Chen 2009
Chen 2009
Chen 2009
177–209
DOI: 10.1111/j.1468-2443.2009.01089.x
ABSTRACT
I. INTRODUCTION
The fractional reserve banking system prevalent in most countries certainly has
not been a conspicuous success. Over the past 25 years, we have witnessed
numerous banking crises in industrialized countries as well as developing
n
This paper started as joint work with Merton Miller based on our meeting with the Hong
Kong Monetary Authority. This version of the paper was completed after Merton Miller passed
away and the current authorship reflects the wishes of his estate. We thank Jeremy Berkowitz,
Bruce Brittain, Yuk-shee Chan, Ellen Chen, Stijn Claessens, Doug Diamond, Greg Duffee, Eugene
Fama, Jie Gan, Vidhan Goyal, Diane Lam, Marie Lam, Steve Lang, Andrew Lui, Elaine Ng, James
O’Brien, David Stanley, Neal Stoughton, Juichi Takeuchi, Lee Thomas, Powell Thurston, Irene
Tsao, Ram Willner, Patrick Wright, Michael Ye and seminar participants at the Bank of Finland,
HEC, INSEAD, Swedish School of Economics and Business Administration, Hong Kong University
of Science and Technology and UC Irvine for helpful comments, Moody’s and Standard and
Poor’s for generously sharing their data bases, and Daniela Balkanska and Gaiyan Zhang for
research assistance.
r 2009 The Author. Journal compilation r International Review of Finance Ltd. 2009. Published by Blackwell
Publishing Ltd., 9600 Garsington Road, Oxford OX4 2DQ, UK and 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, USA.
International Review of Finance
1 See, e.g., Kaminsky and Reinhart (1999) for a list of countries that experienced banking crises in
recent years. The 2008 crisis is still ongoing.
2 Banks play a special role as a financial intermediary. See, e.g., Kane and Malkiel (1965),
Diamond and Dybvig (1983), Diamond (1984), Santomero (1984), Fama (1985), James (1987),
Calomiris and Kahn (1991), Freixas and Rochet (1997), Boot (2000), James and Smith (2000),
Diamond and Rajan (2001), Kashyap, Rajan and Stein (2002), Dahiya, Puri and Saunders (2003)
and the review paper by Ongena and Smith (2000).
we briefly review the recent banking crises and the history of the 100% reserve
idea. Section III examines the feasibility of a variant of the 100% reserve idea
taking into account of the latest innovations in market technology and credit
derivatives. We illustrate how securitization can slice out the liquid portion of a
loan’s cashflows and transform them into marketable securities, and save the
illiquid economic core to be retained by the originating bank as the ‘skin in the
game.’ In Section IV, we use the databases provided to us by Moody’s and
Standard and Poor’s before the recent easy credit period to estimate how large is
this illiquid portion of representative bank loan pools that has to be supported
by bank capital. Section V considers the sufficiency of the market in linking
liquid bank loan tranches to non-guaranteed deposits and the supply of
government securities for the guaranteed deposits. Section VI discusses the
desirability of the resultant banking system over the prevalent fractional
reserves banking system. Section VII concludes the paper.
II. THE RECENT BANKING CRISES AND THE 100% RESERVE PLAN
Perhaps the best way to appreciate the problems inherent in the current
banking system is through the lessons of the recent banking crises in the largest
two economies in the world: US and Japan. Both countries run a fractional
reserve system supported by deposit insurance laden with moral hazard.
The early 1980s marked the beginning of a new banking era for banks in the
world. Financial innovations, deregulations and international competition
pushed many US banks away from their once sheltered market (including
deposit interest rate ceilings) into risky portfolios. Large banks assumed greater
risk to boost profits, but many of them failed. At the same time, the S&Ls were
hit hard because of the mismatch in interest rates. The banking crisis period in
the United States did not end until the mid 1990s when the US economy was
several years into its longest expansion period.
The S&L debacle ultimately cost about US$160 billion, of which an estimated
US$132 billion was borne by the taxpayers. The cost of Federal Deposit
Insurance Corporation (FDIC) failed-bank resolutions during 1980–1994
was US$36.3 billion (the mutual savings bank crisis, Continental Illinois,
Texas bank crisis, Northeast bank crisis and others).3 With the outbreak of the
3 The historical facts for this section are collected mainly from a book published by FDIC called
‘The banking crises of the 1980s and early 1990s,’ Japan’s Financial Supervisory Authority, and
financial press like the Wall Street Journal and The Economist. There were 2978 bank and S&L
failures between 1978 and 1999 in the United States (source: FDIC). In 1983, it was estimated
that it would take FSLIC US$25 billion to close those insolvent S&Ls but FSLIC had only US$6.3
billion. Thus, FSLIC granted forbearance and encouraged those that were insolvent to continue
operations and hoped that they would grow out of insolvency. The huge moral hazard problem
(with already insolvent institutions) coupled with less than spectacular business environment
for the S&Ls doomed such forbearance and cost taxpayers US$132 billion, an average of about
US$500 per man, woman and child in America.
less-developed-country (LDC) loan crisis in 1983, the problem for the big
money-centered banks posed even greater systemic risks for the survival of the
US banking system, as ‘seven or eight of the largest 10 banks in the
United States might have been deemed insolvent (FDIC)’ if their loans had
to be marked to market without regulatory forbearance. The FDIC review
(footnote 3) pointed out that ‘the seven-year period (1983–89) . . . was devoted
to . . . protect the solvency of the US financial system.’ Fortunately, unlike
the S&Ls, the money-centered banks were able to take advantage of the
healthy world economic growth from 1982 to 1990 to slowly build up their
reserves until the late 1980s to absorb the loss [see ‘‘The banks’ great escape’’ in
The Economist (February 1989)], but not without the additional help from the
World Bank, the government of Japan, the IMF (taxpayers of the member
countries) under the Brady plan and the economic recoveries of the LDC
themselves.
