Unit 1-5 - English - 231214 - 203151

NATIONALISM
IN
INDIA
GENERIC ELECTIVE (GE) POLITICAL SCIENCE
ALL UG Courses Except B.A. (Hons.) Political Science
SEMESTER-III
DEPARTMENT OF DISTANCE AND CONTINUING EDUCATION

UNIVERSITY OF DELHI
Nationalism in India
Editorial Board
Dr. Shakti Pradayani Rout
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ISBN: 978-81-19417-43-8
Ist edition: 2023
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This Study Material is duly recommended and approved in Academic Council

meeting held on 11/08/2023 Vide item no. 1015 and subsequently Executive
Council Meeting held on 25/08/2023 vide item no. 1267.
 The study material has been take from the new syllabus of U.G.C.F. 2022
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SYLLABUS
Syllabus Mapping
Unit I: Approaches to the Study of Nationalism in India: Nationalist, Lesson 1: Nationalist, Imperialist,
Imperialist, Marxist, and Subaltern Marxist, And Subaltern
(Pages 3-18)
Unit II: Reformism and Anti-Reformism in the Nineteenth Century: Lesson 2: Major Social and Religious
Major Social and Religious Movements in 19th Century Movements in 19th Century
(Pages 21-50)
Unit III: Nationalist Politics and Expansion of its Social Base

a. Phases of Nationalist Movement: Liberal Constitutionalists, Lesson 3: Phases of Nationalist
Swadeshi and the Radicals; Beginning of Constitutionalism Movement: Liberal Constitutionalists,
in India Swadeshi and The Radicals, Beginning
b. Gandhi and Mass Mobilisation: Non-Cooperation of Constitutionalism in India
Movement, Civil Disobedience Movement, and Quit India (Pages 53-70);
Movement Lesson 4: Gandhi and Mass
c. Revolutionaries, Socialists, and Communists Mobilisation: Non-Cooperation
Movement, Civil Disobedience
Movement, and Quit India Movements
(Pages 71-88);
Lesson 5: Revolutionaries, Socialists,
and Communists
(Pages 89-104)
Unit IV: Social Movements

Peasants, Tribals, Workers, Women and Anti-Caste Movements Lesson 6: The Tribes and Peasants
(Pages 107-116);
Lesson 7: Workers, and Women’s
Movement
(Pages 117-133);
Lesson 8: Anti-Caste Movement
(Pages 135-155)
Unit V: Partition, Independence, and Integration of States Lesson 9: Communalism in Indian

Communalism in Indian Politics, The Two-Nation Theory and Politics
Partition, Independence and Integration of Indian States (Pages 159-177);
Lesson 10: The Two-Nation Theory and
Partition, Independence and Integration
of Indian States
(Pages 179-193)

CONTENTS
UNIT I: APPROACHES TO THE STUDY OF
NATIONALISM IN INDIA
LESSON 1 NATIONALIST, IMPERIALIST, MARXIST, AND SUBALTERN 3-18
1.1 Learning Objectives

1.2 Introduction
1.3 Nationalist Approach
1.4 Imperialist Approach
1.5 The Colonial Approach
1.6 Marxist Approach
1.6.1 Colonial Exploitation and Poverty
1.6.2 Rise of the Indian Bourgeoisie to the Dominant Position
1.7 Subaltern Approach
1.7.1 People’s Viewpoint/ Subaltern’s Point of View
1.8 Summary
1.9 Glossary
1.10 Self-Assessment Questions
1.11 References

UNIT II: REFORMISM AND ANTI-REFORMISM

IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY
LESSON 2 MAJOR SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS
IN 19TH CENTURY 21-50

2.2 Introduction
2.3 Defining and Understanding Social and Religious Reform Movement
2.3.1 The Social and Religious Reform Movements: Variant of Social
Movement.
2.3.2 The Conditions in the 18th and 19th Centuries that Set the Stage for the
Emergence of Social and Religious Reform Movements.
2.4 Various Social-Religious Reform Movements
2.4.1 Brahmo Samaj
2.4.2 Prarthana Samaj
2.4.3 Satya Shodhak Samaj
2.4.4 Young Bengal Movement
2.4.5 Arya Samaj
2.4.6 Ramakrishna Mission
2.4.7 Theosophical Society
2.5 Summary
2.6 Glossary
2.8 References
2.9 Suggested Readings

UNIT III: NATIONALIST POLITICS AND

EXPANSION OF ITS SOCIAL BASE
LESSON 3 PHASES OF NATIONALIST MOVEMENT: LIBERAL
CONSTITUTIONALISTS, SWADESHI AND THE RADICALS,
BEGINNING OF CONSTITUTIONALISM IN INDIA 53-70

3.2 Introduction
3.3 Phases of Nationalist Movement
3.3.1 Emergence of Indian National Congress (INC)
3.3.2 Congress Representing Indian Aspiration
3.4 Liberal Constitutionalist
3.5 Swadeshi and Radicals
3.5.1 Demand for Purna Swaraj
3.5.2 Moderates vs. Extremists
3.6 Formation of the Muslim League
3.7 Summary
3.8 Glossary
3.10 References
LESSON 4 GANDHI AND MASS MOBILISATION: NON-COOPERATION
MOVEMENT, CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE MOVEMENT,
AND QUIT INDIA MOVEMENTS 71-88

4.2 Introduction

4.3 The Rise of Mahatma Gandhi

4.3.1 Ideals of True Satyagrahi
4.3.2 Return to India
4.3.3 Initial Journey in India
4.4 Khilafat and Non Cooperation Movement
4.4.1 Background
4.4.2 The Khilafat Issue
4.4.3 Gandhi’s Stand
4.4.4 Spread of the Movement
4.4.5 Aftermath
4.5 The Civil Disobedience Movement
4.5.1 Background
4.5.2 Independence Pledge of 26th January, 1930
4.5.3 Gandhi’s Demands
4.5.4 Dandi March, 1930
4.5.6 Gandhi Irwin Pact, 1931
4.5.7 Difference between Civil Disobedience and Non Coopertion
4.5.8 Poona Pact and Communal Award, 1932 (Bipin Chandra)
4.5.9 Gandhi’s Response
4.6 The Quit India Movement
4.6.1 Background
4.6.2 The Quit India Resolution
4.6.4 Participation
4.6.5 Governement’s Response

4.7 Summary
4.8 Answers to In-Text Questions
4.10 References
LESSON 5 REVOLUTIONARIES, SOCIALISTS, AND COMMUNISTS 89-104

5.2 Introduction
5.3 The Revolutionaries
5.3.1 Hindu Revivalism
5.3.2 Revolutionary Extremism
5.3.3 Trends of the Revolutionaries
5.3.4 Impact of the Revolutionaries
5.4 The Socialists
5.5 The Communists
5.6 Summary
5.7 Glossary
5.9 References

UNIT IV: SOCIAL MOVEMENTS

LESSON 6 THE TRIBES AND PEASANTS 107-116

6.2 Introduction
6.3 Tribal Movements
6.4 Peasant Movements
6.5 Summary
6.6 Conclusions
6.7 Glossary
6.9 References
LESSON 7 WORKERS, AND WOMEN’S MOVEMENT 117-133

7.2 Introduction
7.3 Workers Movement
7.3.1 First Phase of the Workers’ Movement
7.3.2 Second Phase of the Workers’ Movement
7.4 Women’s Movement
7.4.1 Women during the British Period
7.4.2 Women’s Movement Organisations

7.5 Summary
7.6 Glossary
7.8 References
LESSON 8 ANTI-CASTE MOVEMENT 135-155

8.2 Introduction
8.3 Development of Caste in the British Era
8.3.1 Mahatma Jyotiba Phule (1827-1890)
8.3.2 Pandita Ramabai (1858–1922)
8.4 Non-Brahman Movement
8.4.1 Self-Respect Movement in South India
8.4.2 Justice Party and Non-Brahman Movement
8.4.3 E.V. Ramaswamy ‘Periyar’ (1879-1973)
8.5 Dalit Protests in India During British Era
8.5.1 Dr Bhimrao Ambedkar (1891-1956)
8.5.2 Mahatma Gandhi’s Idea (1869-1948)
8.6 Summary
8.7 Glossary
8.9 References

UNIT V: PARTITION, INDEPENDENCE, AND

INTEGRATION OF STATES
LESSON 9 COMMUNALISM IN INDIAN POLITICS 159-177

9.2 Introduction
9.3 Religious Polarisation (Muslims and Hindus)
9.4 The Political and Religious Mobilisation Since 1857
9.5 Divide and Rule: British India
9.6 Partition of Bengal: Since 1905
9.7 Creation of the Muslim League and Hindu Mahasabha
9.8 The Gandhian Idea of Hindu-Muslim Unity: Khilafat and Partition
9.9 Two Nations Theory
9.10 Conclusion
9.11 Glossary
9.13 References
LESSON 10 THE TWO-NATION THEORY AND PARTITION,
INDEPENDENCE AND INTEGRATION OF INDIAN STATES 179-193

10.2 Introduction
10.3 Two-Nation Theory

10.4 Negotiation over Partition and Independence

10.4.1 Elections to Constituent Assembly and League’s Reaction
10.4.2 Gandhi: India of his Dream
10.5 End of British Rule and Partition
10.6 Consequences of Partition
10.7 Summary
10.8 Glossary
10.10 References

UNIT I: APPROACHES TO THE STUDY OF
NATIONALISM IN INDIA
LESSON 1 NATIONALIST, IMPERIALIST, MARXIST,

AND SUBALTERN
Nationalist, Imperialist, Marxist, and Subaltern
LESSON 1 NOTES
NATIONALIST, IMPERIALIST, MARXIST,

AND SUBALTERN
Assistant Professor
School of Open Learning
Delhi University
Structure
1.2 Introduction
1.3 Nationalist Approach
1.4 Imperialist Approach
1.5 The Colonial Approach
1.6 Marxist Approach
1.7 Subaltern Approach
1.8 Summary
1.9 Glossary
1.11 References
1.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES
 To discuss the aim which is to engage with theoretical explanations of colonialism

and nationalism in India
 To understand various approaches to study Nationalism
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NOTES
1.2 INTRODUCTION
Let us discuss the concept of nationalism.

Nationalism can be said to be the expression of a collective identity by a group
of people living in a certain geographical territory who socially, culturally, economically,
and politically identify themselves to one nation possibly governed by a government.
Nationalism emphasizes the collective identity where a group of people must be
autonomous politically, united significantly and substantially, and express a single national
culture. However, some nationalists have argued individualism can be an important
part of that culture in some nations and thus be central to that nation’s national identity.
In the modern world national flags (like the tri-colour in India), national anthems, and
other symbols of national identity are very often regarded as sacred as if they were
religious rather than political symbols.
Historically, before the emergence of nationalism in India, people were generally
loyal to a city or a particular king, ruler, or leader rather than to their nation. Indeed,
they often had no notions of belonging to a nation. According to the Encyclopedia
Britannica, nationalism in a true sense developed with the late-18th century American
Revolution and French Revolution. The term nationalism is believed to have been
coined by Johann Gottfried Herder (who used the word nationalism) during the late
1770s. Thus, it is not a specific time where and when nationalism emerged but its
development can be said to have happened alongside the emergence of the modern
Westphalia state. The notion of rule by the people by popular will was the underlying
theme of the French Revolution and later the American Revolution in the late 18th
century.
Thus, like other social phenomena nationalism also evolved historically. Along
with the emergence of social and historical conditions communities came up in various
parts of the world. They often came up through tribal, slave and feudal phases of
social existence. Nations came into being at a certain stage of social, economic and
cultural development. It was distinguished by certain specific characteristics such as:
(a) An organic whole of the members of the nation living in a distinct territory
(b) A single economy
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(c) A consciousness of a common economic existence NOTES

(d) A common language and
(e) Naturally, a common culture evolved.
This process developed from the sixteenth century onwards as a part of the
development of human history. Generally speaking, the development of nationalism in
various countries was a prolonged historical process. It is in the development of historical
conditions that nation-states developed and the development of nationalism in different
countries was determined by its social and cultural history – it is political, economic
and social structures. The character of its various classes also assumed importance
and often played the role of the vanguard in the struggle for national social existence.
Therefore, every nation was born and forged unique way (Desai: xxxi).
1.3 NATIONALIST APPROACH
Nationalism in India evolved during the British colonial period as a result of various
subjective and objective factors and forces, which developed within the Indian society
under the conditions of British rule and have impacted the world.
Pre-British India was unique, differently structured and traditionally set under
various princely states which sharply differed from the pre-capitalist medieval societies
of Europe. It was a vast country inhabited by a huge population speaking many
languages with different religions. It was under the conditions of political subjection
that the British introduced for their purposes certain changes that introduced new
social forces that radically changed the economic structure of Indian society. It established
in particular:
(a) A centralised state (with a modern civil service, centralised administration,
a judiciary based on English common law substantially, new land ownership
laws, the zamindari system etc.)
(b) Modern education including in Western sciences (with the establishment
of universities and colleges)
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NOTES (c) Modern means of transport and communication (postal system, railways,
roads etc.)
(d) The modern printing press
(e) Mechanised machine-based industries
Thus, the British Raj tried to bring changes to all social forces and tried to
exploit the Indian society for the benefit of the British Crown. Revolting against all
such exploitative characteristics of British rule Indian nationalism has raised its voice
and tried to manifest into a new nation.
It has been argued by some scholars that the development of a nationalist
consciousness happened as part of a historical process triggered by the national
movement which, to begin with, was anti-colonial but later was deeply national. Professor
Bipan Chandra (and others) has in this context commented: ‘The national movement
also played a pivotal role in the historical process through which the Indian people got
formed into a nation or a people. National leaders like Dadabhai Naoroji, Surendranath
Banerjee and Tilak to Gandhiji and Nehru accepted that India was not yet a fully
structured nation but a nation-in-the-making and that one of the major objectives and
functions of the movement was to promote the growing unity of the Indian people
through a common struggle against colonialism. In other words, the national movement
was seen both as a product of the process of the nation-in-the-making and as an
active agent of the process. This process of nation-in-the-making was never counter-
posed to the diverse regional, linguistic and ethnic identities in India. On the contrary,
the emergence of national identity and the flowering of other narrower identities were
seen as processes deriving strength from each other. (Bipan Chandra: 23)
On the very concept of nationalism in general (and not merely the development
of nationalism in India) J. Anthony Smith in his book Nationalism, has argued that
there is a ‘core doctrine of nationalism’ which includes three ideals: (a) collective self-
determination of the people, (b) the expression of the national character and individuality
and (c) the vertical division of the world into unique nations each contributing its special
genius to the common fund of humanity. There exist main goal of nationalism is to
promote the well-being of their population with generic goals of three: 1) national
autonomy, 2) national identity, 3) national unity. For nationalists, a nation can not survive
without a sufficient degree of all three (Smith:9)
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Thus, with the nationalist approach, it can be assumed that homogeneity between NOTES
people in a group leads to the birth of a nation. As Gellner (Nations and Nationalism,
1983)has said: ‘It is not the case that nationalism imposes homogeneity; it is rather that
a homogeneity imposed by objective, inescapable imperative eventually appears on
the surface in the form of nationalism’. The objective inescapable imperative that Gellner
refers to is the cultural homogeneity that he argued is an essential concomitant of the
industrial society that evolves from the growth of industrial capitalism. Gellner also
argued nationalism though it may define and identify itself in the name of a folk culture
or original culture of a particular people may be just an imposition of a high culture on
society.
Anderson, in his study of nationalism, has found usually a historically political
community always existed before the cultural systems of a religious community and the
development of the dynastic realm. He had identified that the printing press and the
spread of Christianity particularly Protestantism had played a substantive role in the
emergence of nationalism. He has argued what made the new communities possible
was an interaction between the system of production and productive relations
(capitalism), the technology of communication (print) and the fatality of human linguistic
diversity by which he meant the tendency of diverse linguistic groups of not staying
together as one nation. He argued three distinct models of nationalism appeared: ‘creole
nationalism’ where the vertical identities were transformed into horizontal identities
because the economic interests of certain classes clashed and the ideological criticism
of imperialism strengthened the spread of that identity, ‘linguistic nationalism’ of the
kind that was seen in Europe and ‘official nationalism’ typically of the type seen in
Russia where there was the imposition of cultural homogeneity from the top, through
state action.
1.4 IMPERIALIST APPROACH
In many ways, India had never been a nation until the British came and ruled us for
centuries. In a land as vast and inhabited by a population as large and as varied as
India’s, the process of the growth of Indian nationalism has been very complex and
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NOTES interesting. The Indian population spoke many languages and followed many religions
and sects (within a religion) and the population of the most populous faith, Hindus,
was divided along caste lines. With the existing diversity, Indian nationalism has simply
been strengthened by the anti-colonial spirit.
Thus many thinkers, particularly many British historians, have taken the view
that India could not have seen the development of nationalism and become one united
nation unless the British had come and established (as they did) a colony by uniting the
nation into one administrative whole. So, students, it’s always important to think now,
“Could India have developed to a greater extent if the colonial rule had not intervened?”.
We can conclude that nationalism in India has evolved in the background to eradicate
the exploitative characteristics of the British administration and establish a nation-state
based on self-rule.
Let us discuss the various definitions of nationalism and try to find out how and
why India wasn’t readily regarded as a nation by various eminent histories. It is been
said that India is a state but a “Nation in Making”. Let us discuss what the British
historian E.H. Carr in his book Nationalism (1939) termed nationalism as the term
nation has been used to denote a human group with the following characteristics:
(a) The idea of a common government whether as a reality in the present or
past or as an aspiration of the future.
(b) A certain size and closeness of contact between all its members.
(c) A more or less defined territory.
(d) Certain characteristics (of which the most frequent is language) clearly
distinguishing the nation from other nations and non-nationa1 groups.
(e) Certain interests common to the individual members.
(f) A certain degree of common feeling or will, associated with a picture of
the nation in the minds of the individual members ( Desai: xxx)
It is evident from the above definition, that India could hardly have been called
a nation by them when they arrived. The early British imperialists, before any sort of
national fervour had made a beginning, were convinced that India wasn’t a nation.
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The Britishers found it difficult to mentally cope with the idea of a national India NOTES
even as late as the 1930s when the Simon Commission’s Report was published. Even
as late as the 1930s the British were holding on to their belief that India was somehow
being held and governed by them and without them would break into pieces.
British scholars like L.F. Rushbrook Williams whom R.P. Dutt described as one
of the ‘modern imperialist apologists’ had tried to suggest that it was the civilised
British regime and its modernising and influence that contributed to the creation of
national consciousness. They have suggested that Indians were educated by the British
in the democratic liberal ways of English history and its gradual acquisition of popular
liberties impressed British-trained and educated Indians who then as the next step
demanded or started wishing for the same standards for themselves and the Indian
people.
In the words of R.P. Dutt, the democratic evolution of the modern age, which
developed in many lands, including England as one of its earliest homes is not the
peculiar patent of England. Nor is it correct that it requires the alien domination of a
country to implant the seeds of democratic revolution. The American Declaration of
Independence, and still more the great French Revolution with its gospel of Liberty,
Equality, and Fraternity, far more than the already ageing English parliamentary-
monarchical compromise, were the great inspirers of the democratic movement of the
nineteenth century. In the twentieth century, the Russian Revolutions of 1905 and
1917 performed a corresponding role as the signal and starting point of the awakening
of the peoples, and especially of the awakening consciousness of the subject peoples
of Asia and all the colonial countries to the claim of national freedom since colonial
rule. The Indian awakening has developed in unison with these world currents can be
demonstrated from the stages of its growth.
The idea of Indian nationalism evolved when Raja Ram Mohan Roy while going
to England in 1830, enthusiastically supported the principles of the French Revolution.
The idea has also been strengthened by the creation of ‘The Indian National Congress’
(INC). INC was originally instituted under official inspiration as an intended instrument
of safety valve between the rising movement of the people and safeguarding British
rule in India.
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NOTES
1.5 THE COLONIAL APPROACH
The colonial approach mainly supported and believed in the benevolent attitude of the
British administration. They wished to emphasise the benevolent effect of British rule
and many of them genuinely believed what they said. The colonial approach was
theorised for the first time by Bruce T. McCully, an American scholar, in 1940. The
liberal academic structure to this approach was developed by Reginald Coupland and
after 1947 by Percival Spear who argued the British proved their benevolent intentions
by ultimately agreeing to grant India independence which they could have easily refused
and held on to. A new group of neo-traditionalist historians who are referred to as the
Cambridge School with prominent thinkers being Anil Seal, John Gallagher, Judith
Brown and others have also argued along essentially adopting the colonial approach
when they have argued that India was not even a ‘nation-in- making’ but a
conglomeration of castes, religious and ethnic communities and linguistic groups of
masses.
They have argued the national movement was a forum for the various divisions
to compete for favours to strengthen their positions and pursue their narrow
communities. The basic contradiction between the interests of the Indian people and
the British rulers that led to the rise of the Indian national movement is denied by them.
They also vehemently deny or refuse to accept that the economic, social, cultural and
political development of India required the overthrow of colonialism. They do not
agree that India was in the process of unfolding into a nation and insist India was just
a conglomeration of castes and communities. The nationalism that was expressed was
merely a cover for political organisations that were formed basically along caste and
community lines and were competing with each other for favours and gains from the
state. Anil Seal of the Imperialist writes: ‘What from a distance appear as their political
strivings were often, on close examination, their efforts to conserve or improve the
position of their prescriptive groups’? (Anil Seal: 342) (Old Study Material, SOL,2018)
The colonial approach ignores the effects of war, inflation, disease, drought,
depression etc as causative factors in the rise of Indian nationalism not to mention
spiritual and other reasons and the kinship of religious culture that existed between
peoples from different regions who spoke different languages but shared similar religious
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beliefs. The school of analysis that adopts the colonial approach has argued the Indian NOTES
national movement was a cover for the struggle for power between various sections of
the Indian elite, and between them and the foreign elite.
1.6 MARXIST APPROACH
The Marxist approach can be said to have been pioneered by R. Palme Dutt and later
by A.R. Desai but many others have contributed. The Marxist approach recognises
the contradiction and conflict that developed between the interests of the Indian people
and the British rulers. They have seen that as the major reason for the development of
nationalism but they also recognise the inner contradictions and conflict of interests
between the various economic classes. They highlight and bring out the difference in
the interests of the Indian rich elite and the poorer classes and integrate that into their
analysis of the development of Indian nationalism and the resistance to colonialism.
They argued that the Indian national movement of India was a movement of the
bourgeoisie class.
Indeed while agreeing with the nationalist analysis that the British rule resulted in
mass poverty because of the exploitative destruction of the rural economy of agriculture
and handicrafts they also see it as having caused some good as it also caused a structural
transformation of the Indian society by destroying the feudal systems and modes of
production and replaced that by a capitalist machine led mode of production. Thus the
feudal caste and class hierarchies of the villages were weakened, and new classes
emerged in Indian society particularly as people migrated to the cities to work in
factories. Also, a new state structure was created based on a new administrative and
judicial system of English.
In the words of Prof. Irfan Habib the unification of the country on an economic plane
through the construction of railways and the introduction of the telegraph in the latter
half of the nineteenth century, undertaken for its benefit by the colonial regime, and the
centralisation of the administration which the new modes of communications and
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NOTES transport made possible, played their part in making Indians view India as a prospective
single political entity. The modernisation of education (undertaken in large part by
indigenous effort) and the rise of the press disseminated the ideas of India’s nationhood
and the need for constitutional reform. A substantive basis for India’s nationhood was
laid when nationalists like Dadabhai Naoroji (Poverty and Unbritish Rule in India) and
R.C. Dutt (Economic History of India) raised the issues of poverty of the Indian people
and the burden of colonial exploitation, which was felt in an equal manner throughout
India. We see, that three complex processes enmeshed to bring about the emergence
of India as a nation: the preceding notion of India as a country, the influx of modern
political ideas, and the struggle against colonialism. The last was decisive: the creation
of the Indian nation can well be said to be one major achievement of the national
movement.’
The imperialist exploitation of India, for instance, and the role of the British
finance capital (business groups like Andrew Yule and Jardine Skinner), the profits
made by the British ruling class, laid to the common misery of the people as a
consequence of that exploitation and the struggles, that misery inevitably led to among
the masses, irrespective of religious or racial divisions, and the ruthless suppression of
those struggles by the British administration all combined, added up, and piled up over
the years to cause the birth and growth of national consciousness among the Indian
people. During British colonial rule, first under the East Indian Company and
subsequently under the British government from 1858 onwards, the Indian people
entered into a period of severe repression and exploitation. There were several peasant
rebellions that were prominent in the history of eighteenth-century India. There were,
of course, a large number of famines, diseases, and deaths during this period.
According to Dutt, the Indian National Movement arose from social conditions, from
the conditions of imperialism and its system of exploitation, and from the social and
economic forces generated within Indian society under the conditions of that exploitation;
the rise of the Indian bourgeoisie and its growing competition against the domination of
the British bourgeoisie was inevitable. However, the system of education also
strengthened the bourgeoisie, clerks or Babus. (R. Palme Dutt: 303)
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The Marxist approach sees the natural uprising of the poor in reaction to British NOTES
exploitation having been usurped by the elite bourgeois leadership that developed
particularly in the Congress. The Marxist approach has been criticised for having
ignored the mass aspects of the national movement and the emotive religious and
cultural aspects and reactions. Professor Bipan Chandra (and others) for instance has
commented: ‘They see the bourgeoisie as playing the dominant role in the movement –
they tend to equate or conflate the national leadership with the bourgeoisie or capitalist
class. They also interpret the class character of the movement in terms of its forms of
struggle (i.e., in its non-violent character) and in the fact that it made strategic retreats
and compromises. (Bipan Chandra: 22)
1.7 SUBALTERN APPROACH
The subaltern approach or school is the most recent and was mainly developed by
historians Ranjit and Ramachandra Guha, who had been deeply influenced by the
writings of Gramsci, a Neo Marxist and Italian thinker. Scholars like Shahid Amin &
Gyan Pandey (1982) also claimed that Italian Marxist thinker Antonio Gramsci used
the word ‘subaltern’ for the subordinate, Dalit, oppressed and downtrodden people
of the society. There were several reasons for the subaltern writers to implement this
definition in their writings for the study of Indian history. The effort was to bring out the
multidimensional forms of dominance and subordination in Indian society; To free
class struggle and economic conflict from the shackles of mere economics and closely
examine its social and cultural patterns and characteristics. Subsequently, others like
Partha Chatterjee and Sumit Sarkar also did notable work following this approach.
The Subaltern Studies Collective, founded in 1982, began to establish a new critique
of both colonialist and nationalist perspectives in the historiography of colonised
countries. By the term ‘subaltern’ They mean every form of dominance and subservience
- whether based on economic or cultural power, muscle power or military, or
‘superiority’ of varna, caste or gender - in history. They focused on the course of
‘subaltern history or the history of ordinary people by studying peasant revolts, popular
insurgencies etc. to the complex processes of domination and subordination in a variety
of the changing institutions and practices of evolving modernity. They examined
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Material 13

NOTES institutions such as colonial law and colonial prisons, popular notions of kinship and
disease, the position of women in colonial society, popular memories of anti-colonial
and sectarian violence etc. The Subaltern Studies soon became the new ‘history from
below’ which did not try to fuse the people’s history with official nationalism. It,
therefore, attracted the attention of the scholars who had become disenchanted with
the nationalistic claims as embodied in the post-colonial state.
The subaltern approach seeks to study the development of history and the
evolution of Indian nationalism from the viewpoint of subordinate masses like poor
peasants, tribals, women, untouchables and other non-elite powerless dispossessed
sections of Indian society. They argued that Indian society had always been divided
into the elite and the subaltern. There had always existed a fundamental contradiction
between the interests of these two groups. They argued history had always been
studied and recorded or written for posterity from the point of view of the elite dominant
classes and groups. They also argued there was no real conflict of interest between the
Indian elite (or the elite of Indian origin like zamindars and industrialists) and the British
elite (whether business or bureaucratic) and the Indian National Congress was only a
cover under which the real battle for power was being fought by the competing elite
groups. It was the subaltern groups who were the real victims of colonial rule and
many of the Indian elite gained. The subaltern groups reacted by launching various
small relatively unknown and un-celebrated revolts all over the country whereas it was
only the role of the Indian National Congress and elitist movements like that were
assumed to have been the main constituents of the national movement. They argued
there was a great need to study and analyse the role and contribution of these political
and social rebellions and eruptions.
The subaltern school rested their analytical structure on some Gramscian
concepts:
(a) That the state is a combination of official coercion plus elite hegemony and
(b) There is a struggle for power for this hegemony or domination and for
assuming the moral and intellectual leadership of the new evolving nation
which
(c) Would be like a kind of ‘passive revolution’ of the owners of capital and
productive resources. In situations where the emerging bourgeois does
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14 Material

not have the social conditions to establish complete hegemony over the NOTES
new nation, it resorts to passive revolution by attempting a ‘molecular
transformation’. The old dominant classes into partners in a new historical
bloc and only partially appropriates the popular masses, to first create a
state as a necessary precondition for the establishment of capitalism as a
dominant mode of production. Since a frontal attack on the state is not
possible they resort to a struggle for positions, ideological political positioning
etc.
Subaltern thinkers like Partha Chatterjee has argued in the context of the Indian national
movement that the new powerful native Indian classes that emerged tried to assert
their intellectual moral leadership over a modernizing Indian nation and stake its claim
to power in opposition to the British colonial masters. That is the analytical approach
followed by the subaltern thinkers in understanding the Indian national movement and
the growth of nationalism in India. As Ranjit Guha puts it: “The domain of politics was
‘structurally split’– not unified, homogenous, as elite interpretations of nationalism and
nation-state had made it out to be...What is left out in this un-historical [elitist]
historiography is the politics of the people. Parallel to the domain of elite politics there
existed throughout the colonial period another domain of Indian politics in which the
principal actors were not the dominant groups of the indigenous society or the colonial
authorities but the subaltern classes and groups constituting the mass of the labouring
populations and intermediate strata in town and country – that is, the people. This was
not an autonomous domain, for it originated from elite politics nor did its existence
depend on the latter.
The subaltern thinkers argue recognising the structural split between elite and
subaltern is fundamental to the study of colonial history, politics and culture in India.
The subalterns also reject the ‘spurious claims’ by Indian elite readings of nationalism
as people’s consent to a rule of their ‘own’ bourgeoisie in the anti-colonial movements
led by the Indian nationalist elite. They provide empirical evidence to claim “how on
one occasion after another and in the region after region the initiative of such campaigns
passed from elite leaderships to the mass of subaltern participants., who defied high
command and headquarters to make these struggles their own by framing them in Self-Instructional
Material 15

