SOURCES OF MEDIEVAL INDIAN HISTORY:

AL- BIRUNI, MINHAJ, AMIR KHUSRAU, ZIAUDDIN

BARANI, BABURNAMA, ABUL FAZL, BADAUNI

Medieval Indian history spans from the early 8th century to the mid-18th century, covering the
rise and fall of several powerful dynasties, such as the Delhi Sultanate, the Mughals, and
various regional kingdoms. The period saw the synthesis of Indo-Islamic culture, diverse
political structures, and the evolution of different intellectual traditions. Medieval Indian
historiography is largely shaped by court chronicles, regional histories, and Persian-language
writings, which reveal much about governance, society, culture, and religion.

❖ IMPORTANT FEATURES OF MEDIEVAL INDIAN HISTORY WRITINGS:

1. Influence of Persian Historiography: Many historical works from this period were
written in Persian, the language of administration during the Delhi Sultanate and
Mughal Empire. Historians like Ziauddin Barani and Abul Fazl followed Persian
literary traditions, focusing on court politics, royal biographies, and state affairs.
2. Court Chronicles: Court-sponsored historians chronicled the achievements of rulers,
offering an official narrative of the state. These chronicles often highlighted the
legitimacy of rulers, their conquests, and governance, reflecting the ruling elite's
interests.
3. Religious and Moral Undertones: Writings from medieval India frequently had a
religious tone, especially in the context of legitimizing rulers through Islamic law and
traditions. However, Hindu sources like inscriptions and temple records also reflected
religious undertones linked to kingship and dharma.
4. Emphasis on Ruler’s Qualities: Medieval historians often focused on the personal
virtues of rulers, especially in terms of justice, bravery, and generosity. They also
highlighted the ruler's relationship with the divine, which played a role in their
legitimacy.
5. Patronage to the writer: Kings and nobles frequently patronized historians to
legitimize their reigns. This led to the creation of histories that glorified the monarch
and minimized internal strife or failures.
6. The Tarikh Tradition: "Tarikh" is the Arabic term for history or chronicle. The Tarikh
tradition in medieval Indian historiography is characterized by its strict adherence to a
chronological structure, meticulously documenting events year by year.
i) This method allowed historians to present a continuous narrative of political
developments, focusing on dynasties' establishment, consolidation, and decline.
ii) The rulers were central figures in these works, with their reigns serving as the
backbone of the historical analysis. Political and military events were at the
forefront, emphasizing campaigns, conquests, and territorial expansions.
 iii) The Tarikh writings not only recorded these events but also reflected the importance
of governance, administration, and statecraft, often shaped by the historian’s
perception of the ruler’s effectiveness in maintaining order.
iv) Moral lessons were a significant element of these works as well, with historians like
Ziauddin Barani using history as a medium to impart ethical and political
guidance. Through these narratives, Barani and other historians expressed their
views on ideal governance, Islamic principles, and justice, which were meant to
serve as models for future rulers.
Thus, the Tarikh tradition was not just a chronicle of events but also a tool for moral
instruction and political commentary.
7. The Tabakat Tradition: The Tabakat tradition, derived from the Arabic word Tabaqat
(meaning layers or sections), represents a unique form of historiography in medieval
Islamic literature. This tradition involved categorizing historical subjects into distinct
classes or layers based on their social, political, or religious status. Unlike the Tarikh
tradition, which followed a strictly chronological narrative, the Tabakat tradition
focused on organizing history according to the ranks or categories of individuals, such
as scholars, rulers, saints, or poets.
Characteristics of the Tabakat Tradition:
i) Biographical Structure: The Tabakat tradition primarily focused on the biographies
of notable individuals. Historians categorized these figures according to their
profession, social standing, or religious contribution. Each "layer" or "class" was
dedicated to a specific group, making it a detailed biographical account of key
figures in a particular domain.
ii) Focus on Specific Groups: This tradition often highlighted scholars, religious
leaders, mystics, and royal families. For instance, Tabakat-i-Nasiri by Minhaj-us-
Siraj is an important example of the Tabakat tradition in medieval India, where he
organizes the history of the Delhi Sultanate through the lives and achievements of
its rulers and their nobles.
iii) Non-Chronological History writings: Unlike the tarikh tradition's chronological
structure, Tabakat works were arranged according to the status or achievement of
individuals, offering a thematic approach to history. This allowed historians to focus
more on important figures' achievements and contributions, rather than providing a
year-by-year account of events.
iv) Moral and Didactic Purpose: Much like the Tarikh tradition, Tabakat writings also
served a moral purpose. The biographies within these works often contained moral
reflections on the virtues and vices of historical figures, providing lessons for future
generations.
v) Religious Emphasis: In many cases, the Tabakat tradition placed a strong emphasis
on religious figures, particularly in Islamic historiography. Scholars, saints, and
mystics were given prominence, with their spiritual contributions documented and
celebrated. This reflects the broader cultural and intellectual concerns of the period,
where religious leadership was often intertwined with political power.
In conclusion, the Tabakat tradition represented a biographical approach to historiography,
organizing historical subjects into layers based on their status or contributions. It provided
 insight into the lives of individuals and their role in shaping the society of their time,
offering a blend of historical documentation and moral reflection.