Just as the banking crisis started to fade in the United States in the 1990s, the
economy of Japan entered into a period of slow growth and the banking crisis in
Japan began. Moral hazard in banking was clearly a major factor in the real
estate bubble in Japan during the 1980s when most banks speculated directly
and indirectly (via subsidiaries and other ‘related’ companies) in fueling the real
estate price boom. When it burst, the banks were saddled with a bad loan
problem so huge that it would impair their ability to finance even normal
operations of viable firms. Forbearance was also being practiced in Japan in
dealing with its banking crisis with the help of the Japanese Resolution Trust4
since 1992.
Now, just as Japan is finally growing out of its banking problems, many of
the US and European banks are facing new crises in 2008 from excessive
speculation on risky loans, in particular subprime mortgages. The final cost of
cleaning up the current worldwide systemic banking failure is expected to be
multitrillion.
The current convoluted banking system relies on regulators to monitor the
banks in regard to the riskiness of their investment and loan portfolios. But, as
the FDIC review (see footnote 3) suggests, it is difficult for bank regulators to
restrict banks from those risky investments while they are so profitable, whether
they were LDC loans in the 1980s or the subprime mortgages two decades later.
Perhaps all these crises could have been avoided if banks keep ‘100% reserves’
to back ‘riskless’ deposits and package risky loans to back the non-guarantee
deposits. The risky loans are subject to direct market discipline because
disenchanted investors and depositors can simply pull the plug by not
participating if they do not like the overall risk. This is the basis of Fisher’s
(1936) plan. Fisher ascribed the original 100% reserve idea (to reform the
fractional banking system) to the ‘Chicago Plan of Banking Reform’ that first
appeared in a University of Chicago memorandum by Henry Simons, Aaron
4 Kyodo Saiken Kaitori Kiko, or Cooperative Credit Purchasing Company Ltd., established August
28, 1992.
Bank
A L
Working capital
Directors, Frank Knight, Lloyd Mints, Henry Schultz and others (see, e.g., Hart
1935; Fisher 1936; Simons 1948; Mints 1950).5 Over the past half century, it has
been revised and redefined to address the periodic crises ranging from the
banking disasters in the United States and Japan to the international financial
turmoil that started in the summer of 1997 (see, e.g., Friedman 1960; Tobin
1986; Litan 1987; Miller 1995, 1998; Chen 2001). The following is a brief
outline of the main ideas on the 100% reserves system.
For a typical 100% reserve bank, its balance sheet would look like the one in
Figure 1. In a nutshell, the plan calls for all ‘insured’ transaction accounts to be
backed by deposits with the monetary authority (at interest rates reflecting the
cost of access to the payment system).6 In that sense, banks are required to have
100% reserves. This itself will guarantee the safety of the payment system and
there would be no need for any deposit insurance except for fraud and it would
not be necessary to place any limit on such deposit insurance.7
5 The idea behind the 100% reserve banking has a long history and it is discussed in detail in a
book by Fisher (1936). A similar idea went way back to Ricardo and The Bank Act of 1844
requiring 100% reserves for all Bank of England notes, putting an end to the era commonly
known as the wild cat banking in England. Since then, fractional reserve backing of bank notes
was replaced by fractional backing of bank deposits, which aggravated the economic depression
and precipitated the general banking failure in the 1930s. In the words of Fisher who had to live
through it, the fractional reserve banking system almost wrecked the capitalistic civilization.
History repeats itself again in 2008.
6 See, e.g., Friedman (1960) and Litan (1987) for different variations of the same general concept.
7 Thus, there is no need for regulations beyond what is normal for other types of financial
institutions. Banks may still want to have additional reserves or cash equivalent for their
working capital to initiate loans and for the purposes of clearing and carrying out normal
banking transactions.
Bank
A L
Banks will raise funds to support their loan portfolios by issuing non-
guaranteed securities at rates reflecting each bank’s risk characteristics. A bank
would typically initiate the loan process using its working capital. After the loan
portfolio is created, the bank can keep all or part of it on its book and repackage
the remainder for the non-guaranteed depositors. Thus the items on the
balance sheet below the transaction accounts would resemble those of a typical
investment trust or brokerage firm and could be structured in accordance with
current market demand.
A concern about this system is that the illiquid nature of private loans would
also render non-guaranteed deposits illiquid. If depositors prefer liquid deposits,
would such a system destroy the banking system as we now know it? Could our
current convoluted banking system, despite its periodic catastrophic collapses,
be welfare improving (over a 100% reserve banking system) because illiquid
loans can support liquid deposits under the protection of deposit insurance and
government bailouts? It is impossible to have a conclusive answer to this
question without a large-scale social experiment. Fortunately, with the recent
advances in financial engineering, there is a simple but elegant solution that
gives us the best of both worlds. The key lies in the recent innovations in the
market that allow banks to liquefy consumer, commercial and industrial loans
alike into marketable securities.
