistribution of benefits, and other rights. The term indigenous has been defined by various
international bodies and institutions. Recently this term and its associated movement are used for
seeking rights, redressing injustice and freedoms for the marginalized societies; whose land, rights, and
natural resources are misused and exploited. 71 Some of the basic assumptions associated with the
concept of ‘indigeneity’ are original inhabitants, an original culture, original religion, etc. The main
theme of these reformers is reviving the old pristine social, religious, and political order for change and
justice. The main ingredients that give substance to this concept are (i) territory (ii) culture and (iii)
primordiality. M.C Behera, cautioned against using the term ‘indigenous’ for all the tribes because she
said that some tribal communities like the “Khamptis live in this present place of settlement after 1950.
Their religious traditions was brought with them when they migrated from the sources of Irrawady in the
then Burma. Their religious tradition is older than their nativity in India. Kharia, who migrated to Assam
are no more indigenous there”.72
The indigeneity of a people or tribe is based on the spatial considerations of the tribe, in other
words, the Australian Aborigines are classified as the indigenous people of Australia because they have
lived in the continent before any other inhabitants. In addition to this spatial consideration, the first
inhabitation or settlement of the tribe without any cultural dilution from other civilizations are often
accepted today as the appropriate attribute for grouping a society or people as an indigenous society or
people. According to Niezen Ronald, the term indigenism refers to a primordial identity, and to people
with primary attachments to land and culture, ‘traditional’ people with lasting connections to ways of life
that have survived ‘from time immemorial.73 For Neizen, the basis for the formation of this identity is
when “the social and technological powers are associated with direct assault on indigenous identity and
esteem through the inherently contradictory vehicle of racism and assimilation, indigenous society
become infected with cultural malaise – a widespread sense of wounded pride, violated honour and
lack of self-esteem. In response to the tremendous pressures and opportunities in this major social
transition, many groups have reformulated and codified what they could of the accumulated traditional
memory”.74
70
Ramachandra Guha, “Savaging the Civilised: Verrier Elwin, His Tribals, and India”,
(Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 1999), Book review by Virginius Xaxa, pp. 1519-1520.
Economic and Political Weekly May 5, 2001.
71
Dangmei, Soihiamlung, Religious Politics and Search for Indigeneity: A Study of Donyi-
Polo Movement in North East India, (New Delhi: Akansha Publishing House, 2014), p.6
72
M.C. Behera, ed. Tribal Religion: Change and Continuity, (Published by Amit Verma For
Commonwealth Publishers, New Delhi, 2000), pp.1-2
73
Ronald, Niezen, The Origin of Indigenism: Human Rights and the Politics of Identity, (Los
Angels: University of California, 2003), 3
74
Niezen, Origin of Indigenism 12
Pages 16
The popularization of ‘primordialism’ by Gangmumei Kamei in his “Essay of Primordialism” has
introduced the idea about primordial identity among the traditionalist in the Zeliangrong community; the
unique argument of this leader is the treatment and linking of primordial attributes of this faith with
indigeneity as the exclusive identity of the Zeliangrong people. The concept of ‘indigenous’ or
‘indigeneity’ is also used extensively by the RSS and its associated Hindu organizations; this concept
avers exclusive claims to all the social, cultural, and religious elements over the social, political, and
geographical space of India since time immemorial. The claim of Janajati or Vanvasi popularised by the
RSS and its allied bodies have within it the ideology to mainstream all indigenous people of India to a
single unified entity (Hindu). It has been seen that the idea of Janajati (indigenous people) has been
the converging point for the RSS and the Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak. These groups also claimed that
Christianity, Islam, or other foreign religion are ominous and inappropriate for the native people and
society because it is (an alien culture) disconnected from the social, cultural, and religious traditions of
the native society. Such narrative placed foreign religion and culture outside the ambit of a nation and
considered it as an adverse element for the society and nation. Hence, the identity movement of these
societies while trying to establish their identity as indigenous people has accepted the idea of
indigeneity, in which indigenous inhabitants by the virtue of nativity, descent, and origin share organic
and primordial relations with other native people of India. The position of Heraka, Donyi-polo and
Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak on indigeneity points to such convergence. This convergence between
indigenous people of India are now projected as Sanatan Dharma (eternal religion or way of life), and
Kamei used this confluence to draw a similarity between the Hindus and the tribal religions.75
The RSS and its associated bodies also seek to use this social, cultural, and religious
convergence to establish a politically integrated entity. The religious reform movements of Tingkao
Ragwang Chapriak thus could be caught up within the faultline of rightist nationalism in India if no
proper delineation is done for political and cultural interaction between these entities. The concern of
this study is to see how such ‘convergence’ between the peripheral tribal societies and mainstreamist
forces in India is affected by the prevailing discourse of nationalism in India; It is also the concern of this
study to analyse the effect of such confluence on the indigenous people of this region. This aspect will
be discussed more in detail in the fifth chapter, which will dwell on the area of religious contestations.
The reform of Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak also vouched for a narrative that claims exclusive
clout over the social, cultural, and religious components of the Zeliangrong society. The integral feature
of such claim is based on the treatment of identity with indigeneity or primordiality. The use of such
identity both at the local level and also at the regional and national level produces a certain level of
discourse and relationship pattern. Such discourse of identity now converges under the banner of the
Janajati movement.76
And thus, the interface between the Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak and the RSS took a new turn.
The leaders of these faith converged and had worked out a common denominator called indigenous
75
Kamei, Essays on Primordial Religion, p. 16.
76
Pages 17
faith to bring out a common platform for all these religions. In one such gathering of the indigenous
faith, a leader of Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak talked about the need to build up unity among the
indigenous religion of the region. Various aspects of Philosophy and Spirituality of Eternal religions of
Indigenous communities of this region were also discussed in full length.