WRITINGS OF MEDIEVAL INDIAN HISTORY:

Al-Biruni’s KITAB-UL-HIND or TAHQIQ-AL-HIND

Al-Biruni's full name was Abu-Rayhan Mohammad. He spent his early life on the banks of the
river Oxus in the city of Khwarizm (Khiva) situated in the Republic of Uzbekistan. The prince
and ruler of Khwarizm professed ardent zeal for science and arts, encouraged scholars like Al-
Biruni to study the various branches of knowledge, and inspired people to travel to different
parts of the world. Al-Biruni, through his dedication and vast knowledge, achieved great
scholarship in philosophy, religion, mathematics, chronology, medicine, and various languages
and literatures.
Al-Biruni (d.1053) was the first scientist who made a deep study of Hindu sciences. He has
been described as the founder of Indology. He became so proficient in Sanskrit that Hindu
scholars gave him the title of Vidyasagar (ocean of knowledge). He travelled far and wide and
wrote an account of India in his book Tahqiq-i-Hind. This is also known as Kitab-ul-Hind
(1017-31 A.D). In addition to this, Al-Biruni is also credited with having translated many
Sanskrit works into Persian and Arabic. Attracted by Indian culture, he learned Sanskrit and
studied several books concerning Hindu philosophy and culture including Vedas, Puranas, and
the Bhagavad Gita. He was the first to introduce the study of Bhagavad Gita to the world, and
the first Muslim foreigner to study the Puranas and to translate Patanjali and Samkhya into
Arabic. In considerable detail, he outlined the principles of Hindu astronomy, geography,
mathematics, and medicine.
Biruni's Kitab-ul-Hind, written in Arabic, is simple and lucid. It is divided into 80 chapters on
subjects such as religion and philosophy, festivals, astronomy, alchemy, manners and
customs, social life, weights and measures, iconography, laws, and metrology. Al-Biruni
adopted a distinctive structure in each chapter, beginning with a question, following this up
with a description based on Sanskrit traditions, and concluding the chapter with a comparison
with other cultures.
In his Tahqiq-al-Hind, he described India’s cultural, scientific, social, and religious history.
Due to the military incursions of Mahmud of Ghazni in India, Hindu scholars moved to remote
religious centers. In this charged atmosphere, Biruni imposed upon himself the strict discipline
of scientific objectivity. He tried to explain Hindu doctrines without any bias, avoiding any
kind of polemics. Biruni’s approach to Hindu sciences was comparative, making analogies
between Greek and Hindu civilizations. His comparison of the two civilizations led him to the
conclusion that Hindus could not bring sciences to classical perfection and that the scientific
theories of the Hindus are in a state of utter confusion, devoid of any logical order, and always
mixed up with the silly notions of the crowd.
Talking of Hindus in general, Al-Biruni complains of their complacency and ignorance of the
outside world. He even finds faults with them for their want of sympathy and communication
with other people whom they call mlechchas. Observing the consuming arrogance of Hindus
he notes,
“The Hindus believe that there is no country but theirs, no nation like theirs,
no kings like theirs, no religion like theirs, and no science like theirs. If they
travelled and mixed with other nations, they would soon change their mind,
'he adds, 'for their ancestors were not as narrow-minded as the present
generations.”
While giving an account of the physical geography of the country Al-Biruni seems to have an
eye for everything, ranging from the shape, size, and make of rocks and stones to the
anthropological features and costumes of the people. According to him, India was divided into
several kingdoms such as Kashmir, Sindh, Malwa, and Kannauj. In the geographical portion of
his account, he depends not so much upon extracts from books, as on scientific observation and
calculations. The description of the main routes to the different parts of the country and the
calculation of distances between the important towns constitute a very important portion of Al-
Biruni's account. He also wrote a full-fledged chapter on Vikramshila, Nalanda, Kashmir, and
Banaras as the important centers of education.
He talks of various kinds of castes and distinctions in the society. He highlights that in society
early marriage was common and women who lost their husbands were condemned to perpetual
widowhood. Parents arranged marriages for their children and no gifts were settled, though the
husband made a gift to his wife which became her stridhana.
Al-Biruni tried to explain the caste system by looking for parallels in other societies. He
attempted to suggest that social divisions were not unique to India. At the same time, he pointed
out that within Islam all men were considered equal, differing only in their observance of piety.
Despite his acceptance of the Brahmanical description of the caste system, Al-Biruni
disapproved of the notion of pollution. As we have seen, Al-Biruni's description of the caste
system was deeply influenced by his study of normative Sanskrit texts which laid down the
rules governing the system from the point of view of the Brahmanas.
Though concerned mainly with the religious and intellectual aspects, he writes about many
other things including social and religious conditions, food and dress, games and pastimes,
weights and measures, law-suits and superstitions, etc. His entire focus was on science, society,
customs, and manners thus he remained silent about such other topics as trade, industry,
agriculture, arts and architecture, etc.
Conclusion:
Al-Biruni's writings, particularly his Tahqiq-i-Hind (or Kitab-ul-Hind), serve as an invaluable
source for understanding medieval Indian history. His methodical and objective approach, rare
for his time, provides a comprehensive and detailed account of India’s religious, social,
cultural, and scientific life during the 11th century. Al-Biruni's ability to compare Hindu and
Greek philosophies, combined with his proficiency in Sanskrit, allowed him to offer unique
insights into Indian sciences and customs. Despite his critiques, his work remains a remarkable
attempt to present Indian society without bias, and his observations on geography, social
divisions, caste, and religion reflect an ethnographer's precision. His accounts are essential not
only for their scholarly depth but also for providing a foreign, yet scientifically grounded,
perspective on India's civilization. As a result, Tahqiq-i-Hind remains a critical historical
source, offering insights into India's intellectual and cultural traditions, making Al-Biruni one
of the foremost scholars of medieval Indian history.