Figure 2 illustrates the typical structure of a 100% reserve bank after its loans are
liquefied. Transaction accounts with access to the payment system are 100%
backed by interest bearing deposits with the monetary authority, where the lower
interest rates reflect the cost of access to the payment system. Riskfree savings
deposits are 100% backed by short-term T-bills or their close equivalent.
There are three key financial innovations in recent years that combine to make
most bank loans liquid. The first one is the growth of the bank loan market. The
second one is the growth of credit derivatives, in particular CDS. The third one
is the growth of collateralized debt obligations (CDO), which include both
collateralized bond obligations (CBO) and collateralized loan obligations (CLO).
It is well known that these financial innovations are very effective
instruments for risk-sharing, but they do not change the risk nature of the
underlying asset. In 2008, we discover painfully that the risk of the US subprime
loans is spread perhaps too efficiently to any bank in pursuit of higher profits.
But, it is worth emphasizing that it is not the financial instruments that create
the underlying risks. The financial instruments are there to spread the risk
efficiently. In this section, we will look at how properly structured financial
innovations (dictated by the market before the easy credit period of 2002–2005)
would discourage excessive risk taking and incentivize banks to act in the
interests of all parties. By forcing the banks to be a meaningful residual claimant
throughout the life of the loans, banks have enough ‘skin in the game’ to be
diligent in their loan originating and monitoring roles.9
Table 1 shows a breakdown of the aggregate loan portfolio of all the FDIC-
insured banks in the United States at the end of 2007. Of the approximate
US$6.6 trillion in loans, the largest three categories are real estate loans (55%),
8 The lack of ‘skin in the game’ for the risky mortgage originators is often blamed as the root of
the 2008 financial crisis.
9 We are indebted to many bankers, asset managers and rating agency analysts of structured
products for information and insightful comments, in particular Diane Lam (S&P), Marie Lam
(Moody’s), Powell Thurston (PIMCO), Irene Tsao (Societe Generale), Ram Willner (Banc of
America) and Patrick Wright (Deutsche Bank).
commercial and industrial loans (21%) and consumer loans (14%). Real estate
loans and consumer loans (credit card, auto loans and leases, home equity lines,
student loans, etc.) have been securitized and resold in the secondary market
since the early 1980s. They are easy to liquefy because their loan process usually
follows a standardized procedure with information related to income, wealth,
FICO and other credit measures10 and very little other private information. A
diversified portfolio of these loans has essentially only credit risk that is a
function of the average credit rating, geographic characteristics, economic
conditions and interest rates. For large and small banks alike, after they
originate these loans, they can choose to sell them off easily.
In this study, we focus on the commercial and industrial loans that are
considered to be less liquid because they tend to be more chunky and with
private information. These corporate loans are also the focus of many
theoretical models and empirical research on banking (see review article by
Ongena and Smith 2000). Recent financial innovations, however, allow the
market to slice out the most illiquid portion of the loans to be retained by the
loan originating agent bank and liquefy the rest. The contract design leaves
sufficient incentives for the agent bank to continue to service and monitor the
loans on behalf of the investors. In many aspects, this theory is also well
understood in practice11 and it is similar to the standard corporate finance
paradigm of a manager acting on behalf of the shareholders (see, e.g., Gorton
and Pennacchi 1995; DeMarzo and Duffie 1999). The interesting empirical
Large Insurance
Money Companies
CLO
Center
Banks
Consumer
Credit Protection
and Credit
Mutual Funds
Protection
Premium
Default
Payment
Business
Loans Swaps
CDO Non-guaranteed
Deposits
question is what the market actually requires as incentive mechanisms that would
allow bank loans to be liquefied in practice.
Figure 3 provides a road map of how large and small loans from big and small
banks become liquefied in the market. Large loans are often traded in the
institutional loan market. Smaller loans can be bundled together for securitiza-
tion. Big money-centered banks can off-load most of the value of their loans via
many channels. Smaller banks can do it through big banks. We will discuss each
of these in turn and then consider them collectively.
B. CDS
According to International Swap Dealers Association Inc., outstanding CDS
reached US$62.2 trillion by the end of 2007 (total wealth of the United States
was about US$55 trillion). A CDS is simply an agreement between two parties to
exchange credit risk on a reference asset (e.g., a bank loan or a corporate bond)
or a basket of them. The main idea behind a CDS is that it will allow a bank to
sell the credit risk of a loan without actually selling the loan.
For example, a bank wants to transfer the credit risk of a loan on its book to
an institutional investor, say, a mutual fund. In this case, the bank buys credit
protection from the mutual fund and the mutual fund sells credit protection to
the bank. The bank will make periodic swap counterparty payments to the
mutual fund (like interest payments). In the event of a credit event related to
the reference loan (failure to pay, bankruptcy, restructuring, repudiation/
moratorium and obligation acceleration: based on International Swap Dealers
Association Inc. credit swap master agreement), with the event independently
verified by third parties or public information, the mutual fund will make a
credit protection payment to the bank. The credit protection payment is equal
to the difference between the notional amount of the defaulted reference
obligations and the loan recovery value determined by a ‘calculation agent’
(usually a bank or a group of banks, verified by third parties) at certain time, say
180 days, after the credit event.
