Friedman BeyondWhiteOther 1995
Friedman BeyondWhiteOther 1995
Friedman BeyondWhiteOther 1995
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Radhakrishnan 1991; Appiah and Gates 1992a, 625-29; and Higginbotham 1992. For
those who advocate continued use of racial categories because of their ideological force
and material consequences, see, e.g., Baker 1986 and West 1988. For examples of the
conflation of race and ethnicity, see Sollors 1986, 1989; and Boelhower 1987; for ex-
amples of insistence on their distinction, see Omi and Winant 1986; and Wald 1987.
5 I here adapt Barbara Christian's title, "The Race for Theory" (1988) to suggest that
similar power dynamics are at work in discussions of race in the 1990s as in those she
critiqued in the academy's "race for theory" in the 1980s. See also n. 14.
6 For some accounts of such stalled discussions, see Frye (1981) 1983; Huntado
1989; Anzaldia 1990c, xix-xxi; Pheterson 1990; and Fellows and Razack 1994. Confer-
ences of the National Women's Studies Association (NWSA) have included many par-
tially fruitful but also often nonproductive discussions. See, e.g., Sandoval's 1990 report
on the 1981 NWSA conference; Albrecht and Brewer's collection about the 1988 NWSA
conference focused on coalitional politics (1990); and the accounts of the walkout of
women of color from the 1990 NWSA conference and the consequent near demise of
NWSA in Longnecker 1990; Musil 1990; NWSA Women of Color Caucus 1990; Os-
borne 1990; Ruby and Douglas 1990; Sales 1990; and Schweickart 1990. For more
hopeful accounts in the classroom, see Romero 1991; and Thompson and Disch 1992.
7 For the white/color binary as the basis for alliance among women of color, see,
e.g., Moraga and Anzalda 1981; Anzalda 1990c; Longnecker 1990; Musil 1990; NWSA
Women of Color Caucus 1990; Osborne 1990; Ruby 1990; Sales 1990; Sandoval 1990;
and Schweickart 1990. For discussion of the difficulties of alliance among different
groups, see esp. Chai 1985; Anzaldfia 1990a; Harris and Ord
Sandoval 1990; and Uttal 1990. For alliance building among wo
cludes white women, see Molina 1990.
8 See Lyotard 1979, esp. 10-11, 16. While agonistic narrativ
narrative is not exclusively agonistic; see, e.g., Allen 1986. For
tural narratives, see Jameson 1981; DuPlessis 1985; and Heilbr
10 Haraway considers only gender, but for other articulations of locational politics
and epistemology that include other constituents of subjectivity, see esp. DuPlessis
(1979) 1985; Dill 1983; Hartsock 1983; Pratt 1984; Rich (1984) 1986; Martin and Mo-
hanty 1986; Spivak 1987a; Alcoff 1988; King 1988; Hurtado 1989; de Lauretis 1990;
Mohanty 1991a; Russo 1991; Smiley 1992; Friedman 1993, 1994; Harding 1993; Las-
lett 1993; duCille 1994; and Fellows and Razack 1994.
11 Mary Daly's notorious response (1979) to a question about race at the 1979 Si-
mone de Beauvoir conference-words to the effect that race did not interest her-
epitomizes these scripts of denial. Daly's appropriation of Indian, Chinese, and African
women's experience to a gender analysis isolated from an analysis of race, class, and
colonialism in Gyn/Ecology (1978) led to the question. See Lorde's critique of Daly's
Gyn/Ecology in "An Open Letter to Mary Daly" ([1979] 1984).
14 See, e.g., Jane Gallop's assertion that black women now occupy the position of
authority for her that she once gave to Jacques Lacan and other French theorists (Gallop
et al. 1990, 363-64). See also Smith 1989; Abel 1993; duCille 1994; and Homans
1994, who variously critique the white feminist tendency to place women of color in the
position of ultimate authority and authenticity as a fetishized object of desire or as a
form of embodiment for theory; Martin and Mohanty's view that the "assignment of
fixed positions-the educator/critic (woman of color) and the guilty and silent listener
(white woman)" prevents a "working through [of] the complex historical relations be-
tween and among structures of domination and oppression" (1986, 199); and Suleri's
criticism of women of color who use "strategies designed to induce a racial discomfort"
and accord an "iconic status" for themselves and postcolonial feminism in relation to
white women (1992, 764, 759).
