ROUTLEDGE LIBRARY EDITIONS:

THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE

Volume 5

QUESTIONS OF INTONATION
Page Intentionally Left Blank
 QUESTIONS OF INTONATION

GILLIAN BROWN, KAREN L. CURRIE AND

JOANNE KENWORTHY
First published in 1980
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Questions of
Intonation
Gillian Brown, Karen L.Currie
and Joanne Kenworthy

CROOM HELM LONDON

©1980 Gillian Brown, Karen L. Currie and Joanne Kenworthy
Croom Helm Limited, 2-10 StJohn's Road, London SWll
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
Brown, Gillian
Questions of intonation. - (Croom Helm
linguistics series).
1. English language - Dialects - Scotland
- Edinburgh 2. English language - Intonation
3. English language - Dialects - Phonology
I. Title II. Currie, Karen L III. Kenworthy,
Joanne
427' .9'4134 PE2224.E/
ISBN Q-85664-998-8

Printed and bound in Great Britain by

Redwood Bum Limited Trowbridge & Esher
CONTENTS

Preface

Chapter l l3
1.0. Introduction 13
1.1. The Aims of the Study 13
1.2. The Data 15
1.3. 'Core' Intonation 18
1.4. A Taxonomy of Intonation Types 19

Chapter 2 21
2.0. Systems Which Exploit Intonation 21
2.1. Mfective Meaning or Attitude 21
2.2. Interactional Structure 23
2.3. Topic Structure 25
2.4. Information Structure 27
2.5. Speech Function or Illocutionary Force 30
2.6. Intonation and Stress 31
2.7. A Model for ESE 'Core' Intonation 33
2.7.i Stressed and Unstressed Syllables 33
2.7 .ii Information Structure 1: Pause-defined Units and
Terminals 34
2.7.iii Information Structure II: Given/New/Contrastive 34
2. 7.iv Topic Structure 35
2.7.v The Effect of Other Systems 36
2.7.vi Tonal Sandhi 37
2.7.vii The Components of the Model 38

Chapter 3 40
3.0. Intonation Contours 40
3.1. Tone Groups 40
3.2. Pause-defmed Units 47
3.2.i Techniques of Analysis 48
3.2.ii Characteristics of Pause-defmed Units 51
3.3. Contours in the Text Readings 57
3.3.i The Base-line 57
 3.3.ii Double-peaked Contours and Related Multi-peaked
Contours 60
3.4. Analysis and Model 63
3.5. Contours and the Tone Group 64
3.6. Pause-defined Units in ESE Spontaneous Speech 65
3.6.i Pause-defined Units in Spontaneous Speech 68
3.6.ii Contour Types Within Pause-defmed Units 69
3.6.iii Pause-defined Units and Tone Groups 72
3.6.iv The Base-line of Pause-defmed Units 76
3.7. Conclusion 81
Appendix A 83

Chapter 4 123
4.0. Intonation in Conversation 123
4.1. Question-Answer Sequences 123
4.2. Extended Interaction 128

ChapterS 138
5.0. The Tonic 138
5.1. Experiment 1 - Tonics in ESE Sentences
Read Aloud 141
5.2. Experiment 2 - Tonics in Spontaneous Speech 147
5.3. Further Experiments 152
5.4. What is a Tonic? 154
Appendix A 162
Appendix B 163
Appendix C 165
Chapter 6 167
6.0. The Function of Tones 167
6.1. Intonation Stereotypes and the Effect of Context 169
6.1.i Decontextualised Utterances 171
6.1.ii The Utterances Contextualised 173
6.2. Questions in ESE Data 175
6.2.i Polar Questions 176
6.2.ii Declarative Questions 180
6.2.iii WH-questions 182
6. 2.iv Echo Questions 184
6.3. The Intonation of Questions 187
6.4. The Tones of Core ESE 188
Appendix A 192
Appendix B 193
Bibliography 198
Author Index 203
Subject Index 204
Page Intentionally Left Blank
PREFACE