In this example, the transaction is similar to the mutual fund ‘buying’ the
loan from the bank. The mutual fund will be receiving periodic ‘interest
payments’ in the form of swap counterparty payments, but will have to bear the
risk of default. The bank transfers the credit risk of the loan to the mutual fund
investors and typically receives the ‘excess spread’ (the spread between the
interest it receives on the actual loan and the ‘interest’ it pays to the mutual
fund) as incentives for monitoring and servicing the loan. In a typical CDS
involving a basket of loans (see also synthetic CLO below), there is usually a first
loss piece kept by the bank, making the bank the residual claimant, and a
12 We thank PIMCO, one of the world’s largest fixed income management companies and bank
loan buyers, for providing us with details on the stylized facts of the institutional loan market.
Interested readers can also consult ‘A guide to the loan market (S&P).’ When Tyco International
Ltd. turned to its banks for a US$1.5 billion loan in 2003, ‘Morgan Stanley, Bank of America, J.P.
Morgan, Citigroup, Goldman Sachs Group and the Credit Suisse First Boston unit of Credit
Suisse Group – each agreed to back $250 million of the $1.5 billion credit line. The banks likely
won’t retain all of their $250 million pieces; they are in the process of parceling out pieces to
other banks and institutional investors’ (Wall Street Journal 1/13/2003).
reserve account (see Figure 4) funded by the bank to align the bank’s interests
with the swap counterparty.13 The reserve account is periodically replenished from
the excess spread cash flows to keep the bank’s interests continue to be aligned
throughout the life of the CDS even after some defaults.
This type of setup has far-reaching applications in terms of channels for
transferring credit risks. As noted by Jones (2000), ‘. . . a money-center bank or a
securities firm might sell credit protection to regional banks whereby the
guarantor promises to cover all losses above a certain amount against a specified
pool of loans.’ Thus, a CDS is a feasible way for regional banks, not large enough
to directly liquefy their loan portfolio into the market, to unload their credit
risks to larger banks and securities firms, who may then bundle many of these CDS
into a deal large enough to be of interests to institutional investors in the
market. Conversely, smaller banks may sell credit protection to larger banks on
syndicated loans in order to get exposure to the risk and reward of the corporate
clients of larger banks (Bank for International Settlements Annual Report, June
2003). The very low structuring costs fuel the phenomenal growth of the CDS
market and make the transfer of a loan’s credit risk extremely liquid. With the
prevalence of CDS, it is increasingly unclear how much of the credit risk of the
commercial and industrial loans remaining on the bank’s book is still borne by
the banks as ‘banks were net purchasers of credit protection while insurance
companies and financial guaranty insurers were important net sellers’ (BIS,
2003).
13 See related incentive issues discussed by Pennacchi (1988) for bank loan sales.
Assignment
Portfolio of bank agreements
ABS loans
Investors Issuer
(Buy rated ABS) Special-Purpose Entity Seller/Servicer
Proceeds of (Buys loan assignments and Proceeds of (Assigns a portfolio of
rated issues ABS using the loans rated loans to the issuer of rated
securities as collateral) securities securities)
Interest and Interest and
Principal on Principal on
rated securities rated securities Assignment
Swap agreement agreement
Bank
#3
Swap counterparty
(Provides currency & Assignment
interest rate swap to hedge agreement
against currency & interest
rate-related risk Obligor Agent
#3 Loan Bank
agreement
claims against the cash flows. Figure 5 illustrates a typical structure (S&P: Global
CBO/CLO Criteria). The seller/servicer chooses loans from different banks to
form a diversified portfolio and transfer it to the issuer, usually a special-purpose
vehicle (SPV), with an asset manager, a trustee and possibly swap agreements to
hedge against interest rate and currency risks. The bankruptcy-remote SPV sells
asset-backed securities (ABS) backed by most of the cash flows from the loans
and retains an equity position with claims against the residual cash flows.
The main idea is similar to that of mortgage-backed securities (MBS), which
became popular following the financial market liberalization of the late 1970s.
At the time, it was obvious that it would be more profitable for banks to
originate and service the mortgages rather than funding them because banks do
not have any particular advantages in holding something so standardized,
homogeneous and devoid of private information as residential mortgages. By the
early 2000s, the size of MBS alone was roughly the same as the US Treasury
market. The CLO market took off around 1996 following the other ABS market.
The late start of the CLO market was due in part to the uncertainty of how to
structure the securitizations acceptable to the market, knowing that banks may
have private information – the same reason why bank loans are considered
illiquid in the first place. Over the past several years, the CLO market has
endured market tests with exponential growth and the outstanding global
volume already exceeded the one trillion benchmark by 2004.
The main reason for the success of the CLO market is that securitization
transforms something heterogeneous and illiquid (loans with private information) into
something homogeneous and standardized (e.g., an AAA tranche) so that it is
relatively liquid. Since this is the critical link in liquefying banks’ commercial and
industrial loan portfolios, we will illustrate with several examples how CLO
technologies have evolved over time to deal with incentive issues and provide
empirical evidence on the feasibility of liquefying bank loans.