NOTES codes specific to traditions of popular resistance and phrasing them in idioms derived
from the communitarian experience of working and living together”. (ibid.)
1.8 SUMMARY
Indian nationalism had evolved and been strengthened by the notion of exploitative
British administration. It took 200 years for Indians to consolidate the idea of nationalism
in India. The national understanding can be seen through various perspectives as we
have discussed above. Each perspective had given a separate but integrated view that
nationalism had forced all Indian citizens to dream about India which is Bharat today.
Thus, it is not at all an overnight evolution. It has been deepened by the contribution of
reformers, nationalists, writers, subalterns and many who lost their precious lives to
the national independence movements.
1.9 GLOSSARY
 Nationalism: Nationalism is an ideology that emphasizes loyalty, devotion, or

allegiance towards own nation and holds that some amount of obligation is also
demanded.
 Subaltern: “Subaltern”, meaning “of inferior rank”, is a term adopted by Antonio
Gramsci to refer to those working-class people in the Soviet Union who are
subject to the hegemony of the ruling classes. Subaltern classes may include
peasants, workers and other groups denied access to hegemonic power. Gramsci
was interested in the historiography of the subaltern ‘classes’.
1.10 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS
1. Distinguish between the various approaches to the study of colonialism and

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16 Material

2. What is nationalism? Write a short essay on nationalism and discuss various NOTES
approaches to it.
3. Give a brief outline of colonialism and nationalism in the context of India.
1.11 REFERENCES
 Amin Shahid & G. Pandey(1982), Subaltern Studies-I in Guha, Ranjit (1982)

Subaltern Studies I, Delhi: Oxford University Press
 Chandra, B. (1999) Essays on Colonialism, Hyderabad. Orient Longman,
pp.1-22. Chandra, B. (1988) India’s Struggle for Independence, New Delhi.
Penguin, pp.13-30. Fulcher, J. (2004) Capitalism: A Very Short Introduction.
Oxford: Oxford University Press.
 Datta, G. Sobhanlal. (2007) ‘Imperialism and Colonialism: Towards a
Postcolonial Understanding’, in Dasgupta, Jyoti Bhusan (ed.) Science,
Technology, Imperialism and War. New Delhi: Centre for Studies in Civilization
Publication and DK, pp 423-466.
 Desai A. R.(2000), Social Background of Indian Nationalism, Popular
Prakashan, New Delhi
 Metcalf, T. (1995) ‘Liberalism and Empire’ in Metcalf, Thomas. Ideologies of
the Raj. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp.28-65.
 Young, R. (2003) Postcolonialism: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford: Oxford
University Press, pp. 9-68.
 Guha, Ranjit (1982) Subaltern Studies I, Delhi: Oxford University Press, p.4.
 Ganguly, Aditi eds. (2018), Colonialism and Nationalism in India, Study
Material of School of Open Learning, SOL, DU
 R. Palme Dutt (1955), India Today and Tomorrow, New Age Printing Press,
Delhi
 Smith, D, Anthony (2001), Nationalism: Theory, Ideology and History,
Atlantic Publishers & Distributors, New Delhi
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NOTES  Chandra, B. (1988). India’s Struggle for Independence, New Delhi. Penguin
 Chandra, B. (1999). Essays on Colonialism, Hyderabad. Orient Longman
 Chandra, Bipin,Amlesh Tripathi & Barun De (1992), Freedom Struggle,
National Book Trust, India
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UNIT II: REFORMISM AND ANTI-REFORMISM
IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY
LESSON 2 MAJOR SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS

MOVEMENTS IN 19TH CENTURY
Major Social and Religious Movements in 19th Century
LESSON 2 NOTES
MAJOR SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS IN

19TH CENTURY
Dr. Gurdeep Kaur
Assistant Professor
Sri Guru Gobind Singh College of Commerce (SGGSCC)
Delhi University
Structure
2.2 Introduction
2.3 Defining and Understanding Social and Religious Reform Movement
Movement.
2.3.2 The Conditions in the 18th and 19th Centuries that Set the Stage for
the Emergence of Social and Religious Reform Movements.
2.4 Various Social-Religious Reform Movements
2.4.1 Brahmo Samaj
2.4.5 Arya Samaj
2.5 Summary
2.6 Glossary
2.8 References
 To understand and define the concept of social and religious movements Self-Instructional
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NOTES  To explain various factors that led to the growth of social and religious movements
across India
 To list the objectives and principles of various social and religious movements
 To identify the key personalities and their significant contributions vis-a-vis their
respective various movements
 To explain the success and limitations of the various movements in India
2.2 INTRODUCTION
No society remains static forever, besides material development, the changes in the
perception and approach of people towards religion, culture, society and politics also
bring about many changes in societies, for instance, the 14th, 15th, and 16th century
are known for the renaissance in Europe, especially in northern Italy. India’s history is
replete with instances of uprisings and movements to bring about the desired change.
The nineteenth century proved to be a turning point in the history of modern India. It
was a period of great awakening, challenging many existing socio-cultural and religious
practices that were largely responsible for divisive and exploitative social-political
order in the country in those times. This period witnessed the growth of many movements
attempting to introduce many reforms in the socio-cultural practices, education and
political domain so that the Indian society functions on the principles of liberty, equality,
justice, and fraternity and that no individual faces discrimination on an irrational basis.
These movements are termed modern religious and secular movements which are the
manifestation of the Indian renaissance which ushered a new era in the history of
Indian thinking.
India in the 19th century witnessed a series of reform movements that were
oriented towards reforming the Indian society along the modern line. The birth and
growth of social and religious reform movements in different parts of India played an
important role in enlightening the people and inculcating the spirit of critical enquiry in
matters related to faith and religion to liberate the countrymen from rudimentary and
conservative practices that were being blindly followed. These movements also played
a key role towards uniting Indians that were divided by caste, class, gender, religion,
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22 Material and other grounds. These movements based on principles of rationality and scientific

temper were a precursor to the growing nationalism. Many eminent personalities like NOTES
Raja Rammohan Roy, Swami Dayanand Saraswati, Ishwar Chand Vidyasagar, Swami
Vivekananda and others spread the idea of universal brotherhood, co-existence,
Oneness of God, gender equality, peace, unity, tolerance, freedom of expression etc
to establish a cohesive, harmonious society and promote the importance of education.
With such initiatives, Indian people became conscious of their social, political and
other rights. The reform movements had an instrumental role in fostering patriotic
fervour among the Indians apart from addressing issues like the sati system, child
marriage, forced widowhood, the purdah system, the supremacy of Brahmins, and
untouchability. This lesson will shed light on the various movements that emerged during
the 19th century and will enable the students to acquire an in-depth understanding of
the various movements.
2.3 DEFINING AND UNDERSTANDING SOCIAL AND

RELIGIOUS REFORM MOVEMENT
Before the readers are familiarised with different social and religious movements, it is
important that a basic understanding of movements and their importance is understood.
In common parlance movement refers to mobility which brings about the displacement
of an object i.e. change in position or location. The word movement is used in various
contexts, it may also be understood as an act of mobilising people for bringing about
the desired change/ resisting a change. A movement can hence be defined as a collective
and an organised action on a mass scale to tackle some widespread problem of social,
political, economic, religious or cultural that has been in existence in the society for a
long time and there is a shared concern for addressing the root cause of the problem
and to bring about the needed change. A movement begins in a certain localized social
set up and gradually it gets established and spreads far and wide depending on various
factors like the purpose and objective, involvement of people, supporting factors etc.
Social and religious reform movements fall in the ambit of social movements meaning
that social movements are a broader category within which various movements like
peasants’ movements, women’s movements, tribal movements, religious movements
and others fall. According to Herbert Blumer “The social movement can be considered
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a collective effort to establish a new system of life” (Blumer, 1951,199). In the words Material 23

NOTES of Sidney Tarrow social movements refer to “collective challenges, based on common
purposes and social solidarities in sustained interaction with elites, opponents and
authorities” (Tarrow,2011, 9). According to Gusfield “social movements are socially
shared demand for change in some aspect of social order” (Gusfield, 1968,445).

Movement
The social and religious reform movements are an important variant of social movement
in the sense that they are initiated to bring about the needed changes in the social and
religious domains. Religion and social aspects are intricately intertwined as almost
every social custom and institution in India derive sustenance from religious injunctions
and sanctions. It henceforth was understood by every Indian social reformer that
religious reform must precede social reforms. The reform movements, therefore, besides
addressing issues of social inequality and injustices, aimed to establish a modified
social order by introducing modified values and practices in social institutions including
religion as well.
According to the Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary, the word ‘reform’
refers to ‘making changes (in something, especially an institution or practice) to improve.
Merriam-Webster Dictionary defines it as ‘improvement by removing or correcting
faults, problems, etc. Social reform movement refers to mobilising society and the
resources to bring about a change in the social order, practices or institutions that have
become partially or completely redundant and are a reason for the deterioration of
quality of life in any given society. According to Sociologist Prof. M. S. Gore social
reform ‘involves a deliberate effort to bring about a change in social attitudes, culturally
defined role expectations and actual patterns of behaviour of people in the desired
direction through processes of persuasion and public education. Abolition of Sati,
promoting women’s education, advocating women’s rights, abolition of the caste system,
and the abolition of untouchability, are some of the key areas of a social and religious
reform movement in India.
These movements can be broadly categorised as:
1. Reformist movements (Brahmo Samaj, the Prarthana Samaj)
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2. Revivalists movements (Arya Samaj)
24 Material

A fair understanding of different social and religious movements cannot be NOTES

acquired without the knowledge of the socio-religious and cultural milieu of 18th and
19th century India which happened to be the reason/ factors for the emergence of
various movements.
2.3.2 The Conditions in the 18th and 19th Century that Set the Stage
for the Emergence of Social and Religious Reform Movements
Caste rigidity is one of the major social evils of Indian society. It is determined by birth
sealed till the death. It also, pre determines one’s occupation, inter caste dining and
marriages. Rigid caste division created hierarchical inequality and untouchability in
society.
In Indian society caste is determined by birth. In hierarchical social organisation,
Brahmins enjoyed supremacy while the shudras, the lowest in the hierarchy, were
exploited and marginalised. Rigid caste division proved to be unhealthy, unfair and
immoral. All privileges including the right to education were denied to the shudras
which further compounded their challenges and threatened their survival.
Gender inequality and discrimination against women: Discrimination and
ill-treatment of women during the 19th century was a very common practice. Besides
denial of opportunities for education and presence in the public domain, women were
victims of many social and cultural malpractices like child marriage, the purdah system,
the sati system, the dowry system, the devadasi tradition, etc which relegated women
to an inferior position and made them subjects of exploitation, humiliation and
enslavement.
Development of a sense of pride for India’s ancient culture: During the
19th century many European and Indian scholars showed interest in studying India’s
ancient history, religions, philosophies and literature etc and spreading awareness about
the same. The renewed interest instilled a sense of pride in Indian civilisation among
the masses that encouraged the social reformers to address the rudimentary practices.
Exposure to western education and ideas: During the 19th century many
Indian intellectuals and reformers had exposure to western education and liberal ideas
through their formal education from English and Missionary institutions which encouraged
them to mobilise the people for progressive reforms. Moreover, the rising tide of Self-Instructional
Material 25

NOTES nationalism and democracy also found expression in movements to reform and
democratize the social institutions and religious outlook of the Indian people.
In addition to the above many other factors like growing connectivity, the
legislation, the increased role of Christian missionaries etc played an important role in
the emergence and growth of social religious reform movements.
2.4 VARIOUS SOCIAL-RELIGIOUS REFORM

MOVEMENTS
Let us discuss various streams of socio-religious movements taken place during

nationalist movements
2.4.1 Brahmo Samaj
Ram Mohan Roy played a pioneering role in initiating progressive and radical social
reforms in the then Indian society by opposing idolatry social practices like the sati
system, polygamy, and rigid caste divide among other social malpractices which earned
him the title of “Father of Indian Renaissance”. Social order and practices of those
times were seen and evaluated by Raja Ram Mohan Roy in light of principles of
rationality, religious universalism and scientific thinking. Through his early philosophical
works “Tuhfat-ul-Muwahhidin” in 1805 and the organisation- Atmiya Sabha (Society
of Friends) in 1815, he began his journey as a social reformer. In his scholarly and
philosophical work, Tuhfat-ul-Muwahhidin he rejected the idea that religion was solely
a matter of faith and that it cannot be subjected to scrutiny in light of reason, social
comfort and acceptance. Raja Ram Mohan Roy’s in-depth knowledge of Eastern
philosophy and exposure to Western liberal and reasoned approach encouraged him
to awaken countrymen for establishing society on principles of justice, equality and the
development of all.
Raja Ram Mohan Roy’s birth in a well-to-do Brahmin family in Bengal facilitated
his intellectual and academic growth. Besides being well-versed in Sanskrit, he learnt
English, Greek, Hebrew, Arabic, and Persian in addition to French and Latin. His
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26 Material

command over different languages. His knowledge and wisdom inspired him to bring NOTES
about progressive reforms and enlighten people to give up hollow, irrational and
rudimentary practices that were largely responsible for the degeneration of society. As
a reformist ideologue having a critical bent of mind he made an in-depth study of
various religions including Hinduism, Islam, Christianity and Judaism.
As an ardent champion of human dignity, human rights and civil liberties, he
opposed the restrictions on the freedom of the press and through his efforts, Charles
Metcalfe in 1835 liberated the press in India. And the liberal press policy resulted in
the rapid growth of newspapers which proved to be a significant step towards the
spread of nationalistic sentiments among Indians. Raja Ram Mohan Roy himself edited
two newspapers namely, Sambad Kaumudi and Mirat-ul-Akhbar in Bengali and Persian
respectively.
Ram Mohan Roy was a liberal social reformer who knew that without education,
people will lack the readiness to change the social order and practices, so to encourage
Indians to develop a scientific temper and reasoned approach, he strongly advocated
for the introduction of English education in the country. With his efforts, the Hindu
College, the City College, Vedanta College, and English Schools were established in
Calcutta that offered courses both in Indian classical philosophy and Western social
and physical sciences. His initiatives and role gave a new turn to India’s educational
system.
Ram Mohan Roy’s ideas on the subject of internationalism reflected his personality
as a true humanist favouring international co-existence and harmony. He stressed that
all nations big or small, rich or poor must be placed on an equal footing and that
people irrespective of their nationality must come together for shared global prosperity
and growth. He stood for the cooperation of thought, activity and brotherhood among
nations.
Raja Rammohan Roy was a strong advocate of monotheism. He opposed
polytheism and in 1803 Roy published his famous tract called Tuhfat-ul-Muwahhidin
(a gift of monotheists), laid the common foundation of universal religion in the doctrine
of the unity of Godhead and also translated the Vedas and the Upanishads into Bengali
to prove his conviction that ancient Hindu texts support monotheism. Through Brahmo
samaj and other initiatives attempts were made to propagate the idea of a universal
religion based on the principle of one supreme God. Self-Instructional
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NOTES In August 1828, Raja Ram Mohan Roy founded the Brahma Sabha which was
later renamed ‘Brahmo samaj’ (The society of God). Brahmo means “one who worships
Brahman”, and Samaj means “community of men”. Brahmo samaj refers to the
community of men who worship Brahman (a Vedic Sanskrit word for the ultimate
reality, referring to the single binding unity behind the diversity in all that exists in the
universe.)
The main objective of Brahmo Samaj was the worship and adoration of the
eternal, unsearchable, Immutable God and it sought to unite the various communities
irrespective of their religion and make them realise that they are all the children of One
God. The membership of the Samaj was open to all, irrespective of religion, caste or
creed, to realise the core ideal of the movement. It was the first modern Hindu reform
movement that can also be understood as a deliberate intellectual revolt led by a small
influential group of Westernised Indians against the rudimentary and orthodox rituals
and practices. The movement paved the way for the Indian Renaissance as the country
witnessed many other movements in the ensuing years almost on similar lines. The
prominent leaders’ Raja Ram Mohan Roy Dwarkanath Tagore, Maharishi Debendranath
Tagore, Keshub Chandra Sen, of Brahmo Samaj inspired many other personalities to
pull out Indians from the darkness of ignorance, illiteracy, superstitions etc.
Brahmo Samaj
a. Denounced the practice of idol worship, sacrifice and supremacy of Brahmins.

Raja Ram Mohan Roy spearheaded the cause of purifying the Hindu religion,
especially about social impurities that had crept in over time. The movement
mobilised people to not blindly follow rituals as were interpreted and dictated
to them by the priestly class and instead must become learned and educated to
understand and interpret religion based on their intellect and wisdom.
b. Discarded faith in divine avatars or the incarnation of God. Raja Ram Mohan
Roy strongly held that all the principal ancient texts of the Hindus preached
monotheism or worship of one God and urged for the return to the original
principles of Vedantism. To promote his radical thoughts, Raja Ram Mohan
Roy besides translating Vedas and the Upanishads in Bengali, wrote pamphlets
and tracts in defence of monotheism.
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28 Material

c. Condemned the rigid caste system which not only led to the exploitation of the NOTES
lowest in the hierarchy but also disunited Indians to fight against colonialism.
The movement promoted the idea of establishing a casteless society with a dual
objective of protecting humanism and bringing together the Indians for the cause
of the country’s freedom from foreign rule.
d. Emphasised humanitarian values of benevolence, and kindness and strengthened
the bonds of union between all men irrespective of social and religious
background. The movement promoted the idea of brotherhood and co-existence
by making arrangements for its members to assemble and pray together
irrespective of socio-religious description. It encouraged its members to extend
help to the needy with monetary and other assistance.
e. The purpose of the movement was to encourage people to develop the capacity
of rational inquiry into the practices and rituals that were established in the name
of religion and not condemn any religion or faith.
f. Attacked the age-old social taboos and raised concern over the plight of women
and the less privileged section of society who were victimized and ill-treated in
the name of conservative, inhuman and repressive socio-religious customs. To
promote the idea of gender equality and to address restrictions and prejudices
against women that had their roots in religion, the movement advocated for
multi-pronged measures that included legislation against the sati system,
encouraging inter-caste marriage and widow remarriage and also pushed for
educating the women folk to become confident and self-reliant. Bamabodhini
Patrika was also started by Brahmo Samaj activists to spread awareness on
some of the pressing women’s issues of those times and provide a forum for
women to pen their thoughts and experiences for sensitising society.
g. Rejecting the idea of sacrifice, offerings, and idol worship, the movement
encouraged the practice of prayers, meditation and scripture reading and
accorded equal respect to all religions. It was a cosmopolitan movement among
the educated class of people which guided the orthodox Hindus to work for the
revival of their religion.
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NOTES Evaluation
The role of the Brahmo Samaj as the first intellectual reform movement in India is
undeniable as it laid the foundation for the spread of rational thoughts and liberal ideas
of justice, equality, democracy and civil rights etc. Its liberal approach to social and
religious questions was applauded by Europeans and Indians alike. Its educational
and social reform activities instilled confidence among the less privileged including
women and played an important role in stimulating national consciousness among
Indians. However, the movement was not able to mobilise the masses as the participation
in the movement remained confined to the intellectuals and educationally enlightened
Bengalis. The movement faced opposition from the orthodox Hindus led by Raja
Radhakant Deb who organised the Dharma Sabha 1830 which firmly opposed the
propaganda of Brahmo Samaj and stood for the preservation of status-quo in matters
of religion and faith, including the practice of sati. Further, the early death of Ram
Mohan Roy in 1833 left the Brahmo Samaj without a guiding and binding force following
which the dissensions and differences between those leading the movement became
apparent causing the decline of the movement
Inspired by the works and ideology of Brahmo samaj, a Maharashtrian social reformer
and physician by profession sought to enlighten the people to address the issues of
social disorder, discrimination and exploitation in society. The precursor to the Prarthana
Samaj was the Paramahansa Sabha, a society that was formed in 1849 and functioned
secretly to avoid confrontation with the people of an orthodox and conservative mindset.
Under the auspices of the Paramhansa Sabha, notable social reformers like Jyotiba
Phule and orientalist R.G. Bhandarkar took the cause of spreading awareness about
the ill effects of blind ritualism, superstitions and inhuman religious customs. After a
few years of working the Paramahansa Sabha became non-functional and soon the
agenda and purpose it was taken forward by the Prarthana samaj (Prayer society)
established in 1867 under the leadership of Dr Atmaram Pandurang.
Dr Atmaram Pandurang, a physician by profession and a passionate social
reformer belonged to a reputable, educated family in Maharashtra and was a close
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associate of many reformers. including Keshab Chandra Sen, who was a prominent NOTES
Brahmo samaj leader and deeply engaged in bringing radical reforms to infuse a new
lease of life in the stratified and unprogressive Hindu society. Immensely influenced by
the Western liberal values and also the Indian religious and spiritual tradition, Dr Atmaram
Pandurang along with a few other like-minded people like Jagannath Shanker Sethi,
Balshastri Jambhekar, Vishnu Shastri Bapat, and Krishna Shastri Chiplunkar started
Prarthana samaj as a theistic organisation that reconciled both the Western and Eastern
philosophy in theory and practice. As supporters of liberal faith, their approach towards
all religions was eclectic, however, the Indian religious and devotional literature,
especially that of the Bhakti School of thought in Maharashtra, was the foundational
basis of the ideology and principles of Prarthana Samaj. It happened to be a major
modern socio-religious reform movement to come up in Western India that took forward
the spirit and activities of Brahmo samaj yet maintained its distinct identity as a Hindu
organisation. Unlike Brahmo samaj, Prarthana samaj was less iconoclastic and heretical
as the radical elements of the Brahmo movement were skilfully discouraged by the
two chief ideologues of the Prarthana Samaj namely, M. G. Ranade and R. G.
Bhandarkar. Prarthna samaj was thus not seen as a sect outside the Hindu fold. They
sought to bring reforms through persuasion - by appealing to the conscience and sense
of justice of its followers and not by completely disassociating the movement from its
roots. The devout followers of the Prarthana samaj propagated the idea that God can
be realised only by serving fellow men and not through rituals, ceremonies, sacrifices,
offerings etc which happen to be meaningless and hollow without the practice of civic
virtues.
The Principal doctrines of Prarthana Samaj
1. The faith in God and the essentiality of worshipping One Supreme God with all
devotion and spirituality was central to the socio-religious philosophy of the
movement. The word Prarthana means prayer and the members of the samaj
were encouraged to pray to God to be blessed with wisdom, intelligence and
morality. The mission of the samaj in the words of Justice Ranade was to
“humanise, equalise and spiritualise”.
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NOTES 2. Followers of Prarthana Samaj held no faith in incarnations and revelations and
denounced idol worship. Instead, M. G. Ranade, the guiding force of the
movement stressed that the true mode of divine adoration is through meditation,
contemplation, singing devotional poems and that worshipping different deities
works as a divisive force in the Hindu society.
3. Prarthna samaj did not see religion in isolation from humanity and therefore,
stressed that salvation can be best achieved through benevolence, kindness,
tolerance, honesty and affection for one and all irrespective of socio-economic
differences. The most fundamental principle of Prarthana samaj was the
‘Fatherland of God and brotherhood of man’ and by adhering to this all social
disparities and inequalities can be bridged.
4. It opposed the irrational religious rituals, idol worship, and customs and did not
acknowledge any book as the infallible word of God, but accepted those ideas
in the scriptures which stood the test of reason.
5. The faith in God and the essentiality of worshipping God with all devotion and
spirituality were central to the socio-religious philosophy of the movement. The
word Prarthana means prayer and the members of the samaj were encouraged
to pray to God to be blessed with wisdom, intelligence and morality. The mission
of the samaj in the words of Justice Ranade was to “humanise, equalise and
spiritualise”.
6. The movement championed the cause of the complete eradication of caste and
untouchability and promoted the idea of equality and social justice.
Initiatives undertaken by the movement:
 Promoted the cause of education to both boys and girls. Opened schools including
night schools for imparting education.
 Opened Asylums and Orphanages at various religious centres like Pandharpur,
Dehu and Alandi.
 Worked for the upliftment of women, raised voices against child marriage, purdah
and dowry system, promoted the cause of education among women, widow
re-marriage and raising the marriageable age for both boys and girls
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 Sought to spiritually awaken people and encouraged people to inculcate the NOTES
habit of rightful conduct and ethical behaviour through its weekly periodical,
Subodha Patrika.
 Mobilised people to extend services to the untouchables and poor of society by
organising Sunday services and Sunday schools etc.
Evaluation
Prarthana Samaj and the personalities leading the movement like M. G. Ranade, R. G.
Bhandarkar, G. K. Gokhale, Talang and N. G. Chandavarkar were men of intellect
and wisdom with a very clear vision to focus on social reforms and did not radically
oppose the Hindu religion. Ideologically, both Brahmo samaj and Prarthana samaj
were similar as they professed worship of One God and denounced the need for
intermediaries to connect with God but Prarthana samaj was less eclectic and advocated
modernisation gradually without the detachment from the cultural roots which gained it
more popularity. The Prarthana Samaj entered into the field of social reform through
its most effective depressed classes Mission of India, founded in 1906 and came to
run 30 educational institutions by 1913. Inspired by the activities of Prarthana Samaj,
a similar movement was led by the Telugu reformer Veerasalingam Pantulu from Mysore
Presidency.
Unlike Brahmo samaj and Prarthana samaj, which were the movements led by the
elite class, Satya shodhak samaj was the movement of the so-called backward segment
of the society( Malis, Telis, Kunbis, Saris, and Dhangars). It was the movement of the
depressed classes against Brahmin supremacy, the movement under the leadership of
Jyotirao Govindrao Phule who was also known as Jyotirao Phule, mobilised the low
caste people to educate themselves and oppose the unjust and cruel practices that
denied them the opportunities to live with respect and dignity. Satya Shodhak Samaj
(Truth Seekers’ Society) was founded in 1873 with the core objective of arousing
self-respect among the less privileged and toiling masses.
Jyotirao Phule was born in a remote village of the Satara district of Maharashtra,
in a family of fruits, flowers and vegetable growers (mali). Due to the family’s profession
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NOTES of growing and supplying flowers added the suffix ‘Phule’ to his name. Being born in a
low caste community, as per the customs of those times he was denied education from
schools that predominantly served the upper castes. Despite all challenges, he completed
his early education at a missionary school where students from all communities were
admitted, followed by completing secondary education at a Scottish Mission High
School, in Pune.
Since childhood he grew up facing and observing discrimination and exploitation,
the upliftment of low caste thus became the mission of Jyotirao Phule after the completion
of his secondary education in 1847. He drew inspiration from the egalitarian philosophy
of Buddha and Kabir and was equally influenced by the Western liberal democracies
of the West and by the ideology of the French revolution too (Begari, J.,2010, p.399)
English education taught him the need for and importance of concepts like human
dignity and human rights. As an avid reader, he enjoyed reading biographies of Shivaji
and George Washington which infused feelings of heroism and patriotism in him. Another
important book that made a long-lasting impact on Jyotirao Phule was Thomas Paine’s
work “Rights of Man” which guided him in his mission to promote humanitarian values
of equality and freedom.
The hardships in life made Jyotirao Phule determined to take forward his mission
passionately, of emancipating the low castes, women, children, orphans and destitute.
He devoted his life to the cause of the needy which earned him a lot of respect and
honour. People affectionately addressed him as Mahatma Jyotiba Phule. Mahatma
Jyotiba Phule as he is popularly known was the first person in modern India to launch
a movement for the liberation of caste-oppressed toilers and women irrespective of
their caste. He founded the satyashodhak samaj on the foundational pillars of rationalism
and self-emancipation. Satya shodhak samaj encouraged its members to search for
truth all by themselves and not accept and follow what was being dictated to them by
the so-called learned class. The purpose of the society was to encourage the low-
caste people towards English education that would facilitate altering the caste and
gender hierarchy. Besides being a leader and organiser of the underprivileged class
movement, Phule was a writer, poet and philosopher in his own right with several
books and articles to his credit. He emerged as a radical social reformer and an
activist who dared to speak, write and mobilise the masses against those who were
responsible for the perpetuation of human rights abuse, which made him a dauntless
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that he preached and professed. Encouraging his wife to learn reading and writing is NOTES
evidence of Jyotiba Phule’s open liberal outlook and of bringing principles to practice.
The Objectives of the movement were to:
1. Liberate non-Brahmins from the exploitation of the Brahmin/ priestly class.
Satya Shodhak Samaj worked to undermine the social and religious sanction
for the priesthood by conducting rituals and ceremonies without Brahmins.
Its attack on the caste system rested on the foundational ideas of both Western
rationalisms as well as indigenous sources of social revolt like the Bhakti
cults.
2. Denounce Vedas as sacrosanct. The movement propagated the idea that no
religious text or scripture is infallible so must be scrutinised in light of reason
and rationality. Jyoti Rao Phule was of the view that blind acceptance of
customs and traditions is a reason behind the absolute authority enjoyed by
the Brahmins and the denial of human rights to the less privileged.
3. Reject the chaturvarna system- caste-based social order that divided society
into four varnas - Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and Shudras. Jyoti Rao
Phule strongly advocated for overthrowing the hierarchical social order in
which those at the lower stratum were ill-treated. He encouraged his
associates to muster the courage to question prejudice and hatred meted
out to them and not be silent victims. Jyoti Rao Phule believed that
unquestioned acceptance of rituals and traditions legitimised exploitation.
4. Establish a new social system based on freedom, equality, brotherhood,
human dignity, economic justice and fairness. To spread the message and
purpose of the satyashodhak samaj, Jyotirao Phule started Deen Bandhu, a
weekly journal with the help of Narayan Meghaji Lokhande, who was his
close associate and a trade union leader. The weekly journal helped the
members articulate their views on human rights and social justice and also
provided a platform for the exploited class to express their concerns and
plight.
5. Initiate campaigns to remove the economic and social handicaps that breed
blind faith among women, Shudras and ati-shudras. It raised its voice against
social slavery and demanded social justice. It was the voice of suppressed
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NOTES Activities Undertaken
 Promoted education among women and girls. The first ever girls’ school in the
country was opened in 1848 by Jyotiba Phule.
 Spread awareness among people about social evils.
 Opened facilities for women who were exploited and victimized.
 Promoted education among the shudras/Ati Shudras and mobilised them for
their self-amelioration.
 Activism for agrarian reforms was among the activities of the Samaj. Satya
shodhak samaj played an important role in spreading awareness of the need for
soil conservation, building embankments, and usage of technology for agriculture
and allied activities to improve the social and economic conditions of the
peasantry.
 Encouraged people to hold marriage ceremonies that were simple, and
inexpensive and made the Brahmin Priest’s services redundant. Jyotiba Phule
wrote, Sarvajanik Satya Dharma in which he described a simple marriage
ceremony, enabling all to participate and understand the procedure without any
ambiguity, unlike the Vedic marriage ceremony that could be conducted by a
Brahmin only.
 Spread awareness among the toiling peasants to oppose the heavy tax imposed
on them.
 Jyotiba Phule with his in-depth knowledge of the rural economy and the
agriculture sector offered solutions to problems associated with the agriculture
sector to both the government and people alike so that agriculture could be a
profitable enterprise.
 Promoted the idea of universal religion based on principles of liberty and equality.
His Sarvajanik Satya Dharma emphasised truth-seeking without the aid of any
Guru or text. Satyashodhak Samaj offered a critique of Hinduism but didn’t
reject the idea of Dharma/religion. The samaj offered a secular outlook in matters
of faith and religion and strongly condemned the practice of the colonial
government of giving grants to temples from the taxes collected from poor people.
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The movement successfully worked to realise its mission of serving the poor, NOTES
low caste and women; spreading awareness among them for infusing a sense of self-
respect and identity so that the supremacy of the Brahmins could be challenged. Both
Jyotiba Phule and his wife Savitri Phule were the guiding spirit and force of the movement
who made extraordinary efforts for the ordinary people. Unlike the pioneers of Brahmo
samaj and Prarthana samaj, he offered a radical critique of the Indian social order and
Hinduism. Mahatma Phule led the movement for the cause of the downtrodden and
the neglected masses and openly condemned the Brahmins, the upper caste, and the
colonial government for their excesses and took necessary steps to empower the less
privileged. To connect to the local and uneducated masses, the movement relied on
folklore, street plays, and folk dramas to communicate their ideas. The Satya Shodhak
Samaj was the first institution to launch a social movement by common people and it
was the shrill voice of dissent of the long-suppressed Indians. The Satya Shodhak
Samaj was criticised for its inclination towards British, Christianity and Mahatma Phule’s
interpretation of history, it henceforth lacked the support of major intellects. The
movement, nevertheless, played a key role in spreading liberal ideas and spearheaded
progressive reforms.
Among the galaxy of stalwarts who are credited to have awakened the people of India
from the slumber of ignorance, blind faith, superstitions and irrationality shine bright
the name of Henry Vivian Derozio who initiated the Young Bengal Movement to liberate
the society from the social ills. Derozio was born in 1809 in a Portuguese – Indian
family in Calcutta. He completed his schooling at the “Dharmatala Academy” run by
Henry Drummond, a Scottish poet, free thinker, and rationalist. Derozio studied English
Literature, History and Philosophy under Mr Drummond which polished his personality
to a great extent to become a distinguished teacher and social reformer later in his life.
Following the footsteps of his teacher, Derozio grew up as a man of free and open
ideas and was deeply inclined to work for the intellectual and moral progress of the
then-Indian society, which was lifeless and stagnant.
In 1828, Derozio was appointed at Hindu College, Calcutta to teach English
and History. Soon, he was able to influence young minds with his wisdom, sharp
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NOTES intellect, academic genius and reasoned approach. He enlightened the young students
about the philosophy and thoughts of great liberal thinkers like Jeremy Bentham, John
Locke, David Hume, his mentor, Henry Drummond and many others. Gradually
students developed the curiosity to know, understand, interpret and judge life in the
light of new thought and consciousness. Derozio’s students became actively engaged
in various activities and influenced by the concepts of equality, liberty, justice, fraternity
and others, formed the “Academic Association”- a debating society that served as a
platform to freely debate on many pertinent issues like child marriage, casteism,
untouchability, idol worship etc.
Derozio did not stick to teaching the prescribed curriculum of the subject that
he taught but as a true teacher, guide, mentor and philosopher taught his students a
new way of life and encouraged them to chart their destiny without fear, compulsion
and threat of any kind. He facilitated open discussions, aggressive debates, and free
expression of opinions and instilled in his students, a deep quest for knowledge and
truth. Derozio combined in him the qualities of a great teacher, gifted poet, daring
journalist, leader, humanist and rebel who cultivated in his students a sense of justice,
patriotism and philanthropy. Endorsing the spirit of the renaissance, the youth became
enlightened and crossed the barriers of religion, caste, language, time and space that
were gifted to them by birth and started looking upon the human race as one big
family. His students liberated themselves from the shackles of customs and tradition
that had kept their ancestors enslaved for generations and declared all practices obsolete
that failed to stand the test of reason and scientific inquiry.
Apart from the students at the Hindu College young people across Bengal were
also got fascinated by Derozio’s charismatic personality and well-reasoned ideas so
they were irresistibly drawn to the activities of the Academic Association. With such
developments, the academic association evolved as the Young Bengal movement. It
can be rightly stated that the intellectual awakening among the students of the Hindu
College paved the way for a movement of social change across Bengal that popularly
came to be known as the Young Bengal movement and those drawn to the movement
came to be known as Derozians.
Alarmed by the activities of Derozio and cautious of the numerical increase of
Derozians, Hindu orthodoxy forced Derozio to resign from the Hindu College on 25th
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of April, 1831 on charges of radicalizing the youth. After their resignation, Derozio NOTES
continued his life’s mission by starting a daily newspaper, the ‘East Indian’. He preached
through this paper to make reason the sole guide in life, to have the courage of
conviction, practising what they believed to be right. And he left his ideas as a legacy
to his students who were distinguished as ‘Young Bengal and played a prominent role
in the Renaissance of Bengal.
Activities are undertaken under the Young Bengal Movement
1. The Young Bengal movement played an important role in spreading awareness