MINHAJ-US-SIRAJ JUZJANI: TABAQAT-I-NASIRI

Minhaj-us-Siraj Juzjani (b. 1193-1260) belonged to a migrant family and was aristocratic by
birth and marriage. As a learned man, he held several posts before his final appointment as
chief qazi, head of Nasiriya madrasa at Delhi under Sultan Nasiruddin (1246) after whom the
Tabaqat is named. Minhaj-e-Siraj held several royal positions during the reigns of Sultana
Razia, Bahram Shah, Nasir-ud-din Mahmud, and Sultan Gias-ud-din Balban of Delhi.
This last was a new beginning in this tradition of Sultanate historiography. The biographical
details of many important nobles, their military training, and their rise to important positions
give significant insights into the workings of medieval political institutions. For his
contemporary period, he also gives annual chronicles. It contains histories of particular
dynasties in separate chapters. Beginning with Adam, it deals with the Prophet and the Caliphs,
the history of pre-Islamic Iran, events in the Ghor kingdom, Mongol conquests), and
biographical accounts of notables under the reign of Iltutmish in Delhi (1210-36ce).
This book offers clear and reliable information about the establishment and consolidation of
the Delhi Sultanate. However, it is often suggested that he overlooked or downplayed the
weaknesses of the Delhi sultans, likely due to the Favors he received from them. His sources
were regarded as highly authentic, and in certain areas, he provided precise descriptions of
historical events. Yet, his work lacks details about the social and religious aspects of that period,
focusing almost exclusively on military campaigns and conquests. The book’s approach is
conservative, and it is evident that the social and religious attitudes of the Delhi sultans heavily
influenced Minhaj-e-Siraj's writings.
The basic form in Minhaj's Tabaqat-i-Nasiri is what Franz Rosenthal has categorized as
dynastic historiography. A tabaqat or section which is equivalent to a chapter is given to each
dynasty with a sub-chapter to each ruler of that dynasty. So vast is the scope of the work that it
gives an account of more than twenty dynasties of the Islamic world from the Nile to the
Ganges, and from the patriarchs and prophets to the disasters that had befallen Islam, notably
the eruption of the Mongols in the thirteenth century. From the point of view of Indian history,
the Tabaqat is important for its account of the Ghaznavids, the Ghorids, the Muizzi sultans of
Hindustan, the Shamsi Maliks, and the Mongol invasions of India.
According to Harbans Mukhia, The 'universal' history of Minhaj does not reveal any broad
historical perspective. The Tabaqat is, in fact, a politico-biographical narrative, describing
events as part of the lives of so many individuals. A causal explanation is never attempted,
nor is an inquiry into the relationship of individual dynasties to the history of the world. The
work is a string of fragmented units, each unit, whether dynastic or regnal, is independent of
the other.
For Minhaj, causation in history lies in human volition, though at times divine will and
predestination intrude into his narrative as causing historical events. For example, it was
predestined that the states of Hindustan should come under Iltutmish. Again, in the second
battle of Tarain (1192) almighty god gave the victory to Islam, though the almighty god does
not figure in the first battle of Tarain (1191) for it was a victory for Prithviraj.

AMIR KHUSRAU
In the tenth century AD a stylistic device developed in Muslim historiography. It was the use
of poetry and rhymed prose in historical panegyrics. There were three writers of this kind in
the period of the Delhi Sultanate. The important writer of this literary genre is the famous Indo-
Persian poet, Amir Khusrau (1253-1325). Khusrau was the court poet at Delhi from AD 1289
to his death in 1325. He wrote poems each on a particular historical event or group of events
limited to a short period.
Amir Khusrau, one of the most remarkable figures of medieval India, was born in 1253 in
Patiyali, Uttar Pradesh. His given name was Abul Hasan Yamin al-Din Khusrauw, while Amir
Khusrau was his poetic pen name. Also known as Amir Khusrau Dehlavi, he was a brilliant
classical poet and a gifted polymath, closely associated with the courts of more than seven
rulers of Delhi.
Khusrau is widely credited with shaping the Khayal style of North Indian classical music, today
known as Hindustani music. He innovated the traditional raga Dhrupad, blending it with
Persian melodies and rhythms, creating a unique synthesis. He is also recognized as the pioneer
of Qawwali, which he developed by fusing the devotional structure of bhajans with Persian
musical traditions. His literary genius found expression in Persian verse as well as in a dialect
he termed Hindvi, a blend of Persian and local Bhojpuri, which eventually evolved into modern
Hindi and Urdu.
Amir Khusrau's poetic works, deeply embedded in the cultural fabric of India, remain
influential to this day. His verses are often used as bandishes in Hindustani classical music and
continue to inspire ghazal singers, preserving his legacy as a creative force who bridged diverse
cultural and musical worlds.
Amir Khusrau was a distinguished figure among the historians of medieval India, renowned
not only also as a poet, litterateur, and musician but also as a historian. Throughout his life, he
authored nearly 100 works on a wide array of topics. His scholarly endeavours were supported
by several prominent rulers, including Sultan Kaikubad, Bugara Khan, Jalal-ud-din Khalji,
Alauddin Khalji, Qutbuddin Mubarak Shah Khalji, and Sultan Ghiyasudin Tughlaq.
Although Khusrau did not write a comprehensive chronological history, he meticulously
compiled selected historical events, leaving behind six notable works:
i) Qiran-as-Saadain
ii) Miftah-al-Futuh
iii) Khazain-al-Futuh
iv) Aashiqa
v) Nuh Siphir
vi) Tughlaqnama
These texts primarily serve as compilations of the significant events of his time, offering
valuable insights into the historical and cultural milieu of medieval India.
The Qiran-us-Saadain (1285), for instance, revolves around the significant meeting between
Sultan Kaiqubad and his father Bughra Khan in Oudh/Awadh. Apart from that Amir Khusrau
gives a clear picture of Delhi in this book. Miftah-us-Futuh (1291) celebrates Sultan Jalaludin
Khalji’s four major victories, while Ashiqa (1320) is a poignant tale cantered on the tragic love
story of Dewal Rani, daughter of Raja Karan of Vaghela Dynasty of Gujrat, and Khizir Khan,
son of Alaudin Khalji. Nuh Siphir (1318) serves as a panegyric, extolling the court, people,
languages, and the rich flora and fauna of Hindustan. The Tughlaqnama commemorates the
enthronement and military triumphs of Ghiyasud-Din Tughlaq over Khusrau Khan.
Additionally, the prose panegyric Khazain-al-Futuh (1311) praises the achievements and the
four military expeditions, and the victory of Sultan Alaudin Khalji and his armies.
Though primarily a literary figure, Amir Khusrau’s works contain a wealth of political insights
not found in other sources, as noted by Syed Husain Askari. While Khusrau was not a historian
in the traditional sense, his compositions such as Ashiqa, Nuh Siphir, and Qiran-us-Saadain
provide invaluable material for understanding the social and cultural history of medieval India.
His writings offer a vast and varied range of information, including details about the seasons
of North India, royal buildings, forms of entertainment like chaughan (polo), Indian languages,
the custom of sati, and the religious beliefs of the Hindus. These insights make his works of
undeniable historical significance.
Amir Khusrau's historical writings centred around political events but lacked a structured
chronological order or a clear periodization. His primary motivation was to fulfil the desires of
the sultans and royal members of the Delhi Sultanate, aiming to gain rewards and recognition
as a scholar. Rather than offering deep analysis or ensuring the authenticity of historical events,
Khusrau focused on crafting engaging narratives that would entertain his readers. His works
were more concerned with providing pleasurable descriptions than conveying meaningful
messages or critically examining history.