The excerpt of the speech is given below:
The need of hours is the unity among the indigenous faiths. Unity for fighting against any
person or religious organizations which acts against our interest. Without unity amongst us, we
cannot fight against the onslaught of the alien religions. Now, we have a common platform
called Janajati Faith and Culture Protection Forum… 77
The result of such position has produced a new pattern of relationship in the Rongmei society and this
are discussed in the section below.
Internal dynamics of Religion and the contestations:

According to Miri, Religion has within it an assumption of superiority and inferiority. 78 Pohlong
while describing the relationship between religion and society, claimed, “There are, however, theories,
with tremendous intellectual force and following, according to which the religious conception of man’s
relation with fellow human being is based on a pervasive self-deception and, therefore, there is a
pervasive insincerity in man’s claiming religious motivation for his social behaviour”. 79 The outlook and
perspective of other’s religion is predetermined by an assumption of superiority or inferiority. Such
preconceived notion about other’s religion puts different religions on the path of competition. The faith
of Christianity and the traditional religion of the Zeliangrong community has also exhibited this
character.
It has been seen that majority of the religious reform movement in the tribal societies started as
a revitalization movement, and also criticize the existing dominant order. And as such, the rise of new
religious reform movement has within it, the potential to cause tensions and contestations in society.
The resurgence of religion and the contestation that came in the society are thus shaped by two broad
parameters, viz., (i) Internal needs of the faith (ii) formation of a narrative to either legitimize or contest
the existing social, political and ideological order.
Why religion often results in contestations and tension? Is religion inherently antithetical with
other religion, culture and society? Is religion a mere tool for other enterprise (as argued by the Marxist
and leftist)? Perhaps there are some underlying tensions both within the components of religion and the
society which brings religious tensions to the fore at some point of time.
Miri believed that, in the discourse of religion, man must conceive his (i) own and status in this
world, (ii) his relation to the world of nature and other living creatures, and (iii) his relation to fellow
human beings. In other words, Miri prescribe three points viz., the self, relationship with nature and
77
Chaoba Kamson, , “The Philosophical Concept of Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak” (Imphal,
Published by Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak Phom, Assam, Manipur and Nagaland: 2011), 1-2.
78
Sujata Miri, ed., Religion and Society of North-East India (New Delhi: Vikas Publishing
House, 1980).
79
Pohlong, Secular Critique of Religion
Pages 18
relationship with the society as important elements of a religion. He emphasised on discussing the
relationship between religion and society, because he conjectured that, “There are, however, theories,
with tremendous intellectual force and following, according to which the religious conception of man’s
relation with fellow human being is based on a pervasive self-deception and, therefore, there is a
pervasive insincerity in man’s claiming religious motivation for his social behaviour”.80
For Miri, the concern of religion is the other regarding aspect of man’s relationship with his
fellow human beings.81 Religion has been associated with man and his society since time immemorial.
The narrative of religion as a product of primordial beginning has further located the domain, authority
and scope of religion today further to the mythological and cosmological space. 82 The narrative of
religion in a tribal society like the Zeliangrong is an example of such narrative. The narrative of the
Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak also talks about the genesis of their faith from a primordial state of
nature.83 In the same line, other universal religion like Christianity, Islam, Hinduism also maintained on
primordial or primeval existence of their religion. In such environment, there is a rising case of each
faiths presenting exclusive claims and identity over the social, cultural, and political space of the
community. Such claims and assertion consequently produce the notion of inferiority or superiority
among these religions.
Miri prescription for a religious divide includes, belief in the equality/non-inferiority of all races,
culture and people. He also believed in the innate quality of humanity that is “capable of wielding
certain crucial values concepts, such as truth, honesty, sincerity…”. 84 Regarding the question of
superiority or inferiority of religion to another, Miri believed that to check the validity of such assertion
would require an independent criteria/model that can measure the concreteness or incorrectness of
religious groups positions. He added that since, it is not possible to have such model or criteria. And
therefore, he believed that the way forward is to use “criteria of correctness that are internal to the
religions themselves… and not to judge another religion or what takes place in another religion”. 85 Miri
added that, “most doctrinaire religions contain within themselves assumption of superiority”.86
The notion of ‘superiority and inferiority’ has also affected the Rongmei society today, and
much of the debate and tensions between the Rongmei Christians and Rongmei traditionalist, including
the Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak originate from this position. These faiths also project their respective
faith as more superior than the other. The Christians are described as western element/model by the
traditionalist and the mainstreamist discourse in India. Initially, the early missionaries and Christians
have also described the traditionalist as pagans, animistic, non-believer etc. Behera while describing
the nature and outlook of Christians in Arunachal Pradesh, observed a deep disconnect that prevailed
among the same people on religious grounds, she said, “It has been found that Christianity is being
80
Pohlong.
81
Pohlong.
82
83
Kamei.
84
Bash, Pohlong, 2004, p. 8
85
Pohlong
86
Pohlong.
Pages 19
propagated by opposing what people have and what they know. In other words, not only they question
their own identity in terms of their religious belief, they question everything non-Christian.” 87 She added,
that such outlook eventually led to intolerance, and fanaticism in the society. She further added that
tribal sense of identity which bears “exclusiveness in his thought process”, when combined with false
sense of religious superiority reinforce more intolerance. Charaibou Daimei and Geetika Ranjan, also
pointed out that the coming of Christianity in the Liangmai society has resulted in the breakdown of
many traditional solidarities between the former and the traditionalist. 88 Similarly, the traditionalist also
see the Christians as an outside elements and culture, and wanted to keep it away from its people. But,
the influence and wider acceptance of Christianity among the people of Zeliangrong has made the
position of traditionalist even more unstable and insecure.