Class A
Trustee AAA
$2,000mn (91%)
Class B
A
Principal &
Bank loan interests $65.9mn (3%)
Special Purpose Vehicle
NationsBank
(SPV)
$ NationsBank Notes
CLO Corp. Class C
proceeds BBB
$2,197mn
$65.9mn (3%)
Class D
NR
$65.9mn (3%)
Reserve
$22mn (1%)
NationsBank CLO
value the loans, has a rating of Aaa/AAA/AAA (Moody’s, S&P, Fitch ratings),
there is a market for it among the world’s institutional investors. The credit
rating of Class A note is actually higher than the AA rating of NationsBank
because of the survivability of the security interest in the notes even if
NationsBank becomes insolvent. Class B and C are also of investment grade and
there is reasonable liquidity for them. The credit risk of the original loans is
concentrated in Class D (to be kept by NationsBank) with a par value that is 3%
of the original loan value (with additional support through a 1% reserve).
Through subordination, the CLO creates reasonable liquidity for more
than 96% of the loan value of a portfolio dominated by BBB and BB loans that
are presumably laden with private information. As finance theory would
predict, when there is substantial asymmetric information between the sellers
and buyers of bank loans, it is efficient for the bank that originated the loans to
hold the risk–reward for the private information (the residual tranche). In this
16 A critical failure of the monitoring and risk assessment functions of the rating agencies
contributed to the subprime crisis in 2008. As the crisis developed, the rating agencies hastily
revised downward the ratings of many mortgage-backed securities based on risky mortgages.
17 See, e.g., Wall Street Journal (December 17, 2003) article entitled ‘Banks itch to lend, but firms sit
tight.’ If funding becomes tight later, banks can always sell the funding of the already
securitized tranches.
18 In our 100% reserve banking, working capital includes cash, deposits with monetary authority,
T-bills or their close equivalents. The LIBOR market, the EURIBOR market and the interbank
capacity are ultimately determined by the money supply controlled by the monetary
authorities [see Fisher (1936) and Friedman (1960) for related issues on monetary policies
corresponding to 100% reserve banking].
Deutsche Bank
A.G. and
subsidiaries Premium Unfunded
(Portfolio of loans credit default
Trustee
and guarantees to swap
Class A
note proceeds
Class A+ (N.R.)
Eur 0.001 Bn (0.05%)
Class A (AAA)
Eur 0.06 Bn (3%)
Deutsche
Bank A.G. Realized losses reduce principal
Credit events (Issuer) on all notes sequentially Class B (A)
leading to realized Eur 0.06 Bn (3%)
losses on the
portfolio
Class C (BBB)
Eur 0.04 Bn (2%)
Class B, C, D, and E
notes principal and interest
Class D (BB)
Eur 0.04 Bn (2%)
Class E (N.R.)
Class B, C, D, and E Eur 0.08 Bn (4%)
note proceeds
(Source: S&P)
securitized with a synthetic CLO, when the credit line is drawn, the structure
evolves into a CLO structure where the bank would hold an obligor’s spot loan
(rather than credit line) whose credit risk has already been transferred through a
CDS.
The underlying idea is best illustrated with the help of the CLO of
IntesaBci corporate loan portfolio in Figure 8. The credit risk is transferred via a
CDS to a counterparty (usually a financial institution with an OECD bank, such
Transaction Structure
as Merrill Lynch, for regulatory capital reasons), who will in turn parcel out the
risk to other institutional investors. The commitment fees from the undrawn
credit lines are used to cover the swap counterparty payments on the
‘unfunded’ super senior CDS (h3640 million or 91% of the deal). When the
credit lines are drawn on IntesaBci, the structure will gradually evolve into the
case of Deutsche Bank with spot loans in Figure 7.
19 In rating SME, Moody’s would use a binomial simulation based on the bank’s internal rating
system while S&P would use an actuarial approach based on recent default rates. The ratings
from the two agencies are usually consistent.
securitization market to break down. On the other hand, banks would like to
securitize their best loans in order to reduce their capital requirements as the
best loans would require a smaller residual tranches to be kept, but this would
get the regulators really upset because what would remain on the bank’s book
would be loans of lower quality.
Banks, regulators and investors are all aware of this selection bias problem.
Thus, in many deals, there is voluntary disclosure on the representativeness of
the loans. Indeed, in offering prospectuses and rating agency reports, there are
always comments on the loan quality with explicit statements attesting to
being representative of the loans within certain category (e.g., performing loans
originated from normal banking operations). To appease regulators and
investors alike, some structures go as far as to state that the loans are selected
randomly or that all loans are included within a certain category. Furthermore,
rating agencies, being the outside monitors, often insist in their reports that the
ratings depend on the quality and consistence of the bank’s internal credit
rating and the bank’s continuing effort in monitoring and servicing and
extracting recovery values for defaulted loans. Any deterioration of these would
lead to a rating downgrade that will impact the bank’s ability for future
securitization.
In summary, financial engineering is capable of liquefying almost the
entire loan portfolio of a bank. As we will see in the next section, the remaining
illiquid portion that must be kept by the banks is relatively small.
There are more than 20,000 structured finance deals in the 2003 data bank of
Moody’s and S&P, dating back to the early 1980s. Most of these are residential
and commercial mortgages and consumer loans because securitizations of
commercial loans have been a more recent phenomenon. A sample of recent
CLO of commercial loans from North America, Asia and Europe is given in
Table 2. This sample is based on a data set of CLO reports from S&P for the
purpose of illustrating the typical structures of all the recent CLO before the easy
credit period. These are supplemented by Moody’s and Lehman Brothers reports
for the missing data. Our final sample is based on all the CLO that have complete
data with respect to structure details, the sponsoring bank, ratings and tranche
sizes, especially the residual tranche (or first loss). If there are several offerings
based on the same master trust, only the most recent one with complete data is
included. There is a sample bias in favor of more observations from European
banks because European Banks are still the main source of financing for many
corporations in Europe.20
20 We were also told that American deals become so commonplace that usually only a one-page
deal summary with the ratings is in the database.