The work on which this study is based was supported by SSRC grant
HR3601 for four years, 1975 to 1979.
We are grateful to the Scottish Education Department for allowing
us access to schools, and to the head teachers of Gillespie's High
School and Boroughmuir School for allowing us to work with their
sixth-year students.
We have been helped most generously by many members of staff as
well as by laboratory staff and postgraduate students of the Department
of Linguistics, University of Edinburgh. Particularly helpful
contributions have been made by John Anthony, Keith Brown, Laurie
Iles, Roger Lass and John Laver. Others, from outside Edinburgh, who
have offered constructive criticism are David Brazil, Alan Cruttenden,
Robin Fawcett, Tony Fox and Stephen Isard. Roger Brown, who
worked on the intonation project for six months, contributed
particularly to the study of 'paratones'. George Yule, who joined the
project in its last year, has worked critically through the text of this
work and considerably improved it. Mrs lsobel Atkinson, the secretary
to the project, has dealt efficiently with a most difficult manuscript.
It is a pleasure to record our thanks to all of them, and also to all the
people who acted as our subjects and actually produced the data.
We owe an intellectual debt to many scholars who have ploughed
the intonation field before us, particularly to Dwight Bolinger, Wallace
Chafe, David Crystal, Michael Halliday and Kenneth Pike.
Division of labour: Karen Currie is responsible for the development
of the pause-defmed unit and contour analysis described in Chapter 3,
and for the experimental work on tonics described in Chapter 5.
Joanne Kenworthy is responsible for the analysis of interaction in
Chapter 4, and for the investigation and experimental work on
questions in Chapter 6.
Gillian Brown is responsible for trying to fit the pieces together into
a coherent framework and for writing up this study. In some cases the
results of work done by Currie and Kenworthy have been re-interpreted
and added to in the process of writing up. Rather than detail the
divergences of interpretation, which in some cases are considerable, the
reader is recommended to consult Currie, 1977, 1978, 1979 and
forthcoming, and Kenworthy, 1977 and 1978.
Transcriptional Conventions

Impressionistic intonational transcription is represented

on a stave. Pauses are represented by +or, if the pause is long,
by ++ in the orthographic transcription. Each extract is
followed by a cypher identifying the subject who spoke the
cited text.
Page Intentionally Left Blank
1.0. Introduction

This is a report of ongoing research which is examining the forms and

functions of intonation in Scottish English. A number of different
accents of Scottish English have been studied in the course of this
research. The one which we describe here is that which we have
examined in greatest detail - the English spoken by natives of
Edinburgh (ESE - Edinburgh Scottish English). We make occasional
comparisons with RP (the form of speech which has been most
extensively described by British scholars) and with other Scottish
English accents but, except when otherwise stated, we shall be
concerned to describe ESE.
There are, we believe, advantages in studying the intonation of an
accent which has not already accumulated a heavy load of description,
as RP has. We began our investigations with few preconceptions other
than an expectation that the intonation of ESE must be, in most
particulars, similar to that of other English accents since, in general,
speakers from different accent areas manage to communicate with
each other fairly comfortably. Certainly we expected that the phonetic
forms of intonation would vary considerably from one accent to
another, and so they do. We fmd some phonetic variation even within
Edinburgh, and startling differences in the typical intonation of
Edinburgh and Glasgow (characterised in 1.4.). Our expectation was,
and remains, that whereas the phonetic form may vary, the functions
that intonation performs will be very similar from one accent of
English to the next.

l.l. The Aims of the Study

One of our aims was to characterise the shape of a 'typical' Edinburgh

intonation pattern - the sort of intonation pattern that a mimic
assumes in 'putting on' an Edinburgh accent. We describe this
characteristic pattern in 1.4.