among the Indians on matters of social and economic justice.
2. The movement carried public agitation on issues related to freedom of the press,
better treatment for Indian workers in British colonies abroad, trial by jury, and
protection of the ryots from oppressive zamindars.
3. It raised the demand for the appointment of Indians to high pay positions in
government offices.
4. It articulated views on the education of women; equality of all, caste, class and
gender discrimination through writing in journals like Parthenon, Hesperus,
Jnanannesan, Enquirer, Hindu Pioneer, Quill and the Bengal Spectator.
5. It drew attention to the plight of indentured Indian labourers in British colonies
abroad and demanded the provision of a better work environment for them and
their human rights.
Evaluation
The Derozians, however, failed to have a long-term impact. Derozio was removed
from the Hindu College in 1831 because of his radicalism. ‘Derozians’ represented a
radical stream within the reform movement and ignored the cultural traditions of Indian
society. The prevailing social conditions of those times were not ripe enough for the
adoption of radical ideas. Further, support from any other social group or class was
absent. The Derozians lacked any real connection with the masses; for instance, they
failed to take up the peasants’ cause. Derozians were labelled as misguided youths.
Their radicalism was bookish. But, despite their limitations, the Derozians carried
forward Roy’s tradition of spreading awareness among the people on various issues.
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NOTES 2.4.5 Arya Samaj
The key figure associated with the founding of the Arya Samaj was Swami Dayanand
Saraswati. Brahmo Samaj and Prarthana samaj were an outcome of the exposure of
their respective founders to Western ideas and thoughts. while Arya samaj derived its
inspiration from India’s ancient scriptures, philosophy and religion, especially those of
the Vedic Age. Arya Samaj was founded on the 10th of April 1875 by Swami Dayanand
Saraswati who was an ardent champion of Vedic Hinduism. The literal meaning of
Arya Samaj is “ Society of Nobles” which gave a position of eminence to the Aryans
and the doctrinal basis of the society held Vedas as the source of ultimate knowledge.
It can be understood as a Hindu revivalist movement that made a considerable influence
in North India. Unlike the universalistic outlook of Raja Rammohan Roy, Swami
Dayanand was extremely critical of other religions especially Islam and Christianity, so
besides taking initiatives towards social and religious reforms, the movement aimed to
help Muslim and Christian converts to return to their parent faith.
The philosophical basis of the Arya Samaj
1) God is the fundamental source of all true knowledge. God is all truth- immortal,
creator of the universe. God alone is worthy of worship. Arya samaj also holds
that God has no physical form and with this thought, opposes the idea of
reincarnation and denounces idol worship.
2) The Vedas are the books of true knowledge and the knowledge contained
therein cannot be challenged.
3) A true Aryan is always ready to accept the truth and renounce untruth.
4) All actions must be performed after analysing right and wrong
5) The principal aim of this Samaj is to promote the world’s well-being ( material,
spiritual and social).
6) All persons should be treated with love and justice.
7) Ignorance should be dispelled and knowledge increased.
8) Everybody should consider his good along with others.
9) Social well-being of mankind should be placed above the individual’s well-
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Contributions of Arya Samaj NOTES
The Arya Samaj has been instrumental in addressing the socio-economic inequities
and discrimination existing in society. It has a distinguished role towards establishing
an inclusive social order by undertaking efforts in multifarious domains:
1. It played a key role in the National awakening. Swami Dayanand Saraswati
was a self-learned scholar of Vedic studies and unlike other reformers, he did
not appreciate Western education or Western philosophy. Arya Samaj sought
to revive the lost glory of Hinduism and the Aryan traditions and disseminated
among the people that British rule has ruined India economically, socially and
culturally. Arya samaj played an important role in arousing patriotic fervour
among the Indians by boldly speaking against British rule. Many of the prominent
freedom fighters like Dadabhai Naoroji, Ram Prasad Bismil, Lala Lajpat Rai,
and Swami Shardhanand to name a few were Arya Samajists.
2. It promoted the study of Vedas. Emphasising that Vedas are the source of all
knowledge and wisdom and that the true Aryan must study Vedas, Arya samaj
took efforts to reintroduce the ancient Gurukul system of education where the
Aryan type of education was imparted and pupils were taught to live a controlled
and simple life on principles of truth, chastity and obedience. The most known
was the Gurukul at Kangri, Haridwar and thereafter several other Gurukuls for
Vedic research scholars were also established.
3. Women’s emancipation was given special attention by Arya Samaj. Arya samaj
strongly believes in equal treatment and the enjoyment of rights by all. As a
measure to improve the status of women who were victims of evil practices like
child marriage, dowry, purdah system, and sati system and had no presence in
the public domain, Arya Samaj advocated for making education accessible for
women folk too and established several educational institutions for girls. In 1886,
Kanya Maha vidyalaya was opened. Today across India there are numerous
DAV schools & colleges that are imparting education to boys and girls alike.
4. Arya Samaj conducted a fiery crusade against many social ills. In times when
Arya samaj came into existence people blindly followed customs and rituals
that were dictated to them by the Brahmins. Social evils like untouchability,
child marriage, the purdha system etc proved to be very inhuman. Arya samaj
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NOTES aggressively attacked the supremacy of Brahmins and condemned the rituals
and practices that had no foundation in the Vedas. Arya Samaj was successful
in rallying public opinion on such issues. It condemned untouchability and stressed
that an individual is great or inferior not by birth but by his deeds, the idea of
inter-caste marriages was promoted by Arya Samajists to address untouchability;
it was successful in fixing the minimum marriageable age at sixteen for girls and
twenty-five for boys on the principle of the Vedas; Arya Samajists denounced
forced widow-hood and encouraged widow remarriage; they also strongly
condemned the practice of sati system and mobilised the society to bring about
progressive reforms
5. Arya Samaj performed a pioneering role in reviving Hinduism. The goal of Arya
samaj was to revive Vedic Hinduism trying to bring back the Muslim and Christian
converts to their original faith. The samaj being a Vedic church received
considerable success in bringing back thousands of converted Hindus and
Muslims to the fold of Hinduism by launching the Shuddhi ceremony.
6. Arya Samajists worked tirelessly for the orphans, poor, women and destitute
by taking many measures. Arya Samaj opened its first orphanage in Ferozepur,
Punjab followed by a chain of orphanages all over the country. Arya Samaj also
opened homes for widows and destitute women to accommodate and train
them in some vocational skills so that they can become self-reliant and productive
members of society. Arya Samajists also made arrangements for the marriage
of poor girls and widows. Many old age homes known by the name Vanaprastha
Ashram and homes for the destitute were also established by Arya Samaj.
7. Swami Dayanand Saraswati and Arya Samaj gave impetus to the idea of
swadeshi. Swami Dayanand Saraswati didn’t favour foreign rule in any form
and any domain. People of the country were made aware of the drainage of
India’s wealth that was happening under British rule so they were encouraged
to buy homemade products and help the local industry become self-reliant.
Evaluation
The Arya Samajists played a progressive role in furthering the cause of social reform in
North India. Although the Vedas were venerated as infallible, the reforms advocated,
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however, were the product of modern rational thinking. Arya samaj worked zealously NOTES
for the emancipation of women and social justice by facilitating education for girls and
women; it denounced untouchability and caste rigidities. It indeed played an important
role in progressive developments and national awakening in the country but its popularity
was confined to orthodox Hindus. The negative attitude that it held towards Islam, led
Muslims to mobilise on a corresponding communal basis. In the course of defending
and promoting Hinduism, Arya Samaj became an obstacle to the growth of Indian
nationalism by contributing, though unconsciously to the creation of a hostile religion-
communal atmosphere.
Ramakrishna Mission came into existence in the year 1888 through Swami
Vivekananda’s efforts to spread the philosophy of his Guru Sri Ramakrishna
Paramahamsa who passed away on the 16th of August 1886. The mission functioned
on the foundational principles of Swami Ramakrishna Paramhansa, a mystic saint who
strongly believed in selfless devotion to God and complete absorption in Him for
experiencing spiritual ecstasy by following one’s way of devotion. According to Sri
Paramahamsa Ramakrishna “whichever path one follows with sincerity and full devotion
to reach God, that sincerity and Devotion will surely pave the way to ultimately connect
with God”. Sri Paramahamsa Ramakrishna’s philosophy resting on truth in religion
and spirituality encouraged his young disciples to
 Engage in selfless devotion to God.
 Serve mankind to serve God
 Live a life of simplicity, free of passions, desires, hatred and pride.
 Love and respect all;
 Adhere to the fact that Reality is one and only one. It is eternal, real, infinite,
unchangeable and perfect.
Among his many young disciples was Narendranath Dutta who later came to
be known as Swami Vivekananda. Swami Vivekananda after the death of his Guru
Ramakrishna played an important role in spreading the Vedanta philosophy which
stressed that God alone is true and the rest of everything is untrue. The foundation of
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NOTES the Ramakrishna Mission was laid to bring into practice the teachings and spread the
philosophy of Sri Paramahamsa Ramakrishna.
The theology of the mission emphasised the following:
1. Reality is one and only One which is eternal, real and perfect. And this
reality is present in every individual being meaning that God is within each
human. Therefore each soul is part and parcel of the One Universal Soul.
Based on Vedantic philosophy the mission sought to spiritually uplift society.
2. Denouncing the life of renunciation, the mission promoted the principle of
dedicating life to the service to mankind. The fundamental precept of the
mission “Jagat Hitaya Cha” promoted the idea that salvation can be attained
by serving mankind selflessly and unconditionally.
3. The foundational principle of ‘As many faiths, as many paths’ promoted
universal tolerance and believed that different religious faiths were different
paths to reach the goal of liberation. The mission neither recognised the
superiority of a particular religion nor did it prescribe the necessity of shastras
(religious texts) and anushthana (rites and rituals).
The mission henceforth was engaged in selfless service of the people and sought
to reawaken the spirit of India. It undertook various welfare and humanitarian activities
and mobilised the people to develop solidarity and oneness of the spirit by the eradication
of social evils, superstitions and caste arrogance. The mission was instrumental in
bringing progressive transformation in society by addressing pertinent areas:
1. Swami Vivekananda and the mission held high for the rights of women.
Women’s upliftment was central to all the educational and philanthropic
activities undertaken by the mission.
2. The mission established educational, technical and vocational training
institutions for the capacity building of the youth.
3. It worked towards carrying out relief work at the time of natural disasters/
calamities such as famine, earthquake, flood, epidemics, pandemics, etc.,
and other natural calamities.
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4. It opened hospitals and dispensaries for ill and sick people. NOTES
5. It engaged in various kinds of philanthropic activities like providing food and
shelter to the needy, opening orphanages and old age homes,
6. It took measures to bring about religious reforms and bind people in bonds
of understanding and brotherhood stressing that all religions teach mutual
respect, co-existence and tolerance.
7. It encouraged the people of the country to feel pride in India’s cultural history
and work for the revival of the lost glory, oppose feudal and colonial
oppression, and overthrow caste rigidities and gender divide. And that the
people of the country must come together for nation-building.
Evaluation
Ramakrishna’s mission was to emphasise service towards other fellow beings for
temporal and spiritual satisfaction. It thus continues to play an important role by working
for the poor, less privileged, destitute, women, orphans, and victims of violence, war
and disasters by providing educational and medical facilities; relief and rehabilitation
works; youth and women welfare programs; promoting cultural and spiritual growth;
care facilities for orphans, old and abandoned adults, recreational facilities etc. With
its branches worldwide, Ramakrishna Mission to date has provided relief and
rehabilitation to hundreds of people in India, Burma, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka, in
times of disasters and calamities.
The term theosophical is derived from ‘Theosophy’ which means divine wisdom. The
origins of the Theosophical movement were rooted in the socio-religious dissent within
the western civilisation that utilised the Oriental religions and their values for legitimising
the condemnation of contemporary life in Europe and America. It was founded by two
westerners, Madame H. P. Blavatsky and Colonel Olcott in New York in 1875, sharing
the belief in spirit and occultism with seventeen other people. Olcott and Blavatsky
both agreed in 1878 to abandon New York for India, which was perceived to be one
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NOTES of the key centres of theological knowledge. The Indian Theosophical Society was
founded in 1886 with its headquarters in Adyar near Madras.
The roots of the movement lay in the inquisitiveness of the westerners who were
curious to explore the mysteries of the universe and also to understand the unique
relationship between the universe, humanity and the divine. The Theosophists were
greatly influenced by Hinduism and adopted a modified concept of rebirth and spiritual
progress fused with the Hindu idea of karma. Hindu terms and concepts were added
to the western spiritualists’ tradition. With such developments, the theosophists glorified
India’s religious, spiritual and philosophical traditions. The Theosophical movement
worked for the attainment of three goals: The society rested on the following principles:
1. Universal brotherhood without distinction on socio-economic grounds.
2. Believed in the theory of transmigration of the soul and the theory of Karma.
It strongly advocated for the belief in the philosophy of the Upanishads and
Samkhya, Yoga, and Vedanta School of thought.
3. Promoted the idea of respecting all religions and emphasised the study of
comparative religion and philosophy to draw the best out of all religions.
The society worked for the revival of religions like Hinduism, Zoroastrianism
and Buddhism.
4. Obedience to the law of evolution; the development of spiritual powers of
a human being through meditation, thought control, love and service and it
sought to develop the divine powers latent in man
5. The hidden mysteries of the universe and the bonds that unite the universe,
humanity, and the divine need to be explored and understood.
Activities undertaken
1. Opposed to conversions and believed in the transmigration of the soul and

occult mysticism.
2. Worked for the revival of Hinduism and sought to infuse a sense of self-respect,
pride in the past, and a belief in the future and as an inevitable result, played an
important role towards nation-building.
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3. Worked to promote the philosophy of assimilation by condemning the practice NOTES

of untouchability and rigid caste divide. Society to improve upon the life and
living of marginalised sections by taking up many initiatives like
4. Promoted the universal principles of ancient Indian religions and philosophies
5. Opened educational institutions and set up various educational societies to
propagate modern education. Annie Besant laid the foundation of the Central
Hindu College in Benaras which was an integration of Hindu religion and western
science
6. Raised voices against social problems like child marriage, illiteracy and alcoholism
7. Advocated the upliftment of women and worked for empowering women
Evaluation
The Theosophical society played an important role in revising the glory and richness of
Indian history, culture and religion and instilled a sense of pride among Indians for the
same. It worked to ameliorate the conditions of the poor, downtrodden and women
by taking important initiatives. It fostered harmony, peace and coexistence among all
and encouraged people to develop tolerance and acceptance towards all. Despite its
achievements, the spread of theosophical society and its ideals were limited to upper-
class communities oriented to western liberal values.
2.5 SUMMARY
The detailed explanation of the various social-religious reform movements brings us to

prudently summarise the key findings of the lesson. It is found that the discriminatory
and exploitative tendencies that manifested themselves in the form of untouchability,
gender inequality, Brahminism, denial of freedom to the marginalised etc combined
with other factors led to the emergence of social and religious movements that can be
broadly categorised as Reform movements like Brahmo samaj, Prarthana samaj and
Revivalist movements like Arya Samaj. Both the set of movements sought to introduce
social and religious reforms but differed in terms of the degree to which they relied on
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NOTES tradition or reason and conscience. These movements focus on some common
challenges that were distorting the social fabric of the Indian society and irrespective
of the place of origin these movements, these addressed many social malpractices,
redundant customs and traditions, promoted women’s education, widow remarriage,
opposed polygamy, child marriage, purdah etc in addition to enhancing solidarity and
unity among Indians to fight against oppressive foreign rule. The social and religious
reform movements can be credited to have awakened the Indians, facilitated their
empowerment, infused among the Indians a spirit of rational and critical inquiry into
the happenings around and provided platforms to those who could lead from the front
for the needed social and economic changes. The movements were instrumental in
liberating the less privileged from slavery and exploitation, instilling in them a sense of
self-respect and dignity, and emboldening their spirit through many capacity-building
endeavours. All in all, the movements looked for social unity and strived towards
liberty, equality and fraternity.
2.6 GLOSSARY
 Monotheism: It refers to belief in one God

 Rationalism: The practice of giving an opinion based on reason and logic
 Emancipation: The fact or process of being set free from legal, social, or political
restrictions.
 Polygamy: The practice or custom of having more than one wife or husband at
the same time.
 Liberal: It refers to open and free-mindedness.
 Sati System: A practice that was once prevalent in India whereby a widow
threw herself onto her husband’s funeral pyre.
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NOTES
1. Discuss the backdrop against which the social and religious reform movements
took place.
2. Discuss the contribution of Brahmo samaj in the context of social-religious
reforms undertaken.
3. Compare and contrast Prarthana Samaj and Arya Samaj. How were these
movements significant in awakening the masses against social ills?
4. Who were Derozians? What role did they play as social reformers?
5. Discuss the contributions of Satyashodhak Samaj.
6. What is the main philosophy of Ramakrishna’s mission?
2.8 REFERENCES
 Blumer, Herbert. (1951) “Collective behavior”, pp 166-222 in Alfred McClung

Lee (ed) New Outline of the Principles of Sociology. New York: Barnes and
Noble Books.
 Gusfield Joseph R. (1968) “The Study of Social Movements”, p. 445. in Sills
(Ed.), International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, Vol. 14, New York:
The Macmillan Company and the Free Press.
 Tarrow, S.G. (2011) “Power in Movement: Social movements and Contentious
Politics”, pp. 9-11 3rd edition, New York: Cambridge University Press.
 Begari, J. (2010) “JYOTIRAO PHULE: A Revolutionary Social Reformer”,
pp. 399- 412 The Indian Journal of Political Science, Vol. 71, No. 2 published
by Indian Political Science Association.
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NOTES
2.9 SUGGESTED READINGS
1. Bandopadhyay, S. (2015, revised edition) From Plassey to Partition and After

A History of Modern India. New Delhi: Orient Longman, pp. 139-169.
2. Sen, A.P. (2007), ‘The idea of Social reform and its critique among Hindus of
Nineteenth Century India’, in Bhattacharya, Sabyasachi (ed.) Development of
Modern Indian Thought and the Social Sciences. Vol X. New Delhi: Oxford
University Press.
3. Bandopadhyay, S. (2008) Eighteen-Fifty-Seven and Its Many Histories, in 1857:
Essays from Economic and Political Weekly, Hyderabad: Orient Blackswan.
pp.1-22.
4. Desai, A.R., Social Background of Indian Nationalism, Bombay, Popular
Prakashan, 1996.
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UNIT III: NATIONALIST POLITICS AND
EXPANSION OF ITS SOCIAL BASE
LESSON 3 PHASES OF NATIONALIST MOVEMENT:

LIBERAL CONSTITUTIONALISTS,
SWADESHI AND THE RADICALS,
BEGINNING OF CONSTITUTIONALISM
IN INDIA
LESSON 4 GANDHI AND MASS MOBILISATION:

NON-COOPERATION MOVEMENT, CIVIL
DISOBEDIENCE MOVEMENT, AND QUIT
INDIA MOVEMENTS
LESSON 5 REVOLUTIONARIES, SOCIALISTS, AND

COMMUNISTS
Phases of Nationalist Movement: Liberal Constitutionalists ...
LESSON 3 NOTES
PHASES OF NATIONALIST MOVEMENT:

LIBERAL CONSTITUTIONALISTS, SWADESHI
AND THE RADICALS, BEGINNING OF
CONSTITUTIONALISM IN INDIA
Dr. Kshama Sharma
Associate Professor
Ram Lal Anand College
Delhi University
Assistant Professor
Delhi University
Structure
3.2 Introduction
3.3 Phases of Nationalist Movement
3.3.2 Congress Representing Indian Aspiration
3.4 Liberal Constitutionalist
3.5 Swadeshi and Radicals
3.5.1 Demand for Purna Swaraj
3.6 Formation of the Muslim League
3.7 Summary
3.8 Glossary
3.10 References
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NOTES
 To understand the phases and different streams of the Nationalist movement