While assessing the reasons for political conflict based on ethnic violence, Ajay Verghese
asserted that, “fusion of politics and religion is inherently more dangerous than other kinds of ethnic
politics.”89 He also stated that states have some ability to manipulate the salience of ethnic identities –
such as religion – in order to lessen the chances of conflict.” 90Verghese also locate the reason for the
tension based on religious factors with the history of colonial rule that has left a legacy of “ethnic
stratification”, where certain ethnic groups were privileged upon others, for example the upper caste
were favoured against the lower castes in India, and such “differential political cultures and social
fissures were reinforced through institutions”91
The classification of the tribals and their religion from the prism and ideological framework of
the colonial regime now are contested by these indigenous people. The description of the tribals as
primitive, inferior, and animistic by the western and colonial narrative has located and placed these
people relatively in an inferior position in compared with other communities and other religions. The
Zeliangrong society, does not have caste system like the Hindu society, however the society is divided
on the basis of clans, and age wise gradations and not as caste or class. But, one recurring point of
disparity is on the basis of religion. And these divides continue since the dawn of Christianity in the
region to this day. Violent confrontation, between the traditionalist and the Christians happened during
the Heraka movement.92 There is also a rising case of contestations and conflicts between the
Christians and Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak among the Rongmei community.
The Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak reforms is still in its nascent phase, and hence, the reforms
primarily anchor in religious matters. But there is a tendency to check the check and influence of major
religion like Christianity, by linking up with other like-minded organizations and religions.
Religious tensions
87
Behera, “Change and Continuity in the tribal”, 120.
88
Charaibou Daimai, Geetika Ranjan, “Youth Dormitory in the Life of the Liangmai Naga,
India”, International Journal of Interdisciplinary and Multidisciplinary Studies (IJIMS),
20015, Vol. 2, No. 9, 84-91.
89
Ajay Verghese, The Colonial Origins of Ethnic Violence in India, (Stanford: Stanford
University Press, 2016), pp.2
90
Verghese, Colonial Origins of Ethnic Violence, 2
91
Verghese, 4.
92
Kamei, History of the Zeliangrong,
Pages 20
Why religion often results in contestations and tension? Is religion inherently antithetical with
other religion, culture and society? Is religion a mere tool for other enterprise (as argued by the Marxist
and leftist)? Perhaps there are some underlying tensions both within the components of religion and the
society which brings religious tensions to the fore at some point of time.
According to S. Manish, Sukanya Sharma, and Jyotirupa Sarma, broadly, religion has three
components, they are, (i). Philosophy - which contains the scope of religion, its basic principles, goal,
and the means of reaching it. (ii) Mythology - it is a philosophy made concrete by abstracting the whole
philosophy in the lives of men or supernatural beings and (iii). Ritual - which is the concretization,
operationalization, and execution of abstract philosophical teachings of religion into definitive and
perceptible customs and practices.93
Religion, therefore has a set of complex philosophy and system that unite and binds its
followers and gives order and coherence to its adherents. Different religion uses these components to
propagate and spread their religion. In a religiously diverse community and environment, presence of
diverse philosophy also often leads to competitions and conflict within the society.
There are also some internal factors within the religion that leads to this tension. Miri believed
that, in the discourse of religion, man must conceive his (i) own and status in this world, (ii) his relation
to the world of nature and other living creatures, and (iii) his relation to fellow human beings. In other
words, Miri prescribe three points viz., the self, relationship with nature and relationship with the society
as important elements of a religion. He emphasised on discussing the relationship between religion and
society, because he conjectured that, “There are, however, theories, with tremendous intellectual force
and following, according to which the religious conception of man’s relation with fellow human being is
based on a pervasive self-deception and, therefore, there is a pervasive insincerity in man’s claiming
religious motivation for his social behaviour”.94
Miri prescription for a religious divide includes, belief in equality, non-inferiority of all races,
culture and people. He also believed in the innate quality of humanity that is “capable of wielding
certain crucial values concepts, such as truth, honesty, sincerity…”. 95 Regarding the question of
superiority or inferiority of religion to another, Miri believed that to check the validity of such assertion
would require an independent criterion that can measure the concreteness or incorrectness of religious
groups positions. He added that since, it is not possible to have such model or criteria. And therefore,
he believed that the way forward is to use “criteria of correctness that are internal to the religions
themselves… and not to judge another religion or what takes place in another religion”. 96 Miri added
that, “most doctrinaire religions contain within themselves assumption of superiority”.97
93
S. Manish, Sukanya Sharma, Jyotirupa Sarma, “Tribal Religion, Change and Continuity”,
in Behera, M.C., (ed.), Tribal Religion: Change and Continuity, (New Delhi: Commonwealth
Publishers, 2000) p.95.
94
Pohlong, Secular Critique of Religion.
95
Pohlong, 8.
96
Pohlong.H
97
Pohlong.
Pages 21
The notion of ‘superiority and inferiority’ has also affected the Rongmei society today, and
much of the debate and tensions between the Rongmei Christians and Rongmei traditionalist, including
the Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak originate from this position. These faiths also project their respective
faith as more superior than the other. The Christians are described as western element/model by the
traditionalist and the mainstreamist discourse in India. Initially, the early missionaries and Christians
have also described the traditionalist as pagans, animistic, non-believer etc.
Religion has been associated with man and his society for a very long period of time, but the
origin of religion has been the subject of contestations because it is often dated to the primordial days.
The narrative of religion as a product of primordial component has further located the domain, authority
and scope of religion today further to the mythological and cosmological space. 98 This also leaves room
for interpretation and extrapolations, because it is easier to make amends and changes in the narrative
and discourse that is based on myths and primordial arguments. Another significant point that came
along with the idea of primordiality is the question of indigeneity. The question of indigeneity now
becomes a contested subject and also the favourite point for the Rightist groups.