Table 2 Continued
Summary Percentage of Percentage of non- Percentage of
statistics investment grade investment grade residual
All the CLO in Table 2 are from major international banks. Roughly half of
these CLO are based on SME loans. With a few exceptions, the size of each deal
is at least US$1 billion. The range is from about US$150 million to about US$12
billion (the exact size depends on the exchange rate as different tranches of the
same deal may be offered in different currencies to different markets). Most of
the deals are in the range of US$1 billion to US$2 billion, which appears to be
the typical size of interest to the market. Although we do not have hundreds of
independent deals, each data point itself is an extensive empirical and
optimization study on its own (no data mining, just billions of dollars at
stake). The patterns across data points are remarkably consistent. Perhaps the
most telling figures from Table 2 are the average sizes of the investment grade,
non-investment grade and the residual tranches (including reserves, if any).
Our sample shows that about 96% of the cash flows from the loans can be sold
as investment grade. The most illiquid portion pertaining to the residual
tranche is only about 3%.
The ‘3% residual’ is a very revealing figure that reflects the size of the ‘market
determined capital’ required to support the securitizations that sell off the rest
of the cash flows. The size of the residual depends on the quality of the
underlying loan pool. Most of the reported weighted average ratings (if
available from the rating agency report) of the underlying loan pools in Table 2
are about Baa3/BBB and the required equity tranche is about 3% for the
liquefaction. If the average loan quality of the pool is BB, a rough estimate
(source: PIMCO, Deutsche Bank) of the size for the required equity tranche is
between 8% and 12%.
We should emphasize that the underlying loans in our sample on Table 2 are
all performing loans from large international banks including Citibank, Chase,
Banc of America, FleetBoston (now part of Banc of America), HSBC, Sumitomo
Bank, Deutsche Bank, ABN AMRO, BNP, IntesaBci and others during a non-crisis
period. The loans they securitize are loans from their normal banking
operations. Most of these large banks have an Aa/AA rating, which is an
indirect reflection of the average quality of their loan portfolios. The rating on
the bank itself is based on its own unsecured senior debt, with liquid deposits
above it in the capital structure. In other words, the existing capital in these banks,
taking into account of the quality of its entire loan portfolio and the liquid deposits
above, can support an Aa/AA rating for its unsecured senior debt.21 For these banks,
it is not surprising to find that the market-determined capital required for
supporting the liquefaction of their performing commercial loan portfolios is
not much more than 3%.22 Of course, this number is dependent on the general
economic conditions and would likely be higher during periods of economic
crisis.
On the other hand, it is interesting to look at cases at the other extreme
where the bank is of marginal rating because of the quality of its loan portfolio
during a banking crisis. Here, the 3% residual may not be a good estimate of the
market-determined capital to support its commercial loans.23 The CLO of
Shinsei Bank provides a meaningful example very different from the banks in
Table 2. Shinsei Bank (not one of those mega banks in Japan) used to be Long
Term Credit Bank of Japan. It was taken over by the Japanese government in
1998 and then re-privatized in 2000. Shinsei Bank’s own rating is at the
minimum investment grade Baa3/BBB (Moody’s/S&P), and it has a series of
CLO based on a master trust on its loan book. In order to rate the CLO tranches,
the rating agencies had to consider the fact that many ‘performing’ loans in
Japan could be doubtful. Furthermore, the recovery value once the loan is
defaulted is assumed to be zero (S&P), which is materially different from the
assumptions about other OECD bank loans (S&P recovery assumption: 50–60%
for senior secured, 25–50% for senior unsecured and 15–28% for subordinated
loans; Moody’s experience: 69.5% for senior secured and 52.1% for senior
unsecured). Despite the doubtful nature of the performing loans and the
extreme assumption of zero recovery value, Shinsei Funding One (03/06/2002;
source: Lehman Brothers), has a Class A tranche (75%) rated Aaa/AAA, a Class B
tranche (10%) rated Baa/BBB and the rest (15%) non-investment grade and
residual. This example suggests that a rough bound of 15% of the capital is
necessary for a solvent but marginal bank to liquefy its commercial loan
portfolio.
While it is clear that CLO tranches are more liquid than typical bank loans,
they are not as liquid as bonds of a single major corporation. A single name AAA
21 The weighted average rating of Western European and US banks is between AA and A1 in
2002 (Financial Times, May 21, 2002).
22 Interestingly enough, if we split our sample into two subsets, one containing only loans to SME
(which presumably private information plays a lesser role in a large diversified portfolio as the
loan process follows rather standardized procedures) and the other containing loans to larger
corporations, the average size of the residual is about the same. The higher average credit
quality of the larger companies offsets the higher amount of private information presumably
more important in the larger loans.
23 The average corporate loan quality in banks (excluding SME) is between BBB and BB (footnote
15). The number of CLO based on defaulted loans, non-performing loans and doubtful
performing loans is increasing, but the total number is still small. For example, Ark CLO 2000-1
is based on a portfolio of distressed and defaulted loans from Fleet Boston, Korea Asset Funding
2000-1 is a CLO based on restructured corporate loans and International Credit Recovery –
Japan One Ltd. is based on non-performing loans. In these cases, summary statistics are less
appropriate when the underlying portfolios are so different.
fast disappearing. Therefore, in a typical 100% reserve bank (Figure 2), deposits
in risk Class A can be supported by a diversified portfolio of Aaa/AAA tranches.
