PSYC200 Research Assignment 2017
PSYC200 Research Assignment 2017
An op-ed piece derives its name from originally having appeared opposite the editorial page in a newspaper. Today, the
term is used more widely to represent a column that represents the strong, informed, and focused opinion of the writer on
an issue of relevance to a targeted audience.
Partly, a column is defined by where it appears, but it shares some common characteristics:
Every successful op-ed piece or column must have a clearly defined topic and theme.
• Topic: the person, place, issue, incident, or thing that is the primary focus of the column. The topic is usually
stated in the first paragraph.
• Theme: another level of meaning to the topic. What’s the big, overarching idea of the column? What’s your point?
Why is your point important? The theme may appear early in the piece or it may appear later when it may also
serve as a turning point into a deeper level of argument.
Research
While columns and op-ed pieces allow writers to include their own voice and express an opinion, to be successful the
columns must be grounded in solid research. Research involves acquiring facts, quotations, citations, or data from
sources and personal observation. Research also allows a reader to include sensory data (touch, taste, smell, sound, or
sight) into a column. There are two basic methods of research:
• Field research: going to the scene, interviews, legwork; primary materials, observations, and knowledge
• Library, academic, or internet research: using secondary materials, including graphs, charts, and scholarly articles
Openings
The first line of an op-ed is crucial. The opening “hook” may grab the reader’s attention with a strong claim, a surprising
fact, a metaphor, a mystery, or a counter-intuitive observation that entices the reader into reading more. The opening also
briefly lays the foundation for your argument.
Endings
Every good column or op-ed piece needs a strong ending which has some basic requirements. It:
There are two basic types of endings. An “open ending” suggests rather than states a conclusion, while a “closed ending”
states rather than suggests a conclusion. The closed ending in which the point of the piece is resolved is by far the most
commonly used.
Voice
Having a strong voice is critical to a successful column or op-ed piece. Columns are most typically conversational in tone,
so you can imagine yourself have a conversation with your reader as you write (a short, focused conversation). But the
range of voice used in columns can be wide: contemplative, conversational, descriptive, experienced, informative,
informed, introspective, observant, plaintive, reportorial, self-effacing, sophisticated, humorous, among many other
possibilities.
Sometimes what voice you use is driven by the publication for which you are writing. A good method of perfecting your
voice is to get in the habit of reading your column or op-ed out loud. Doing so gives you a clear sense of how your piece
might sound – what your voice may come off as – to your intended reader.
Revision Checklist
Some things to remember as you revise your op-ed or column before you submit it for publication:
• Check clarity.
• Check coherence and unity.
• Check simplicity.
• Check voice and tone. (Most are conversational; some require an authoritative voice.)
• Check direct quotations and paraphrasing for accuracy.
• Check to make sure you properly credit all sources though formal citations are not necessary.)
• Check the consistency of your opinion throughout your op-ed or column.
Resources
Below are links to some online resources related to op-ed and column writing:
The Op-Ed Project (http://www.theopedproject.org) is a terrific resource for anyone looking to strengthen their op-ed
writing. It provides tips on op-ed writing, suggestions about basic op-ed structure, guidelines on how to pitch op-ed pieces
to publications, and information about top outlets that publish op-eds. Started as an effort to increase the number of
women op-ed writers, The Op-Ed Project also regularly runs daylong seminars around the country.
The Harvard Kennedy School Communications Program regularly runs workshops on writing op-eds and columns as well
as classes focusing on the topic. You can find out more about these by checking the HKS Communications Program’s
website (http://www.hkscommunicationsprogram.org).
(Seglin, August, 2012)
2/6/2017 What underlies public prejudice towards asylum seekers?
Authors
Anne Pedersen
Associate Professor in Psychology,
Murdoch University
Lisa Hartley
Lecturer, Centre for Human Rights
Education, Curtin University
Many Australians feel the government should maintain a tough policy on asylum seekers who arrive by
boat. Hadi Zader/Flickr, CC BY
According to a poll taken last December, 60% of those surveyed think the Australian government
should “increase the severity of the treatment of asylum seekers”. What’s behind this negative
sentiment (otherwise known as prejudice) towards asylum seekers in Australian society?“
One very important and consistent predictor of prejudice is the acceptance of inaccurate information,
or myths, as true. A 2006 study, carried out by one of this article’s authors, identified three frequently
cited myths that depicted asylum seekers as "queue jumpers”, “illegals” and not having a genuine
reason to seek asylum. This study found that people who were high in prejudice were significantly
more likely to accept these myths as being true.