13
14 Questions of Intonation

A much more far-reaching aim was to characterise the contrastive

intonation patterns of ESE. This apparently simple aim in fact contains
hidden assumptions. It assumes that there is a known domain of
contrast and it assumes that it is also known what it is that a given
contrast 'means'. We established contrasts in three domains: (i) contours
whose domain is the pause-defmed unit (see Chapter 3), (ii) relative
pitch height whose domain is a stressed word and (iii) terminal tones
whose domain is the last stressed syllable in a pause-defined unit,
together with any following unstressed syllables. You will observe that
we do not identify a system of contrasts in a domain that is directly
relatable to the notion of 'nucleus' or 'tonic', a very well-established
notion in British descriptions of intonation. This is because we found it
impossible to identify tonics in our data in a consistent and principled
way. We explore the reasons for this at length in Chapter 5.
The second hidden assumption, that of knowing what a given
contrast means, has to be expounded in terms of the systems that
intonation is realising. Most discussion of intonation function in English
has assumed that intonation realises one particular expressive system in
language. Thus Jones (1962) is particularly interested in how intonation
distinguishes statements from different question-types. O'Connor and
Arnold (1959) and Uldall {1964) are particularly interested in the use
of intonation to express affective or attitudinal meaning. Halliday
(1967) is particularly interested in the way in which intonation reveals
information structure. Brazil (1978) is particularly interested in the
way participants in a conversation use intonation to control interactive
structure. We believe that all these approaches are justified and that
intonation participates in the expression of all of these systems. Indeed,
we wish to add yet another system to these, that which uses intonation
to mark whether a speaker is continuing with an already established
topic and that which marks that he is instituting a new topic.
Intonation is multi-functional, in the sense that the really very limited
resources of pitch patterning are exploited by all these different systems
simultaneously. In Chapter 2 we try to disentangle the strands and to
distinguish the effects which these systems have on intonation
configurations. In Chapter 3 (3.6.ii) we examine in detail the
intonation of an extract from a conversation, and attempt to
demonstrate there how the variation of intonation can be attributed to
the operation of these systems. In Chapter 4 we explore some aspects
of interactive marking in intonation and in Chapter 6 we try to tease
apart the agglomeration of ideas which results in the notion of
'question intonation'.
Questions of Intonation 15

One of the main problems which confronts students of intonation is

fmding external evidence to bring to bear to justify one analysis rather
than another. Obviously this problem is particularly acute when one
tries, as we have tried, to describe the effect of the interaction of several
different systems in spontaneous speech. Since we are interested in
spontaneous natural speech we cannot hold several parameters constant
and investigate the effect of varying one at a time. Necessarily, then,
much of our argument is tentative since it is by no means always
possible to bring external evidence that is clearly relevant to bear on the
point that is being argued. Naturally we have tried to extemalise the
argument as much as possible. A good deal of our discussion is
supported by instrumental measurements. We point out, even as we use
them in presentation, the dangers of relying too heavily on instruments
which, whatever their value in terms of reliability, do not listen to
speech in the way that naive speakers do. In all cases all material
presented here, whether instrumentally analysed or not, is auditorily
analysed by two analysts working independently. When we have
encountered particular difficulties in interpreting our data confidently,
we have appealed to other judges, not only to phonetician colleagues
but also to native speakers. We have detailed in the text where external
appeals of this sort were made. None the less, in spite of these limited
attempts to provide external bolstering evidence, much of the argument
is, at the time of writing, unsupported. Our aim, in this period of
research, has to be to look for external support. We are nowhere near
the state of being able to formulate refutable hypotheses. It is because
we are aware that we ask more questions than we are able to answer
that we have called this study Questions of Intonation.

1.2. The Data

The data on which this study is based is drawn from a series of over one
hundred interviews with speakers of ESE, speakers who were born in
Edinburgh and had lived throughout their lives in Edinburgh. The
subjects include members of a working men's club, a ladies' bowling
club, students in their last year at school and at university, professional
people in Edinburgh, and people working at the University of Edinburgh
(but not members of the academic staff or postgraduate students*).
*The reason for this exclusion is that it seems possible that the speech of those
who spend a large proportion of their time immersed in written language may be
quite untypical of the speech community as a whole.
16 Questions of Intonation