The narrative of the Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak also talked about the genesis of their faith
from a primordial state of nature.99 The natural religion for the people of Zeliangrong people now
therefore is their traditional religion called Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak. In the same line, other universal
religion like Christianity, Islam, Hinduism also claims primordial or primeval existence of their religion. In
such environment, the claims and assertion of inferiority or superiority among these religions comes to
the fore. Amidst such claims, the introduction of another exclusive in the form indigeneity has produced
a paradigmatic shift in the social, cultural pattern and political dynamics in the country.
Behera while describing the nature and outlook of Christians in Arunachal Pradesh, observed a
deep disconnect that prevailed among the same people on religious grounds, she said, “It has been
found that Christianity is being propagated by opposing what people have and what they know. In other
words, not only they question their own identity in terms of their religious belief, they question
everything non-Christian.”100 She added, that such outlook eventually led to intolerance, and fanaticism
in the society. She further added that tribal sense of identity which bears “exclusiveness in his thought
process”, when combined with false sense of religious superiority reinforce more intolerance.
Charaibou Daimei and Geetika Ranjan, also pointed out that the coming of Christianity in the Liangmai
society has resulted in the breakdown of many traditional solidarities between the former and the
traditionalist.101 Similarly, the traditionalist also see the Christians as an outside elements and culture,
and wanted to keep it away from its people. But, the influence and wider acceptance of Christianity
among the people of Zeliangrong has made the position of traditionalist even more unstable and
insecure.
98
99
Kamei.
100
Behera, “Change and Continuity in the tribal”, 120.
101
Charaibou Daimai, Geetika Ranjan, “Youth Dormitory in the Life of the Liangmai Naga,
India”, International Journal of Interdisciplinary and Multidisciplinary Studies (IJIMS),
20015, Vol. 2, No. 9, 84-91.
Pages 22
While assessing the reasons for political conflict based on ethnic violence, Ajay Verghese
asserted that, “fusion of politics and religion is inherently more dangerous than other kinds of ethnic
politics.”102 He also stated that states have some ability to manipulate the salience of ethnic identities –
such as religion – in order to lessen the chances of conflict.” 103Verghese also locate the reason for the
tension based on religious factors with the history of colonial rule that has left a legacy of “ethnic
stratification”, where certain ethnic groups were privileged upon others, for example the upper caste
were favoured against the lower castes in India, and such “differential political cultures and social
fissures were reinforced through institutions”104 The Zeliangrong society, does not have caste system
like the Hindu society, however the society is divided on the basis of clans, and age wise gradations
and not as caste or class. But, one recurring point of disparity is on the basis of religion. And this divide
continues since the dawn of Christianity in the region to this day. Violent confrontation, between the
traditionalist and the Christians happened during the Heraka movement.105
The analysis of above sections indicates that essentially there are some issues in religion that
can potentially cause tensions and conflicts in society. By cross analysing the two factors, i.e., the
politically generated discourse in the form of rightist discourse and the religion specific issues that tends
to show up in a multi-ethnic and multi religious society one can understand of dynamics of TRC reforms
and its attendant issues in the Rongmei society.
Rongmei villages in Imphal valley
As mentioned above, there is a constant and recurring tussle for upper hand between the
Christians and the traditionalist in the Rongmei (Zeliangrong) society. At the backdrop of such
diametrically opposed situation, the religious profile of the Rongmei people residing in the plain areas of
Manipur also exhibited a unique pattern. The first type is characterized by old villages which are
dominated by the faith of Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak. And these villages produced the largest
followers and leaders in this movement. In the second type, there is an equal or almost equal number
of both the Christians and the followers of Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak. There is an arrangement for
sharing of power in the village council within both the Christians and the traditionalist. The third type is
rare and is seen in Christian dominated villages.
There are around seventy Rongmei villages in and around the valley areas of Manipur. The
approximate numbers of Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak devotees or practitioners is around thirty
thousand. Chaoba Kamson, the General Secretary of Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak Phom stated there
were eighteen Kalum kai in Manipur and twenty-two in Zeliangrong predominant area of Assam,
Manipur and Nagaland by the year 2017. 106 TRC envisioned to plant or construct such house of
worship or sanctuary in every Rongmei villages which has follower of their faith. On-going construction
of many Kalum Kai have been observed in many of these villages. On the other hand, a renewed
emphasis and interest from Rongmei Christians to evangelise and spread the Gospel are also
102
Verghese, Colonial Origins of Ethnic Violence, 2.
103
Verghese, 2.
104
Verghese, 4.
105
106
Staff Reporter, Imphal Free Press, November 12, 2017.
Pages 23
witnessed in the valley areas of Manipur. These steps and posture by these two faiths has created
space and avenue for escalation of religious divide and conflict between the two. There is a relative rise
in the case of conflict between these two faiths in the past two decades.
Here one can see two emerging types of discord between the two faiths. The first type of
conflict usually occurs in isolated and sporadic tensions between one or few individuals between the
devotees or worshipers of these two faiths. And such kind of conflict are usually resolved peacefully
without much intervention from outside. But the second kind of conflict which takes the form of
systematic, organised character are more destabilizing and more entrenched. The second type of
discord, usually happens when there is a direct involvement of the two faiths and their respective
organizations in the affairs and conflict of their followers. It has been found that the deeply entrenched
divides between the two faiths are often reflected during cases involving conversion (change of faith),
construction of house of worship, and other conflicting points between the two faiths. Some villages in
the valley areas of Manipur has recently witnessed these two types of conflicts. Some cases required
the intervention of Police and Judiciary to bring normalcy in these villages.