These beliefs have been linked with government rhetoric about asylum seekers under the previous
Howard government. Under the Abbott government, there has been no shortage of hostile rhetoric.
The punitive asylum seeker policies of the Labor government under Julia Gillard and Kevin Rudd
have also continued.
Some research links extreme levels of nationalism to prejudice towards asylum seekers. In one study
into the phenomenon of flying Australian flags on one’s car for Australia Day, researchers from the
University of Western Australia and Curtin University surveyed 501 people in public spaces in the
week leading up to and on Australia Day in 2011.
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2/6/2017 What underlies public prejudice towards asylum seekers?
The study found carflag flyers rated more highly on measures of patriotism and nationalism and
were significantly more likely to express prejudiced views against asylum seekers than nonflag flyers.
Of those who flew flags, only 9.9% held positive views towards asylum seekers, compared to 24.7% of
nonflag flyers.
Research suggests a correlation between nationalism and prejudice against asylum seekers. Flickr/Brian Costelloe, CC BY
We have found that people who held prejudiced views against asylum seekers are also notably more
likely to overestimate support in the community for these views compared with those more accepting
of asylum seekers.
A 2008 study carried out by one of the authors found while both groups overestimated their support
in the community, the effect was much more pronounced among people holding prejudiced views.
This finding is of concern because other research finds people who see themselves as having a
“majority voice” are more likely to be vocal and less flexible in their views than others who see
themselves as having a “minority voice”.
People who seek to be tolerant and accepting of asylum seekers often find it difficult to speak out. This
compounds the problem: prejudiced people’s influence can be disproportionate to their numbers.
In addition to these cognitive factors that underlie prejudice, some studies indicate community views
about asylum seekers are strongly linked with emotions. Research in 2010 found people who are
positive towards asylum seekers are more likely to feel empathy for them, to feel moral outrage at their
situation and to express disgust and embarrassment at Australia’s policy stance.
Our recent unpublished study found people who held prejudiced views against asylum seekers were
more likely to feel threatened by them. This was the case in regard to perceived threats to both security
and “Australian values”.
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2/6/2017 What underlies public prejudice towards asylum seekers?
The fact our participants were more negative towards boat arrivals
relates to a myth touched on above: “queue jumping”. The term queue
implies that an orderly resettlement process exists, but this is far from
reality.
It may also be the case many Australians are quite sensitive to what they Hostile rhetoric from our politicians can build prejudice against
asylum seekers. AAP/Daniel Munoz
see as rulebreaking. Our 2012 study on prejudice against Muslim
Australians found a strong predictor of resentment was a perceived lack
of conformity with Australian culture. Asylum seekers are often seen as Muslim even though they
come from a range of religions, including Christianity and Hinduism.
Our finding also relates to the “not genuine” myth. Yet, over the last decade, more than 90% of boat
arrivals have been found to be refugees. These myths, among others, need to be refuted if we are to
reduce prejudice.
Levels of prejudice in Australian society can be reduced. Studies of both university students and older
Australians in the community show attitudes can become more positive. This is important, as
individuals can turn into a critical mass that can change social norms and government policy.
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2/6/2017 What does 'belief' in climate change really mean?
Many Australians think they have experienced events associated with climate change. AAP Image/Tony McDonough
Where one stands on “climate change” has been such a vexed and often confusing Author
issue, at dinner parties, over coffee, with the taxi driver, and in terms of media
reporting of where the Australian public is at.
A simple reality is that most people are trying to make some reasonable sense of this
seemingly profound threat, quite complex phenomenon, “the science”, and what Joseph Reser
Adjunct Professor, School of Psychology,
seems to be happening in terms of global and local weather patterns and extreme Griffith University
weather events. And the myriad information lines available to us are often not much
help, and the messages often confusing and conflicting. All, of course, further
complicated by the contested politics, the carbon tax, and how to survive a climate
change conversation. Not to mention, of course, the mediated nature of the average person’s
encounters with climate change.
Looking through a psychological window sheds some light on all of this. We are all adaptively hard
wired to make reasonable sense of possible environmental threats. We keep a “weather eye” on
noteworthy changes, the strange, the curious. When consequential environmental events or changes
take place, we try (and need) to impose some sense and meaning on what is happening and why. We
want to know who, if anyone, was responsible.
Sense making is very much about causal explanation or attribution, in human terms, and in ways
that both answer the question of why and let us feel that we live in a coherent and reasonably ordered,
and not too dangerous or unpredictable world.