and the partition of Bengal and its post-partition effect
 To explain the idea of economic Nationalism and various cultural and
psychological identities
3.2 INTRODUCTION
The lesson would discuss various streams of the Nationalist movement, especially
Moderates and extremist ways of working during the partition of Bengal in the year
1905. During this phase, both Hindu Mahasabha and Muslim League were been created.
During this time all the streams of Congress were aspiring for Purna Swaraj. Let us
discuss how nationalist ideas were propagated and the Indian national movement took
shape. In the first phase, we will discuss the emergence of the Nationalist movement.
3.3 PHASES OF NATIONALIST MOVEMENT
The impact of colonialism gradually over time in the latter half of the 1800s caused a
nationalist impact and leaders and groups began to emerge who started thinking in
terms of an Indian nation self-ruled by the Indian people themselves, at least partly.
The Indian National Congress which historian R.P. Dutt describes as the ‘premier
organisation and ‘the leading organisation of the Indian National Movement was started
in 1885. There was some disagreement among historians as to the circumstances
surrounding the birth of the Congress with an earlier generation of historians like R.P.
Dutt believing that the British had actively encouraged the birth of the Congress almost
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as a secret conspiracy to create a vent for Indian angst and resentment and to elicit the NOTES
views of Indians but the modern generation of Indian historians like Bipan Chandra
researched the subject in the fifties and sixties after the independence of India and came
to the conclusion that the Indians who were at the foundation of the Congress were not
exactly innocent victims of a quite British plan of enlightened British officers but wise men
who wished to play along with any British encouragement if there was any to ultimately
achieve their ends. As Bipan Chandra and others put it if the English liberals had hoped
to use the Congress as a ‘safety valve’ then the Congress leaders hoped to use the
opportunity provided to use them as ‘lightning conductors’ and ultimately it was the
Congress leaders whose hopes were fulfilled. (Bipan Chandra: 81)
R.P. Dutt introduced the birth of the Congress with the following chronological
account:
‘The origins of Indian Nationalism are commonly traced to the foundation of the
National Congress in 1885, in fact; however, the development of the movement can
be traced through the preceding half-century. Reference has already been made to the
reform movement which found expression in the Brahmo Samaj established in 1828.
In 1843 was founded the British India Society in Bengal, sought to “secure the welfare,
extend the just rights and advance the interests of all classes of our fellow subjects”. In
1851, this was merged into the British Indian Association, which in the following year
“they cannot but feel that they have not profited by their connection with Great Britain
to the extent which they had a right to expect”, setting forth grievances concerning the
revenue system, the discouragement of manufacturers, education and the question of
admission to the higher administrative services, and demanding a Legislative Council
“possessing a popular character so as in some respects to represent the sentiments of
the people.” These earlier associations were still mainly linked up with the landowning
interests; and indeed the merger by which the British Indian Association was formed,
including the Bengal Landholders Society. In 1875, the Indian Association founded by
Surendranath Banerjee, was the first organisation representative of the educated middle
class in opposition to the domination of the big landowners. Branches, both of the
more reactionary British Indian Association and the more progressive Indian Association
were founded in various parts of India. In 1883, the Indian Association of Calcutta
called the first all-India National Conference, which was attended by representatives
from Bengal, Madras, Bombay and the United Provinces.
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NOTES 3.3.2 Congress Representing Indian Aspiration
So, by the 28th of December, 1885 when the Congress met for the first time, there
was a clear realisation in the intelligentsia nationwide that there were common objectives
for which the people of India needed to struggle for. Even as colonial administrators
and ideologues argued that India could never be a free and united nation because
India was merely a conglomeration of different races, castes and creeds, Indian leaders
like Surendranath Banerjee and Tilak kept countering by saying that India was a ‘nation
in the making’. The Congress leaders were convinced that objective historical forces
were bringing the Indian people together and the main objective at that stage of the
national struggle at that time was to promote national unity and nationalism. So, that
became the main objective of Congress. To create national unity or what we seek to
do by giving out calls nowadays for ‘national integration’ or ‘unity in diversity was the
main theme of the exertion of the founding leaders. The aims and objectives of the
Congress laid down by the first president W.C.Bonnerjee were the ‘fuller development
and consolidation of the sentiments of national unity. The Indu Prakash, a prominent
Bombay newspaper wrote of the first congress session as marking the ‘beginning of a
new life it will greatly help in creating a national feeling and binding together distant
people by common sympathies, and common ends’. (Bipan Chandra: 75)
To balance regional aspirations and promote unity, even at that early stage it
was decided that the Congress session would be rotated among different parts of the
country and the president would belong to a region other than where the session of the
Congress was being held. To promote communal harmony and prevent any potential
discord or cause for disunity a rule was passed that no resolution was to be passed
which had an overwhelming majority of Hindu or Muslim delegates objecting to it.
The Congress also decided very early that to be a national organisation it must
confine itself to causes which were common to people all over the country in their
dealings with the British. Hence agitation on social reform issues, it was decided, had
to be kept away from! Dadabhai Naoroji had maintained that they must meet, as a
political body to represent to our rulers our political aspirations.
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NOTES
3.4 LIBERAL CONSTITUTIONALIST
The Congress also decided very early that to be a national organisation it must confine
itself to causes which were common to people all over the country in their dealings
with the British. Dadabhai Naoroji had maintained that they must meet ‘as a political
body to represent to our rulers our political aspirations.
The political action of the early leaders consisted of organising popular
participation, mobilisation and agitations and also of course not only making repeated
representations and appeals to the British governments and legislatures but also directly
to the British people in whose good sense there was much faith in sections of the
Indian leadership. Also, Indians were not familiar with the democratic notion that politics
and political opinion are not the sole preserve of the upper strata of society and it was
important for the whole of the people to form a political opinion for it to carry democratic
weight. Among the first and most important objectives of the Congress was to organise
the arousal of this consciousness and then train and consolidate public opinion. It was
felt by the leaders of the movement at the time that as a first step, the educated classes
should be politicised and united from all regions of the country and thereafter the
process could be extended to other sections. W.C. Bonnerji had declared as the first
Congress President that one of the major congress objectives was the ‘eradication, by
direct friendly personal intercourse, of all possible race, creed, or provincial intimacy
amongst all lovers of our country and the promotion of personal intimacy and friendship
amongst all the more earnest workers in our country’s cause in (all) parts of the Empire’.
The Congress, even though conceived as a movement rather than as a party,
was at first, not inclined towards mass demonstrations and protest marches etc. The
principal tools of political action continued to be petitions, prayers and memorials.
Later leaders who were not as moderate and hence came to be described by historians
as extremists were extremely critical of these methods but the fact remains that in a
situation of relatively zero sense of political nationalism and unity, the moderate phase
did play an important role. Some moderate leaders even saw the initial phase as such.
When Gokhale had expressed disappointment with the two-line reply that the
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NOTES government had sent to a carefully and laboriously prepared memorial by the Poona
Sarvajanik Sabha, Justice Ranade had told him:’ You don’t realise our place in the
history of our country. These memorials are nominally addressed to the Government,
in reality; they are addressed to the people, so that they may learn how to think in
these matters. The preaching and adoption of the methods of political democracy
were amongst the main aims from the beginning the Congress was organised like a
parliament with issues being decided through debate and discussion and occasionally
through the vote.
3.5 SWADESHI AND RADICALS
At the turn of the century and in the decades immediately before and after, important
changes took place in the character of the national movement In brief, the era of the
moderates gradually gave way to the era of the extremists.
It was a combination of factors that resulted in the hardening of views leading
up to the beginning of an extremist approach. On the one hand, was the total failure of
the old guard moderates to achieve much in terms of concessions and rights won from
the British and a very hostile attitude that they (the British) adopted towards Indian
leaders and on the other hand was the coming forward of a much larger class of
Indians, particularly young people, who were growing very impatient and disappointed
with their lot. They were upset with both their economic lot and the total lack of
advancement of political rights and freedoms under the Congress leadership of the
moderates. For the first time, there was a class of educated unemployed. Also, the
economic misery of the peasants and workers continued to increase throughout the
second half of the nineteenth century and by the turn of the century, it was worse than
at any time before, with famines being a regular affair in the countryside and near
slavery-like conditions of workers in plantations and factories and mines, even in those
owned by Indians. In such dire circumstances, the role of religious revivalists also
became important who reminded Hindus in particular of their glorious past of the
Vedas and Upanishads and inspired them to bold action and the spirit of sacrifice of
the sort they had not contemplated before.
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The moderates were dearly failing in their tactics and aim. Gokhale, almost the NOTES
chief ideologue of the moderates, expressed their frustration when he complained in
his last years that, “the bureaucracy was growing frankly selfish and openly hostile to
National aspirations. It was not so in the past”. (OLD Material, SOL). There was a
constant attempt to pass draconian legislation and firmly deal with the ever-restless
Congress leaders by arrests and deportations. There was even an attempt made to
undermine the movement by separating Muslims and encouraging them to see Congress
as a Hindu organisation. Ultimately, this effort was to bear tremendous fruits for the
British because first Sir Syed Ahmed Khan and later M.A. Jinnah broke away from
the Congress effort and ultimately caused the partition of India at the time of
independence.
However, the immediate cause or trigger of the rise of the extremists was the
decision of the British to partition Bengal, which gave a huge boost to the Swadeshi
Movement and made it a nationwide mainstream mass movement. This was a dramatic
development which changed the course of the freedom struggle. Bipan Chandra and
others comment on the rise of the movement and cite the evidence for it as follows:
‘The Swadeshi Movement’ had its genesis in the anti-partition movement which
was started to oppose the British decision to partition Bengal. There was no questioning
the fact that Bengal with a population of 78 million (about a quarter of the population
of British India) had indeed become administratively unwieldy. Equally, there was no
escaping the fact that the real motive for partitioning Bengal was political. Indian
nationalism was gaining in strength and partition was expected to weaken what was
perceived as the nerve centre of Indian nationalism at the time. The attempt, in the
words of Lord Curzon, the Viceroy (1899-1905). was to ‘dethrone Calcutta’ from its
position as the ‘centre from which the Congress Party is manipulated throughout Bengal,
and indeed, the whole of India.....The centre of successful intrigue,’ and ‘divide the
Bengali-speaking population.’Accordingly, the Home Secretary to the Government
of India was more critical of the movement. He said on 6 December 1904: ‘Bengal
united- is power, Bengal divided, will pull several different ways. That is what the
Congress leaders feel; their apprehensions are perfectly correct and they form one of
the great merits of the scheme...in this scheme, one of our main objects is to split up
and thereby weaken a solid body of opponents to our rule.’ (Bipan Chandra: 124-
125) The main purpose of the Bengal partition was to divide the nationalist spirit
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NOTES When faced with the huge public outrage and fury over the decision, the reaction
of Lord Curzon was firm and despotic. He wrote to the Secretary of State saying: ‘If
we are weak enough to yield to their clamour now, we shall not be able to dismember
or reduce Bengal again; and you will be cementing and solidifying a force already
formidable, and certain to be a source of increasing trouble in the future. (ibid.) The
most sinister aspect of the move though was the attempt at communalising the situation
and dividing Hindus and Muslims to prop up Muslim communalists as a counter to the
Congress and the National Movement. Curzon was blunt in his wooing of Muslims. In
a speech at Dacca, he told Bengali Muslims that partition would enable them to have
Dacca as the capital of a new Muslim majority province and which would ‘invest the
Mohammedans in Eastern Bengal with a unity which they have never enjoyed since
the days of the old Mussulman Viceroys and Kings’ and the Muslims would get a
‘better deal’ and would be freed of the ‘pernicious influence of Calcutta’. (ibid: 125)
The public outrage and spontaneous protest against it were unprecedented. In
the first two months following the announcement, 500 meetings were held in Eastern
Bengal alone. Fifty thousand pamphlets authored by leaders like Surendranath Banerjee
were distributed and the nationalist vernacular press launched a sustained attack in its
daily publications. Vast protest meetings were held in the town halls, particularly in
Calcutta and petitions were sent to the secretary of state. Of the petitions, sixty-nine
memoranda were sent from the Dacca division alone and some were signed by as
many as 70000 people. This shows there was a huge politicisation of the partition.
Leaders like Surendranath Banerjee, even though he was moderate toured the country
asking people to boycott Manchester cloth and Liverpool salt. On September 1st,
1905 the government announced that partition would take effect from the 16th of
October. Immediately protest meetings were held all over Bengal the very next day.
Many of these meetings drew crowds of ten to twelve thousand, a very large number
for those days, which rattled the British administration. The success of the movement
can be gauged from the fact that the value of British cloth sold in some of the mofussil
districts fell by five to fifteen times between September 1904 and September 1905.
The actual day of partition was declared a day of mourning in Bengal and people
fasted and no fires were lit at the cooking hearth. In Calcutta, a hartal was declared.
People took out processions and band after band walked barefoot, bathed in the
Ganges in the morning and then paraded the streets singing Vande Mataram which
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60 Material

as a symbol of the unity of the two halves of Bengal. Later in the day Ananda Mohan NOTES
Bose and Surendranath Banerjee addressed two huge mass meetings, which drew
crowds of 50,000 to 70,000 people. This was the biggest meeting ever held under the
nationalist banner ever anywhere before.
Up to this time, notwithstanding the strong Hindu cultural undercurrent in terms
of symbolisms that had come to the fore in the movement and the constant efforts to
divide the people along Hindu-Muslim lines by the British, there was some level of
unity which was to be destroyed later. For instance, while describing the success of
the movement against the partition of Bengal, Abdul Rasul, the President of the Barisal
Congress in April 1906 said: ‘What we could not have accomplished in 50 or 100
years, the great disaster, the partition of Bengal, has done for us in six months. Its fruits
have been the great national movement known as the Swadeshi Movement. (ibid:
127)
The leaders running the show were mostly moderate Congress leaders who
were professionals and liberals from professions like law, journalism and academics.
It is interesting to note that this was the time when moderate techniques had full sway.
The people and their leaders were content to adopt methods like petitions, memoranda,
speeches, public meetings and press campaigns. No violent or even mildly
confrontationist in a violent sense was contemplated at all. This was possibly why even
zamindars and rich merchants who had hitherto kept away from supporting the congress
joined and offered support to the cause. Also, of course for the first time, perhaps
women came out in the struggle as well. But the real moving forces behind the movement
for the first time were students who formed the bulwark of the anti-partition and
Swadeshi campaigns.
The leaders had hoped that with their political action sufficient force of public
opinion would be created in India and England to force the government to relent and
reverse the partition of Bengal. Needless to say, no such thing happened. This was to
prove to be a major disappointment, which among other reasons, one may safely
assume caused the eventual subconscious shift in public consciousness towards a
more extremist approach.
Even though the Swadeshi Movement was started with a resolution in the Town
Hall of Calcutta on the 7th of August, 1905 in a meeting called to protest the partition
decision, the partition movement and the Swadeshi movement were the work of the Self-Instructional
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NOTES entire national leadership and the whole of the national movement against British rule
got energised as a consequence. Gokhale presiding over the Banaras Congress referred
to the partition as a ‘cruel wrong’ and “a complete illustration of the worst features of
the present system of bureaucratic rule, its utter contempt for public opinion, its arrogant
pretensions to superior wisdom, its reckless disregard of the most cherished feeling of
the people...It’s the cool preference of service interests to those of the governed’.
(Bipan Chandra, Amales Trpathi, Barun Dey: 83)
The idea of Swadeshi had not been new though by this time. Gopal Rao
Deshmukh, G.V. Joshi M.G. Ranade of Maharashtra and Nabagopal Mitra and the
Tagore Family of Bengal had been votaries of Swadeshi for a long. As early as 1870
Bholanath Chandra had recommended a boycott of British goods to bring pressure on
the British public. Tilak had run a constant boycott campaign. So he worked very hard
in making the Swadeshi Movement a success in Poona and Bombay. Ajit Singh and
Lala Lajpat Rai spread the message of boycott in Punjab and other parts of India and
Syed Haider Raza led the movement in Delhi. Chidambaram Pillai led the movement
in the Madras Presidency where B.C. Pal also carried out a fiery lecture tour. The
boycott message also spread to Kangra, Multan and Haridwar. The Swadeshi
Movement in many ways created the statures or identities of Bal Gangadhar Tilak,
B.C. Pal and Lala Lajpat Rai in the combined famous christening of ‘Lal-Bal-Pal’ that
became so famous. It had been realised by the end of the first decade of the new
century that Swadeshi and boycott should be complementary and one can’t succeed
without the other. This though did for the first time bring out in the open the differences
in approach and beliefs of the Moderates and the Extremists. The moderates were not
opposed to the idea of adopting ‘Swadeshi’ but they were against the idea of adopting
a boycott of English goods as a political weapon. They felt this would harm the
movement because they still saw the English people and Parliament as reasonable
quarters in whose sense of reason and fair play a successful appeal could be made.
Many of the moderates were not fighting for complete independence but for some sort
of self-rule or self-governing system that they agreed to call ‘Swaraj’.
Here lay a major difference between the moderates and the extremists and also
the major reason why extremists progressively began to appeal more to the masses
than the moderates. The moderates all through had taken a public position that was
ultimately accepting of British rule in a sense and merely sought some form of partial
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self-government at best like in Australia or Canada. There is a belief among historians NOTES
that this approach was basically strategic and was adopted merely because the
moderates realised that they were in no position to take on the might of the British
Empire. While that may have been true of some of the leaders if not all, it is nevertheless
instructive to peruse some of the public declarations of the early nationalists or moderates
which made it easy for the extremist later to attack them or their pro-western orientation
and consequent unfitness for running the national movement. Ananda Mohan Bose,
for instance, the President of the 1898 Congress had declared in that meeting that “the
educated classes are the friends and not the foes of England her natural and necessary
allies in the great work that lies before her”. Sir Pherozeshah Mehta, later to be the
chief of the moderate camp in the power struggle against the extremists had declared
in 1890: “I have no fears but that British statesmen will ultimately respond to the Call”.
Surendranath Banerjee, another moderate stalwart, had proclaimed that the ideal of
Congressmen was to “work with unwavering loyalty to the British connection – for the
object was not the suppression of British rule in India, but the broadening of its basis,
the liberalising of its spirit the ennobling of its character and placing it on the unchangeable
foundation of a nation’s affections” (Dutt: 322)
Even as the moderate leaders took such positions the economic lot of the people,
particularly farmers and workers continued to worsen. Even educated people began
to find it difficult to be economically successful. With that emerged particularly in Bengal
and Maharashtra a sort of cultural revivalism based on Hinduism that hadn’t been seen
before. Bankimchandra’s hymn Vande Mataram in Bengal helped revive the cult of the
Mother Goddess and the culture of violent physical revolution to overthrow enemies
that went along with it. In Maharashtra, Tilak played the most important role, successfully
giving a nationalist edge to the movement based on Hindu culture. The institution of
celebrating Ganesh Puja, which was started at about this time played a very important
role in consolidating this process.
A major benefit of this, cultural revivalism was that Indians felt the need for full
self- reliance on economic activity. Indians, therefore, started chemical factories and
soap factories and even a team ship company was started so that dependence on
British companies could be avoided. The hare capital of the Tata Steel Company was
easily subscribed to by Indians and the company could start operation eventually.
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NOTES 3.5.1 Demand for Purna Swaraj
B.G. Tilak was the most important leader of the extremists. Other important leaders
were B.C. Pal and Aurobindo Ghosh from Bengal. Lala Lajpat Rai also supported the
extremists when the difference between the moderates and extremists came out in the
open. The extremists asked for three important changes from that of the moderates:
First, they wanted the people of India to arise and demand complete freedom
or Purna Swaraj as opposed to some sort of self-governing system won by appealing
to the benevolence and sense of fair play of the British parliament and people. They
believed that full freedom should be snatched from the British by the Indian people
rising together as one and in doing so no suffering or sacrifice should be too much for
the Indian people. Therefore they were quite willing to boycott foreign goods in the
adoption of Swadeshi even if by doing that they hurt the interests of common
businessmen and workers of Britain as opposed to the British Indian Government and
thereby create ill will.
Secondly, they repudiated the notion that India needed the ‘benevolent guidance
and assistance of Britain and the British system of advanced education and technical
and scientific capabilities for rapid development. They believed that because they
were the sons and daughters of an ancient and possibly superior culture they were
good enough to bring about all the development that the people of India needed. They,
therefore, wanted complete independence immediately.
Thirdly, unlike the moderates who were ever wary of the power of the British
Empire to quell any attempt by Indians to seek freedom at once by use of their superior
military and administrative strengths, the extremists had a fanatical and almost
mythological belief in the power of the Indian masses to prevail and win freedom
through mass action.
Apart from the Swadeshi and the boycott of foreign goods to which the
moderates had agreed with the greatest of reluctance and only for a temporary period,
the extremists extended the tool of boycott to government schools and colleges, courts,
and titles government services. They also took to the organisation of massive strikes to
make the operation of the British government impossible. They declared that they
aimed to ‘make the administration under present conditions impossible by an organised
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64 Material

of the country or British officialdom in the administration of it. They took control of the NOTES
Swadeshi movement in Bengal after 1905 and launched a fierce campaign of boycotts
and resistance. Initially, they intended only to oppose by the power of peaceful resistance
but some like Aurobindo Ghosh had kept open the option of resorting to violence if all
else failed and the British resorted to ruthless suppression as he feared they would.
Aurobindo Ghosh also chose to describe the Indian nation as a mother goddess,
the first time this was done and declared that participation in the struggle was worship.
Later, during the revolutionary terrorist phase, taking purifying dips in the Ganges and
praying in Kali temples before launching attacks became the norm for the terrorists.
Initially, though they imagined that perfectly peacefully when everybody from the
chowkidar to the constable, the deputy and the clerk to the sepoys and the soldiers of
the armed forces all unitedly and together resigned from their functions, British rule
would find it difficult to operate for even half a second.
The boycott of foreign goods was the technique of resistance of the extremists
that met with the greatest success. Apart from the boycott of foreign goods, even
picketing of shops selling foreign goods became common place in remote towns and
villages. Women refused to wear bangles that were not Indian and washermen refused
to wash foreign clothes in some places, even priests refused to accept offerings that
contained foreign sugar.
Unlike at any time before mass protests, processions and public meetings now
became important tools to make the depth of Swadeshi nationalist sentiment obvious
because for the first time masses were participating. Corps of volunteers or samitis
was another tool that was developed by the extremists with great effect. The Swadeshi
Bandhab Samiti set up by Ashwani Kumar Dutt, a school teacher, in Barisal in eastern
Bengal attracted great attention because it had 159 branches that covered the remotest
corners of the district and Dutt was able to generate a mass following that distinguished
itself by the fact that while he, the leader, was Hindu, most of his followers were the
Muslim peasantry of the region. The samitis took the message of Swadeshi to the
villages through lectures and songs with the help of magic lanterns and gave physical
and moral training to their members. They also did social work during famines and
epidemics, organised schools, trained people in Swadeshi crafts and ran arbitration
courts so that people could solve their disputes without turning to the British legal
system. Self-Instructional
Material 65

NOTES The Ganapati and Shivaji Festivals made popular by Tilak in Maharashtra became
a powerful tool to spread the message and were also adopted in Bengal where jatras
(village drama shows) were extensively used to transmit political ideas at the village
level where people got exposed to modern political ideas (of representative democracy)
for the first time. Tilak’s role cannot be overemphasised. He devoted his entire life to
the freedom movement. He was a graduate of Bombay University and started many
newspapers and journals. He used his talent for journalism to mould public opinion in
favour of the political aims and objectives of the national struggle.
Along with G.G. Agarkar, he founded the English newspaper Maratha and
another in Marathi called the Kesari. Significantly, Tilak was the first one to advise
peasants in Maharashtra to not pay the exploitative and destructive land revenues
when their crops failed due to drought famine or pestilence. When Viceroy Elgin imposed
an excise duty on Indian mill-made cloth to aid British imports, he launched a campaign
for the boycott of English cloth. The British got very alarmed with Tilak and arrested
him in 1897. He was charged with spreading hatred and disaffection against the
Government which led to the killing of British Plague Officers, Rand and Ayerst. His
defence was bold and unflinching and he roared like a lion in court, which was reported
by the nationalist press on a day-to-day basis. He refused to apologise for having
spread disaffection and accepted the 18 months of rigorous imprisonment that was
laid down for him with pride. His bold example and sacrifice had a huge impact on the
nation and the whole nation was filled with a surge of nationalist emotion.
Marxist historians like R.P. Dutt have taken a less than lionising view of the
stance and activities of the extremists. He comments as follows on the rise and growth
of the extremists: “The starting point of the opposition leadership, as against the Old
Guard, was undoubtedly the desire to make a break with compromising policies of
conciliation with imperialism, and to enter on a path of decisive and uncompromising
struggle against imperialism. To this extent, they were a radical and potentially
revolutionary force. But this desire was still a subjective desire on their part. There
was no basis yet for the mass movement to make such a decisive struggle possible.
Their appeal reached the discontented lower middle class and the hearts of the literate
youth, especially to the poorer students and the new growing army of unemployed or
poorly paid intellectuals, whose situation was becoming increasingly desperate in the
opening years of the twentieth century, as it became manifest that there was no avenue
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66 Material or fulfilment for them under imperialist conditions, and who were little inclined to be

patient with the slow and comfortable doctrines of gradual advance preached by the NOTES
solidly established upper-class leaders. Such elements can provide, in periods of social
transition and the impending break-up of an old order, very considerable dynamic
forces of unrest and potential revolutionary energy; but they are by the nature of their
situation incapable of realising their aspirations, until they find their role concerning the
mass movement, and can only seek satisfaction either in exalted verbal protest or in
anarchist individualist and ultimately politically ineffective forms of action.
By 1908 the extremist phase in the national movement, for all its impact, had begun to
fail. The British were quite alarmed by the violent revolutionary potential of the movement
that was developing and decided to finish it off with a two-pronged strategy. One, by
cruelly and ruthlessly curbing the extremists and the other by accentuating and
encouraging the difference between the moderates and the extremists. They decided
to pretend to take measures, which would create the impression that the moderates
were achieving success in their goals so that the extremist’s approach would get
discredited and people would feel wary of following them. The repressive measures
that were introduced were bans and controls on meetings, rallies processions and the
press. Students who participated in the Swadeshi movement were expelled from schools
and colleges, debarred from applying for government service (the principal economic
attraction in seeking an education it may be imagined) and also fined School students
were arrested merely for singing national songs.
In 1907 and 1908 nine major leaders of the movement in Bengal including
Ashwani Kumar Dutt and Krishna Kumar Mitra were deported. Tilak was given six
years imprisonment and in Punjab, Ajit Singh and Lajpat Rai were also deported. In
Madras Chidambaram Pillai and Andhra Harisarvottam Rao were arrested. B.C. Pal
retired from active politics because of this advancing age and in the face of severe
police repression. Aurobindo Ghosh had a spiritual transformation and decided that
he wanted to spend the rest of his life like a Sanyasi in search of the higher truths of
Upanishadic Hinduism. He went away to Pondicherry and founded an ashram there.
The resolution was passed at the Surat Congress, INC had accepted for the
first time the idea of a Swaraj, support for the boycott of foreign goods which the
moderates were very uncomfortable about, support for Swadeshi or indigenous Self-Instructional
Material 67

NOTES industries and a campaign of National Education. So Swaraj, Boycott, Swadeshi and
National Education had become the four cardinal points of the Congress programme.
Also apart from the rumour, there had been mass meetings held in Surat over three
days before the session in which much ridicule and venom had been heaped on the
Moderates, which had deeply hurt their senior leaders. When the session started the
Extremists wanted a guarantee on the four resolutions that they would be passed and
to force the Moderates to do so they opposed the duly elected President for the year,
Rash Behari Ghosh who was a Moderate. As soon as the session started because
there were people on both sides who had come prepared for confrontation, there was
chaos and people were fighting each other by shouting at each other and throwing
blows and chairs. Somebody in the crowd threw a shoe at the dias, where Pherozshah
Mehta and Surendranath Banerjee were sitting and a shoe hit Sir Pherozshah. As soon
as this happened the police came and cleared the hall and the Congress Session was
over. When the news spread of the breakdown of the Congress there was gloom all
over the country among nationalists but the British were triumphant. Lord Minto wrote
to Lord Morley that the ‘Congress collapse’ at Surat was a great triumph for us. Bipan
Chandra and others comment on the opposing positions that the Extremists and the
Moderates took as follows:
‘Both sides had it wrong – from the nationalist point of view as well as their
factional point of view. The Moderates did not see that the colonial state was negotiating
with them not because of their inherent political strength but because of the fear of the
Extremists. The Extremists did not see that the Moderates were their natural outer
defence line (in terms of civil liberties and so on) and that they did not possess the
required strength to face the colonial state’s juggernaut. Neither saw that in a vast
country like India run by a powerful imperialist nation only a broad-based united
movement had any chance of success. (ibid: 139)
3.6 FORMATION OF THE MUSLIM LEAGUE
A racial divide was created when Bengal was partitioned. Under the direction of Aga
Khan, the Nawab of Dhaka, and Nawab Mohsin-ul-Mulk, the Muslim League was
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formed on December 30, 1906, to protect the rights of Indian Muslims. At first, the
68 Material British gave it a lot of support, but when it adopted the idea of self-rule, they stopped

supporting it. The League’s Amritsar session in 1908, which was presided over by Sir NOTES
Syed Ali Imam and called for a separate Muslim electorate, was granted by his Morley-
Minto Reform in 1909. To spread his anti-league views, Maulana Muhammad Ali
started the English journal “Comrade” and the Urdu journal “Hamdard”. Additionally,
he started “Al-Hilal”, which was a platform for his nationalist beliefs.
There are many factors which contributed creations to the Muslim League. The
party had a separatist plan and philosophy which was sometimes adhering to the
British Plan. For instance, there was a separate electorate similar to the caste politics
played out between Brahmins and non-Brahmins. Muslims were certainly feeling
excluded from Indian mainstream activities in Bengal. During the 1857 revolt in the
battle of Plassey Britishers had overthrown the Mughal Empire. Most historians and
radical nationalists glorified India’s one side of our composite culture. Their praises
were biased because Shivaji, Rana Pratap etc. were praises but they remained silent
on Akbar, Sher Shah Suri, Allauddin Khalji, Tipu Sultan etc.
The main objective of the creation of the Muslim League was to promote the
loyalty of Indian Muslims towards the British government. It was been created to
protect the political and other rights of the Indian Muslims and to place their needs and
aspirations before the Government.
3.7 SUMMARY
India’s struggle for independence can be traced back to the 18th-century development
of the partition of Bengal and the development that took place after the creation of
Hindu Revivalist activities and the creation of the Muslim League. This is the period
which had consolidated the idea of complete freedom as Purna Swaraj.
3.8 GLOSSARY
 Moderates: It refers to those people who believed in the British sense of

justice and fair play. Moderates believed in the efficacy of peaceful agitation
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and always went in favour of constitutional means for appeal and petition. Material 69

NOTES  Extremists: It refers to those people who were radical in their approach.
Demands of extremists were aggressive in their demands and protests. They
believed in self-reliance as a weapon against domination and demanded Purna
Swaraj. They were guided by four cardinal principles of Swarajya, Swadeshi,
and Boycott of foreign goods and National education to make Indians aware of
their national identity.
1. What were the various phases of the nationalist movement? Discuss.