Deposits in risk Cass B can be linked to a bank-sponsored mutual fund. Mutual
funds provide the benefit of diversifying across many banks and across many
investment types (as in a diversified stock fund) to reduce the risk for non-
guaranteed depositors, in addition to their role in monitoring the banks whose
loans they invest in. Furthermore, competition among mutual funds keeps
them vigilant in regard to their investments. Deposits in risk Class C can be
caveat emptor with limited liquidity backed by lower rated tranches, emerging
market loans, exotic loans, subprime mortgages or even the equity tranche of a
CLO. Such depositors would vote with their deposits and diversify across banks
just like a typical investor would in stock mutual funds. Indeed, since financial
engineering allows banks loans to be liquefied, their risks can be efficiently
distributed in forms consistent with the market demand.
i. Community banks
US bank regulators have been suggesting that only the largest 10–20 banks need
to conform to Basel II because their instabilities might induce systemic risk to
the economy. The 70001 small banks in the United States do not pose such a
systemic risk, although they are still subject to general economic risks and thus
remain a potential liability to tax payers. Thus, it might be politically expedient
for the government to continue to support those community banks with
guarantees,24 even though channels for the smaller banks to liquefy their loan
portfolios already exist. In this age of banking consolidations, it may be simpler
for the smaller banks to (i) understand the local market for loan originations
and monitoring and (ii) sell funds and act more like the deposit taking affiliates
of larger banks.
Therefore, the necessary markets to linking bank loans with investors,
including large institutions and small depositors, have already developed and
will continue to develop. The 100% reserve plan would not disrupt the main
roles of banking beyond some minor repackaging that has already existed for
decades and has been fast expanding in response to regulatory and
technological changes. The government role would be greatly reduced under
the 100% reserve plan. This is fundamentally different from the government’s
present role of having to constantly keep a watchful eye on thousands of banks
in their lending and investment processes with the attendant deposit insurance
moral hazard.
24 In the same way as with Small Business Administration, Farm Service Agency, etc. even if they
might be a potential burden to the taxpayers.
enough obligations to satisfy the demand of the economy. At the end of 2007,
the total transaction account (demand deposits, checkable deposits, etc.) in
commercial banks was about US$708 billion, the total US government securities
held in commercial banks was about US$950 billion (source: FDIC), the total
government debt outstanding was about US$7.3 trillion and the contingent
liabilities of Social Security were about US$13.6 trillion (source: Federal Reserve
and the US Treasury). It is not clear if the Treasury needs to float more
government debts to support the 100% plan. If indeed it is necessary, there is a
question as to where the proceeds should go.
These concerns parallel the concerns of what to do if the government on-
budget surpluses would pay off the national debt and the government may have
to accumulate private assets. The original 100% reserve plan suggests that the
proceeds from issuing government securities be used to finance deficits, reduce
taxes, abolish federal taxes, or invest in quasi-government obligations,
obligations of states and municipalities, obligations of international organiza-
tions and of foreign governments, acceptances and other commercial paper.
Any reasonable combination of these would work. Another option would be to
privatize Social Security. Using the Chilean model of recognizing the
contingent liabilities by issuing Recognition Bonds, the government would
issue debt and put the proceeds in a professional managed pension fund (like
the California Public Employee Retirement Fund) in order to insulate federal
investment decisions from political pressures.
The fund would be able to invest in a great variety of financial instruments,
even credit risks in bank loans or CDS. By doing this, the government would not
only create liquidity by issuing liquid debt and investing (like institutional
investors) in bank loans, but would also increase the relative supply of riskfree
investment to risky investments in the economy.
government securities with risky loans (Bank of England 2008), or lend out
government securities to banks who put up risky loan portfolios as collateral
(US Federal Reserves 2008). In a dire emergency, the government can commit to
stand ready to buy or finance the purchase of the loans and loan tranches at
prevailing market prices (or to sell credit insurance via CDS at market prices).25
Here, the banks do not face any new moral hazard problems as the tranches
would already be owned by the depositors in our 100% reserve banking system.
The government is merely helping the depositors to rebalance their portfolios
from risky investments into riskfree investments in an orderly way, which
would incidentally change the relative supply of risky versus riskfree invest-
ments and smooth out the shocks in the credit market. Thus, if it is our national
policy for the government to assume some temporary credit risks in order to
absorb unnecessary credit market volatility in a crisis,26 this can be
accomplished with less distortion and in a much less convoluted way than
with our current system of deposit insurance.
The original intention of the 100% reserve plan was to prevent monetary
meltdowns such as those of the 1930s. Interested readers should refer to Fisher
(1936), Friedman (1960) and Friedman and Schwartz (1963) for their analyses
on the advantages of the 100% reserve plan in regard to financial system
stability, monetary policies, price level determination and interest rates. Here,
our analysis is limited to comparing the implications for banking systems
between a 100% reserve system and the current fractional banking system with
deposit insurance and capital requirements.