ZIAUDDIN BARANI’S TARIKH-I-FIRUZ SHAHI

Ziauddin Barani (1285–1359) penned his Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi in 1357, at the age of seventy-
four, imbued with a palpable sense of bitterness. Hailing from an aristocratic lineage, his family
had held power and privilege for three generations under the Delhi Sultans. Barani himself
served as a close confidant (nadim) to Sultan Muhammad Tughlaq for over seventeen years.
However, with the Sultan's death in 1351, Barani’s fortunes dramatically declined. Stripped of
his status and property, he found himself displaced from the corridors of power. This personal
downfall instilled in him deep resentment, particularly towards the new class of plebeian
officials who had risen to prominence at the Delhi court. His wounded pride and sense of loss
fuelled a vehement disdain for the lower strata of society, a sentiment that frequently
manifested in the lamentations scattered throughout his Tarikh. Barani completed Tarikh-i-
Firuz Shahi in 1357 AD under the patronage of Sultan Firuz Shah Tughlaq of Delhi, to whom
he dedicated the work.
Barani’s works:
• Tarikh-i-Firuz shahi
• Fatwa-i-Jahandari
• Salat-e-Kabeer
• Hasratnama
• Saheef-e-Naat Muhammadi
• Tarikh-i-Aala Baramika

Barani's concept of history, as articulated in the preface to Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi, reflects three
key aspects: pragmatism, didacticism, and aristocratic elitism.

1) Pragmatic: According to Barani, history unfolds as a vast panorama of human endeavours,

offering valuable lessons to guide individuals through life's challenges. By reflecting on the
past, one can rectify the present, distinguishing between good and evil, virtue and vice, and
discerning between friends and foes. Barani viewed history as the ultimate source of
wisdom, where individuals could learn from the experiences of others and avoid the pitfalls
of their predecessors.
2) Didactic: Peter Hardy emphasizes the instructional nature of Barani's Tarikh, asserting that
Barani intended to propagate his philosophical vision of history. Barani's other work, the
Fatawa-i-Jahandari, fully expounds the responsibilities of a just Muslim sovereign. To
Barani, history was didactic, meant to impart lessons for future generations, particularly
rulers, on the art of governance and leadership.
3) Aristocratic: Barani’s worldview was deeply rooted in his aristocratic upbringing. His
understanding of history was shaped by a perspective that placed royalty and the upper
classes at the centre of historical significance. As Nizami notes, Barani perceived history
through the lens of the ruling elite, focusing primarily on the monarchy and the governing
nobility. For Barani, history was essentially the history of the aristocracy, with power and
authority being their exclusive domain. He could not envision greatness outside of the
realm of kingship.
Aristocratic birth was fundamental to Barani's historical philosophy, as it was to his
personal life. His disdain for those of lower birth was unrestrained, believing they should
remain in ignorance and poverty. For Barani, merit was inherently tied to noble birth,
while vice was a natural consequence of low birth—neither could be altered by
personal effort or achievement.

Sources and Chronology:

For Barani, as for the other chroniclers of the Sultanate period, history was not exactly a matter
of investigated information but one of received knowledge of the past, and personal testimony
and memory. Barani's chief source of information was his own vast knowledge and prodigious
memory. According to Nizami: "He records whatever he remembers and he remembers
whatever has left a deep impression.”
He also quotes his sources on his mind. the testimony of relatives and other orthodox, “god-
fearing persons.” And, on his report, Barani based his work observation on personal he had
easy access to the court and ample opportunities to know the details accurately.
Finally, as Nizami rightly thinks, Barani seems to have availed himself of recorded data as at
the opening of every chapter, he gives a list of the maliks and khans, the principal officers
and governors of the concerned ruler. Yet, Barani's method was defective as he relied on
received truth-truth on authority. Facts were ascertained not by critical doubt and inquiry
but by the testimony of religious and virtuous men.

Form and Content

The Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi is, in its basic form, dynastic and regnal. In effect, it is a continuation
of Minhaj's Tabaqat-i-Nasiri narrating the history of nine sultans from Balban to the first six
years of Firuz Tughlaq's reign, thus covering the most important period of the Delhi
sultanate. Barani begins with a few references to Iltutmish's reign and refers to the frequency
of Mongol invasions. Then he goes on to deal with a very significant development in medieval
Indian history, that is, the rise of Khalji imperialism, and succeeds in communicating its spirit
in all its aspects-military, economic, and cultural.
Though critical of Alauddin Khalji's disregard for the Shara (Shariyat- Islamic Law), he
considers the sultan's market regulations as a near miracle. Barani gives the best account given
by a historian so far of Muhammad Tughlak's character and personality, as well as policy and
administration. The interest he shows in the details of administration, land-revenue collection,
and economic life is very valuable. Tarikh is a compendium of culture, apart from containing
lists of historians, philosophers, poets, physicians, saints, and religious divines.
Demerits of Barani:
A chief defect of Barani's History is its subjectivity. The Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi fails to meet the
canons of historical objectivity largely owing to the circumstances of its composition. The
author was a man who had fallen from the plenitude of opulence and glory and reduced to
indigence and negligence in his old age. "The despair that is in my heart," writes Barani, "flows
in tears of blood from my eyes; a wave from the river of blood pours out of my eyes, drips from
my pen, and stains the paper."
Nizami explains this subjectivism by pointing out that Barani found the tragedy of his life writ
large in the history of the period he was writing, from which he could not separate his own
story. The description of Muhammad Tughalq, for example, almost follows the vagaries of the
historian's psychological moods at one moment extolling the Sultan to the skies but
condemning him and uttering curses on him at the next. Nizami sums up: It was not so much
the Sultan who was a mass of inconsistencies or a mixture of opposites but the historian himself
who was a miserably torn personality. He projected his psychological state in his assessment
of the Sultan's character.
In his historical accounts, Barani often resorted to vivid exaggerations to emphasize the gravity
of certain events. For instance, while describing the reforms of Sultan Muhammad bin Tughlaq,
he dramatically claimed that during the infamous capital shift from Delhi to Daulatabad, the
entire city was evacuated to the extent that not a single dog or cat remained behind. Similarly,
when discussing Tughlaq’s failed experiment with token currency, Barani hyperbolically
remarked that every Hindu household had effectively turned into a mint, underscoring the chaos
and widespread forgery that ensued. These embellishments, while adding rhetorical flourish,
reflect Barani’s tendency to magnify events to underline their significance.
Despite such exaggerated portrayals, Barani held a strong conviction about the role of the
historian. In his view, a historian should remain impartial, grounded in truth, and free from
emotional bias. He was firm in his belief that history should not be tainted by the writings of
incompetent or lower-class scribes, as this would degrade its importance and erode its intrinsic
value. For Barani, history was a sacred repository of truth and moral lessons, and only those
capable of writing with clarity, objectivity, and scholarly rigor were fit to contribute to it.