2. Examine how extremists are different from moderates to pursue their objectives
of Purna Swaraj.
3.10 REFERENCES
 Bipan Chandra (eds) (1989), India’s Struggle for Independence, Penguin, New
Delhi
 Desai, A R. (1966), Social Background of Indian Nationalism, Popular
Prakashan, Bombay
 Ganguly, Aditi eds. (2018), Colonialism and Nationalism in India, Study Material
ofSchool of Open Learning, SOL, DU
Delhi
 Chandra, B. (1988). India’s Struggle for Independence, New Delhi. Penguin
Self-Instructional Atlantic Publishers & Distributors, New Delhi
70 Material

Gandhi and Mass Mobilisation: Non-Cooperation Movement, ...
LESSON 4 NOTES
GANDHI AND MASS MOBILISATION:

NON-COOPERATION MOVEMENT, CIVIL
DISOBEDIENCE MOVEMENT,
AND QUIT INDIA MOVEMENTS
Ms. Vaishali Mann
Research Scholar, JMIU
Structure
4.2 Introduction
4.3 The Rise of Mahatma Gandhi
4.3.1 Ideals of True Satyagrahi
4.4 Khilafat and Non Cooperation Movement
4.4.1 Background
4.4.3 Gandhi’s Stand
4.4.5 Aftermath
4.5 The Civil Disobedience Movement
4.5.1 Background
4.5.2 Independence Pledge of 26th January, 1930
4.5.6 Gandhi Irwin Pact, 1931
4.5.7 Difference between Civil Disobedience and Non Coopertion
4.5.8 Poona Pact and Communal Award, 1932 (Bipin Chandra)
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Material 71

NOTES 4.6 The Quit India Movement

4.6.1 Background
4.6.4 Participation
4.6.5 Governement’s Response
4.7 Summary
4.8 Answers to In-Text Questions
4.10 References
 Students in this lesson will learn about the most significant episode in the modern
Indian history, i.e., the freedom struggle, lead by some of the most prominent
leaders who lead the masses into the same.
4.2 INTRODUCTION
The third and the last phase of the national movement are regarded to be as the
Gandhian Phase. It was the era when large number of people from different sections
of the society came along and the era of popular mass mobilisation began. The
movements lead by Mahatma Gandhi came to be known as the greatest mass struggle
in the world. He was the first leader of the freedom struggle with whom the masses
identified with, the most. His manner of living the life like a common man was the first
and foremost reason for it. He came out as a symbol of poor India and also the
nationalist India at the same time.
He said-”I shall work for India in which the poorest shall feel that it is their
country, where there shall be no higher and lower class, where women are treated
equally as men and where there is no untouchability. This is India of my dreams.”
Self-Instructional [Bipin Chandra.]
72 Material

Three causes that were closest to Gandhi’s heart were – Hindu Muslim unity, NOTES
fight against untouchability and to raise the standard of women in the Indian society.
Now let us trace the journey of the Indian freedom struggle and the massive role
played by Gandhi through the three most important movements. Before we begin, let
us understand first the background of Mahatma Gandhi and then the ground reality of
the British India.
4.3 THE RISE OF MAHATMA GANDHI
Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi was born on 2nd October 1869 at Porbandar, Gujarat,
India. He completed his legal education in Britain and then went to South Africa to
practice law. In South Africa, Gandhi was a force to reckon with. He fiercely revolted
against the racial injustice and discrimination that was meted out to Indians in South
African colonies. These Indian immigrants suffered from extreme categorization and
racial behavior that was imparted to them. They were denied the right to vote. They
were forced to live in congested and unhygienic places. They also had to pay tax and
were not allowed to step outside after 9 PM. Gandhi tried to engage with the authorities
in South Africa in order to make them well aware of the conditions of Indians. For this,
he set up an organisation The Natal Indian Congress and started a paper called Indian
Opinion.
It was during his struggle in South Africa he developed a technique of Satyagraha
based on truth and non violence. Now the next question that arises is what was meant
by Satyagraha and what it was to become a true satyagrahi. Let us explore this now.
4.3.1 Ideals of a True Satyagrahi
Gandhi was inspired by many western thinkers like Henry David Thoreau, John Ruskin
and Leo Tolstoy and was equally influenced by Vaishnavism and Jainism. All of it
impacted gandhian philosophy that ultimately was based on principle of non violence
and truth. He urged everyone to be a true satyagrahi by heart. For him, it meant the
following-
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Material 73

NOTES  True satyagrahi was to be truthful and peaceful and at the same time should not
submit to any wrong.
 He should work according to the principles of cooperation and boycott.
 He should adopt moderate, passive methods of resistance or protest like
nonpayment of taxes, declining the positions of power, instead of any violent
method.
 He should have no hatred for evil doer, rather love and compassion for him in
his heart.
 He should never bow down in front of evil.
Gandhi believed that only strong and brave could practice non violence. Violence
was an attribute or quality of a weak person. He said –”the only quality I want to claim
is truth and non violence.”
Mahatma Gandhi returned to India in 1915. His efforts in South Africa by this time
were well known all over the world but only among the educated masses. Gandhi
believed in the “power of common masses” and he felt that in order to unite all Indians
against the British rule, it was important to first understand the situation at ground level.
For this, he travelled extensively to all over India and talked and engaged with
people.
His initial journey in India can be divided into following phases- [Bipin Chandra.]
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74 Material Now let us look at all of it in detail, one by one –

4.3.3.1 Champaran Satyagraha 1917 NOTES
Champaran Satyagraha is regarded to be as the first civil disobedience that started in

India. The peasants in champaran who were engaged in the indigo plantation were
being exploited by the British planters. The system was called Tinkathia System where
the peasants were forced to grow indigo on 3/20th part of their total land and sell it to
the planters at the price of not their choice but the prices fixed by the planters.
Gandhi reached champaran and inquired into the conditions of peasants on the
request of one the peasant, Raj Kumar Shukla. His intervention helped vanish fear from
the minds of poor peasants who stood against authority of British and European planters.
The local leaders got motivated a lot and asked the people to join the struggle in
the name of Gandhi and as a result masses joined in large numbers and the first local
mass movement of Gandhi in India was successful.
4.3.3.2 Ahmedabad Mill Strike
Gandhi tried to resolve the dispute/fight between workers and the mill owners in
Ahemdabad and here he advised the workers to demand 35% increase in the wages
using the Satyagraha technique.
4.3.3.3 Kheda Satyagraha 1918
Kheda Satyagraha was regarded to be as the first non cooperation movement. In this
movement, Gandhi asked the farmers to not to pay unnecessary tax/remission to the
British due to crop failure.
The British at the end decided not to charge tax and gave back all the confiscated
(forcefully taken away) property of farmers back to them. Kheda Satyagraha brought
a new awakening in the minds of people and Gandhi emerged as a mass leader.
4.3.3.4 Rowlatt Act and Jallianwala Bagh Masaccre, 1919
Under a committee headed by Justice S. Rowlatt, it was decided to give Britishers

some extra powers. They were given unnecessary overpowering authority. It demanded
that all the political activists should be put behind jail for two years and should be
imprisoned without a trial. There was also very strict control over the press that was
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established. [Bipin Chandra.] Material 75

NOTES The entire movement resulted in a tragic episode for entire India when General
Dyer opened fire on peaceful satyagrahis and killed 379 people in Amritsar, Punjab.
Also Gandhi felt that in many other parts of India the movement was turning violent in
its course. As a result, Gandhi called off the movement.
In-Text Questions
1. Name all the western thinkers Mahatma Gandhi was inspired by.
2. When did Mahatma Gandhi return to India-
a) 1915 c) 1918
b) 1912 d) 1930
3. You can divide the initial journey of Mahatma Gandhi into how many phases.
4. Name the system of exploitation followed by British in Champaran.
Let us look at the role played by Mahatma Gandhi in mobilising the masses in
three of the most crucial movements in the history of Indian freedom struggle.
4.4 KHILAFAT AND THE NON COOPERATION

MOVEMENT
The nationalist agitation that took place against rowlatt act was successful in one
important front – bringing the Hindus and Muslims together against British rule. A new
educated middle class emerged during this time.
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76 Material

4.4.1 Background of the Movement NOTES
 The economic situation of the country after First World War was worrisome.
The conditions were high price rise of the goods and decrease in the production
of industries.
 Rowlatt act and Jalliawala bagh massacre made people rise collectively against
British now.
 The hunter commission that was formed after jalliawala bagh massacre did not
punish general dyer and this further lead people to believe in the anti Indian
attitude of Britishers.
 There were constitutional reforms introduced like the Montague Chelmsford
reforms of 1919 by the British which took away the right of self government
from the Indians. These reforms introduced a system of diarchy where some
subjects like finance, law, order, regarded as ‘reserved subjects’ were under
the governor and other subjects like education, public health, local self
government called as the ‘transferred subjects’ were to be under the ministers
responsible to British legislature.
 The politically conscious Muslims in India were critical to the treatment given to
the Ottoman Empire (Turkey) by Britain after First World War. Muslims all
over the world regarded the Sultan of Turkey as their spiritual leader. Since
Turkey sided with Germany and against British in World War I, Britain in anger
and resentment removed the Turkish Khalifa (Sultan) from the power.
 Indian Muslims demanded that khalifa’s (sultan) control should be reestablished
and he should be given certain territories.
 In 1919, a khilafat conference was organised under the leadership of Ali brothers
(Shaukat Ali and Mohammad Ali), Ajmal khan, Hasrat Mohani to force the
British government to change their aggressive attitude towards turkey in particular
and towards Indians in general. This paved the way for a country wide agitation.
 A wider call was made at the movement to boycott all the British goods.
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Material 77

NOTES 4.4.3 Gandhi’s Stand
Mahatma Gandhi viewed khilafat as a golden opportunity to unite the Hindus and
Muslims and further bring Muslims closer to the nationalist struggle. He felt that now
all the sections of the people- Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs, and Christians, peasants, women,
artisans, youth, tribal people and people from different region would see that British
were always against Indians.
He saw it as “opportunity of uniting Hindus and Muslims as would not arise in
100 years.”
 Gandhi along with Ali brothers travelled all across the nation to motivate people
to join the movement.
 Thousands of students left government schools, colleges and joined the national
institutions.
 Lawyers gave up their practice including Jawaharlal Nehru, CR Das, and C
Rajagopalachari.
 Foreign cloth was burnt down and British imports declined severely. There was
also picketing of foreign liquor shops.
 Peasant’s participation in the movement was massive where peasants turned
against their landlords, traders in places like Rajasthan, Sindh, Awadh, Assam,
and Maharashtra.
 Women too came forward and participated with enthusiasm and gave up Purdah
and also their accessories to Tilak Fund- a fund that was collected for the
movement.
4.4.5 Aftermath
However, the final blow to the movement came due to Chauri chaura incident in
Gorakhpur district of Uttar Pradesh in 1922 when villagers burnt alive policemen in a
local police station. Another aftermath of the movement was that the khilafat issue had
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78 Material

this time. Gandhi felt the masses have crossed the line and he saw this as destruction of NOTES
his principal of non violence. As a result, he called the movement off. [Sumit Sarkar]
In-Text Questions
5. Write the name and year of the reform by the British which introduced system
of Diarchy.
6. Khilafat conference was organised in 1919 under the leadership of Ali brothers-
True/False.
7. Mention the name of the fund where women deposited all their accessories.
8. State the date and place of Chauri Chaura incident.
4.5 THE CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE MOVEMENT
After the withdrawal of the non cooperation movement, Congress and Gandhi both
were not in the position to launch another mass movement. But also at the same time
there were significant changes taking place in form of agitations against the British.
Various peasants and landholders in Bengal, Andhra Pradesh, and Uttar Pradesh were
frustrated due to crop failure and subsequent decline in food production. Let us explore
the movement further. [Bipin Chandra.]
4.5.1 Background
 In Calcutta session of congress in 1928, leaders like Nehru, Subash Chandra

Bose expressed their dissatisfaction against the dominion status that was
demanded by the congress. This group of leaders was called ‘the swarajists’.
These leaders wanted complete swaraj called the Purna Sawaraj or full
independence from the British rule. Gandhi feared that this would further
disintegrate the movement as the consensus was developed with lot of efforts.
He felt that instead of political demands like full independence it was better to
stick to constructive work like non cooperation.
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Material 79

NOTES  Gandhi travelled a lot in 1929 preparing people to organise constructive work
in villages i.e. boycotting foreign clothes and public burning of foreign cloth. It
was further organised by congress working committee.
 Irwin’s declaration, 1929- the main purpose behind the declaration by then
viceroy lord Irwin was to restore the faith in the ultimate purpose of British
policy. The dominion status was promised by Irwin. He also promised the round
table conference.
 Delhi manifesto 1929- in Delhi manifesto there were certain demands that were
put forward by the Indian leaders like majority representation for congress in
the conference and release of the political prisoners.
However, these demands were completely rejected by Lord Irwin.
4.5.2 The Independence Pledge of 26th January, 1930
There were several public meetings organised all over the towns and villages all over
India. The pledge consisted of the following points-
 Freedom was the inalienable right of the Indians.
 The British government was the reason India was pulled backward politically,
economically, culturally, spiritually, and now it was the ultimate right of Indians
to attain complete independence.
The Lahore session of the congress, Gandhi presented following demands that included
the issues of general interest, demands of the peasants and also demands of the educated
elite and business class.
The demands were as follow–
 Reduce the expenditure on army and civil services by 50%.
 Carry out changes in criminal investigation.
 Allow control of firearms licenses through regulation.
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80 Material

 Release all the political prisoners. NOTES

 Introduce textile production.
 Reserve coastal shipping for Indians.
 Reduce land revenue by 50%.
 Abolish salt tax. [Sumit Sarkar]
On 12th March 1930, Gandhi along with members of Sabarmati ashram marched
from Ahemdabad to the coast of Dandi. This historic march marked the beginning of
the Civil Disobedience movement. Gandhi asked the people to make salt from sea
water and break the salt law as part of which the British were charging tax on people
for salt. In Gujarat, around 300 villages resigned accepting Gandhi’s appeal. [Bipin
Chandra.]
There were large sections of people who participated in the Civil Disobedience
movement. These were as follow–
 Women– Gandhi requested women to be at the forefront of the movement.
Women participated in the movement in huge number. They picketed liquor
shops, burnt foreign cloth.
 Students– Students and youth played very important role in the movement.
 Muslims– Some areas like north western frontier province saw majority
participation on the part of Muslims. The Muslim weaving community in Bihar,
Delhi and Lucknow were at the forefront of mobilising people.
 Merchants– Traders association and commercial bodies organised boycott at
many different places.
 Tribal– In Maharashtra, Karnataka, central India, the tribal organised the
movement.
 Peasants– They were active in Bihar and Gujarat.
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Material 81

NOTES 4.5.6 Gandhi Irwin Pact, 1931
It is also known as Delhi pact. Irwin finally agreed to accept demands like–
 Immediate release of political prisoners.
 Return of all the land forcefully taken by British.
 Right to make salt in coastal villages for personal consumption.
 Right to peaceful and non aggressive picketing. [Shekhar Bandhyopadhyay.]
4.5.7 Difference between Civil Disobedience and Non Cooperation
 The objective in civil disobedience was now complete independence.

 It went beyond the gandhian idea of non cooperation and now the Indians
wanted complete self rule.
 However, there was a bit decrease in number of students and lawyers protesting
but the merchants and traders protested in large number.
 The congress was now stronger than before.
4.5.8 Poona Pact and the Communal Award, 1932- [Bipin Chandra]
The communal award was declared by British Prime Minister Ramsay McDonald in
1932. It established separate electorate and reserved seat in favor of the depressed
classes of society- Muslims, Sikhs, Anglo Indians, and other depressed classes,
Marathas in Bombay. BR Ambedkar who was the leader of the backward class was
in favor of separate electorates. But Gandhi and congress saw it as British policy of
divide and rule i.e. to divide the Indian people among themselves and then rule them.
There was a lot of debate around this issue. As a result Ramsay McDonald decided to
solve this issue by introduction of what came to be known as the communal award.
Let us look at its provisions–
 In provincial legislatures, seats were to be distributed on communal basis.
 Muslims were to be favored wherever they were in minority.
 Doubling of existing seats of provincial legislatures.
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 3% reservation of seats for women. NOTES

 Double vote for depressed classes- one through separate electorate and
another through general electorate.
 In province of Bombay, 7 seats to be given to Marathas.
Gandhi’s response was that he thought that this was a clear and direct attack on the
unity of India.
He believed that it is by eliminating untouchability, the depressed classes can be
protected. Not by providing separate electorates. Gandhi went on an indefinite fast.
As a result, BR Ambedkar had to step down and he signed the Poona pact of 1932.
In this, he gave up his demand of separate electorates for depressed classes. [Sumit
Sarkar]
In-Text Questions
9. Name the leaders who were called as ‘The Swarajists’.
10. In which year was Irwin’s Declaration signed?
11. The demands in Delhi manifesto were accepted by Lord Irwin- True/False.
12. When was the Independence pledge signed?
13. When was Dandi march organised?
14. Who had declared Communal Award?
4.6 THE QUIT INDIA MOVEMENT
4.6.1 Background
 The Cripps mission of 1942 was a failure. Cripps mission granted the dominion
status to India but defense of India was to remain with British only. Congress
objected to this partial transfer of power. And by the time, Muslim league wanted
a separate state of Pakistan to be created. Self-Instructional
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NOTES  There was popular discontent among the masses due to price rise, failure of
crop.[ Shekhar Bandhyopadhyay.]
The congress working committee in 1942 created a resolution. This resolution was
created by Nehru and supported by Sardar Patel. It was accepted at a congress
meeting in Bombay on 8th August 1942 .[ Bipin Chandra.]
The demands of the resolution were as follow-
 Immediate end to British rule in India.
 Form a provisional government of India after British withdrawal
 Declare a commitment of free India to defend itself against any foreign rule.
Gandhi gave certain instructions for people of different classes to follow. These
instructions were-
 He asked the lawyers to not resign but declare their obedience to congress.
 He asked the soldiers not to leave the army.
 Asked students to leave their studies.
 Asked peasants to not pay rent.
 Asked princes to support the masses.
 Asked people of princely state to support only those rulers who were anti
government.
 He gave the final call to all- “Do or Die”.
However the British were in every mood to suppress the movement. As a result,
all the top congress leaders were arrested on 9th August 1942. The congress working
committee and other organisations like all India congress committee and provincial
congress committees were declared unconstitutional. [Shekhar Bandhyopadhyay.]
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4.6.4 Participation NOTES
Large number of people participated in the movement students of schools, colleges;

women leaders like Aruna Asif Ali, Usha Mehta all lead the movement.
Workers, peasants and even the zamindars participated. Muslims helped by
giving shelter to underground activists.
The communists however supported British in Second World War against
Germany. The Muslim league by this time opposed the movement because they feared
that if British left India they would be treated like minorities and would be oppressed
by Hindus.
4.6.5 Government Response
British response was severe suppression of the movement. They lathi charged people;
tear gasses them and even fired upon them. It is believed that over ten thousand
people were dead. Villages were fined heavily. Main storm centers of this movement
were places like eastern united province, Bihar, Maharashtra, Karnataka, Midnapore.
[Sumit Sarkar]
But it is to be noted that the movement itself was of great significance as it
declared the ultimate goal of the complete independence by the masses. This was
considered as Final Call. All the three movements saw great participation by people in
huge numbers. They displayed unparalleled strength and enthusiasm. Even in the face
of force and brutalities used by the British in all the movements, Indians stood faced it
with lot of courage. Though there were times when the Gandhian principal of non
violence was not followed and also the movement was suppressed due to both britishers
and also due to differences tall that emerged in hearts and minds of Indian people
themselves but the final goal of independence was never given up and was ultimately
achieved in later years.
In-Text Questions
15. Write the names of two leaders of Quit India resolution.
16. Name all the five storm centers of the Quit India movement.
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NOTES
4.7 SUMMARY
Gandhi emerged truly as the leader of the masses in all these movements. The ability to
inspire and motivate and take along such a diverse population of the nation was a
daunting task and Mahatma Gandhi in the wide spectrum of the leaders came across
one such leader who used his policy of Satyagraha and his ideal of non violence as his
weapons against the British power. His persona and teaching affected every class of
the Indian society. This was the reason that in all the three movement studied above
we noticed participation of people belonging to wide sections of the society. His will to
preach what he believed in and his ability to connect even to a person residing in the
remotest village of the country is nothing short of excellent leadership. His use of
symbols like khadi, dhoti and his ideas did not seem alien to Indian people, rather they
connected with it the most. Gandhi truly led the movement of the Indian nationalist
struggle against a foreign rule and came out as a force or a link that succeeded in
connecting all loose threads.
4.8 ANSWERS TO IN-TEXT QUESTIONS
1. Henry David Thoreau, Leo Tolstoy, John Ruskin

2. 1915
3. Five phases
4. Tinkathia system
5. Montague Chelmsford reforms of 1919
6. True
7. Tilak fund
8. Gorakhpur district, Uttar Pradesh
9. Jawaharlal Nehru , Subash Chandra Bose
10. 1929
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11. False

12. 26th Jan. 1930 NOTES

13. 12th March 1930
14. Ramsay McDonald
15. Sardar Patel and Jawaharlal Nehru
16. Midnapore, eastern united province, Bihar, Maharashtra, Karnataka
1. What were the ideals of a true satyagrahi as envisaged by Gandhi?

2. Upon his return to India, what were the movements Gandhi engaged himself in,
for mobilising the masses? Explain the movements.
3. Explain the background of the khilafat and non cooperation movement.
4. Trace the evolution of the civil disobedience movement. State the basic points
of difference between the civil disobedience movement and the non cooperation
movement.
5. What was the quit India movement? Analyse the movement in detail. Do you
feel that Gandhi was a major force in mobilising the masses in this movement?
4.10 REFERENCES
 Bipin Chandra., The nationalist movement [1905-1918]., History of Modern

India(2009)
 Ram Chandra Pradhan., The mainstream of the Indian national movement., Raj
to Swaraj(2008)
 Bipin Chandra ., Essays On Colonialism(1999)
 Partha Chatterjee., colonial and the post colonial histories, The Nation And Its
Fragments.
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NOTES  Shekhar Bandhyopadhyay., The age of Gandhian politics., Freedom with

partition., From Plassey to Partition and After: A History of Modern
India(2004)
 Sumit Sarkar., Modern India 1885-1947(1983)
 Bipin Chandra., The nationalist movement [1905-1918]., History of Modern

India(2009)
 Ram Chandra Pradhan., The mainstream of the Indian national movement., Raj
to Swaraj(2008)
 Kalpana Rajaram,. A Brief History of Modern India., (1995)
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Revolutionaries, Socialists, and Communists
LESSON 5 NOTES
REVOLUTIONARIES, SOCIALISTS,
AND COMMUNISTS
Dr. Latika Bishnoi
Assistant Professor
Sri Venkatewara College
Delhi University
Structure
5.2 Introduction
5.3 The Revolutionaries
5.3.1 Hindu Revivalism
5.3.4 Impact of the Revolutionaries
5.4 The Socialists
5.5 The Communists
5.6 Summary
5.7 Glossary
5.9 References
 The objective of the lesson is to understand the role of the revolutionaries,

socialists and communists in the Indian National Movement.
 The study brings to light different ideologies that functioned during the national
movement; and different organisations and leaders who played an important
role in enlightening the feeling of nationalism and making it a mobilisation of the
masses.
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NOTES  The student will know the names of the leaders and their organisations in this
lesson and also how their leadership brought a new trajectory to the national
movement.
5.2 INTRODUCTION
The scholarship on the rise of revolutionaries, socialism and communism across the
world brings to light the idea of resistance in societies that were controlled by an imperial
power and faced colonial subjugation. In developing societies like that of India, the idea
of resistance came in the form of nationalism and national movement against the British
rule that controlled India through its oriental methods. Economic deterioration, policies
that intervened with the traditional society and oriental methods were all reasons that led
to the rise of Indian nationalism. Most of all the idea lay in the fact that India as a nation
should be indigenously ruled by the Indians. Sekhar Bandyopadhyay points out that idea
of nationalism in India was a product of ‘colonial modernity,’ and national consciousness
was realised in several forms. The early nationalist school where the feeling of nationalism
emerges from the pride in India’s ancient tradition, the neo-traditionalists. The Cambridge
school saw nationalism in the emergence of localised movements of various local groups
in competition of favour for their groups or clans. The Marxist school characterises the
national movement within the parameters of economic development and rise of marker
society where the bourgeoisie leadership directed the mobilisation to suit the interests of
a certain class and ignored the working class altogether. The subaltern school observes
the ‘blinkered historiography’; where the national movement and the bourgeois ledearship
fails to appropriate the role of the subalterns.
The Indian National Movement was a mobilisation that took root in the form of
resistance in India against the British Raj. The mobilisation tried to encompass all
sections of people under its umbrella. Revolutionary ideas in Indian nationalism can go
back to the period of 1857 when the mutiny of the sepoys stood against the British
Empire on the issue of rifles, which came against the backdrop of the British’s state
policies and arrogance of superiority of English culture. It was a loud voice of the rural
society of India who fought against the subjecthood of the British and the orientalist
ideology. The mutiny was severely suppressed but a few historians still refer to it as the
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NOTES
5.3 THE REVOLUTIONARIES
Revolutionaries are generally considered people who take a stand against the state or
the state’s policy.
Across the world, there have been several revolutionaries that have paved the
way for certain changes through mostly extremist methods. Some revolutionaries
challenge the system or the society’s norms as well but they do not take the extremist
procedure. They are mostly observed at places where the state control has been
strong and mostly where the colonial system has paved way for the subjugation of the
society. In India, the idea of the revolutionary idea pre-independence adhered to the
notion of freedom from the British Empire, and from poverty that had paved the way
for the system. The strong belief is that the indigenous people belonging to the nation
should rule the country and the colonial rule should uproot completely.
The Indian National Movement was largely dominated by the western educated
leaders who were moderates under the Indian National Congress. Indian National
Congress was founded in 1885 and its main goal was independence from the British.
The methods of the Congress have kept changing now and again but initially until the
late 19th century and the early 20th century, it believed in working with the British. The
British however looked at them with contempt. The Congress failed to mobilise the
masses to a large level. It was only when the Partition of Bengal took place in 1905
that there was a rise of new ideology within the movement. The fact that India belonged
to them and there were other methods needed to get self-rule as largely propagated.
Bengal was considered an important place of nationalist sentiments. It was also here
and largely in North India that a new set of revolutionary ideas became to emerge.
Some of the sides were based on Hindu Revivalism while the others were based on
Socialist and Communist principles.
ACTIVITY
Watch the movie Mangal Pandey: The Rising (2005).
The movie would give an idea of the fact that why the sepoy mutiny took place in
India. The issue of the rifle and the Indian community gathering to stand against
the British would give an idea of the Indian discontent against an empire due to
which several villages and common man faced subjugation. Self-Instructional
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NOTES 5.3.1 Hindu Revivalism
Revolutionary ideas have now and again also upsurged in different symbols and literature
where the idea of Mother India was put forward. Religious symbols were given
importance by the Hindu revivalists. Festivals like the Ganpati and Shivaji festivals by
Bal Gangadhar Tilak were used as places to influence the masses and make them
understand the strength of their traditions and culture. Nationalism found its way in the
form of symbols which were used to mobilise the masses. Hindu religious symbols like
cow protection, when it came to the age of consent of marriage, language, Hindu
Festivals, and British interference in Hindu traditional beliefs; projected a threat to the
Indian society and the revivalists believed that the Indian traditions and ancient scripts
were superior to any alien western education.
Religious awakening played a pivot role in Hindu revivalism. Contempt for
Western education and British interference in Indian cultures and traditions miffed the
revivalists and Bal Gangadhar and V.D Savarkar led the movement in Maharashtra
while Aurobindo Ghosh, Vivekananda, and Bankim Chandra played an important role
in Bengal. Tilak was inspired by the Bhagwad Geeta and laid strong emphasis on the
Shivaji and Ganpati festivals to influence the masses. Influenced by him the Chapekar
brothers formed the Hindu Dharma Sanrakshini Sabha, responsible for the assassination
of a few British Officers. V.D Savarkar formed an association called the Mitra Mela in
Nasik in 1900. The society actively participated in the Ganpati and Shivaji festivals to
influence the masse. The works of Bankim Chandra Chatterjee and Swami Vivekanand
influenced several young leaders. Vande Mataram from Chatterjee’s Anand Math
became a symbolic slogan, which taught the masses the importance of the motherland.
Dissatisfied by Gandhi’s withdrawal from the Non-Cooperation Movement, post-