The interview was divided into different sections. In the first section
subjects were asked to answer a short questionnaire. The first questions
needed short answers (name, address, etc.) and later questions required
longer answers including lists (names of siblings/children, schools
attended, route to work or school). In the second section subjects were
asked to read a short text aloud (the text discussed in Chapter 3). In
later interviews subjects were then asked to read a list of isolated
sentences aloud. The last formal section of the interview consisted of
showing the subject a photograph taken in 1855 of part of Edinburgh
and asking the subject if he could work out where the photograph was
taken from. Many subjects took quite a long time to do this,
commenting on their thought processes as they did so, and beginning to
ask Karen Currie (the interviewer in all cases) questions about the
photograph. Most subjects assumed, when they had finished talking
about the photograph, that the interview was completed, and began
talking to Karen on other topics - in many cases, especially with older
people, about the changes in Edinburgh over the years. These post-
interview conversations often lasted for ten or fifteen minutes.
Besides these conversations which took place in the context of an
interview, we have recordings of conversations between groups of
students in their own homes and between a group of men in a club.
We also have recordings of a series of 'games' played by two players
where one player was given the text of a short story and the second was
given a list of characters and a list of events and asked to reconstruct
the story asking his interlocutor only questions which could be
answered by 'yes' or 'no'.
The data ranges from the formal readings of texts and sentences in
isolation, which produce chunks of speech which can readily be
compared, to answers to the questionnaire which, in many cases,
produce sequences which are directly comparable. It includes
conversation directed by the interviewer, spontaneously produced
conversation, and the question-answer sentences produced in playing
games.
It may seem that this is quite a wide range of data and that this,
combined with the wide range of age, social standing and educational
attainment of our subjects, should give us a fairly adequate indication
of the possibilities of exploitation of intonation in Edinburgh speech.
It is important to realise that this is not the case. There are at least two
major objections to this view. The first is that all our data is derived
from co-operative adult speech. We have no examples of people being
rude to each other, trying to score points off their interlocutors, having
Questions of Intonation 17

violent quarrels or disagreements or protesting undying devotion. Our

speakers are not sarcastic or sad or frightened or excited. They all
behave in a pleasant, cheerful and co-operative manner. Our data in fact
seems reasonably representative of the way most people talk in their
public lives, away from home and family and close friends, when they
are at work, talking to someone in a shop or chatting while waiting for
the bus. This characteristic of the data, as being primarily social,
interactive talk, constitutes its second obvious limitation; speakers take
up a turn in a conversation of this kind without, in most cases, being
sure what they are going to say and at what point they want to end. In
most cases they are saying things that they have not said before,
expressing opinions that they have not expressed before. This style of
speech must be contrasted with speech which is at least partly
'pre-rehearsed' in the sense in which a lecture or sermon or public
address is. Occasionally we have an example of a speaker launching
into a brief narrative, for instance an account of something that
happened on holiday, in which the speaker produces a clearly flowing
sequence of events leading up to a pre-determined point. In general,
though, most of our data is not 'goal-directed' in this way. Non-goal-
directed speech is typologically distinct from goal-directed speech in
several respects: it tends to paratactic syntax rather than hypotaxis, it
tends to pausing and constant restructuring and substitution of lexis,
it tends to add a new item to the topic and then comment on its
relevance - a reversal of the paradigm 'given/new' information
structure. All of this has an effect on the intonation of this style of
speech, an effect we shall discuss in this study.
The data we describe is, in fact, very limited in style. It is co-operative
adult speech which is, for the most part, non-goal-directed speech.
A certain amount of our discussion is based on texts read aloud
(particularly in the early sections of Chapter 3). The value of texts read
aloud is quite simply that they yield speech which can be readily
compared from one speaker to the next. However, the relationship
between the intonation of texts read aloud and spontaneous speech
needs to be carefully investigated. In reading texts the speaker is merely
articulating structures which have been pre-prepared. His intonation is
'post-syntactic' and does not arise from the sorts of constraints which
apply when speech is produced spontaneously. When subjects are asked
to read a text aloud, a co-text gradually develops which does impose
constraints on interpretation. None the less the task is not comparable
to producing speech and it is noticeable that even highly literate adults
perform in it with very varying competence. A reader-aloud first has to
18 Questions of Intonation

assign an interpretation to the text and then to utter it in a way

consistent with his interpretation. This is a very different task from
the normal processes of speech production in non-goal-directed speech
where the speaker has to organise what he wants to say as he is
speaking. It must be clear that claims made about intonation on the
basis of the study of texts read aloud, should be subject to the most
careful scrutiny if there is any suggestion that these will correctly
characterise the intonation of spontaneous speech.