MUGHAL TIMES
During the Mughal period, a distinct form of historiography emerged in India under Persian
influence, marked by the production of official histories, or namahs. This new tradition was
initiated by Emperor Akbar, who commissioned state officials and scholars to document the
history of his expanding empire. For this purpose, they were granted unprecedented access to
state archives, allowing them to record events with detailed accuracy. The practice of writing
official histories persisted through successive reigns, culminating in the rule of Aurangzeb.
However, Aurangzeb notably discontinued the tradition in the eleventh year of his reign,
putting an end to this form of historical documentation.
In addition to these state-sponsored chronicles, the Mughal period also saw the creation of
biographical works that hold immense historical value. These biographical accounts offer rich
insights into the lives of key figures of the time, complementing the official narratives.
Furthermore, the historiography of this era is not solely reliant on court chroniclers; in some
cases, we are fortunate to have independent historians, who, as contemporaries, provided
unbiased and critical perspectives on the events of the time. Their contributions offer a more
diverse and nuanced understanding of Mughal history, balancing the official versions with
independent reflections.

BABURNAMA

The Memoirs of Babur or Baburnama is an autobiography or tuzuk (means diary) of Zahiruddin

Muhammad Babar (1483-1530). In 1494, at just twelve years old, Babur ascended to a
precarious position as the ruler of Fergana in Central Asia. By the time of his death in 1530, he
had established control over much of northern India, founding what would become the Mughal
Empire. His memoir, the Baburnama, not only chronicles key historical events but also
provides a vivid account of aristocratic life in Central Asia around 1500. Noted as the first true
autobiography in Islamic literature, the Baburnama recounts Babur's struggle to claim and
defend Samarkand and Fergana. After losing Samarkand to the Uzbek Shaibanids in 1501,
Babur eventually turned to Kabul and later India, where his descendants ruled as the Mughal
dynasty until 1858.
The memoirs provide the reflections of a highly educated Central Asian Muslim on the world
around him. While they delve deeply into the political and military conflicts of his era, they
also offer rich descriptions of the geography, flora and fauna, nomadic life in the pastures, and
the urban landscapes adorned by architecture, music, and the Persian and Turkic literature
fostered under Timurid patronage.
The memoir's content follows chapters and aspects of Babur's life.1

Table of Contents:

i) Description of Fergana.
ii) Description of Samarkand.
iii) Babur leaves Kesh and crosses the Mura Pass.
iv) Babur takes Samarkand by surprise, on July 28, 1500.
v) Babur in Samarkand.
vi) Ali-Sher Nawa'i, the famous poet.
vii) Babur leaves Samarkand, in July 1501.
viii) Babur in Dikhkat.
ix) Shabaq (Shaibani) Khan's campaigns; winter conditions and mountain springs.
x) The acclaiming of the military standards according to Mongol tradition.
xi) Babur's poverty in Tashkent.

Babur's Tuzuk has been rightly recognized as a historical source of great literary merit. Babur
claims that he has written "only the plain trad to have" spoken of things as they happened," and
to have "described every good or bad act" of all "with the most perfect impartiality." Yet, as is
natural to such accounts of a personal character, value judgments abound, and the historical
events in the Tuzuk are inextricably mixed up with the author's own opinions, sentiments,
judgments, and philosophy of life. Events are presented within their chronological and
geographical contexts. Babur attributed his successes in India to the grace of God and perceived
the nation’s weaknesses as stemming from its inherent disunity.
However, despite the challenges of establishing his dynasty in a land that offered few
immediate delights, he noted three significant advantages: its vast expanse, the delightful
climate during the monsoon season, and the plentiful availability of skilled labour across
various trades. Additionally, he remarked that the region stretching from Bhera to Bihar
generated a remarkable revenue of fifty-two crores. Babur depicts a bleak portrayal of the
people, drawing attention to their scant attire, which readily strikes a foreign observer. The
peasants and lower classes are often seen without sufficient clothing, resorting to a garment
known as a langoti. Similarly, the women wear a langoti, fastening one end around their waists
while draping the other over their heads.
"The people of India," Babur wrote, "have no idea of the charms of friendly society, of frankly
mixing or of familiar intercourse." He found the whole of Agra ugly and detestable where
however he erected buildings and planted trees. Till the end, the founder of the Mughal empire