1922 saw a rise of extremist ideas in India. India witnessed a rise of revolutionaries
with different socialist and communist ideologies who believed that passive resistance
would not help in gaining independence from British repression. Post-1920s also saw
a change in the ideology within the Congress and a group of younger leaders emerged
moving towards socialist and communist ideas.
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India’s struggle for independence witnessed a rise of several resistances at the NOTES
root at a local and higher level. It was during this time the pattern or manner of resistance
that paved way for different ideologies.
Several foreign influences have had an impact on the revolutionary, socialist and
communist ideology of India like the American war of independence, the Irish struggle,
the Unification of Italy, the lives of Mazzini and Garibaldi, when Japan won against
Russia, and mostly the October Revolution of 1917 of Russia.
The nationalist sentiments united the people altogether and put forward the idea
of the nation. The Partition of Bengal in 1905, which came to bifurcate the state based
on administration, was also seen as a way to divide the religious Hindu and Muslim
Communities of Bengal. The partition saw a huge mobilisation and people gathering
against the British to undo the policy. This was perhaps also the ground of disillusionment
and the further rise of revolutionary ideas.
Indian nationalism has had variegated ideologies and their struggle for
independence. Socialism was one such ideology that was adopted by the younger
generation who sought a different pathway from the mainstream moderates.
The Non-Cooperation Movement launched by Gandhi was taken aback and
shattered the hopes of many sections of youth, who sought a revolutionary path.
Swarajists’ method for independence was considered obsolete and a new method
that intensified the struggle for revolution through violent means was given importance
as an alternative to the methods of the Congress.
Two trends of revolutionary terrorism paved the way among the young leaders, one in
Punjab, north UP and Bihar and the other in Bengal. Their influence emerged from
three places, one was the rise of the working class and trade unionism after the First
World War, the Bolshevik revolution that took place in Russia and the lastly on the
emergence of new groups based on the communist trends and understanding of the
Marxist ideologies.
Several organisations and cases emphasize the fact that the Indian revolutionaries
tried to bring to light the issues of the Indian masses and resort to violence as a method
to gain complete independence. Ramprasad Bismil, Jogesh Chatterjee and Self-Instructional
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NOTES Sachindranath Sanyal were among the first to bring in revolutionary mobilisation in
northern India, their book Bandi Jiwan was a source of inspiration for several
revolutionaries. They formed the Hindustan Republican Association (HRA) in Kanpur
in October 1924 to strategise on revolutionary methods to overthrow the British and
establish a republic of the Federal Republic of the United States of India based on
adult franchises.
The Kakori Robbery Case of Lucknow was their first revolutionary step but
backfired when several leaders were arrested and hanged. Influenced by socialist
ideas the HRA was reorganised under the leadership of Chandra Shekhar Azad by
young leaders from UP- Bejoy Kumar Sinha, Shiv Varma and Jaidev Kapur; and
Punjab -Bhagat Singh, Bhagwati Charan Vohra, and Sukhdev. On September 1928,
the name of the HRA was changed to the Hindustan Socialist Republican Association
(Army).
The mechanism of the revolutionaries was to shift to mass politics instead of
violent means but the death of Lala Lajpat Rai during the Anti- Simon protests in 1928
affected the revolutionaries and in December 1928, Bhagat Singh, Azad and Rajguru
took to the assassination of a police official Saunders at Lahore, Saunders responsible
for the lathi charge of Lala Lajpat Rai.
The incident was to bring to notice the new modus operandi of the revolutionaries
that laid much emphasis on a revolution by the masses. In April 1929, another incident
was to take place, throwing a bomb at the Assembly. The act was to take place
against the Public Safety Bill and the Trade Dispute Bill, which worked against the
rights of the workers and curtailed the civil liberties of the people. The objective was
to use the platform for larger propaganda by getting arrested. They were tried in the
conspiracy case and hanged in March 1931, but their slogans like Inquilab Zindabad,
Long live the proletariat, down with imperialism, make the deaf hear and the
song rang de Basanti Chola won them nationwide sympathy while their death stirred
the soul of every human struggling for freedom under the colonial power.
Several such incidents where the revolutionaries stood up against the British
atrocities brought the idea of revolution into Indian minds. Jatin Das took to a hunger
strike against the British for the plight of Indians in jails, to be treated as political
prisoners and not as criminals. His death paved way for another mass sympathy and
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stir. The Lahore Conspiracy Case further saw several revolutionaries being convicted NOTES
or deported to Andaman.
In Bengal, the revolutionaries worked simultaneously with Congress, which
provided them with a base. They helped C.R Das and his Swarajist work. His death
divided the Congress into two groups – one led by Subhash Chandra Bose, the
Yugantar group and the second Anushilan Samiti led by J.M Sengupta. Their
revolutionaries’ goal was to assassinate Charles Target, the commissioner of Calcutta.
The attempt was made by Gopinath Saha in September 1934. Unfortunately, another
Englishman was assassinated leading to the arrest of several revolutionaries and their
death which brought the downfall of the revolutionary movement. Further setback to
the movement was also due to the multiple issues that led to factions among the two
leading groups. Among these revolutionised groups was a group led by Surya Sen
called the Chittagong group. Surya Sen’s main belief was “humanism is a special virtue
of the revolutionary.” With a group of several other young revolutionaries, the group
took to occupy two Chittagong armouries. Their target was to seize arms and destroy
telegraphs and communications and destroy the railway communication between
Chittagong and the rest of Bengal. In April 1930, the raid was made but unfortunately,
no arms were found they did succeed in disrupting the telecommunication services and
the railways. The raid was taken under the banner of the Indian republican Army,
Chittagong Branch. The revolutionaries then fled and Surya Sen hid for three years in
nearby villages, only to be found and hanged in January 1934.
ACTIVITY
Watch the movie The Legend of Bhagat Singh (2002).
The movie is a source of understanding of the life of Bhagat Singh a revolutionary
who resorted to revel against the British witnessing the Jallainwala massacre at a
young age. While the Non- Cooperation movement was at its peak, the Chauri
Chaura incident brought a setback to the movement because of which Gandhi
withdrew the movement. Also, it was a time when Simon Commission comes to
India and Lala Lajpat Rai is beaten to death. Death of such an honourable leader
made youth like Bhagat Singh and his comrades take up arms. They decided to
bomb the assembly, not with the intention to hurt but to make the government
and people understand the atrocities of the people against the two bills that were
being introduced. While imprisoned, they take up hunger strike against the
atrocities of the prisoners where Jatin Das dies. The movie brings to light the
sacrifices by the Indian revolutionaries while also popularising the song of Rang Self-Instructional
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NOTES 5.3.4 Impact of the Revolutionaries
These incidents impacted the country largely and stirred the imagination of the youth.
In 1931 and 1932 more incidents emerged. In Midnapore, three district judges were
assassinated. The government brought in several repressive acts to suppress the
revolutionaries. Jawaharlal Nehru was arrested in the year 1933 for his Calcutta speech
where he praised the revolutionaries and condemned imperialism.
The Chittagong group was more based on group revolutionaries than
individualistic. Several revolutionaries like Kalpana Dutt (captured along with Surya
Sen) and Pritilata Waddedar (died in a raid) played an important role in the revolution
for freedom. Some of these revolutionaries even shed their religiosity for the revolution.
Their mechanism was to follow the Russian Nihilists and the Irish terrorists.
The enlargement in the ideology of the revolutionary was made by Bhagat Singh
and his comrades. Who believed in the abolition of all systems that exploited the
common man, nationalisation of the railways, organising peasants and workers and
formulating an armed resistance. Bhagat Singh in later years adapted to Marxist ideology
and believed in mass mobilisation as a means to popular revolution.
He helped establish Punjab Naujawan Bharat sabha in the year 1926, an
organisation that helped in political work and membership for several revolutionaries.
He and Ramprasad Bismil under the banner of the HRA even dismissed the violent
methods. Ramprasad Bismil even appealed to the people to work with Congress.
Chandrashekhar Azad defined revolution as independence economic, political and
social
CASE STUDY
Observe the Kakori Robbery Case in August 1925, where the HRA members
Ramprasad Bismil and Asfaqullah Khan looted the train travelling from Shahjanpir
to Lucknow in the village Kakori. The belief was that the train carried money that
the British intended to take. The money belonged to the people of India and it had
to be taken back.
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NOTES
5.4 THE SOCIALISTS
The 1920 to 1930 period witnessed the radicalisation of the national movement with
the rise of socialist ideas under Jawaharlal Nehru and Subhash Chandra Bose. Gradually
two political parties formed in India- the Communist Party of India and the Congress
Socialist Party. Russia witnessed the rise of the Bolsheviks based on the communist
ideology paving way for the Russian revolution of 1917 that brought down the despotic
Czarist rule. The doctrine further attracted several Asian leaders. Socialist ideas
influenced the younger generation leaders who were dissatisfied with the outcome of
the Non-cooperation movement and wanted India to be independent fast. The idea
behind this was that there was a constant struggle between the Indian elite and the
working class that is the Kisan sabhas and the trade unions.
Several youth programmes were organised across the country and Subhash
Chandra Bose and Jawaharlal Nehru toured the country and attacked imperialism, the
feudal structures and propagated socialist ideas. The revolutionary terrorists turned to
socialism. Economic depression, world war and the rise of unemployment under
capitalism across the world further paved the way for further socialist ideals, which the
youth believed could free the workers from the misery of subjugation by the landlords
and the British Raj.
Jawaharlal Nehru was the first to preach the socialist ideals in the national
movement and in the idea of adapting to its ideology in 1929. He was elected the
president of the Lahore Congress in 1929 and believed that only through the economic
emancipation of the masses that political freedom can be achieved. He pioneered the
socialist orientation in the Indian youth. In 1927, he attended the Brussels conference
on imperialism and colonialism and met several anti-colonial fighters and the Marxists.
The same year he visited Russia where he saw the implementation of socialist ideals.
In 1928, he joined Subhash Chandra Bose to form the India league for complete
freedom. In Whither India he wrote ‘surely to the great human goal of social and
economic equality, to the ending of all exploitation of nation by nation and class by
class.’ Further, in 1933 he went on to say ‘The true civic ideal is the socialist ideal, the
communist ideal.’ In his presidential address in Lucknow in 1936, he proclaimed his
clear passion for socialism which he believed was the only solution to poverty,
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NOTES degradation of society and unemployment. In his own words, “I am convinced that the
only key to the solution of the world’s problems and India’s problems lies in socialism,
and when I use this world I do so not in a vague humanitarian way but in the scientific,
economic sense… I see no way of ending the poverty, the vast unemployment, the
degradation, and the subjection of the Indian people except through socialism.”
His ideas found contradiction with Gandhi’s idea of peaceful resistance. He
praised Gandhi for his important role in reaching the masses and raising mass
consciousness but he failed to see the class difference in Indian society and propounded
harmony between the exploiters and the exploited.
He proclaimed that he is a socialist and a republican at the Lahore session of the
Congress held in 1929. Nehru’s socialist ideals though had a political framework, he
believed in ‘nationalism and political freedom as represented by the Congress and
social freedom as represented by socialism’ the idea was to bring these two uphill
tasks together. He did not want to be separate from the Congress but to influence the
Congress in a more socialist ideal by bringing the larger masses of peasants and workers
under its banner. He did not believe that the Left organisations should work separately
from Congress.
5.5 THE COMMUNISTS
The Communist ideology of the Soviets attracted several Indian political leaders towards
them. The most prominent among them was M. N. Roy, who helped formulate the
International Communist ideology towards the colonies along with Lenin. Seven Indians
along with him met at Tashkent after October 1920 and organised a Communist Party
of India. Post-1920s also saw a rise in several communist organisations in India. An
all-India organisation was formed in Kanpur in December 1925 under the banner of
the Communist Party of India with S V Ghate as its secretary. A clarion call was given
to enrol under its banner and radicalise the Congress party.
Important work for the organisation was to bring together the workers and the
peasants. The labour part was formed in Bengal in November 1925 led by Muzaffar
Ahmed, Qazi Nazrul Islam, and Hemant Kumar Sarkar. Congress labour party in
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Bombay and Kirti Kisan party in Punjab was formed in the year 1926. Hindustan’s NOTES
labour party worked in Madras since 1926. All these organisations were organised
under the banner Workers’ and Peasants’ Party, with its base in Rajasthan, where the
communists of India got together. The idea was to work together with Congress and
radicalise it into a larger mass movement, make it ‘the party of the people,’ bring
together the subalterns, achieve freedom and implement the socialist principles. Leaders
like Jawaharlal Nehru further played an important role in making it stronger. Trade
unions saw the greatest mobilisation of the communist ideology in 1927-1929.
The communist influence however got a setback in 1929 after the repression of
the British. Their effort in trying to come to India in 1922, conspiracy cases in Peshawar;
and their role in the Kanpur conspiracy case made the British vigilant in striking and
arresting most of the communist leaders. In 1929 several communist leaders were
further arrested.
The concern of the British was to try and suppress the growing influence of the
trade movement among the workers; and the communist influence among the Indian
masses. Almost thirty-two were convicted in the Meerut conspiracy case. The case
led to the wide publication of communist support in newspapers. The government’s
strategy was to segregate the communists from mainstream politics.
In the latter period, the communist broke their connection with the National
Congress asserting sectarian politics, calling it the party of the elites and supportive
towards imperialist power. The idea of mass mobilisation under the banner of Poorna
Swaraj was seen as a mechanism of influencing the masses by the bourgeoisie class
who worked with the British. Even leaders like Nehru and Bose were looked upon as
more profound of the Congress’s mainstream ideology. The communist ideology was
now that of armed struggle against the British imperialist policy. There was a fear of the
peasants falling prey to the bourgeoisie influence of the congress leaders hence the
communists moved away to form a more independent centralised communist party.
There were further splits in the group, which further benefitted the British, who in 1934
declared the communist party illegal.
The communist organisations’ saving point was because of their support in the
civil disobedience movement and the spread of the ideology in the nation where several
young revolutionaries stood up under the influence of Marxism, Soviet Union and
socialism. Self-Instructional
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NOTES In 1936, the communists under the Dun-Bradley thesis, the communist agreed
to make congress the sole organisation for national mobilisation. Their whole ideology
under the leadership of P.C. Joshi was to now stand against imperialism and support
the congress and its struggle against the British.
In October 1934, Congress Socialist Party was formed under the leadership of
Jayaprakash Narayan, Acharya Narendra Dev and Minoo Masani as an alternative to
the present communist party but with a similar ideology and to work within the
parameters of Congress. They however still believed in reorganising the peasants and
the workers but within the umbrella of the Congress. The idea was to transform the
Congress and still strengthen it. They believed that the congress eldership did not have
the potential to influence the masses and hence there was a need for transformation to
reach the masses to make the national movement stranger. The Meerut Thesis of
1935 made it clear that the bourgeoisie leadership of the congress needs to be replaced
and there was a need for a more radical socialist leadership. The CSP ideology
comprised three principles, the Marxists, Fabian and the Gandhian influence. In the
latter era, the party was divided into two groups, one that followed the congress and
the other that bifurcated from it.
But, despite the difference, the CSP identified socialism with Marxism. JP
Narayan in his book depicted socialism clearly with Marxism. In the 1930s several
groups were further formed like the Royalists by M. N. Roy. Subhash Bose founded
the Forward Bloc in 1939, after his compulsive resignation from Congress.
Though differences existed, all groups worked together after 1935 to make
socialism stronger in India. Their ideology rested on bringing together the workers and
the peasants were anti-imperial in their struggle for a social transformation of the society.
The left firmly fought the dominant Congress, opposed the Congress who sought
support from the British and in 1947 confronted the Congress against their strategy of
negotiation of transfer for power.
Several academicians observe the left groups failed to understand Indian politics
and limited themselves to the criticism of the congress’s dominance. There was a need
for the Congress to function in the manner it adopted and the communists overlooked
that. Their prime focus was limited to the changes and Indian socialism. The target to
radicalise the movement was restricted to its persistence in armed struggle, without
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understanding the fact if the masses were even ready for a struggle like that. They NOTES
further failed to group different left organisations. Even Nehru and Bose could not
work together after a while due to their differences. Their impact however was prominent
when congress brought to light the misery of the poor to the forefront and the fact that
poverty can only be eliminated if the colonial power was uprooted. The impact of
communism was visible in several trade union movements and the rising working-class
support. Rise of workers and peasents party in Bengal (1928), workers’ jute mill
strike (1929 and 1937) are some examples where the communist influence was
witnessed under the leadership of the bhadralok community who were the middle-
intelligentsia and were trained in Moscow. Several workers strike in Bombay by the
Bombay Cotton mill workers in 1924 for the bonus. All these strikes saw the communist
presence which Chadavarkar observes that these strikes were not just against the
state or a certain class, their social relations, or their exclusion from the mainstream.
They not just worked as workers but organised community ties to network building
strong communist support among the masses. There was also a further rise of the
communists after the Civil Disobedience Movement around 1933-1934 and several
Congressmen were supportive. Their strong support of the labour class was visible. In
the Quit India Movement, the communists drew huge support from the masses through
the trade unions and AITUC, which had a membership of approximately 337, 695.
The role of the communists in organising these masses into a formed struggle could not
be overlooked by the Congress during the Indian National Movement.
5.6 SUMMARY
In this lesson, the Indian national movement was forming its base against the British,
several groups in India came under the banner of revolutionaries, socialists and
Communists. Revolutionaries came in the wake of the withdrawal of the Non-
Cooperation movement in the year 1922. While Gandhian ideology was considered
different by the moderates and the extremists who ruled Congress then, it was also
seen as an ideology that did not befit the Indian national movement by the revolutionaries.
The Non- Cooperation as launched when the Rowlatt Act and the Jallianwala Bagh
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NOTES Massacre were seen as the highest form of British atrocity. And despite all the common
masses and leaders joining hands with the Movement, the movement was taken aback
due to the Chauri Chaura incident. The revolutionaries saw this as a blow to their
effort and new alternatives were taken under. While the revolutionary ideals were
taken into account, several followed the principles of socialism and Marxism for a just
and classless society. Importance was also given to the working class and the peasants
who had long been overlooked due to economic and social differences that divided
the society. It was also considered that while congress worked for freedom, it did not
take into account the issues of the subaltern classes whose woes were overlooked.
The congress comprised the educated elite who only worked on the lines of the British.
The revolutionaries saw the flaw and the atrocities and took to violence to spread their
message against the British. While the government struck down the revolutionaries,
their message was heard loud and afar. The socialist methods resorted to the ideal of
a just and equal society by Jawaharlal Nehru and Subhash Chandra Bose. Freedom
could not be achieved unless everyone was also economically independent.
The difference in the methods also led to further diversities in the socialist cause.
The communists on the other hand brought to light the Marxist Leninists ideology and
believed that the new industrial policy was followed by the Congress and that the
congress overlooked the subaltern working class. It is to be noted, while these
organisations were completely different in their strategies; they took their roots from
congress and their slow method of freedom. These methods and ideologies were
taken into account to reach the common masses, but in the end, it cannot also be
overlooked that the Congress emerged as the larger party and despite the efforts of
the left wings; it was considered that Freedom can only be achieved under one banner
of the Congress. The freedom Movement saw the unification of all organisations and
ideologies despite their differences in methodologies. Needless to say, the socialist
foundations and beliefs were so strong that even when India gained freedom in 1947
and Jawaharlal Nehru went on to become the Prime Minister of India, he adhered to
and made an effort to integrate the socialist principles into the Indian Constitution and
for a long time, socialism was perhaps the main goal of the Indian Planning Commission
of India.
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NOTES
ACTIVITY
Watch the movie Gandhi (1982).
The movie is a based on the life of Mahatma Gandhi. A biographical understanding
and his journey of the Mahatma from South Africa to India; and how he took to
several mobilisations like the Non-Cooperation movement, Civil Disobedience
Movement and the Quit India Movement. The movie gives an idea of his ideology
of passive resistance, his struggle against the British Empire and his several
imprisonments. The picture would give an understanding of the national movement
that took place in India leading to the Indian independence from colonial power.
5.7 GLOSSARY
 AITUC: All India Trade Union Congress.

 HRA: Hindustan Rebulican Assosciation.
 HSRA: Hindustan Socialist Republic Association.
1. Discuss the revolutionary movement in India.

2. Elaborate on the Kakori Robbery Case.
3. Discuss the role of Jawaharlal Nehru in Indian Socialism.
4. What were the main beliefs of the Communists of India?
5.9 REFERENCES
 Bandyopadhyay, S. (2015 revised edition) From Plassey to Partition and

after a History of Modern India. New Delhi: Orient Longman.
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NOTES  Chandra, B. (1988) India’s Struggle for Independence, New Delhi. Penguin.
 Chatterjee, P. (2010) ‘A Brief History of Subaltern Studies’, in Chatterjee,
Partha Empire & Nation: Essential Writings (1985-2005). New Delhi:
Permanent Black.
 Guha, Ranajit. (1982). Subaltern Studies, I. Oxford University Press. Delhi.
 Sarkar, S. (1983) Modern India (1885-1847). New Delhi: Macmillan.
 Sen, A.P. (2007), ‘The idea of Social reform and its critique among Hindus of
Nineteenth Century India’, in Bhattacharya, Sabyasachi (ed.) Development of
Modern Indian Thought and the Social Sciences. Vol X. New Delhi: Oxford
University Press
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UNIT IV: SOCIAL MOVEMENTS
LESSON 6 THE TRIBES AND PEASANTS
LESSON 7 WORKERS AND WOMEN’S MOVEMENT
LESSON 8 ANTI-CASTE MOVEMENT

The Tribes and Peasants
LESSON 6 NOTES
THE TRIBES AND PEASANTS

Assistant Professor
Delhi University
Structure
6.2 Introduction
6.3 Tribal Movements
6.4 Peasant Movements
6.5 Summary
6.6 Glossary
6.7 Conclusions
6.9 References
 To understand the contribution of tribal and peasant movements to India’s

freedom struggle and at the enhancement of the dynamics of nationalism
 To discuss the major components and objectives of tribal and peasant movements
and their impact on the evolution of the idea of nationalism
6.2 INTRODUCTION
Like all the other sections of Indian society, the tribal people also made their contribution
to the national independence movement. The tribal groups in India were scattered all
over the country, the bulk of them were located in Assam, Bengal, Bihar, Odisha, Self-Instructional
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NOTES central Provinces, Rajasthan, Maharastra and Gujarat. In South India, they were located
in Andhra Pradesh and part of the Godavari basin. However, tribal people constituted
around 8 per cent of the total Indian population. In the beginning, the British
administration did not interfere in the tribal political and social lifestyle. With the invention
of roads, transport and communication British administration tried to explore the wildlife,
flora and fauna of the jungle. Thus, introduced modern means of lifestyle, communication,
transportation and financial transactions.
6.3 TRIBAL MOVEMENTS
The term ‘tribe’ is used to distinguish people so socially organised from ‘caste’ and
should not convey a sense of complete isolation from the mainstream of Indian life.
Apart from some isolated and primitive food-gatherers, the tribals were and are very
much a part of Indian society as the lowest strata of peasantry subsisting through
shifting cultivation, agricultural labourers, and increasingly, coolies recruited for work
in distant plantations, mines and factories.
British rule and its accompanying commercialisation strengthened already present
tendencies towards penetration of tribal areas by outsiders from the plains - money
lenders, traders, land-grabbers, and contractors, the dikus so hated by the Santhals.
They are the subgroup that revolted and carried out movements during the British era
contributing to the national struggle. The method of their struggle was very violent and
bandit in nature. As Sarkar had rightly commented: ‘As in earlier or later periods, the
most militant outbreaks tended to be of tribal communities, which, in the words of a
recent scholar, ‘revolted more often and far more violently than any other community
including peasants in India’ (Sarkar:46).
British legal conceptions of absolute private property eroded traditions of joint
ownership (like the khuntkatti tenure in Chota Nagpur) and sharpened tensions within
tribal society. A new but increasingly important factor from the 1870s and 80s was the
tightening of control by the colonial state over forest zones for revenue purposes.
Shifting cultivation - which required no plough animals and therefore was often essential
for the survival of the poorest in rural society – was banned or restricted in the ‘reserved’
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108 Material

through curbs on use of timber and grazing facilities. The tribal response included, as NOTES
before, occasional violent outbursts, but also movements of internal religious and socio-
cultural reform. Such movements of ‘revitalisation’, borrowing elements from Christianity
or Hinduism and promising a sudden miraculous entry into a golden age, became
increasingly typical in the period 1860-1920, generally following in the wake of defeated
uprisings under traditional chiefs.
Thus the Santhal Rebellion (1855) was followed by the Kherwar or Sapha Har
movement of the 1870s, which preached monotheism and internal social reform at
first but had begun to turn into a campaign against revenue settlement operations just
before it was suppressed’ (Sarkar: 44).
There were various scattered revolts under different inspirations from time to
time. In 1868 the Naikda forest tribe attacked police stations in a bid to establish a
dharma-raj. In 1882 the Kacha Nagas of Cachar attacked the whites inspired by a
miracle worker called Sambhudan who claimed magical powers which would make
his followers immune to bullets. Similarly, in 1900 there was a revolt by Konda Doras
when a tribesman Korra Mallaya claimed he was a re-incarnation of the Pandavas
and could drive out the British and gathered around him an inspired crowd of four to
five thousand people. They were suppressed by the British with eleven of them shot
dead and sixty put on trial and two hanged. There was a massive rebellion in 1879-80
by the Konda Dora and Koyatribals when their chiefs rose against their overlord (a
mansabdar family) when he tried to raise taxes.
One of the most dramatic rebellions was by the Ulgulan (Great Tumult) under
the leadership of Birsa Munda in 1899-1900 in the Ranchi region. The Munda tribes
had seen over some time in the nineteenth century their traditional khuntkatti land
system (Joint holdings by khunts or tribal lineages) being replaced by the rule of jagirdars
and thikadars coming from the northern plains as money lenders and merchants. The
areas had also become a happy hunting ground for Diku (the people who propagated
the idea of exploitation, exactions and forced labour). In 1899, Birsa mobilised a
force of 6,000 Mundas and a rebellion against the Diku. However, he was captured in
1900 and subsequently died in jail (Pradhan: 279).
Birsa’s own experience as a young boy, driven from place to place in search of
employment, gave him an insight into the fate of his people and forest matters. He was
very intelligent and always an active participant in the movements going on in the Self-Instructional
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NOTES neighbourhood. Later in life, he claimed to be a messenger of God and founded a kind
new sect and within his sect converts from Christianity, mostly Sardars. His simple
message was against the church which levied a tax. He laid down new rules which
saved some expense of sacrifices and a strict code of conduct was laid down: theft,
lying and murder were declared bad and begging was prohibited. The stories of Birsa
as a healer, a miracle man, and a preacher spread. The Mundas, Oraons, and Kharias
flocked to Chalkad to hear him and to be healed of their diseases. The British colonial
system as mentioned above had started causing a transformation of the tribal agrarian
system into a feudal one dominated by jagirdars.
As the tribals with their primitive technology could not generate a surplus, the
non-tribal peasantry was invited by the chiefs in Chhota Nagpur to settle on and
cultivate the land. This led to the tribes losing their lands and that built up resentment.
In 1856, the number of the Jagirdars stood at about 600 and by 1874, the authority of
the old Munda or Oraon chiefs had been almost entirely ended by the new landlords.
In some villages, the tribal had lost all their land rights and had been reduced to being
labourers. So naturally because of the agrarian breakdown and the forced cultural
changes the tribes responded with a series of revolts and uprisings under Birsa’s
leadership. The movement sought to gain back the land of the Mundas and throw out
the middlemen and the British. Ultimately however even though the struggle was brave
and achieved some initial successes against the authorities Birsa was treacherously
caught on 3 February 1900 and he died under mysterious conditions on 9 June 1900
in a Ranchi Jail. Though he lived a very short life of only 25 years he mobilised the
tribal like never before and taught them to think about their conditions and for a short
time became a terror to the British rulers.
6.4 PEASANT MOVEMENTS
The Indian peasantry it may be argued raised for the first time in protest during the
1857 revolt, tired of the high land revenue taxes imposed by the British which was
breaking their back. That revolt is not seen as a peasant revolt as farmers were not the
only people who revolted nor was land revenue the only reason but that was one of
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The farmers in India raised against two kinds of exploitation - one from the NOTES
Zamindars and jagirdars and the other from the British. The Kisan Sabha movement
started in Bihar under the leadership of Swami Sahajanand Saraswati who had formed
1929 the Bihar Provincial Kisan Sabha (BPKS) to mobilise peasants against the
exploitation of zamindars who on flimsy pretexts usurped the land occupancy rights of
farmers. Gradually the peasant movement intensified and spread across the rest of India.
There were also farmer movements in 1907 under the leadership of Sardar Ajit Singh.
The final phase of the Indian freedom struggle also saw peasant struggles rising to
new heights of militancy. Throughout the country, Kisan Sabhas had been active in the
1930s. After the Quit-India call, peasants of all classes joined in the freedom struggle in
Eastern UP, Bihar, Midnapur in Bengal, Satara in Maharashtra, and also in Andhra,
Gujarat and Kerala. Even some of the Zamindars (landlords) joined in. The Raja of
Darbbanga was one of the most supportive of the resisting peasants. Adivasis and landless
peasants were particularly heroic in their struggles. Crushed by the inhumane demands
of the Zamindari system, they had to fight a dual war – one against the British and the
other against the Indian landlords who collaborated with British rule. Amongst the most
significant of these struggles were those of Tebhaga, Punnapra Vayalar, the Worli Adivasis
and above all the historic Telangana peasants’ armed struggle which was directed against
the Nizam of Hyderabad who had collaborated with the British.
The Kisan Sabhas were initially the main articulating vehicle for peasant demands.
As the zamindari influence over Congress was quite strong and the peasants were
not seeing the Congress take up their particular concerns, they drifted away later.
Sumit Sarkar points out: ‘Disillusioned by the repeated Congress failure to unequivocally
take up their demands, some peasant activists by mid-1920s had started groping
towards new ideologies. In 1922, Swami Vidyanand raised the demand for the abolition
of zamindari, and Baba Ramchandra, in November 1925, referred to Lenin as ‘the
dear leader of the kisans the peasants are still slaves except in Russia’. The strong
links of the Congressmen – with the zamindari or intermediate tenure-holding made it
generally unresponsive to peasant demands for rent-reduction and sharecropper efforts
at a fairer division of the harvest in Bengal, Bihar and U.P. This was clearest and
ultimately most disastrous in Bengal, a province where share-cropping (Barga) was
rapidly spreading in the 1920s. The Swarajists here bitterly opposed any proposal to
give tenancy status to bargadars and showed no sympathy at all for some Namasudra
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NOTES and Muslim baradari movements in the mid-1920s in districts like Mymensingh, Dacca,
Pabna, Khulna and Nadia. The U.P. Congress did take up a slightly more pro-peasant
stance, and in 1924 started a U.P. Kisan Sangh to pressurise the government into
modifying some pro-Zamindar clauses in a tenancy amendment bill then being discussed
for Agra province. It was made clear, however, that ‘the policy of the Sangha has been
not to antagonise the zamindars by saying even one word against them, but to attack
the government in whose bands the zamindars are blindly playing’.
The one peasant grievance about which the Congress was generally unequivocal
was revenue enhancement in ryotwari areas. Enhancement was resisted with some
success in Tanjore in 1923-24, with its prosperous mirasdars. In coastal Andhra
N.G. Ranga started work among the upper stratum of the peasantry in 1923, founding
the first Ryot’s Association in Guntur in that year. The British bid in 1927 to enhance
revenue by 18 per cent in the Krishna Godavari delta led to a powerful Kisan movement
in coastal Andhra.’ (ibid, pp. 241-242)
Mahatma Gandhi had led two very successful revolts one against the taxation
and allied landlords in Champaran, Bihar, and another in Kheda, Gujarat. Success in
both struggles had shown the farmers that economic and civil rights could be won if
movements were launched and carried with determination. In 1920, the Indian National
Congress under Gandhi’s leadership launched the Non-Cooperation Movement and
there was peasant participation. The Bardoli Satyagraha of 12th June 1928 in the
state of Gujarat was almost entirely a peasant uprising in 12th June 1928, the taluka of
Bardoli in Gujarat suffered from floods and famine, which hurt crop production, leaving
farmers facing great financial troubles. Still, the government raised the tax rate by 30%
that year, and despite many petitions from civic groups, refused to cancel the increase.
The situation was very much that the farmers barely had enough property and crops to
pay off the tax and would most certainly have faced starvation. Leaders like activists
Narhari Parikh, Ravi Shankar Vyas and Mohanlal Pandya talked to village chieftains
and farmers and solicited the help of Vallabhbhai Patel. Patel had previously led
Gujarat’s farmers during the Kheda struggle. Patel and Gandhi decided that the struggle
should be left entirely to the people of Bardoli taluka. The Governor of Bombay
ignored the requests made by Patel to reduce the taxes and instead announced the
date of collection. Patel instructed all the farmers of Bardoli to refuse payment. Patel
had instructed the farmers to remain completely non-violent, and not respond physically
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struggle would not end until not only the cancellation of all taxes for the year but also NOTES
when all the seized property and lands were returned to their rightful owners. The
Government declared its intention to crush the revolt and along with tax inspectors
forcibly took all property, including cattle. The government then began auctioning the
houses and the lands but not a single man from Gujarat or anywhere else in India came
forward to buy them. Patel had appointed volunteers in every village to keep watch
and as soon as officials were sighted who were coming to auction the property, the
volunteers would sound bugles and the farmers would leave the village and hide in the
jungles. The officials would then find the entire village empty and could not determine
who owned a particular house. The movement was successful and in 1928, an agreement
was finally brokered by a Parsi member of the Bombay government and the Government
agreed to return the confiscated lands and properties as well as cancel revenue payment
not only for that year but also cancelled the 30% increase.
Later the various peasant revolts under different umbrellas culminated in the
formation of the All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS) at the Lucknow session of the Indian
National Congress in April 1936 with Swami Sahajanand Saraswati elected as its first
President. In the closing years of British rule, there were two spectacular peasant
struggles – The Tebhaga movement in Bengal and the Telangana movement in Andhra.
The Tebhaga started as a campaign initiated in Bengal by the Kisan Sabha
(peasants’ front of the Communist Party of India) in 1946. At that time share-cropping
peasants (essentially, tenants) had to give half of their harvest to the owners of the
land. The demand of the Tebhaga (sharing by thirds) movement was to reduce the
share given to landlords to one-third. In many areas, the agitations turned violent, and
landlords fled villages leaving parts of the countryside in the hands of the Kisan Sabha.
Thus, it has become almost like an overthrow of the zamindari class by the exploited
peasant classes. As a response to the agitations, the then Muslim League ministry in
the province launched the Bargadar Act, which provided that the share of the harvest
given to the landlords would be limited to one-third of the total. However, the law was
not fully implemented. The former Chief Minister of West Bengal comments thus on
the Tebhaga movement: “The farmers waited for years. When it was realised that the
Bill was only a dream, it was then decided that the Tebhaga demand would have to
take an agitation route. After the Second World War, the farmers took to active struggle.
The movement was already taking place in bits and starts in many districts. However,
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NOTES State, particularly in North Bengal. There was a general awakening in places like
Mymensingh, Jalpaiguri, Jessore, Khulna, Rangpur, Dinajpur and 24-Parganas. The
catchword that went around was; “We want Tebhaga. We will give our lives but not
our crop”. With law and order being the easiest excuse, the Police went on torturing
the farmers; firing and lathi charges on peaceful gatherings were the order of the day.
In the early part of 1947, I moved extensively to Mymensingh, Khulna and Jalpaiguri.
My report was as an eyewitness. At least 70 farmers died because of unjustified
police firing. There was arson by the Police. Even women were not spared. But this
sort of atrocity could not stop the progress of the movement. The movement went
ahead even though the police torture grew.” ( Study material, SOL)
The Telangana Rebellion was a Communist-led peasant revolt that took place
in the former princely state of Hyderabad between 1946 and 1951 and was led by the
Communist Party of India. Peasants revolted against the Nizam and local feudal landlords
(jagirdars and Deshmukh) who owed allegiance to him and exploited the farmers by
turning them into bonded labour. The peasants also demanded writing off of all the
debts of the peasants that were not genuine but manipulated and shown falsely by the
feudal lords. The movement was an armed struggle and the peasants declared
independence after major successes. They were ultimately defeated only after the
central government sent in the army.
6.5 CONCLUSIONS
The peasant and tribal movements of India during the pre-independent era remain the
backbone of the mainstream Indian independence revolution. All these struggles might
have not solved many problems but they all tried to imbibe the spirit of nationalism in
each section of the Indian people. These movements forced the British government to
take many administrative measures to solve the rising problems of the time. In the final
stage Indian constitution also successfully implemented the Zamindari Abolition Act.
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NOTES
6.6 SUMMARY
The resistance to British rule was persisting across India by both Peasants and Tribes.
Some of them are sporadic and some are violent. Generalizing about their nature and
origin is very cynical. The peasants were fighting for increased rent over the crops and
corrupt practices, commercialization of land holdings and violent ways of collecting
revenue from the land. Yet, in an abroad sense, it can be said that the changing economic
relations in the colonial period contributed to peasant grievances and their anguish
found expression in these rebellions. In the early traditional Indian times, agricultural
activities were done at a basic subsistence level and based on the ethical practices of
rural areas. With British rule, the commercialization of land and land holding led to the
‘ revitalization of landlordism’.
6.7 GLOSSARY
 Revolt: It refers to a movement or expression of vigorous dissent
6.8 SELF ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS
1. What were the major peasant revolts?