1.3. 'Core' Intonation

One of the features which is striking as one listens to our data is the
narrow range of variation in intonation. In the type of speech we have
recorded, speakers do not produce very varied intonation patterns. Is
this to be considered a feature of the accent, or a feature of the group
of individuals who are our subjects, or a feature of the style of speech
we have recorded?
As far as we can tell, in speech situations similar to those we have
recorded for ESE, speakers of other accents do not produce much
variation in their intonation. Our recordings of Glasgow, Thurso and
RP speakers show no wider variation in this style of speech than ESE.
It seems reasonable to suppose that some individuals are more
sensitive to the manipulation of intonation than others. Just as we find
considerable variation between individuals in their sensitivity to other
aspects of language and their ability to manipulate it effectively (in
telling jokes, making puns, seeing ambiguities, writing poetry) so, we
surmise, there will exist a similar variation between speakers in their
ability to use intonation elaborately. It does not, however, seem
reasonable to suppose that all the speakers in our sample are insensitive
to the stylistic exploitation of intonation.
Our conclusion must be that speakers do not attempt to extend their
use of intonation resources in the style of speech that we have studied.
Our expectation is that in a different social setting a wider range of
intonation may be encountered. There are social occasions when
speakers can 'play' with intonation, just as they can play with other
aspects of language, syntax or lexis. Conversations between people who
know each other well and enjoy the ritual of 'witty- badinage' are
obvious examples of such occasions.
We regard the intonation we describe here as 'core intonation',
'core' in that it seems to be the base requirement for an individual to
Questions of Intonation 19

function as a normal member of the speech community. This core

intonation can be described in terms of a relatively simple framework,
as we hope to show. We assume that any variation we encounter in
other social situations can be regarded as elaboration on this core.

1.4. A Taxonomy of Intonation Types

Our intention in this section is to characterise the main differences

between a typical neutral intonation pattern of ESE and a typical
neutral intonation pattern of RP, an accent which has been so well
described by so many scholars. The notion of 'typical' neutral
intonation pattern' is difficult to justify though it has clearly been
assumed in most descriptions of intonation (see Pike's notion of
'intonation minimum', 1945). * It is a very abstract concept. Obviously
such a pattern would not arise in normal speech where it must
necessarily be subject to the effect of tum-taking, topic structure and
information structure. It is an abstract concept in just the same way
that the 'characteristic' articulation of a segment in English, say of
/b/, is an abstract concept.
It seems possible to characterise the typical intonation pattern of
the accents of English which we have studied in terms of the
following variables:

1. The relationship of a base-line of unstressed syllables to stressed

syllables.
2. The inclination of the base-line.
3. The type of excursion for stressed syllables (stepped or
contoured).

In ESE and RP the base-line regularly occurs lower in pitch than the
stressed syllables, which are perceived as higher in pitch. In Glasgow
Scottish English, on the other hand, the base-line is raised above the
stressed syllables which occur as scoops down in pitch from this raised
base-line, yielding the characteristic rising-contour pattern of Glasgow
(and Belfast) intonation. In ESE the base-line remains quite flat
throughout the intonation pattern, whereas in RP the base-line is
inclined so that unstressed syllables earlier in an intonation unit are
*The notion of 'characteristic' contour is well established in the literature, in the
'funnel' and 'tube' shapes proposed for West African tone languages (Welmers,
1959) and the 'hat' contour proposed for Dutch by t'Hart and Cohen (1973).
20 Questions of Intonation

perceived as being uttered on a higher pitch than unstressed syllables

later in the unit (see Figure 1.1 below). In ESE the excursions from the
base-line on stressed syllables involve relatively little pitch movement
('steps') compared with the amount of pitch movement on RP stressed
syllables ('contours'). (See Figure 1.1.)
In Figure 1.1 we represent a generalised contour where ABCD are
stressed syllables and EFG are unstressed syllables, (a) for ESE and
(b) for RP:

Figure 1.1
A B c D

"' "' "'""'

a) E<:E E F G

A B c D

\
~-~\
b) RP E F ,,
~

Note that, in ESE, each stressed syllable except the last produces about
the same degree of pitch excursion - this means that no single stressed
syllable emerges as being perceptually more prominent than the others.
In RP, the initial excursion on A and the extended excursion on D
contribute to the relative prominence of these items. Note also that the
ESE pattern finishes on a slightly extended fall to just below the middle
of the pitch range whereas the RP pattern finishes with a fall to low.
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