15 One structured format for promoting antiracism used at some women's studies
conferences and programs involves women of color speaking about racism to white
women, who must remain silent for a predetermined amount of time, after which they
may speak, but only about their own racism.
19 Fellows and Razack report on this phenomenon in the roundtable discussions they
led among a group of women in which, "with respect of one another, every participant
was simultaneously a member of a subordinate as well as a dominant group" (1994,
1051).
20 See Cole 1986 and Gordon 1991 for discussions of the importance of feminist
identification of commonality among women as well as differences. See also Crossette's
report on this issue at the 1994 U.N. conference on population in Cairo (1994).
24 I distinguish here fundamentalist identity politics from other kinds of identity poli-
tics, particularly what I might call a syncretist identity politics based in a notion of iden-
tity as culturally constructed, historically specific, and open to change and interweaving
with other identities. As I have written elsewhere, I do not believe that feminists and
other marginalized groups can afford to give up the concept of identity and political or-
ganizing based on various group identities in favor of poststructuralist notions of iden-
tity as sheer play and performance (Friedman 1991).
29 If accurate, this Louis Harris survey, called "Taking America's Pulse," may reflect
the success of scripts of accusation resulting in white self-censorship of continued stereo-
typical thinking, as well as the permission victimization often brings to think stereotypi-
cally of all others. Two other polls had similar results.
30 See, e.g., West 1982; and Sollors 1989, ix-xx. The belief that racism and ethno-
centrism are European and Euro-American inventions widely underwrites cultural narra-
tives of accusation.
31 My thanks to Edward Friedman and Sivagami Subbaraman for directing my atten-
tion to the forms of colorism in China and India.
34 For a critical reading of Mississippi Masala, see hooks and Dingwaney, who retain
the white/other binary in their condemnation of the film as antinationalist and colonial-
ist and as "another shallow comment on interracial, inter-ethnic, transnational 'lust' "
(1992, 41). My thanks to Meryl Schwartz for sending me this review. Hooks also ob-
jects to the racial politics of The Crying Game, which she interprets as an appropriative
film that commodifies race while denying its significance, "cannibalizes" the other, and
perpetuates "white cultural imperialism" (1994, 53-62). While hooks and Dingwaney
are usefully alert to the political limitations of popular film, their readings of the filmic
texts are often one-dimensional, ignoring important iconographic and narrative nuances
and demonstrating the Procrustean dangers of interpreting texts entirely through the lens
of culture as a system of (white/Western) domination.
35 Although hooks and Dingwaney (1992) complain that the film's seeming realism
obscures its stereotypical mockery of Indian culture, I think they miss the self-mocking
but also celebratory humor characteristic of many "ethnic" films produced by members
of the ethnic group they portray, films such as The Wedding Banquet, The Joy Luck
Club, Dim Sum, The Great Wall, Brighton Beach Memoirs, Stardust Memories, and
Moonstruck. Such humor has often been a central survival strategy.
41 The multiple resonances of the film certainly support other readings of Jude, as
well as the other androgynous names in the film, Dil and Jody. As an echo of Jody, the
name Jude undermines absolute gender difference as do its associations with the biblical
figures of Judith, who decapitated Holifernes, and Judas, who betrayed Jesus. Eric Roth-
stein suggested to me that Dil's name may be a shortened form of "daffodil," slang since
about 1945 for an effeminate youth; that Maguire, the ruthless IRA commander, may
invoke the nineteenth-century secret society called the Molly Maguires, known for their
transvestite disguises; and that Jude's masculinist behavior could be read as a critique of,
rather than a reflection of, patriarchy. Helen Cooper also noted to me that Jude's power
can be read as a revision of feminine passivity and her death as yet another transforma-
tion from victimizer to victim.
Conclusion
43 My thanks to Jacques Lezra for the insight about fluidity in The Crying Game and
its relation to the work of Jacques Derrida and Luce Irigaray; also to Hortense Spillers
for her warning about the politics of deconstruction.
44 My thanks to Amy Ling for this observation.
Department of English
University of Wisconsin-Mad
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