1. Separation of riskfree and risky investments: In a 100% reserve system,
there is no illusion on what is riskfree and what is risky. The transaction
accounts are backed by deposits with the Fed and guaranteed riskfree
investment accounts are backed by T-bills. Non-guaranteed deposits are
backed by risky loans and their liquefied tranches. For the brave souls
who deposit in tranches backed by risky loans, they knowingly accept
the risks and rewards and vote with their money (just like investors in
the stock market). The 100% reserve system is so simple and
transparent that the responsibility for risky investments would fall
25 Indeed, by the end of 2008, the US Treasury is empowered by the US Congress to purchase loans
and loan tranches from the banks, and finance the purchase by banks of commercial paper that
backs money market funds.
26 Central banks and monetary authorities have also routinely added liquidity to the market by
open market operations and direct deposits (usually via short notice auctions) into the banking
system whenever the credit conditions in the market require (e.g., Federal Reserve 2007–2008).
This can be much better accomplished with a 100% reserve system, as the central bank and
monetary authority do not have to counteract the slack and the positive feedback effect in the
fractional reserve system with capital requirements.
27 In October 2008, many of the industrialized countries in the world raised the limits of their
banks deposit insurance to stem bank runs. Ireland, Germany, Iceland, Australia, New Zealand,
Austria, Denmark and others moved to guarantee 100% of their bank deposits.
28 For example, they found several risk characteristics common to the majority of the failed banks,
but such characteristics would ‘flag a much larger number of banks that did not fail.’ The latter
group of banks could well have extracted more profits from the same assumed risks because of
superior managerial skills. It is hard to imagine that standard government one-size-fits-all
regulations on ‘risk’-based penalties can solve the moral hazard problems when the
measurement of risk itself is fraught with errors from the omissions of relevant but non-
quantifiable characteristics such as managerial skills in risk management and relationship
banking (see also Mingo 2000 and Jones 2000). It is obvious that government regulations can
never hope to match the market balancing of interests through optimal contracting and
monitoring in our variant of the 100% reserve banking system.
29 Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation Improvement Act of 1991 made it more difficult to
protect uninsured depositors in resolving bank failures.
30 ‘US bank regulators, given the choice between creating panic in the banking system or going
easy . . . had chosen the latter course. It would appear that the regulators made the right choice’
[L. William Seidman (former chairman of FDIC) in Full Faith and Credit (1993)].
31 The US ‘credit crunch’ of the early 1990s was well reported. See, e.g., The Economist ‘Crunch by
Credit,’ (November 1990), The Economist (November 1991), Wall Street Journal (November 4,
1992), New York Times (February 23, 1993). The 2008 credit crunch prompted governments
worldwide to guarantee interbank lending and money market funds, inject capital directly into
banks and buy up commercial paper and bad loans.
In this 100% reserve system, the cashflows from the bank loan portfolio are
decomposed and structured to match the demands of those who have the
natural economic rationale for the ownership. The homogeneous liquid senior
tranches, in which the banks have no comparative advantages in funding them,
are sold to those who ultimately want to own them. The more speculative
investors would take the junior tranches. Banks, as the claimants of the residual
cashflows in the ‘excess spread’ and the equity tranche, are incentivized and
rewarded for their natural financial intermediary role – relationship banking,
private information, monitoring and servicing.
VII. CONCLUSIONS
Centuries ago, banking started with a 100% reserve concept of depositing gold
and other valuables for safekeeping with goldsmiths and transferred through
paper evidence called ‘bank money.’ All these began to change when certain
goldsmiths decided to start a side business of issuing bank money (loaning out
gold) in exchange for loan repayment promises. It led to the collapse of the
Bank of Amsterdam two centuries ago, the wild cat banking era in England
more than a century ago, the financial meltdown in the 1930s and the crisis in
the 1980s and 1990s in the United States, the banking crisis in Japan and the
collapse of the banking system in the United States and Europe today. The
mixing of risky loans and safe storage of value has given depositors the
unrealistic expectation that their money is safe with the banks, even though
banks turn around and speculate their money in risky loans.
It would seem that a simple cure for this phenomenon would be to separate
these two functions of a bank into two different departments, while keeping
them within the same bank to preserve synergy. The depositor who does not
want to risk his money can put his money in a transaction account backed by
100% reserves or a guaranteed riskfree savings account backed by T-bills. A
depositor who wants to take some risk can ask the agent bank to invest on his
behalf in risky loans. Instead, the United States opted for a clumsy system of
deposit insurance, regulations, surveillance, and capital requirements – with
unsuspecting taxpayers standing by as occasional unintended participants.
Economists of future generations, looking back on the 20th century, will marvel
at how we ever came up with such a convoluted system.
The evidence over the past 25 years in the United States, Japan and the world
clearly shows that the current banking system is not much of a success.
Fundamental banking reform is necessary to make our system more robust and
stable. Recent financial innovations allow liquefaction of almost all of a bank’s
loan portfolio. These liquefied tranches can be funded by institutional investors
and small non-guaranteed depositors. The bank then holds the residual that
contains a concentrated tranche of risk and reward for its private information
and its monitoring efforts. Consequently, our variant of the Fisher (1936) 100%
reserve narrow banking scheme incentivizes banks to continue their traditional
role in originating and monitoring private loans while simultaneously
providing a simple and robust solution that eliminates banking crises and
makes banks bankruptcy-remote.
Nai-fu Chen
Merage School of Business
University of California
Irvine
CA 92697
USA
nchen@uci.edu
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