1
This table of contents is provided for general reference and should not be included in the final
answer.
cherished a desire to go back to his spiritual home-Kabul and Central Asia. The Tuzuk makes
its author a great writer of Turki prose. The simplicity of its style goes well with its honesty
and sincerity.
Babur's detailed and insightful autobiography offers a vivid portrayal of his life and times, the
people, and the lands they inhabited. For instance, he recounts the events leading up to the
defeat of Sultan Ibrahim Lodi and the fall of Delhi in his own words: "During the seven or
eight days we lay in Panipat, our men approached Ibrahim's camp in small groups, raining
arrows down on his troops and bringing back severed heads.” Yet, he made no move, nor did
his soldiers venture out. Eventually, we heeded the advice of some well-meaning Hindustanis
and dispatched four or five thousand men for a night attack on his camp. However, in the
darkness, they struggled to coordinate and disperse, achieving nothing upon their arrival. They
remained near Ibrahim's camp until dawn when the sound of nagarets [kettle drums] alerted
his troops, who emerged in full force with elephants..."
In addition to accounts of military conflicts and strategies, Babur provides meticulous
descriptions of landscapes, cities, local economies, and customs, as well as the flora and fauna
of the region. He discusses various subjects, including Hindu ascetics at Bagram (modern-day
Afghanistan), animals such as elephants, rhinoceroses, and buffalo, along with birds like
peacocks, parrots, and storks, as well as water hogs and crocodiles. He also notes the trees and
shrubs found in the area, including plantains, tamarinds, and oleanders, while recounting his
efforts to oversee the cultivation of his gardens in Kabul. Notably, Babur presents what is likely
the first reliable account of the famed diamond known as the Koh-i-Noor, or "Mountain of
Light."
Though Thackston claims it is "the first real autobiography in Islamic literature", the
Baburnama contains little personal reflection. Babur is frank and open but tends to describe
actions rather than motivations. The Baburnama does, however, extend far beyond the military
and political history summarized above. Babur includes descriptions of many of the places he
visits and is interested in flora and fauna and techniques of hunting, fishing, and agriculture.

SHAIKH ABUL FAZL

AKBARNAMA AND AIN-I-AKBARI
(1551-1602)

The greatest among the histories sponsored by kings and financed by the state are Abul Fazl's
twin works, the Akbarnama and the Ain-i-Akbari. Abul Fazl was born in Agra in January 1551,
son of Shaikh Mubarak, in a Hejazi family that had migrated to India and settled at Nagaur
near Ajmer. Inheriting from his father and grandfather the tradition of mysticism and toleration,
of universal learning and cosmopolitanism, under the tutelage of his father Abul Fazl grew into
an erudite scholar.
Presented to Akbar in 1574 by his brother, the poet Abul Faizi, the young scholar quickly rose
to a high position at the imperial court with his vast learning and assiduous devotion to the
emperor. He was Akbar's alter ego, more powerful than the prime minister, and he became the
high priest of the Din Ilahi. Abul Fazl's gargantuan appetite is said to have called for thirty
pounds of food a day. He married four women, including a Hindu. But his power and position
had earned him enemies. In 1602 he was cruelly murdered by Bir Singh at the instance of the
emperor's son, Prince Salim (later Emperor Jahangir).
Abul Fazl was directed by his imperial master to "write with the pen of sincerity the account
of the glorious events and our dominion's increasing victories." Few histories could have been
written from a wider background of education and experience, few prepared more diligently,
elaborately, and conscientiously than the Akbarnama and the Ain-i-Akbari. The first of the two
parts of the Akbarnama deals with Akbar's birth and the reigns of Babur and Humayun, while
the second tells us of Akbar's reign to the end of the forty-sixth year. The last part, the famous
Ain-i-Akbari is a detailed, descriptive statistical record of the Mughal empire in the sixteenth
century.
Besides being a scholar, Abul Fazl was a man of affairs who could understand the behaviour
of states and the course of history. He was Akbar's friend and adviser, minister, diplomat, and
military commander. The work, begun in 1595, was completed and submitted to Akbar in 1602.
In form, the Akbarnama and the Ain-i-Akbari are twin complementary works the Ain describing
Akbar's experiments and institutions; the Akbarnama endeavouring to explain the spirit behind
those institutions. The Ain, the descriptive record of Akbar's empire, is divided into five books.
The arrangement of the Akbarnama is regnal, each reign being treated as a unit in which each
event forms an individual entity. When the author comes to the reign of Akbar, the book
assumes the character of an annual chronicle, the events of each year being described strictly
in the sequence of their happening.
The second volume of the Akbarnama contains at length Abul Fazl's views on history. The
greatest historian of medieval India thought that the study of such history as had been written
in the Sultanate period was a waste of time. He was convinced that properly written history
embodying the experiences and achievements of man was a positive source of inspiration. He
calls history "a unique pearl of science which quiets perturbations, physical and spiritual, and
gives light to darkness external and internal.”
Abul Fazl's Perspective on History and the Mughal Empire:
1. Nature of History:
- History encapsulates human knowledge and experiences, providing solace to the
unfortunate and grieving.
- Abul Fazl highlights the significance of historians in preserving the legacies of powerful
monarchs, stating, “It is evident that of mighty monarchs of old, there is no memorial except
in the works of the historians of the age.”
2. Pursuit of Truth:
- The realization of truth, deemed essential to human life, can be attained through reason,
which is fostered by studying the past.
- Despite its limitations, history is valuable and worth cultivating for the understanding it
provides.
3. Broader View of Indian History:
- Abul Fazl developed a new, expansive view of Indian history, influenced by both his
rationalist-liberal outlook and Akbar’s vision for the Mughal Empire.
- Akbar's empire was envisioned as a truly Indian entity, characterized by national unity and
partnership with Hindus, contrasting with the Sultanate's foreign and oppressive governance.

4. Political and Social Context:

- The political, social, and intellectual dynamics of Akbar's era required a supportive
academic narrative to sustain the innovative character of the empire he was building.
- Abul Fazl’s liberal views on religion and politics positioned him as an ideal advocate for
these new ideas.

5. Role of Abul Fazl:

- Abul Fazl emerged as a key figure in promoting reason and religious tolerance, countering
the entrenched obscurantism of the ulama (religious scholars).
- He provided the moral and intellectual foundation for Akbar's unconventional policies,
thereby shaping the cultural and political landscape of the Mughal Empire.