2. Why and how did the tribal populations revolt against the British?
6.9 REFERENCES
 Sarkar Sumit, (2006) Modern India, Macmillan India Ltd., New Delhi
 Bandyopadhyay, S. (2015 revised edition) From Plassey to Partition and After
A History of Modern India. New Delhi: Orient Longman, pp. 334-381.
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NOTES  Desai, A.R. (2019, reprint- 6th edition) Crusade Against Caste System, in Social
Background of Indian Nationalism, Sage.
Delhi
 Ganguly, Aditi eds. (2018), Colonialism and Nationalism in India, Study Material
of School of Open Learning, SOL, DU
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Workers, and Women’s Movement
LESSON 7 NOTES
WORKERS, AND WOMEN’S MOVEMENT

Dr. Monika Batham
Assistant Professor
Noth East Frontier Technical University, Aalo
Structure
7.2 Introduction
7.3 Workers Movement
7.4 Women’s Movement
7.4.1.1 Social Reform Movements
7.4.1.2 Nationalist Movements
7.5 Summary
7.6 Glossary
7.8 References
 To understand the worker’s and women’s movements contribution to India’s

freedom struggle
 To discuss the worker’s and women’s movements as a stepping stone for
empowered India
 To explain the major components and objectives of worker’s and women’s
movements
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NOTES
7.2 INTRODUCTION
Indian trade unions have grown over time in the specific circumstances of colonialism
and an undeveloped economy. The British introduced the capitalist economy to India
in the 19th century. Plantations and railroads were the first businesses, but they rapidly
grew into other sectors like cotton and jute mills, mining, a dockyard, and roads.
Following the 1857 uprising, British colonial capitalism was given increased attention.
Indian workers frequently find themselves engaged in over-exploitation at work with
inadequate wages, and in certain situations, they are retained as bonded laborers, as
they lack any expertise in professional job.
Whereas, the first systematic women’s movement emerged in the 19th century,
during the British era, as a social reform movement. Women’s movements in India
experienced some unique historical circumstances at this period, and the social climate
fueled social reform movements, which led to fresh perspectives on a range of social
institutions, practices, and social reform laws. The intellectual and social content of the
women’s movement altered with time and has persisted into the present. Let’s attempt
to comprehend the evolution of the labor movement and women’s movement throughout
this time.
7.3 WORKERS MOVEMENT
The modern working class arose in India in the nineteenth century. This development
was due to the establishment of modern factories, railways, dockyards and construction
activities relating to roads and buildings. Initially, industrialisation was mainly confined
to the cotton and jute industries. The first textile industry started production in 1854 in
Bombay. The cotton textile was mainly concentrated in the cotton-producing region of
India and Bombay, Ahmedabad, Sholapur, Nagpur and Kanpur were the main centres
for the cotton textile industry. In 1914, 264 cotton mills were employing 2, 60,000
workers. Around 60 Jute mills alone in Bengal province with 2, 00,000 employees in
1912. By 1914, the railways employed about 6, 00,000 workers. The mining industry
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employed 1, 50,000 workers and Plantations employed 7, 00,000 largest workers at NOTES
that time (Chandra B.: 1988: 281).
Labour historians categorised the whole workers’ movement into distinct phases. The
first phase was from the 1850s till 1918. During this period the earliest phase was
more unorganised and ineffective. In the late nineteenth century in Madras and from
the second decade of the twentieth century in Bombay some serious efforts were
made by the workers for making associations that could work for their welfare and
work against capitalist exploitation. Before any organised associations/ Unions, a few
well-wishers and influential individuals like S. S. Bengalee in Bombay, Sasipada Banerjee
in Bengal and Narayan Lokhandya in Maharashtra urged British authorities to legislate
for improving worker’s conditions under Britishers. Earlier before any organised union,
there has been a pattern of at least two strikes or rebellions against bad administration
and working conditions, poor wages, and imposition of unnecessary fines and dismissal
of a worker. However, these strikes are often spontaneous, sporadic, localised and
short-lived.
The Second Phase began from 1918-1947. After the First World War, with the
exchange of knowledge and literature of the world, trade unions were also constituted
in modern ways. It became more organised than before. Several political organisations,
including Congress and the Communists, communicated with unions directly during
the 1920s. The working class is persuaded and organised to join the national movement.
All India Trade Union Congress (AITUC) was formed with Bal Gangadhar
Tilak, N.M.Joshi, B.P. Wadia, Lala Lajpat Rai, Joseph Baptista and many others;
became the office bearers of AITUC. Lala Lajpat Rai became the first president of the
AITUC and Joseph Baptista was its vice president. At the international level formation
of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) in 1919 gave a strong basis to
develop the same kind of dignified values for workers. The strikes and protests during
this phase were much more organised, prolonged and well-participated by the workers.
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NOTES Congress took a special interest in the workers’ movement, why? Because of two
reasons, first, they knew that workers and the working class are not involved in any
kind of national movement. It’s the right time to include them and second, we need to
launch an effective protest movement against imperialism, and we already knew that
the number of working classes by the 1920s has grown tremendously. Indian Congress
appointed a committee to look at workers’ issues in the year 1936. Not only Congress
the Communists became interested in the working class.
Let us find out why the communist party was formed in India. This is the period
when the Communist Party of the Soviet Union at the world level became more influential
and the formation of the Communist Party of India on 17 October 1920 at Tashkent
under the leadership of M. N. Roy. They mobilise the working class through the Workers
and Peasant Parties (WPPs). At that time WPPs were effective in organising strikes
in Bombay in 1928 and in other cities in India too.
Workers were not happy and went on many strikes. In 1920 followed by 1921
where 396 strikes alone took place with 6,00,000 workers. Now not only Bombay
but almost every factory including Jute mills in Calcutta, Eastern Railways, Cotton
mills etc experiencing these strikes. There was a fundamental change happening in the
working class, now they are aware, united and conscious of the national movement.
Along with that, they were facing serious concerns too because of growing differences
between the Moderates and the Communists. There was a bifurcation between the
parent organisations and now one is called All India Trade Union Congress (AITUC)
and the other one is the National Trade Union Federation (NTUF).
The AITUC is the oldest trade union federation in India. It was formed in Bombay
by Lala Lajpat Rai, Joseph Baptista, N. M. Joshi, Diwan Chaman Lal and a few
others, until 1945 when unions became organised on party lines; it was the primary
trade union organisation in India. Since then, it has been associated with the Communist
Party of India. AITUC further broke away and formed the India Red Trade Union
under the leadership of S. K. Deshpande and B.T. Ranadive, because of the difference
of opinion among leftists. They are the radical ones among Leftists. Whereas NTUF
was formed by the moderate leaders of congress like N.M. Joshi, V. V. Giri, B.
Shivrao and others.
After a period of high activism of trade unions in India during the 1920s, there
Self-Instructional was a marked decline in strikes and protests in the early 1930s. Chamanlal Revri
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claims that the Meerut Conspiracy case, in which some major Communist leaders NOTES
were detained, was the cause of the entire trade union movement’s setback during that
time. Subsequent fractures within the Trade Union Congress are also likely contributing
factors. 1940’s decade was a remarkable period because India became independent
in 1947. This phase coincided with the final phase of the Quit India Movement of
1942. After the end of World War II, the working class faced two different problems.
First, there is the issue of widespread layoffs, and then there is the issue of declining
earnings. Due to the fact that the number of strikes peaked in 1947 with approximately
1840 workers involved, this scenario grew difficult. (Chandra B.: 1988: 284).
7.4 WOMEN’S MOVEMENT
When we are talking about historical sources generally, we are referring to sources
which are preserved by the elite sections of society because other classes and tribal
backgrounds had different norms. Tribal women and women from the labouring castes
and classes are rarely visible as they represent those groups which did not have a
literary culture and therefore did not leave behind much evidence. The economic surplus
is accumulated by a ruling class but for the hunter-gatherers, we see no such
accumulation of wealth and resources and because of that, their society was relatively
egalitarian. It is through the rise of sedentary settlements that we see that stratification
according to accumulation as well as based on work. The one who is most of the time
taking care of outdoor activities and is physically strongholds the power. Women, on
the other hand, received protection and in return, they became property to men. But
it’s a gradual process and one should not be so casual about these comments. Let’s
find out what the real situation of the women’s movement was in the British period.
Initially, Europeans did not change the situation of women. Like other Western powers,
the primary objective of the British in the earlier days was traded. Later when they
were faced with the administration of newly conquered areas, they thought it safe not
only to keep the existing social structure intact but also to induce its religious pundits
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NOTES (Brahmins) to interpret its rules when necessary. The introduction of modern English
education first started to train Indians for jobs under the British administration. This
created upper-class elites who began to doubt the rationale of many of the existing
practices in their society. The establishment and expansion of British rule also
encouraged British missionaries to enter their colonies and start schools, orphanages
and destitute homes, especially for widows. They stood against sati, child marriage,
purdah and polygamy. The new Indian elite exposed to European liberalism of the
18th century through Western education, felt the urgency for reform of their society.
This produced tangible results in the subsequent periods.
The women’s movements in the colonial period are mainly of two different
concerns: (1) social reform movements and (2) nationalist movements.
7.4.1.1 Social Reform Movements
The women’s movement began as a social reform movement in Indian society (19th
century). The British conquest and its rule over India brought about a transformation in
the Indian economy as well as in society. The new land revenue settlements, commercial
agriculture and infrastructural facilities like roads, railways, postal and telegraph services
etc. ushered in by the British led to a significant change in the Indian village economy.
The new economic system and administrative machinery required a new type of
educated personnel which resulted in the establishment of Western educational
institutions imparting modern education. The Indians who were the beneficiaries of the
new economic system were attracted towards this and as a result, a new class of
intelligentsia evolved in Indian society. The articulate intelligentsia became the pioneers
of all progressive democratic movements: social, political, economic and cultural.
There was diversity among these reform movements. Share a concern for
eliminating social ills, partly in response to the colonial authorities’ accusations of
Self-Instructional barbarism. This was a time of hegemonic rule and colonial ideology’s influence. It was
122 Material

a period of transition marked by the emergence of the bourgeoisie and the values of NOTES
new schools of thought.
The colonial intervention intruded into the areas of our culture and society and
affected the transformation of our social fabric. This potential threat was sensed by the
Indian intellectual reformers, exposed to western ideas and values. At this juncture,
the Indian intellectual reformer sensitive to the power of colonial domination and
responding to Western ideas of rationalism and liberalism sought ways and means of
resisting this colonial hegemony by resorting to what K. N. Panniker (Presidential
address, Indian History Congress, 1975) refers to cultural defence.
This cultural defence resulted in a paradoxical situation. The reformers tried to
create a new society, modern yet rooted in Indian tradition. They began a critical
appraisal of Indian society in an attempt to create a new ethos devoid of all overt
social aberrations like polytheism, polygamy, casteism, sati, child marriage, illiteracy
etc. all of which they believed were impediments to the progress of women. To the
reformers, the position of Indian women, as it was in the 19th century was awfully low
and hence their efforts were directed at an overall improvement in the status of women.
This is considered the first wave of feminism in the west and focused on basic rights for
women.
It did not radically challenge the existing patriarchal structure of society or question
gender relations. They picked up only those issues which the British were pointing out
as evidence of degeneration in Indian society. Even when women were speaking for
themselves, they were speaking only the language of the men, defined by male
parameters.
Women were seen as passive recipients of a more humanitarian treatment to
be given by Western-educated elite men. The attempt was to create a new Indian
woman, truly Indian and yet sufficiently educated and tutored in 19th-century values
to suit the new emerging society. Thus, education for girls was not meant to equip them
to be self-sufficient, independent and emancipated and train them to follow some
profession but to be good housewives (Pande and Kameshwari, 1987).
Social reformers such as Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Keshab Chandra Sen,
Iswarachandra Vidya Sagar, M. G. Ranade, Karve, Swami Vivekananda, Swami
Dayanand Saraswathi and others provided leadership to the women’s movement by
frankly acknowledging the degraded position of Indian women. Self-Instructional
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NOTES Within this group there were two groups of social reformers, 1) Liberal Reformers
and 2) The Revivalists.
Liberal Reformers believed in liberal philosophy and put forth their work for
the cause of women. The best exponent of liberalism was Raja Ram Mohan Roy who
was the first Indian to initiate a social reform movement and campaign for the cause of
women. He believes in equality between both genders and women are not inferior to
men at any level. He drew attention towards the inhuman practice of sati. From 1818
onwards he began his active propaganda through speeches and writings against sati.
The East India Company declared the sati practice illegal and a punishable offence in
1829. He also opposed other evils like early marriage, polygamy etc. He supported
female education and widow and inter-caste marriage. He wanted women to have the
right to inheritance and property. Roy’s Brahmo Samaj played a significant role in the
reform activities concerning women’s issues.
The Brahmo Samaj, soon after its inception became a vigorous social reform
movement first in Bengal which then quickly spread to other parts of the country and
added to the volume and strength of similarly aimed local reformist movements. The
members of the Brahmo Samaj opposed the caste system and they concentrated
greatly on improving the low conditions of women and played a very important role in
the introduction of several beneficial measures.
Like Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Ishwar Chandra Vidya Sagar also helped women.
He did so by propagating widow remarriage. The child marriage evil resulted in large
numbers of young girls ending up as widows whose lives were miserable due to the
severe restrictions imposed on them. He argued in favour of widow remarriage and
published his work on “Widow Remarriage” in 1853. Both Brahmo Samaj and
Prarthana Samaj made strong efforts to prove that Hindu religious traditions were
not responsible for the poor condition of women in society and to restore women to
dignified positions.
Revivalist Reformers believe in a programme for the revival of Vedic society
in modern India. (Swami Vivekananda, Swami Dayananda Saraswati and Annie
Besant)
Dayanand Saraswati 1875 established Arya Samaj. He emphasised compulsory
education for both boys and girls. A series of schools for women- Arya Kanya
Self-Instructional Pathasalas - was the first concerted effort of the Samaj to promote women’s education
124 Material

systematically. Prarthana Samaj founded by some Maharashtra Brahmins in 1867 NOTES

had leaders like M. G. Ranade, N. G. Chandrasarkar and R. G. Bhandarkar. It
concentrated more on sponsoring education for women.
Whether it was the widow remarriage movement or age at marriage was
aggressively fought by these social reformers. For the widow remarriage act of 1856
the efforts of Vidya Sagar, Keshub Chandra Sen and D. K. Karve cannot be forgotten.
Kandukuri Veeresalingam from Madras presidency for the widow movement in south
in the 1874, where he encouraged and performed 63 widow marriages and gave
financial aid (houses and other benefits) to couples.
Another aspect of these social calls was the age of girls at marriage. Vidya
Sagar and other reformers extensively advertise this issue and as a result, the British
government legislate to improve the condition of minor girls. The age of consent bill
was passed in 1860 which made sexual intercourse with a girl of fewer than 10 years
of age as m rape. Further social reformers like Mahadev Govind Ranade, Behramji
Malabari and Tej Bahadur Sapru in their attempts to raise the age of marriage cited
several cases of the consummation at the age of 10 or 11 which led to serious physical
and psychological disturbances. Behramji, a Parsi journalist published his notes on
infant marriage and enforced widowhood in 1884 suggesting certain reforms to be
adopted in the educational institutions to discourage child marriage and also suggested
some corrective measures to the Government. It was between 1884 and 1889 that
enormous pressure was brought to bear on the government to enact a law to further
raise the age at marriage of the girl. At last due to the collective efforts of the reformers
in 1891, the Bill known as the Age of Consent was passed, which rose the marriageable
age for girls to 12 years. From 8 years to 12 years of age marriage is a remarkable job
done by these reformers.
Female education was extensively supported and promoted by liberal as well
as orthodox reformers. While serving as a school inspector from 1855 to 1858, Vidya
Sagar founded 48 girls’ schools. In 1884, M. G. Ranade and his wife established a
girls’ high school as part of their efforts to promote female education. D. K. Karve
recognized the limited application and viability of laws like the widow remarriage act
of 1856 and others in a culture that was firmly rooted in tradition. As a result, he
focused his efforts on advancing education for widows. With the goal of empowering
widows to become self-sufficient, Karve and 15 of his colleagues formed the Ananth Self-Instructional
Balikashram for widow education in 1896. Additionally, he established two independent Material 125

NOTES institutions of higher learning for women: S. N. D. T. Women’s University in 1916 and
Mahila Vidyalaya in 1907.
Pandita Ramabai started Sharda Sadan in Bombay in 1889 to provide an ashram
to destitute high-caste widows. In 1912-1913 a widow’s home was established by
sister Subbulakshmi, another widow in Madras.
Property rights for Hindu women were another important aspect taken care
of by these reformers (Mukharjee 1975a). The existing practice was particularly harsh
on the Hindu widow. Particularly Raja Ram Mohan Roy’s effort can be seen in the
Special Marriage Act of 1872 with its provision for divorce and succession to the
property to women. The married women’s property act of 1874 widened the scope
of Streedhan (women’s property) and expanded the right to own and acquire property
for women.
Muslim women in India made little progress in their position both in the pre-
British period and later British period. Only small segments of the population of educated
Muslim families in the 19th century were confined to urban areas in the country.
Badruddin Tyabji who graduated from Elphinstone College founded a Muslim self-
help association in 1876. Later on, his female relative started a Muslim girl’s school
(Amina Binte Badruddin Tyabji) and a girl’s orphanage (Begum Nawale Misra) and
started nursing centres (Shareefa Hamid Ali).
7.4.1.2 Nationalist Movements
The expansion of women’s education and their admission to educational institutions

had produced a sizable number of English-educated middle-class women by the late
19th century- and they made their presence felt in political activities. For the first time,
many women sacrified belongings particularly jewellery to the movement. Till 1919,
the national movement was limited to the urban upper class and it was later with
Gandhi’s entrance into the national movement, participation of the masses especially
middle class began to take place.
Women performed admirably throughout the entire protest following the
nationalists’ introduction of the Swadeshi movement, despite the fact that there was
limited female leadership. Meetings were organised and women took on the task of
khadi spinning. Women gave the national fund their priceless jewelry. The Arya Samaj
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promoted national pride and made an effort to encourage young women to get involved NOTES
in the national movement. Rabindranath Tagore’s sister Swarna Kumari and her daughter
Sarala Devi were ardent advocates of the Swadeshi movement. Among the Indian
revolutionaries residing in Europe, Mrs. Shyamji Krishna Verma, Ms. P. Nauroji, Ms.
M. Chattopadhyay, and Madam Bhikaji Rustum Cama and K. R. Kame were a few
familiar names who coordinated the operations of the revolutionaries.
At the beginning of the twentieth century, M K Gandhi gave the call for a non-
cooperation movement. He made appeals to women to come out of seclusion (Purdah)
and come along with men. He knew that the nation could not be united against the
British if we kept half of its population. Though the non-cooperation movement failed,
it awakened the women of all sections and imparted the first lessons in Satyagraha. He
launched an all-India Satyagraha in 1919 against the provocative enactment of the
Rowlatt Act. Women took out processions, propagated the use of Khadi and even
courted jail. Though a few women were arrested, a beginning was made.
After the struggle for the franchise, for the first time, Indian women exercised
their vote in the elections of 1926. The franchise granted to women was very restricted.
The first woman to stand for election was Kamala Devi Chattopadhyay. Madras was
the first state which nominated a woman member, Dr Muttu Lakshmi Reddy to the
Legislative Council.
A large number of women, including Sarojini Naidu, actively took part in the
Dandi March. Women participated by breaking salt laws, and forest laws taking out
processions, and picketing schools, colleges, legislative councils and clubs. In 1931
Sarojini Naidu attended the Second Round Table Conference as an official
representative of the women of India. During the Civil Disobedience Movement of
1930, Kamala Devi Chattopadhyaya addressed meetings and picketed foreign cloth
and liquor shops. She was in charge of the women’s wing of the Hindustan Seva Dal.
The inauguration of provincial autonomy under the India Act of 1935 gave women an
opportunity to be elected to the state legislatures and also become administrators. In
the elections of 1937, 8 women were elected from the general constituencies, 42 from
the reserved constituencies and 5 were nominated to the Upper House when the
ministries were formed, 10 women took office one as minister and others as deputy
speakers and parliamentary secretaries.
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NOTES The Quit India Movement was launched by Gandhi in 1942 with a significant
slogan “Do or Die”. In the absence of lead male leaders, women carried on the
movement and bore the brunt of the British wrath, the women not only led processions
and held demonstrations but also organised camps in which they were given training in
civil duties and first aid and were educated on democracy. Women organised political
prisoners’ relief funds while some women went underground and directed the movement
secretly. In the Indian National Army of Subhash Chandra Bose, Rani Jhansi Regiment
was created for women.
In 1882 Sakhi Samiti was the first women’s organisation founded by Swarna Kumari
Devi (sister of Rabindra Nath Tagore), but later it was converted into a craft centre for
widows. Pandita Ramabai set up Arya Mahila Samaj at Poona in the same year.
Gujarat Stree Mandal was set in Ahmedabad in 1908. Mahila Sewa Samaj was set up
at Mysore in 1913 and at Poona in 1916. Bharat Stree MahaMandal (all India
Organisation) was set by Sarla Devi Chaudhurani in 1901. In 1917, Annie Basant
established the Women’s Indian Association in Madras. Several other organisations
came up at the regional level but these names were prominent.
In 1926, the first all-India organisation came up with the name National Council
of Women in India (NCWI). It worked under the patronage of the British, mostly to
secure women’s rights through social reform. At that time every district had its centre,
generally headed by the Collector’s wife. The NCWI never contributed as a main
organisation of women but kept confined to running constructive work centres.
In 1927 at Poona the second all India organisation was set up named All India
Women’s Conference (AIWC). Its reach spread all over India, under the leadership
of princely states, upper-middle-class women and women members of the Indian
congress Party, Communist Party, doctors, educationists and social workers. Their
main thrust was on women’s education with compelling issues like a campaign against
Child Marriage, the Purdah system (seclusion), women’s legal rights (in the matter of
marriage, maintenance, guardianship or in the property of their fathers and husbands)
to ensure a better life for women.
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Prominent leaders of the AIWC included Sarojini Naidu, Kamala Devi NOTES
Chattopadhyay, Annie Basant, Anusuya Kale, Hansa Mehta, Aruna Asaf Ali,
Rameshwari Nehru, Mathulaxmi Reddy, Sarala Devi Chaudhurani, Hajrah Begum,
Renu Chakravorty, Perin Ramesh Chandra, Begum Hamid Ali, Begum Jahanara Shah
Nawaz, Masoma Begum, Ranis of Mysore, Travancore, Baroda, Gwalior and several
of others.
Trade Union and Women
In the 1920s in Bombay, Madras, Kanpur and Coimbatore (main textile centres)
there was a trend of women joining trade unions. Whenever trade unions united on
labour issues these women participated actively in them. Some of the names were
Ushatai Dange, Parvatibai Bhor, Meenakshi Sane, Maniben Kara, and Shanta Bhalero.
They not only organised for the cause of trade unions but also to educate them about
their problems and increase their political consciousness.
Peasants Struggles and Women
The history of the women’s movement was not limited to a few major organisations
but they were participating in various peasants’ struggles. Like in the Tebhaga struggle
in 1946-47, North Bengal drew in its large members of women who remained at the
forefront of the battle against landlord exploitation. The Tebhaga movement for the
first time in India brought awakening to such a large section of rural women.
The Telangana movement is another remarkable struggle in which women played
a heroic role against Nizam and his supporters the big landlords in 1947. It was an
armed struggle and many women gave their lives. Arutla Kamala Devi, Dr Atchuamba,
SuriyaVathi, Swarajam and Jamalunissa Begum were a few important leaders of this
movement.
Armed Struggle and Women
In early 1930, some young girls participated in the armed struggle whom the British
called terrorists. The few best names among these are Priti Lata Waddedar, Bina Das,
Kalpana Dutt, Shanti Das and Suniti Ghosh. Violence at any point cannot be justified
but they risked their lives and showed rare bravery. Their actions inspired many women
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NOTES and evoked self-confidence among them. They proved that women were not weak.
Later Kalpana Dutt joined the CPI.
Tribal Women Resistance
Tribal women fought bravely almost everywhere, for their rights. Rani Guidallo (leader
of Zeliangupang tribe) in Manipur rebels against Britishers. The no-tax campaign led
by her became very popular, experiencing the rage of the British. She kept on leading
her people till her last breath.
7.5 SUMMARY
In this lesson, the introduction to the capitalist economy by Britishers led to the
emergence of modern working-class movements in the Indian subcontinent. Various
profit-generating industries for Britons were introduced on Indian soil like tea and
coffee plantations and manufacturing units, railways, cotton and jute mills, coal mining
etc. Lakhs of workers were recruited without dignified conditions and labour laws for
decades which resulted in the rise of protests locally. But after the emergence of a few
labourers-concerned organisations and trade unions, things became organised. The
worker’s strength becomes so visible that the Indian Congress also appeals to workers
to participate in the national freedom struggle.
The Indian freedom struggle did not encourage a second line of leadership. A
second line of leadership was not encouraged by the Indian freedom struggle. It had
disregarded the demands made by the women. Women took over leadership during
the Quit India campaign, and many of them bravely displayed their courage by getting
jailed. They possessed a surprisingly weak organisational power. Women in India
now have full equality under the constitution thanks to the efforts of women and their
participation in the liberation struggle. Before saying that women have gained equality
since independence, however, there is still a long way to go.
Although the workers’and women’s movements went through growth and decline
periods, they had a long-lasting effect on Indian society. They widened the range of
political engagement and prepared the basis for subsequent movements. They were
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still, however, in some ways constrained by issues of ideology, caste, and class. Their NOTES
goal-achieving procedure is still in progress.
7.6 GLOSSARY
 Trade Union: It is an organisation made up of members (a membership-based

organisation) and its membership must be made up mainly of workers.
 Patriarchy: It is a social system that gives power and control to men rather
than women
 Gender: It is the characteristics of women, men, girls and boys that are socially
constructed. This includes norms, behaviours and roles associated with being a
woman, man, girl or boy, as well as relationships with each other.
 Tribe: It is a group of people that have the same language and customs and that
have a leader (a chief).
1. Discuss the emergence and growth of trade unions in India.