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2/6/2017 What does 'belief' in climate change really mean?
Humans try to impose a sense of meaning on environmental events. We want to know why things happen. AAP
So let’s look at “climate change”. What exactly is it that has been so exhaustively covered by the
media? Is it the phenomenon of changing weather patterns linked to atmospheric gases and their
relative makeup. Is it the implied consequences of such changes? Is it the intertwined environmental,
social, or political issues, or the debate about “the science”?
In this context, language like “attitudes about” or “beliefs in” climate change seems a bit strained. The
issue is whether one accepts the earth’s climate has taken a different direction, influenced by recent
human activities. Related questions are why is this happening, and what can or should be done about
it?
This is where causal attribution and human agency and responsibility comes in. The science tells
us that greenhouse gas emissions have “forced” the changes that are taking place. This sense
conferring explanation does not suggest that there are not many natural forces and atmospheric
dynamics at play, but it does point to a rather pivotal human influence.
This human agency has real implications in terms of what can be done about this, how the problem
and threat can be best addressed, and whether what is now set in train can be turned around. A level
of human causality and agency also raises issues of responsibility, and a spectrum of emotions,
including deep concern, felt loss, pessimism, and guilt.
We know that when human actions or technology are implicated in environmental changes, or
disturb “natural” processes, the risk and danger becomes more elevated, more disturbing, more
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2/6/2017 What does 'belief' in climate change really mean?
sinister. Climate change has something of this hybrid natural/technological disaster character, with
human society likely poised to reap a bitter harvest and a dramatically altered environment.
But back to the starting question. What are we talking about when we talk about climate change?
Documentaries like the ABC’s “I can change your mind about climate” tell us that “everyone agrees
that climate is warming” and within a minute or two that “50% of Australians do not believe that
climate change is happening.”
Is this reasonable, logically or psychologically? When people are discussing climate change, is the
subject matter climate variability or contemporary, anthropogenic climate change? Would we really
be having all of these discussions and debate about climate variability?
When humans are implicated in environmental change, the risk becomes more sinister. shek graham/Flickr
Why does this matter? When researchers are examining public risk perceptions and understandings
about climate change, how they’re changing, and the psychological and social impacts that the threat
of climate change might be having, it doesn’t make sense to ask whether respondents believe in or
accept climate variability, and to treat the matter of human causality as something quite different.
It also does not make much sense to ask about or frame an individual’s risk perceptions or
understandings in terms of believing or not believing in climate change, or asking whether climate
change is exclusively caused by natural processes or by human activities and impacts. This latter has
never been the climate change science question.
The great majority of our survey respondents, across two very substantial national surveys (N=7443
in total) accepted that climate change was happening (74%), and that its impacts were currently
being felt in Australia (52%). As well, 45% reported personally encountering environmental changes
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2/6/2017 What does 'belief' in climate change really mean?
they thought were likely due to climate change, and 59% thought where they lived was vulnerable to
the impacts of climate change.
When asked about the respective contributing roles of human activity impacts and natural causes in
contemporary climate change, 84% said it was a combination of both.
So why is this matter and language of climate change “belief” so emotionladen and polarising? Is it
that this is a particularly disturbing threat and looming global disaster? Is it because such questions
are not really about climate change per se, but about how we see ourselves, our political and social
identity, and our own relationship with and felt responsibility for this shared world in which we live?
Do responses reflect a new form of political correctness, depending on one’s party affiliation?
Many psychologists would argue that there is a good deal of defence and “terror management” taking
place with respect to the spectre of climate change, with the world views and belief systems of some
being rather badly shaken by current scientific assessments and projections, and frantically shored
up, by discrediting the science, the scientists, and confronting documentaries.
The debate and conversational footwork about “where one stands” will continue, but our survey
findings are actually very reassuring. They tell us that the Australian public by and large is making
very reasonable and adaptive sense out of the somewhat chaotic and contradictory picture of climate
change.
They are mostly very concerned, think that it is very important, feel a personal responsibility to be
doing something about their own carbon footprint, and want their government to take clear and
effective policy measures. They are taking action, trying to make a difference, and in the process
reframing how they see themselves, their environment, and climate change.
This sounds more like psychological and behavioural adaptation to me than a matter of belief or
conviction. It is a coming to terms with and acceptance of a significantly altered world and climate
regime that we bear some responsibility for.
_The final report from the ARGP Project: Public Risk Perceptions, Understandings and Responses to
Climate Change in Australia and Great Britain is now available for download from the NCCARF
website.
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