Abul Fazl performed his task by:

First, effecting a departure from the historiography of the Sultanate period. He employed a
rational approach to history. He does not refer to the generally accepted view of Muslim
historians that history only served to enlighten and warn 'believers'.
Second, Abul Fazl's assessment of the Indian situation was rational and political whereas that
of his predecessors was religious. He refused to agree with the view held by his predecessors
that Indian history essentially constituted a record of the struggles between the forces of Islam
and Hinduism. For Abul Fazl the conflict was between the Mughal Empire and the Indian
Princes, Hindu and the Muslim alike.
Third, Abul Fazl again departed from the medieval Muslim view and did not believe that Indian
history should concern itself only with the achievements of the Muslim rulers of India. He
widened the scope of that history as no Muslim historian had done by including in the Ain an
elaborate, sympathetic, and careful study of the religious and philosophical systems, and the
social customs and practices of the Hindus. His study was based on careful investigation and
inquiry.
After Al-Biruni, it was Abul Fazl who made a systematic attempt to understand Hindu religion
and society from the proper perspective. His attempt resulted in one of the finest examples of
historical objectivity and detachment. Abul Fazl's outlook on Indian history proved to be of
abiding value. It went a long way in popularizing the secular nature of the Mughal government
under Akbar and his policy of sulh-i-kul (peace with all).

MULLA ABDUL QADIR BADAUNI

MUNTAKHAB-UT-TAWARIKH

Abdul Qadir Badauni was a prominent historian and scholar of the Mughal era, born in the late
16th century. He served as a court historian during the reign of Emperor Akbar and later under
Jahangir, providing invaluable insights into the socio-political and cultural dynamics of his
time. Badauni is best known for his historical work, Muntakhab al-Tawarikh (Selected
Histories), which offers a comprehensive account of Mughal history, including detailed
observations on the reigns of Akbar and his successors. His writings are notable for their critical
approach and vivid narrative style, reflecting both his erudition and deep engagement with the
events and personalities of the Mughal court. Badauni was appointed Imam (priest) for prayers
and was given a thousand bighas of land. But the relationship between the sovereign and the
scholar turned into estrangement.
Muntakhab al-Tawarikh by Badauni: The Muntakhab ul-Tawarikh is composed of three
volumes.
1. First Volume:
o Covers formal history from Subuktagin to Humayun.
o Organized in strict chronological order based on the reigns of various rulers.
o The narrative shows impartiality regarding the significance of different rulers,
Balban, Kaikubad, and Sher Shah.
2. Second Volume:
o Focuses on the first forty years of Akbar's reign.
o Presented in the format of an annual chronicle, detailing significant events and
developments during this period.
3. Third Volume:
o Contains biographical sketches of notable figures in Akbar’s court.
o Includes profiles of Ulema (religious scholars), physicians, and poets,
highlighting their contributions and significance within the Mughal empire.

Akbar began to suspect that Badauni was a fanatic. The springs of Badauni's bitterness were
personal and religious. His criticisms of Akbar encompass several key aspects of the emperor's
rule, reflecting his concerns about the moral and administrative implications of Akbar's
policies.
One of the primary points of contention for Badauni was Akbar’s approach to religious
tolerance, which he viewed as excessively accommodating to non-Muslims, particularly in the
context of the Din-i Ilahi—a syncretic faith promoted by Akbar and Ibadat Khana (Hall of
Worship built by Akbar to discuss religious and philosophical problems). Badauni argued that
this compromise of Islamic principles undermined the integrity of the religion.
The Ulama were effectively marginalized during Akbar's reign, as the emperor asserted his
supremacy over spiritual matters. In a significant departure from tradition, Akbar tasked
scholars with translating the Hindu holy texts, a move that deeply offended Badauni, who
expressed his bitterness in language that bordered on obscenity. His fervent devotion to Islam
was intertwined with a profound animosity towards Sufism, Shia Muslims, Hindus, and the
progressive ideas championed by Shaikh Mubarak and his sons, Faizi and Abul Fazl. Badauni
adhered to a rigidly orthodox stance that rejected the newfound flexibility and liberal thought
fostered by Akbar’s policies. He vehemently criticized various reforms implemented by the
emperor, including social measures such as the establishment of marriage age regulations and
poor houses, as well as administrative innovations like the branding of horses and the
Mansabdari system. Throughout his writings, particularly in the Muntakhab, which he
composed clandestinely to avoid incurring the emperor's wrath, Badauni condemned Akbar
and his initiatives aimed at promoting prosperity, reflecting a deep-seated resistance to the
transformative changes of his time.
But Badauni's account is our chief contemporary source for the religious and philosophical
discussion in the Ibadat Khana, and the account is given firsthand. The historian disliked
Akbar's eclecticism and was disgusted with the emperor's patronage of men of different
persuasions to the detriment of the Muslims who, he thought, had the sole title to government
office and preferment. He provides eyewitness accounts of famine and earthquakes, the Jauhar
at Chitor, and some of the buildings.
Additionally, he criticized the lavish lifestyle and extravagant expenditures of Akbar, believing
they detracted from the more austere and disciplined governance that he felt should characterize
an Islamic ruler.
Furthermore, he highlighted the suffering of the peasantry under the Karori system of land
revenue, suggesting that Akbar's policies favoured the aristocracy at the expense of the
common people. There are somewhat detailed accounts of the branding of the horses, but the
Mansabdari system and the revenue administration receive little attention. Through these
criticisms, Badauni presents a more nuanced and often harsh view of Akbar's reign, challenging
the prevailing narratives of the emperor as an unqualifiedly benevolent and enlightened ruler.
In conclusion, it must be acknowledged that Badauni's Muntakhab al-Tawarikh is not entirely
reliable and is marred by various shortcomings. However, it serves as a valuable supplement
and corrective to the overly laudatory Akbarnamah by Abul Fazl. This candid historian
provides essential insights into aspects of Akbar’s rule that Abul Fazl tends to overlook,
particularly those that could tarnish the emperor's reputation. For instance, Badauni offers a
poignant depiction of the severe hardships faced by ryots under the Karori system of land
revenue, shedding light on the socio-economic challenges of the time. Additionally, Badauni's
account of Akbar's religious evolution is of inestimable significance. He portrays the emperor
as an inquisitive intellect, deeply engaged with the most profound questions of existence, and
reveals the spiritual yearning that compelled him to spend entire nights and long hours in
contemplation and meditation. Even in his lamentations regarding his faith, Badauni maintains
a commitment to truth, ensuring that his reflections are grounded in sincerity rather than mere
bitterness.