The settlement in the valley areas of Manipur by the Zeliangrong tribes started before the
coming of colonial and Christian missionaries, many of them were settled by the Meitei rulers as they
were employed in the service of the royal households and administration. Due to this fact, these
villages were less touched from the influence of missionary activities. Some of these villages are,
Sawombung, Sairem, Duigaipangzang, Chingmeirong, Ragailong, Dimdaizang, Tarung, Kakhulong,
Majorkhul, Keishamthong, Keikhu, Chaopok, KhoupumChingkha, Langthabal, Uchiwa, Phoichingthong,
Maibam (Rongmei village), Chinikon, Wangoi (Rongmei village), Sangaiprou, and many other villages.
The followers of Paupei Chapriak now Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak are concentrated in these villages.
In fact, it is also considered as a traditionalist/Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak villages. In these villages, the
case of one faith dominance is very evident. And many of the tensions and conflicts between the two
faiths are seen in these villages….
Many Rongmei settlement also came up in the valley districts of Manipur. Like other tribal
communities, the proximity to modern facilities and because of easy access to Government
infrastructures and facilities many Rongmei settle down as colonies and villages; some of these villages
are Namdunlong, Neikanlong, Namguilong, Koirengei (Rongmei village), Dimdailong, Sangaithel
(Rongmei village), Namching, Laimanai and many other villages. These villages are founded by various
settlers who came down from the Hills and as such, the proportion of Christianity in these villages is
more. Being a composite village in terms of religious affiliation, one faith dominance are less in these
villages.
These are the name of Rongmei speaking villages living in the valley areas and adjoining areas
of Manipur. (1) Tingpui (2) Rangteang also called Rangdailong (3) Zeikulong (4) Thenjang (5) Ramtan
(6) Juron (7) Charungkhou also called Chaiba by the Meitei (8) Raengjang also called Ngarian by the
Meitei (9) Chinikon (10) SiangaiChingkao (11) SiangaiNamdai (12) Tumta now abandoned after the
Kuki-Naga conflict (13) Tonglong (abandoned) (14) Zeinu (abandoned) (15) Chuangphun (16) Kalalong
(17) Namgaijang (18) New Canan (19) Digaijang (20) Wainem (21) Keinou Rongmei village (22)
Maipham (23) Lamkonpokpi (24) Changangei both inhabited by the Rongmei and Puimei ( 25)
Pages 24
Tamphakei both inhabited by the Rongmei and Puimei (26) Yurenpham, both inhabited by the Rongmei
and Puimei (27) Tuiti both inhabited by the Rongmei and Tuiti tribes (28) Keiren (29) Phoichingthong
(30) Chingpu (31) Sapanthong both inhabited by the Rongmei and Puimei (32) Tupun Rongmei village (
33) Lamkonpokpi (34) Uchiwa ( 35) Leishangkhong (36) Wangoi Rongmei village (37) Hiyangthang (38)
Langthabal Khoupum (39)Langthabal Chingthak (40) Langthabal Chingkha (41) Charoipung (42)
Chingkham (43) Chaopok (44) Taihu Rangjang (45) irilpung Rongmei village (46) Keikhu (47)
SawombungNamdai (48) SairemSawombung (49) Duigaipangjang also called SawombungWangma
(51) Namdunlong (52) Ragailong (53) Gaipuinam (54) Chingmeirong Rongmei village (55)
Namthanlong (56) Namthanjang (57) Tarung (58) Tharon (59) Neikanlong (60) Guigailong (61)
Laimanai Rongmei village (62) Dimdaijang (63) Namguilong (64) Namthanpung (65) Mahabali Rongmei
village (66) Koirengei (67) Pantilong (68) MacheangNamthan (69) Daron (70) Sangaithel Rongmei
village (71) Namching (72) Khonglong part I (73) Khonglong part II (74) Lamsang Rongmei village (75)
Khundi (76) Warok (77) Oinam Rongmei village (78) Hidakchong (79) Heigrucham Rongmei village (80)
Pondaijang new village in Lamphel area.
It has been seen that Rongmei villages (both in Hills and valley) by virtue of their Scheduled
Tribe status, attracts less State’s interference and intervention in the traditional, religious and cultural
domain of this community. Incidentally by virtue of such provisions, cases involving inter-religious
discord in these Rongmei villages often favoursTingkao Ragwang Chapriak followers. In rare cases,
(when there are equal or more numbers of Christians in a village) issues involving such questions are
settled and resolved without much religious prejudice and biasness. The village authorities which wield
great extent of power, continue to play significant role in the social, religious and cultural affairs of these
people. It has been observed that the village authorities in these traditionalists dominated villages has
used their traditional prerogative while deciding cases involving religious matters in the village, and as
such, their decision seldom align with the democratic rights of Christians, this is because the village
authority aspire to preserve and protect their traditional interest. 107 And sometimes when such decision
by village authorities results in excommunication or expulsion from the village they are often challenged
in Court involving lengthy litigations and lawsuits. When such cases get religious colour, the organic
and symbiotic relationship between the people and even their traditional institutions get affected. The
‘tribe’ level organization of these community seldom gets involve in such conflicts and as such without
much avenue for peaceful arbitration, the tension/conflict between the followers and organization of
these faith continue to fester and aggravate.
In one particular village, the village council, had excommunicated one family for accepting
Christianity, this village also happen to be the main centre of Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak, the first
Kalum Kai for the general devotees of this faith was also constructed in this village. The first Christian
convert from this village along with his family was forcefully evicted from the village. Unable to come
back in the village the said family took shelter in another village. Few years later, two more families also
became Christians and the same steps to remove them from the village was initiated by the village
107
For the Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak, the traditional legacy and including the socio-cultural
and religious components of the Zeliangrong society are their exclusive attributes and hence,
Christians are excluded from the domain of Zeliangrong traditional heritage.