COMMUNAL READING OF HISTORY:

In medieval Indian historiography, the writings of scholars like Minhaj-us-Siraj, Ziauddin
Barani, and Abdul Qadir Badauni are often seen as pivotal yet controversial works, particularly
in their treatment of Hindu-Muslim relations. These historians wrote during the Delhi Sultanate
and the Mughal Empire, and their works are sometimes interpreted as examples of communal
writings. A close examination of their texts reveals a degree of bias or communal tone, as these
historians often portrayed history through a religious lens, either overtly or subtly emphasizing
the supremacy of Islam. This bias can be understood within the broader socio-political context
of medieval India, where religion was a crucial aspect of identity, and the political landscape
was frequently defined by tensions between the Hindu majority and the Muslim ruling elite.
Minhaj-us-Siraj, a 13th-century historian, served under the Ghurid Empire and later under the
Delhi Sultanate, where his most notable work, the Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, was composed. His
chronicle is often considered a seminal work for understanding the early years of Sultanate rule
in India. While Minhaj is widely regarded for his meticulous historical recording, his
perspective reflects the worldview of a court historian. His writings tend to glorify Sultanate
rulers and paint regional rulers and their societies in a less favourable light. This can be seen
in his portrayal of the Ghurid invasions of India, which he frames as a holy war against infidels,
implicitly positioning them as champions of civilization against the backward. Although this
bias was not uncommon for court historians of the time, it contributes to a communal
understanding of the past, where the achievements of one religious community are glorified at
the expense of another.
Ziauddin Barani, another prominent medieval historian, is perhaps the most well-known figure
associated with communal historiography in India. Writing during the 14th century under the
Delhi Sultanate, Barani's Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi and Fatawa-i-Jahandari are notable for their
explicit communal tone. Barani was deeply influenced by his religious convictions and
believed in the inherent superiority of Muslims over Hindus. In his works, he frequently
emphasizes the need for Islamic rulers to uphold the supremacy of Islam and to ensure that the
Hindu population is kept in a subordinate position. His writings suggest that he saw Hinduism
as a religion of ignorance and polytheism, and he advocated for a strict policy of discrimination
against Hindus. Barani's ideal ruler would suppress Hindu practices, enforce conversions to
Islam, and create a society in which Muslims held undisputed political and religious authority.
In this sense, Barani’s historiography can be viewed as overtly communal because it calls for
the domination of one religious community over another and seeks to justify this domination
through historical narrative.
Barani’s concept of history was deeply intertwined with his vision of the state and religion. He
believed that history should serve as a moral guide for rulers, instructing them on how to govern
by Islamic principles. This moral didacticism often translated into a stark division between the
Muslim rulers and the Hindu subjects. For instance, Barani praised Sultan Alauddin Khalji for
his harsh policies towards Hindus, viewing them as necessary measures to maintain Islamic
rule. At the same time, he criticized other sultans for being too lenient towards Hindus, arguing
that such leniency undermined the Islamic character of the state. This insistence on a rigid
separation between Muslims and Hindus, and the glorification of Muslim rulers who oppressed
Hindus, are clear indicators of a communal worldview in Barani’s writing.
Abdul Qadir Badauni, writing in the late 16th century during the Mughal Empire, is another
historian whose works have been interpreted as communal. Badauni was a scholar and historian
in the court of Emperor Akbar, and he is most famous for his Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh. His
writings, while not as explicitly communal as Barani’s, still reflect a strong religious bias.
Badauni was a staunch Sunni Muslim, and he was deeply critical of Akbar’s attempts at
religious syncretism, particularly the emperor’s efforts to incorporate Hindu customs and ideas
into his administration. Badauni’s opposition to Akbar’s policy of religious tolerance is evident
in his writing, where he frequently expresses disapproval of the emperor’s interest in Hinduism,
Jainism, and other non-Islamic faiths. He viewed these efforts as a dilution of the Islamic faith
and feared that they would undermine the Muslim identity of the Mughal Empire.
Badauni’s bias is also evident in his portrayal of Hindu figures in the Mughal court. While he
acknowledges the importance of Hindu officials like Raja Todar Mal and Raja Man Singh, his
descriptions of them are often tinged with disdain, and he implies that their influence was
detrimental to the Islamic character of the state. Like Barani, Badauni saw history as a moral
guide for rulers, and he believed that the Mughal emperors should focus on upholding Islamic
law and suppressing non-Islamic practices. His hostility towards Akbar’s policies of tolerance
and his negative portrayal of Hindu officials reflects a communal perspective, in which the
interests of the Muslim community are seen as being at odds with those of the Hindu
population.
The communal tone in the writings of Minhaj, Barani, and Badauni can be understood as a
product of their time when religious identity was closely tied to political power. These
historians were writing in the courts of Muslim rulers, and their works were intended to serve
as both historical records and political treatises. As court historians, they were expected to
legitimize the rule of their patrons and to provide moral and religious justification for the
political status quo. In a society where religion was a key marker of identity and social
hierarchy, it is not surprising that their writings reflect a communal outlook, with Islam being
portrayed as the dominant and rightful religion, and Hinduism as an inferior and subordinate
faith.
However, it is important to note that while the writings of Minhaj, Barani, and Badauni can be
seen as communal, they also provide valuable insights into the complex social and political
dynamics of medieval India. Their works reflect the tensions and interactions between different
religious communities, and they offer a window into how religion and politics were intertwined
during this period. While their communal bias is undeniable, their writings also serve as
important historical sources that help us understand the broader context of communal writings
in medieval India.
In conclusion, the writings of Minhaj, Barani, and Badauni can be considered examples of
communal historiography because they reflect a religious bias that glorifies Islam and
denigrates Hinduism. Their works reinforce a binary opposition between Muslims and Hindus,
and they advocate for the political and social domination of one community over the other.
However, their writings must also be understood within the context of the medieval period,
when religion was a key aspect of political legitimacy and social identity. While their works
may be communal in tone, they remain valuable historical sources that shed light on the
complexities of medieval Indian society.