Pages 25
council, but this time Christian bodies intervened and sought the help of state authorities and police
forces to control the situation. Both sides did not budge from their position, and eventually the matter
was taken to the court, and after many years of litigation the two households were allowed to practice
their faith and continue to reside in the village. Soon, more families became Christians and were able to
organised themselves as a fellowship and later into a small Church.108
These pattern of contest and conflict are also seen in other villages. For cases of conversion,
the village authorities often involve use of traditional powers, including excommunication and expulsion
from the village. With the exception of few villages around the Imphal valley, most Rongmei villages in
Imphal valley has more Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak followers. And therefore, the village council is
predominantly controlled by the traditionalist. The Christians also increase their activities by adopting
more proactive approach to increase their influence and numbers in the valley.
The Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak reforms while transitioning from its Paupei Chapriak has
asserted itself as an organised and centralized religious order. The new religious order has produced a
renewed strength for this faith. It also became more assertive and pro-active in defending its interest.
Both the Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak and Christians have become more intolerant of each other as
both become more assertive, both doesn’t believe in status quo and in fact the quest and competition
for space has become the norms and necessity for both. To make the matter worst, the exclusive
claims made by the faith of Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak are now reflected in the lives and in the
relationship pattern of this community. The followers of the latter faith now proudly, declares that loss of
culture is loss of identity, some families even embossed this statement in the front of their house. In
some villages, the treatment of the traditionalist towards the Christians are very harsh. Different forms
of punishments, ranging from excommunication, forceful eviction, restriction and banning from using
facilities; such as common ponds, common public spaces in the villages, has become the preferred
form of punishment for the newly converted Christians in these villages. Quest for such cultural and
religious components has secured an exclusive identity for the faith; the positioning of such cultural
component over other religion has produced a unique pattern among the local community and also at
the larger regional and national level discourse.
For the Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak such identity movement has served dual purpose, because
Christians and other culture that are outside the ambit of this tradition (i.e., primordial state) are
considered as rootless and identity less. Such cultural positioning and identity movement has placed
the Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak as the exclusive claimant to all cultural components such as dance,
traditional dress, songs, festivals and other attributes of the Rongmei (Zeliangrong) people. Thus,
indirectly pushing out Rongmei Christians from the ambit of Rongmei identity. The Christians on the
other hand, finds agreement with the larger Naga identity that value Christianity above other religion.
This pushed the two faiths into two opposite blocs. Churches across the Zeliangrong region morally
supports and yearn for peaceful resolution and solution of the Naga issue. Christians subscribe more
with the identity of Nagas as an ethnic and political identity. But while doing so they have neglected the
108
Due to the sensitive nature of the issue, the name of the village and individuals is not
mentioned here.
Pages 26
cultural legacies of their community, thus rendering them susceptible to being pushed to the periphery
at the event of rising identity movement fuelled by indigenous agenda.
The Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak on the other hand has not shown much inclination towards
such political identity. Some section within the Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak faith proposed an old
identity called ‘Kabui’ and even went to the extent of dissociating with the identity Zeliangrong, Rongmei
or Nagas. Interestingly, the Meitei and the State Government of Manipur favoured the identity of Kabui
because this identity has more connection and are more amenable with the Meitei narrative since
ancient period. Similarly, the term and ‘identity’ Kabui is more amenable with the ideologies of the
Manipur state that vouched for a pluralistic society, (the identity Rongmei, or Zeliangrong) has exclusive
aspirations and hence the state prefers an identity that fits their idea. The relative identity that favours a
pro-majority identity thus generated by some section within the Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak faith is also
partly due to the issue of anti Naga stand and posture by the Meitei recently. Another, reason is the
identity of Rongmei that has been too much arrogated by the Christians and Naga National factions.
The narrative of both faith at the end of the day seeks for larger identity, because in a highly
competitive environment aligning with a larger entity is better than being alone. And therefore, there is a
constant effort on the part of these two faiths to align with the discourse that fits with their narrative. The
position of Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak with its focus on indigeneity, primordiality, and culture. Prefer
the continuance of traditional system, including the village council system, because the traditional
institutions in the tribal society fairly enjoys some level of freedom in social, religious and cultural
matters.
In such model the position of village council is framed in the model of traditional perspective,
focussing less on the modern secular principle; the treatment of Christians converts thus often include
punishment or fines, (fines ranges from a customary bottle of wine, pigs, cows or in extreme cases
banishment from village). The Christians stress on secular principles to secure and profess their
interest. Unfortunately, there is no tribe level platform to decide on cases exclusively on religious matter
and hence the matters are often taken to courts for resolution. In most cases, decision of the village
council is implemented because all members of the community are obliged to comply with the decision
of the village council. Such diametrically opposed position adopted these faiths have further located
and driven these two faiths into opposite discourse and directions.
The Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak religion and its followers informally associates and interact
with organizations like Kalyan Ashram, RSS, VHP and other like-minded organizations. There are
accounts and verbal reports of help rendered towards the Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak financially,
physically and morally. Some of which includes vocational training, schooling and employment facilities
in other part of India. Some children receive education facilities and a place to stay and intern in some
of these RSS sponsored organizations outside the state.
These groups led by the RSS and its affiliated parties and organizations are making a constant
foray in the North East region. The coming of BJP government in the state has also given more space
and room for these organizations to increase their foothold in the state.
Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak reform and the Realignments
Pages 27
The main thrust of Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak reforms are to meet the internal and external threats,
confronting the traditional Rongmei religion and community. Internally, it suffers from various issues
ranging, from absence of united social and religious body, absence of written scriptures, variations in
the practice of the indigenous religion, etc. The reforms of Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak have addressed
many of these issues. This is achieved by making changes in the philosophical, cosmological and
religious belief system of the Zeliangrong society, along with its structural and functional role in the
Paupei Chapriak, which is the traditional religion of the Zeliangrong Nagas.
The earlier village level religious tradition has now become a community level religion. The
religious practices are now codified and written in their own dialects. Religion is also projected as an
aspect of cultural heritage. Leaders of this faith play important role in extrapolating the philosophy, and
cosmological aspects of this faith in consonant with the needs of the present day. The consequent
structural reformation and revivalism following the codification of this faith has also contributed to the
growth and expansion of the movement.109 The past variations in the religious practices of traditionalist
religion, evident in different villages are now resolved.
Broadly, the reforms of TRC manifest changes in two aspects, viz., (i) Structural changes, here
there is shift from oral based village level religious practices to a codified, institutionalized, community
level religious organization, (ii) Internal changes, here referring to the philosophical and cosmological
belief system of the community and the faith.
Changes in these aspects have dual advantage for the faith, because it has enabled in the
construction and formation of the traditional faith of the Rongmei Nagas into an organized and strong
religious order. It also enabled the faith to counter the rising influence and spread of other faith in the
community. In this regard one can mention the spread of Christianity in the region and the dislike for it
by the indigenous faiths of this region.
One unique feature of the Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak reforms is the legitimacy and authority
generated by codifying the oral religious traditions. Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak has successfully
introduced the Supreme God, and all powerful God. Bringing the distant and unseen God to the
foreground through religious symbols, rites, rituals and elaborate activities; these activities embodies
the character of monotheistic religious tradition.
The reforms of Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak like the Heraka movement has also involved the
community, in the direction and objective of the faith. This is aided by the introduction of kalum Kai, a
house of worship where the devotees gather to worship and share religious matters. This practice gives
more room for the faith of Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak to reign and control its followers; it also gives
more avenue for the faith to check the activities of other faiths.
The reform of Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak also inherit some important elements of Zadonang
and Rani Gaidinliu movement. The cosmological and philosophical basis of the Tingkao Ragwang
Chapriak reforms and the narrative put forward by the faith reflects the ideological and philosophical
components of these two figures. The connection of Bhuban in the narrative of Zeliangrong, evokes a
notion of ‘Justice’ and restoration of order and peace. In fact, the reforms of Zadonang and Rani
109
Budha Kamei, Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak, (Sangai Express, November 11, 2012).
Pages 28
Gaidinliu had its root from Bhuban cave, because it is regarded as the abode of Bachanu, who gave the
new cosmological and philosophical doctrine for the Zeliangrong people through Zadonang and Rani
Gaidinliu.110 Bringing the idea of justice itself is a great legitimizing appeal and force. Such notion also
evokes sense of commitment to the faith and at the same time tends to produce a great intolerant
attitude towards others that are projected as the opponent. The idea of justice hence can also led to
conflict when there is no clear delineation of boundaries.
Narrative of Primordiality or primeval origin has been the strongest claims and assertion of the
Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak. Such narrative is conducive and more amenable in a tribal society which
has oral traditions, because in oral traditions there is a scope for addition and removal of traditional
components and practices, in other words rigid traditions was not practical and hence locating and
exposition of the faith based on such oral traditions has not limited the scope of the reforms, rather it
has vindicated the narrative of the past reformers and faith by using myths, folklores, rituals, rites,
folksongs and traditions as told and retold orally. There is a scope for interpretation and extrapolations
of past religious tradition from the contemporary perspective. 111 The Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak
reforms thus, attempts to get the best from the past and present, making it relevant for contemporary
situation and context. With this new found authority, the faith of Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak now cast
other cultures and faiths as alien for the Rongmei people. Hence, the claims ‘Loss of culture is loss of
identity’ became popular and widely accepted.
The faith of Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak by subscribing and adopting the model of primordiality,
indigeneity, it is now a part of the larger national discourse that wanted to check the other foreign
religion and culture.
Concerns
As mentioned above, the religions of the world have within itself certain assumptions of
superiority notion. Mixing of traditional and components of tribal society in a pluralistic society has
brought certain problems for the community, because the simmering contest between the two faiths are
affected by both local and larger social, cultural and political dynamics. Moreover, the issue has not yet
caught the attention or required intervention by the state or tribe level organization. The state is limited
because the Rongmei being a tribal community enjoys certain constitutional safeguards and liberty.
And, unless this simmering contest between the two faiths takes a violent and illegal form, proactive
intervention by the state will be considered arbitrary. And, as such space for open competition and
contest between the two faiths persists.
It has been observed that both faiths, i.e., the Christians and the Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak
prefer align their identities with the larger identity that allegedly protect their interest. The Christians are
comfortable with the larger identity as Nagas, while on the other hand the TRC are seen to be more
comfortable and even willing to fit in with the larger Indian Identity as Hindus, which stresses on the
idea of indigeneity. Perhaps, such narrative and discourse are dictated by the needs of these two faiths
110
Arkotong Longkumer, The Poetry of Resistance: The Heraka Movement on North East
India, (Continuum International Publishing Group: London, 2016).
111
Longkumer, Poetry of Resistance: The Heraka.
Pages 29
interest and objectives. Identity for these two entities is not static but is evolving and is dictated by the
needs and functional requirements of these two faiths.
The nature of narrative as a discourse shaping apparatus are exemplified by the manifestation
of identity politics of these opposing faiths within the Rongmei community. One aligning with the rightist
narrative which are interested in realigning the contours of Indian society and polity using cultural
elements and religious politics. While on the other hand, emphasis on secular ideals, attracts the
Christians because of its relative position as a minority in India.
The use of religious reform as an authority and also as a mechanism to claim exclusive
proprietor of all past social, cultural and religious legacy and attributes is a recurring thing, because
similar social, cultural and religious reforms was seen in the Zeliangrong society during the time of
Zadonang and Rani Gaidinliu. And one cannot rule out the scope for further reform by section of
dissatisfied people from the community. The recent debate between the proponents of ‘Kabui’ and
‘Rongmei’ (Zeliangrong) on the issue of Chakan Gan Ngai, the annual festival of the traditionalist in
Rongmei community indicate the fluidity of claims on identity in a tribal society which relies much of
their authority on oral and traditional practices.
Result and Outcome
The diametrically opposed situation and the rise of contesting claims and narrative has
inevitably resulted in a tense and conflictual situation. The Christians and the TRC are positioned as
competing faiths. As mentioned above, the religious profile of the Rongmei villages in the valley areas
of Manipur is a fertile ground for the rise of competing faiths. Moreover, the growth of opposing
narrative among the two faiths in the Rongmei society has created a situation in which every action and
plans of the respective faiths are viewed with suspicion and aversion.
The continuance of this policy by both the parties has also resulted in the formation of separate
and distinct identity. For instance, the TRC, are comfortable with the tag indigenous religion and also to
be identified as close partners with other indigenous faiths and indigenous people of India. On the
other hand, the Christians while claiming as an indigenous people, are comfortable with their faith even
if other identified them as the follower of alien culture. The Christians are also more comfortable with
the identity Nagas, as the larger identity both with cultural and political connotations.
However, claims of indigeneity by the Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak to attack Christians and
western culture has drawn itself ideologically and functionally closer with other likeminded indigenous
faiths. The prioritization of ‘indigenous’ identity in the discourse Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak has also
located this faith more in congruence with the ideology of dominant discourse that are utilizes such
component. The inability of Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak to provide a convincing philosophical and
cosmological alternative against other established faiths indicate and manifest an inherent weakness in
the fundamental structures of this faith. Such issue has also provided enough and sufficient room to
locate the reform of Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak as a part of a larger indomitable forces that are at play.
However, position of indigenous/ Janajatis faiths on the question of common understanding
and unity of all the tribal/ indigenous religions is still problematic, because despite acceptance on
universal unity of all religions, there is no philosophical coherence among these faiths, and this is seen
even among the Heraka and Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak, the indigenous faiths of Zeliangrong.
Pages 30
Furthermore, one cannot rule out the possibility of homogenization and mainstreaming of all these
indigenous faith under the fold of Hinduism in the future, because the concept of Sanatan dharma has
already in conceptual sense included all these faiths and cultures under the fold of Hinduism.
Therefore, the fate of indigenous faiths and cultures to a large extent will be decided by the contours of
Hindutva project.
The plan of Hindutva has pan India ramifications, because as postulated by John Plamenatz,
LiahGreenfeld and Partha Chatterjee, it wants to bring about a reformist nationalism “by
adapting/interpreting the ancestral tradition in accord with the cultural cannons of the invader, with a
dual objective of preserving the essence of their tradition and at the same time raising its prestige and
bringing it in parity with the dominant culture.112
The setting of Kalum Kai, which basically is the place to worship the Supreme God, Tingkao
Ragwang has also brought new order and new perspective in the cosmological narrative, because the
core values of their faith, their conviction and faith becomes more stronger, by introducing the institution
of Kalum Kai. The institution of Kalum Kai has also helped in the process of internalization of the new
reforms without drastically and abruptly forcing the people to adapt to the new ways. The Kalum Kai
has also involved the devotee of this faith to directly commune and interact together with the leaders of
the faith. In earlier Paupei Chapriak’s practice the only platform to discuss about religious matter was
only during festivals which are observed during different seasons of a year, the Tingkao Ragwang
Chapriak reforms however, has allowed the people to gather for worship in Kalum kai every Sunday
and during full moon days. In the contest for space and dominion, Kalum kai has now become the
foremost institution that aid the followers of this faith. It is also the first institution and organized body of
the faith to check the spread and influence of other faith, like Christianity in their vicinity. Tingkao
Ragwang Chapriak can now easily check on its members and give advice or counsel to its members so
that the concern of other faith’s influence is effectively resolved. In other words, the contest for space
between the two faiths in the village now is embodied in the institutions of Kalum Kai and Church.
At the tribe level there is the Zeliangrong Religious Council which is the apex ecclesiastical
body of the faith. The central body of Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak is the General Secretary and
executive members. Issues that required collective intervention and effort are deliberated and
addressed by the Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak. General Secretary for instance acts as overseer and
priest in newly instituted Kalum Kai. The Central executive members are drawn from the Tingkao
Ragwang Chapriak villages and Kalum Kai. Important events and functions are organised by these
central executives in collaboration with the Kalum Kais.
There is a renewed interest and focus to spread the Gospel by the Church even in the
strongholds of Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak villages. However, it believed in preaching its Gospel and by
doing good deeds. In the narrative of Christians and Church, the spread of Gospel is one of the highest
duties enjoined by Jesus Christ before he ascended to heaven. The Church also invested a major
portion of their time and energy in evangelism, because they believed that their faith is the truth and
112
Dieckhoff, Jaffrelot, Revisiting Nationalism: Theories and Processes, 35.
Pages 31
hence, wanted to share the truth to other as well. Hence, the contest for space and dominance can also
partly be located from the teachings and internal doctrine and principles of these two faiths.
Pages 32

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Chapter V

The Dynamics of Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak Reforms in Rongmei Society

However, Andre Beitelle cautioned that an attempt to “doctrinaire secularism to eliminate

Internal dynamics of Religion and the contestations:

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