2. Write the main features of working-class movements in India.
3. Discuss the difference between Liberal and Revivalist reformist activities.
4. What was the status of women in the colonial period in India?
5. Discuss how social reform movements contributed towards the emancipation
of women.
6. Write an essay on the participation of women and its impact on the freedom
struggle.
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NOTES
7.8 REFERENCES
 Bandyopadhyay, S. (2015 revised edition) ‘From Plassey to Partition and after

a History of Modern India’, New Delhi: Orient Longman, pp. 334-381.
 Desai, A.R. (2019, reprint- 6th edition) ‘Crusade Against Untouchability’, Social
Background of Indian Nationalism, Sage.
 Desai, A.R. (2019, reprint- 6th edition) ‘Movement for the Emancipation of
Women’, Social Background of Indian Nationalism, Sage.
 Chandra, B. (ed.) (1988) ‘India’s Struggle for Independence’, New Delhi.
Penguin.
 Pradhan, Ram Chandra. (2008) ‘Raj to Swaraj’, New Delhi: Macmillan.
 Sangari, Kumkum and Vaid, S. (1989) ‘Recasting Woman: Essays in Colonial
History’, New Delhi: Oxford University Press.
 Mani, B.R. (2005) ‘Debrahmanising History, Dominance and Resistance in
Indian Society’, New Delhi: Manohar Publishers.
 Vimla Farooqui (1996) ‘A Short History of Women’s Movement in India’,
New Delhi. People’s Publishing House, pp. 14-24.
 Banerjee, Narayan (1992) ‘Grassroots Empowerment Mimeograph’, New
Delhi: Center for Women’s Development Studies.
 Kumar, Radha (1993) ‘History of Doing’, New Delhi: Kali for Women.
 Panniker, K.N. (1975) “Presidential Address”. Proceedings of Indian History
Congress
 Tharu, Susie and K. Lalit (eds). (1991) ‘Women Writing in India’, Vol. 11.
New Delhi: Oxford University Press.
 https://cpim.org/history/formation-communist-party-india-tashkent-1920
 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/All_India_Trade_Union_Congress
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NOTES
 Altekar, A.S. (1962) The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization. New Delhi:
Motilal Banarsidas.
 Subbamma, Malladi (1994) Women’s Movements and Associations.
Hyderabad: MahilabhyudayaSamastha.
 Thomas R. (1964) Indian Women through the Ages, Bombay: Asia Publishing
House.
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Anti-Caste Movement
LESSON 8 NOTES
ANTI-CASTE MOVEMENT
Mr. Khem Chand
Research Scholar
Department of African Studies
Delhi University
Structure
8.2 Introduction
8.3 Development of Caste in the British Era
8.3.2 Pandita Ramabai (1858–1922)
8.4 Non-Brahmin Movement
8.4.2 Justice Party and Non-Brahmin Movement
8.5 Dalit Protests in India During British Era
8.5.2 Mahatma Gandhi’s Idea (1869-1948)
8.6 Summary
8.7 Glossary
8.9 References
 To understand the anti-caste movement which provide awareness to the people

of Dalit and backward caste societies for their rights
 To explain the social and religious impact of the anti-caste movement in India
Self-Instructional
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NOTES  To discuss the self-respect movement and its impact on the social and cultural
changes in southern India
 To describe the role of Dr Ambedkar in uniting the people of Dalit society and
fighting for their rights
8.2 INTRODUCTION
The English word “caste” is derived from the Portuguese term “casta,” which refers to
lineage, race, or social distinction. In this sense, the caste system is based on racial or
birth-based distinction. As will be clear later, the Indian caste system cannot be
understood on this basis. For many people, including scholars, the term “Hinduism”
often goes unquestioned, equated with the religion of the people of India. From ancient
texts like the Rig Veda to the writings of philosophers and modern political figures,
Hinduism is often perceived as a singular spiritual tradition intimately connected to
daily life, rooted in the geographical diversity of the Indian subcontinent. However, this
perspective may oversimplify a complex tapestry of beliefs, practices, and local
variations that make up the Hindu tradition. Therefore, it is essential to approach the
concept of Hinduism with nuance and an awareness of its multifaceted nature. Although
invasions, conquests and disturbances have occasionally broken its stability, it has
maintained a fair continuity. It has given birth to rampant and unjustifiable social
inequalities and spawned protests against them. Its greatest virtue has been its elasticity,
its pluralism, and its lack of dogma. Hinduism, it is said, has no ‘orthodoxy’ (though it
may have an ‘orthopraxy’). With a core in the religious traditions going to the Vedas
and Upanishads, it has brought forth other sisters/child religions – Jainism, Buddhism,
Sikhism- all born out of the same traditions.
The modern caste system in India is approximately 3,000 years old, with its
earliest references found in the Rig Veda. Initially, the system may have been based on
skin colour, with light-skinned Aryans distinguishing themselves from the darker-skinned
indigenous Dasyus, who had different physical characteristics.
To begin with, there were only three divisions among the Aryans: the Brahmins,
who were priests and scholars occupying the highest positions, followed by the
Self-Instructional Kshatriyas, who were warriors and rulers. Moreover, the Vaishya were people looking
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Anti-Caste Movement
after cattle. While the three varnas did form a hierarchy, the system was open, more NOTES
like classes than castes. It is important to remember that in the hymns of the Rig Veda,
there is little trace of the rigid restrictions typically of the caste, change of occupations
or compensability (Majumdar et al. 1965:33). However, towards the end of the Rig
Vedas (1500-900 BC), The system seems to have congealed into four castes, with
the Shudras being the fourth. Their duty was to serve the other three Varnas.
Varnas System in Indian Society
The caste system in India is deeply ingrained, affecting daily interactions and underpinned
by historical Hindu philosophical tenets. It serves as both a social and moral framework,
influencing legal norms as well. Although originally a fluid social stratification, it has
become a rigid system perpetuating discrimination and inequality. Dalits are outcastes
or people who fall outside the fourfold caste system: Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaishya and
Shudra. Dalits also mention other non-Aryan groups besides the Chandala: Ayogava,
Paulksha and Nishada. However, for the Nishada, the others were looked down
upon. The four varnas and the Nishada were collectively referred to in the later Vedas
as the ‘Panchajanah’ (five people).
The Vedas also mention some occupations such as the blacksmith, leather
worker, barber, physician, goldsmith, merchant and chariot-builder, but we do know
if these occupations were not comprised in any of the four orders, nor can we say
each of them constituted a separate class. We know for certain that the status of the
Rathakara, the chariot-builder, was high enough to preclude his being classified with
the Shudras. The exact evolution of untouchability from the four Vedic varnas is unclear,
but it’s closely tied to evolving notions of spiritual purity and impurity. These ideas
have increasingly influenced daily practices, life-cycle ceremonies, and festivals among
the “twice-born” castes, ultimately affecting inter-caste relations.
Concerning the part played by purity-impurity ideas in inter-caste relations, the
original Vedic Varnashrama system was legitimate and virtuous. It divided society into
four natural groups depending on individual characteristics and dispositions, prescribed
in Shastras as the four varnas. Over time, the four primary Varnas of ancient Indian
society evolved into a complex web of numerous sub-castes or Jatis, often tied to
specific geographical or linguistic regions. While members of a particular Varna typically
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Material 137

NOTES adhered to certain behavioral norms and married within their Varna, Kshatriyas often
constituted an exception to these practices. This proliferation of sub-castes has had
long-lasting impacts, including perpetuating social stratification and affecting inter-caste
relations. Although originally intended to be a flexible social structure, the Varna system
became increasingly rigid, further complicated by the rise of numerous Jatis, which
now play a significant role in modern Indian society. ‘The original caste or varna system
existed all over India and has been considered by many sociologists and social
anthropologists as an Indian phenomenon. Since the caste and caste system existing
today originated from the earlier varna system or caste system in the broader sense, it
also developed and spread throughout India, though there does not exist uniformity,
neither in their local names nor in their ranks in the local caste- hierarchy. Ghurye
views, ‘The caste system gave rise to hierarchical gradation and social discriminations
regarding privileges, marriage, social inter-course, choice of occupation, etc.
8.3 DEVELOPMENT OF CASTE IN BRITISH ERA
Colonial rule disengaged the caste system from its pre-colonial political context but
gave it a new lease of life by redefining and revitalising it within its new knowledge
structure, institutions and policies. First of all, during its non-interventionist phase, it
created opportunities which were “in theory caste-free”: land became a marketable
commodity; equality before the law became an established principle of judicial
administration; educational institutions and public employment was thrown open to
talent, irrespective of caste and creed. Nevertheless, the principle of non-intervention
helped maintain the pre-existing social order and reinforced the position of the privileged
groups. Only the higher castes with previous literary traditions and surplus resources
could go for English education and new professions and could take advantage of the
new judicial system.
Moreover, in matters of personal law, the Hindus were governed by the Dharma
Shastra, which upheld the privileges of caste order. As the orientalist scholars, immersed
in classical textual studies, discovered the most essential forms of Hindu social
organisations in the caste system, more and more information was collected through
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official ethnographic surveys, which gave further currency to the notions of caste
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hierarchy. Furthermore, the foremost of such colonial ethnographers, Herbert Risley, NOTES
following Alfred Lyall and the French racial theorist Paul Topinard, now provided a
racial dimension to the concept of caste, arguing that the fair-skinned higher castes
represented the invading Aryan autochthons of the land.
The racial stereotype and the scriptural view of caste were gradually given
enumerated shape and, above all, an official legitimacy, through the described as the
“single master exercise of tabulations” of the entire colonial subject’s society. When
Risley became the census commissioner in 1901, he proposed not only to enumerate
all castes but also to determine and record their locations in the caste hierarchy. To the
Indian public, this appeared to be an official attempt to freeze the hierarchy, which had
been constantly, though imperceptibly, changing over time. This redefined caste now
becomes what Nicholas Dirks has called the “Indian colonial form of civil society”.
Voluntary caste associations in India have become influential in shaping public
perception, often lobbying census officials for higher ritual rankings. This modern
phenomenon has ironically made caste-based identity more institutionalized within
secular public spaces, even as it reflects efforts to renegotiate traditional hierarchies in
a contemporary context.
First of all, there were signs of “westernisation”. Because of improved
communications, there was greater horizontal solidarity among the caste members,
who formed regional caste associations. There was also a growing realisation of the
signification of the new sources of status, i.e., education, jobs and political representation
and awareness that those new sinews of power were monopolised by the Brahmin
and the upper caste. This led to organised demands for more special privileges and
reservations from the colonial state. This involved conflict and contestations, particularly
when the education of Dalit groups was concerned, as the colonial bureaucracy, despite
the much-publicised policy of supporting Dalit education, often showed ambivalence
in the face of caste Hindu oppositions. It required the Dalit groups to protest like the
Mahar students in Dapoli in Maharashtra, sitting on the Verandah of the local municipal
school to induce the colonial colony civil servants to take measures to ensure their
educational rights. In this particular case, however, they were ultimately allowed to sit
in a classroom far from the caste Hindu students. These efforts at “westernisations”
were not, therefore, just attempts at imaging themselves in the light of their colonial
masters, but to claim their legitimate rights to education and other opportunities from a
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reluctant state bureaucracy. Material 139

NOTES On the other hand, these upwardly mobile groups also engaged in the cultural
movement, which noted sociologist M.N. Srinivas (1966) has called the process of
“Sanskritisation”, as status was still being defined and expressed in the language of
caste, which enjoyed both official legitimacy and social currency the upwardly mobile
groups sought to legitimacy their new status by emulating the cultural and ritual practices
of the upper castes. This was one of the reasons why customs like sati, prohibitions of
widow remarriage, and child marriage, the performance of which was graded as
hallmarks of high caste status, were more widely practised by the upwardly mobile
lower peasants’ groups in the nineteenth century. Ironically, this behaviour signified an
endorsement of the caste system and sought a positional readjustment within the existing
ritual hierarchy. However, not all castes at all times followed this same behavioural
trajectory.
Jyotiba Phule was born on April 11 1827, in Pune in a backward Mali caste of
Maharashtra. Jyotiba’s father’s name was Govindrao, and his mother was Vimala Bai.
Mahatma Jyotiba Phule was the forerunner of the social revolution of modern
Maharashtra, the first great man to raise his voice against the traditional social order
and the first to challenge the religious dictatorship that had been going on for thousands
of years. Through revolutionary reformism, Mahatma Phule provided concrete work
that was not there in other reformist efforts of that time. Mahatma Phule used to talk of
an egalitarian and just and based society.
Role of Satyashodhak Samaj: The Satya Shodhak Samaj under Phule led
campaigns to remove the economic and social discriminations, arguing that the rules of
religious texts were outwardly religious but, in essence, motivated by a desire to exploit
and maintain superior positions of the upper castes. He accused the Brahmins of
upholding the teachings of religion but refused to rationally analyse the principles.
Phule was a pioneering social reformer who challenged conventional religious beliefs
and social structures. Unlike many of his contemporaries, he questioned the very basis
of blind faith and divine authority. Phule provocatively asked why, if there is a singular
God concerned for all humanity, were sacred texts like the Vedas written exclusively in
Sanskrit, a language inaccessible to many. He argued that the notion of divinely-ordained
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Anti-Caste Movement
religious texts was a construct to maintain the status quo and serve the interests of the NOTES
privileged classes. Phule posited that all religious teachings and scriptures were man-
made, designed to perpetuate systemic inequality. His views were radical for his time,
making him unique among social reformers. He advocated for a complete overhaul of
a system that kept people dependent, illiterate, and impoverished for the benefit of a
few. By doing so, Phule laid the groundwork for questioning not just religious but also
social and educational norms, aiming to disrupt systemic exploitation. He initiated
widow- remarriage and started a home for upper caste widows in 1854 and a home
for newborn infants to prevent female infanticide. Phule tried to eliminate the stigma of
untouchability surrounding the lower castes by opening his house and the use of his
water well to the members of the lower castes. Thus, he pioneered the later social
reform movements against caste discrimination, including those by Gandhi during the
national movement.
Most interestingly, Phule had a favourable opinion about the effects of British
Rule in India as he felt they were introducing modern notions of justice and equality in
Indian society, and he became a member of Pune municipality from 1876 to 1882.
Even after Jotiba died in 1890, his followers continued spreading the movement
to the remotest parts of Maharashtra. Shabu Maharaj, the ruler of the Kolhapur princely
state, interestingly had supported the Samaj and had given a lot of financial and moral
support to Satya Shodhak Samaj, presumably in the face of opposition from his caste
fellows and the other upper castes. In its new incarnation, the party carried on the
work of superstition removal vigorously.
Objectives of Satyashodhak Samaj
 To free people from mental and religious slavery of Brahminical scriptures.

 To stop the exploitation by the priests.
 To promote education.
 To educate women.
 To eradicate untouchability by saving the untouchables.
 To be sympathetic towards the oppressed children and people who are blind.
 To adopt truthfulness and integrity.
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Material 141

NOTES 8.3.2 Pandita Ramabai (1858–1922)
Pandita Ramabai was born on April 23 1858, in an upper-class Brahmin family of

Malheranji village in the South Kanara district of Karnataka. His father was Anant
Shastri Dongre, and his mother was Lakshmi Bai Dongre. Pandita Ramabai was born
into a high Brahmin family but fought an effective fight against Hindu society’s divisive
and unequal nature. She raised wide-ranging issues related to the orthodox and
oppressive methods of Brahminical domination from society. These conservative and
oppressive issue rules made women of Shudra Varna victims of exploitation.
Hindu caste system and Pandita Ramabai: Indeed, whatever was written
in the scriptures was not written with the opinion of all the people of the society and no
advice was taken from the Shudras and women while writing the scriptures. This way,
different kinds of one-sided social bonds were imposed on Shudras and women.
Which were illegal and inhumane? For example, the caste system came into existence
only due to the Chaturvarna system of Hinduism. Pandita Ramabai was well aware of
this. She always identified ‘India’ with ‘Hinduism’. The ‘Aryan model’ also states that
women were completely ignored and entirely dependent on men.
Domination of High Caste: Pandita Ramabai was very upset with the
discrimination done by the upper castes in Hinduism, and she had also made up her
mind to break casteism and the high and low system of Hinduism. Pandit Ramabai’s
approach was humanistic, so she disliked Hindu society’s caste division and caste
traditions, in which one caste is high, the other is subordinate, one is touchable, and the
other is untouchable. He also believed that this practice had been going on for thousands
of years because of this. Because Hindu society not only wanted to give freedom to
certain classes but also wanted to keep them as enslaved people. Women and
untouchables had the same conditions and destiny in those few classes.
8.4 NON-BRAHMIN MOVEMENT
The promoter of “Self-Respect movement was E.V. Ramaswamy Naicker, “Periyar”.

Self-Instructional He was an enthusiastic campaigner for the non-cooperation programme; he left the
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Congress in 1925, believing that it was neither able nor willing to offer “substantive” NOTES
citizenship to the non-brahmins. He was incensed by Gandhi’s pro-brahmin and pro-
varnashrama dharma utterances during his tour of Madras in 1927. He constructed a
trenchant critique of Aryanism, Brahminism and Hinduism, which he thought created
multiple structures of subjection for Sudras, Adi-Dravida (untouchables) and women.
So, before self-rule, self-respect was needed, and its ideology was predicated upon a
sense of pride in, though not an uncritical valorisation of, the Dravidian antiquity and
Tamil culture and language. Indeed, Ramaswamy had reservations about privileging
Tamil, as this could alienate the other non-Tamil-speaking Dravidians of south India.
Yet, the Tamil language remained at the centre of the movement, sometimes creating
tensions between ‘Tamil’ and ‘Dravidian identities.
The movement, however, was clearer in identifying its oppositional other, as it
mounted scathing attacks on the Sanskrit language and literature, being the cultural
symbols of the Aryan colonisation of the south. The story of the Ramayana was inverted
to make Ravana an ideal Dravidian and Rama an evil Aryan. Unlike the Justice Party,
this ideology was more inclusive in its appeal. What is significant is that the Self-
Respect movement also drew its inspiration from and gave more currency to the earlier
writings of the Adi-Dravida intellectuals like Iyothee Thass and M. Masilamani. Both
were published in the first decade of the twentieth century in numerous articles against
the caste system, Brahmin dominations and Indian nationalism. During the 1930s, as
the Congress gradually became more powerful, the non-Brahmin movement became
more radical and populist in its appeal, with more emphasis on the boycott of Brahmin
priests, more and more incidents of the public burning of Manusmriti and attempts to
forcibly enter temples which denied access to low caste people.
Eugene Irschick (1969) has shown how the non-Brahmin movement in Madras
gradually took the shape of an articulate Tamil regional separatism, particularly when,
in 1937, the congress government under C. Rajagopalachari proposed to introduce
Hindi as a compulsory school subject in the province. There were massive
demonstrations in the city of Madras, Identifying Hindi as an evil force trying to destroy
the Tamil language and its speakers, and with this, the Tamil language movement spread
from elite circles to the masses. This political campaign slowly propelled into a demand
for a separate land or “Dravida Nad.” In August 1944, the Justice Party, of which
Ramaswamy was now the president, changed its name to Dravida Kazhagam (D.K.),
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with its primary objectives supposedly being the realisation of a separate non-Brahmin Material 143

NOTES or Dravidian land. But in its essence, E.V. Ramaswamy’s concept of nations, as M.S.S
Pandian has recently claimed, was “not constrained by the rigid territoriality of the
nations-space”. He visualised “equal and free citizenship for the oppressed in the
anticipatory mode”. i.e., in a relentless struggle, and for him, “Dravidian” was “an
inclusive trope” for all the oppressed people living across the territorial and linguistic
boundaries. In other words, the social equality movement nurtured a millennial hope of
a society that would be free of caste dominations, untouchability or gender discrimination.
8.4.2 Justice Party and Non-Brahmin Movement
In 1916, a political organisation ‘South Indian Liberation Association’ was established.

Its main objective was to oppose the Brahmin community’s economic and political
power and the non-Brahmins’ social upliftment. This organisation later became the
‘Justice Party. To gain the support of the masses, it propagated the ideology of equality
among non-Brahmin castes. However, this unity of leftists and caste opponents was
eclipsed initially. The antiquarians present within the non-Brahmin movement protested.
In 1933, Periyar was arrested and sent to jail. So, it became clear that the pressure of
the British Government is falling against this solidarity. Ramaswamy broke the backbone
of Brahminism by forming the Justice Party. The main task of this Justice Party was to
stop the exploitation arising out of Brahminism and to protect the rights of Dalits. But
later, this Justice Party became a political party.
The non-Brahmin movement in Maharashtra, as Gail Omvedt (1976) has shown,
developed two parallel tendencies at the turn of the century. One was conservative,
led by richer non-brahmin, who responded their faith in the British government for
their salvation, and after the Montagu-Chelmsford reforms of 1919, organised a
separate and loyalist political party, the Non-Brahmin Associations, which hoped to
prosper under the benevolent paternal rule of the British. But the movement also had
a radical trend, represented by the Satyashodhak Samaj, which developed “class
content” by articulating the social dichotomy between the “Bahujan Samaj” or the
majority community or the masses, and the “Shetji-bhaji”.i.e. the merchants and
Brahmins. Although opposed initially to the Brahmin-dominated congress nationalism,
by the 1930s, the non-brahmin movement in Maharashtra was gradually drawn into
the Gandhian Congress. The power of nationalism, the growing willingness of the
Self-Instructional Congress to accommodate non-brahmin aspirations, the leadership of the young Poona-
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Anti-Caste Movement
based non-Brahmin leader Kesavrao Jedhe and his alliance with N.V. Gadgil, NOTES
representing a new brand of younger Brahmin congress leadership in Maharashtra,
brought about this significant shift. In 1938, at Vidarbha, the non-brahmin movement
of the Bombay Presidency formally decided to merge into Congress, providing it with
a broad mass base.
If in western India, the non-brahmin movement was associated with the Kunbis
and the Maratha identity, in Madras Presidency, it was associated with the Vellalas
and a Dravidian identity. It arose in a late nineteenth-century context where the Brahmin,
constituting less than three per cent of the population, monopolised 42 per cent of
government jobs. Advanced in their English education, they valorised Sanskrit as the
language of a classical past and showed a public disdain for Tamil, the language of the
ordinary people. This motivated the Vellala elite to uphold their Dravidian identity. For
some time, Christian missionaries like Rev. Robert Caldwell and G.E. Pope were
talking about the antiquity of Dravidian culture. Tamil language, they argued, did not
owe its origin to Sanskrit, which had been brought to the south by the colonising
Aryans Brahmins, while the Vellalas and other non-brahmin could be described as
Sudras, as this was a status imposed on them by the Brahmin colonists trying to thrust
on them their idolatrous religion. The non-brahmin elite appropriated some of these
ideas and began to talk about their Tamil language, literature and culture as an
“empowering discourse” and to assert that the caste system was not indigenous to the
Tamil language.
This cultural movement to construct a non-brahmin identity, which began like its
Western Indian counterpart with an inversion of the Aryan theory of Indian civilisations,
always had as its central theme an emotional devotion to the Tamil language, which
could bring disparate groups of people into a “ devotional community” on the political
front the movement followed a familiar trajectory that began with the publication of a
‘Non-Brahmin Manifesto’ and the formations of the Justice Party in 1916, as a formal
political party of thee non-brahmin. It opposed the Congress as a Brahmin-dominated
organisation and claimed separate communal representation for the non-brahmins had
been granted to the Muslims in the Morley Minto reforms. This demand, supported by
the colonial bureaucracy, was granted in the Montague Chelmsford reform of 1919,
as it allowed twenty-eight reserved seats to the non-brahmin in the Madras Legislative
Council. Opposed to the Congress and its programme of non-cooperation, the Justice
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Party had no qualms in contesting the elections in 1920, during which the Congress Material 145

NOTES had given a call for a boycott. As a result, the council boycott movement had no
chance of success in Madras, where the Justice Party won 63 of the 98 elected seats
and eventually came to form a government under the new reforms.
Periyar E.V. Ramaswamy Nayakar was a prominent and influential Dravidian of the
Dalit movement. He had made a deep study of the Brahminical system. Periyar was
the pioneer of Dalits’ political movements in South India. First, Periyar Ramaswamy
joined the Indian National Congress in 1919 after quitting his business and resigning
from all public posts under the British. In the 1920s, Periyar emerged as a pivotal
social reformer in Tamil Nadu. As Chairman of Erode Municipality, he advocated for
Khadi and led protests against toddy shops, resulting in his arrest. A vocal critic of
untouchability, his activism gained momentum when he was elected President of the
Madras Presidency Congress Committee in 1922. At the Tirupur session, he
championed reservations for lower castes in government jobs and education.
Additionally, Periyar was a vocal atheist who founded the Self-Respect Movement to
challenge traditional Hindu norms and uplift marginalised communities, cementing his
legacy as a multifaceted crusader for social justice. His attempts were defeated by the
other leaders in the Congress party, which was why Periyar quit the party on those
grounds in 1925, as he felt the party was only serving the interests of the Brahmins. ln
1924, Periyar led a very successful nonviolent agitation (Satyagraha) in Vaikom, Kerala,
for promoting the rights of lower castes and had some disagreements with Gandhi as
well. From 1929 to 1932, he toured Malaysia, Europe, and Russia, which profoundly
influenced him and strengthened his resolve to fight for social justice for the depressed
castes. In 1939, Periyar became the Justice Party’s bead; in 1944, he changed its
name to Dravidar Kazhagam. The party later split, and one group led by C. N.
Annadurai formed the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (D.M.K.) in 1949. While
continuing the Self-Respect Movement, be advocated for an independent Dravida
Nadu (Dravidistan).
Ideologically, Periyar advanced on the principles of rationalism and self-respect
rights for women and eradicating the caste system. He said the non-Brahmin indigenous
Dravidian peoples of South India had been exploited by the imposition of what he
Self-Instructional called Indo-Aryan India from the north.
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Anti-Caste Movement
The other significant movement in which Periyar played a major role was the NOTES
Self-Respect Movement. Whereas Periyar and his followers focused on asking the
government to take measures to remove social injustice against lower castes, other
nationalist leaders focused on the general political struggle for independence, which is
what distinguished Periyar’s s movements. From the beginning, the Self-Respect
Movement was described as “dedicated to the goal of giving non-Brahmins a sense of
pride based on their Dravidian past”.
Periyar critically examined the root causes of systemic inequality, targeting not
just visible institutions but also deeply entrenched customs and beliefs. Fiercely opposing
the caste system, he aimed to dismantle it along with other birth-based social hierarchies.
His work extended to challenging untouchability and advocating for a unified society
that transcended divisions of caste and religion. Further distinguishing his activism was
his focus on women’s rights. Periyar campaigned vigorously against oppressive practices
like child marriage, and instead promoted progressive concepts like love marriages,
inter-caste and inter-religious unions, as well as widow remarriages. He encouraged
these marriages to be registered under civil laws, as opposed to traditional religious
ceremonies, to sidestep the influence of religious institutions on social norms.
Complementing his ideological work, Periyar took practical steps such as founding
homes for orphans and widows and establishing educational institutions. Through this
multi-faceted activism, he aimed to create a more equitable society and left an indelible
mark on Tamil Nadu and beyond.
8.5 DALIT PROTESTS IN INDIA DURING BRITISH

ERA
Dalit protests in India in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries followed
somewhat different -but not entirely dissimilar trajectories. As the Christian missionaries
started working among the Dalits and the colonial government-sponsored special
institutions for the spread of education among them, not only was a small educated
elite group created among these classes, but in general, a new consciousness was
visible among the masses as well. However, it should be emphasised here that the
colonial bureaucracy, as noted earlier, often vacillated in implementing the professed Self-Instructional
Material 147

NOTES public policies on Dalit education, and it required the Dalit groups to protest and
assert themselves to protect their rights to education. Similarly, the Christian missionaries
were not always the aggressive agents of improvement among the Dalit, as they too
often succumbed to the pressures of an intolerant traditional society and an ambivalent
bureaucracy. It is often believed that one way of protesting against the caste system
was conservation to Christianity, as Dalits took recourse to this method in large numbers
in some parts of south India.
Without denying the distinctiveness of each movement, we may discuss here
some of the shared features of these Dalit protests. What some of these organised
groups (not all) tried, first of all, was to appropriate collectively some visible symbols
of high ritual status, such as wearing of sacred thread, participation in ritual ceremonies
such as community pujas, and entering temples from where the Hindu priests historically
barred them. Some organised temple entry movements took place in the early twentieth
century, the most important of them being the Vaikkam Satyagraha in 1924-25 and
the Guruvayur Satyagraha in 1931-33 in Malabar, the Munshiganj Kali temple
Satyagraha in Bengal in 1929 and the Kalaram temple Satyagraha in Nasik in western
India in 1930-35. Apart from such religious rights, the organised Dalit groups also
demanded social rights from high-caste Hindus, and when denied, they took recourse
to various forms of direct action. For example, when the higher castes resisted the
Nadar women’s attempt to cover their breasts like high caste women, this resulted in
rioting in Travancore in 1859. The issue remained an irritant in the relationship between
the Ezhavas and Nairs, again leading to disturbances in 1905 in Quilon. In Bengal,
when the high caste Kayasthas refused to attend the funeral ceremony of a Namasudra
in 1872, the latter, for six months, refused to work in their land in a vast tract covering
four eastern districts. In Maharashtra, the celebrated Mahar leader, Dr Ambedkar,
organised 1927 a massive Satyagraha with ten to fifteen thousand Dalits to claim the
rights to use water from a public tank in Mahad under the control of the local Municipality.
Dr Bhimrao Ambedkar was born on April 14, 1891, in Mau (Madhya Pradesh). Dr
Ambedkar was the last (fourteenth) child of Ramji Sakpal and Bhimabai. Ramji Sakpal’s
other sons were Balram and Anandrao, and their daughters were Manjula and Tulsi.
Self-Instructional All the rest of the children died due to deprivation and diseases. Dr Ambedkar’s
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Anti-Caste Movement
ancestors had been serving in the army of ‘The East India Company for a long time. NOTES
Ramji Sakpal worked as a Subedar in the army and as a headmaster in the army
school for 14 years. Realising the importance of education, he paid special attention to
his children’s education. Ramji Sakpal was unsuccessful in his initial efforts, but after a
lot of effort, Anandrao and Bhimrao got admission to an army school. Both brothers
had to go through bitter experiences of untouchability in school. He had to sit separately
from all the students. The upper caste teachers and students used to keep a distance
from them and did not even allow them to touch anything. When he felt thirsty, water
was given to him by a third person. The reason was clear. He belonged to the Mahar
caste, which was considered untouchable. India has an ancient history of caste system,
which has been present in the society for thousands of years in its most inhuman form.
Untouchability and Social Inequality: Ambedkar
At Columbia University, Dr Ambedkar submitted his doctoral dissertation in June

1916 on the topic ‘National Dividend for India: A Historical and Analytic Study’,
which was later published under the title ‘The Development of the Provincial Economy
in British India’. At the end of this discourse, he threw light on social oppression and
social injustice and emphasised how a country can progress without political power.
After finishing higher education in America, in June 1916, he was admitted admission
in ‘The London School of Economics and Political Science and ‘Grey’s Inn’ as a
barrister. But after a year of education in London, he had to go through a new crisis.
According to the contract, Maharaja Sayajirao of Baroda did not increase his
scholarship, nor did he allow him to study in Britain. Little did they know this man
would be great, the Messiah of humanity.
Participation in Dalit Caste Conference
In November 1917, two sessions of Dalit castes were held in Bombay. Through a
resolution in a conference, it was demanded that the government should protect the
interests of the untouchables and for this, according to the proportion of their population,
the Dalit castes should be given the right to elect their representatives in the Legislative
Assemblies. In a resolution, the convention supported the Congress-League agreement.
So that the disqualifications that were imposed on the Dalit castes in the name of
customs and religion can be removed, and for this, the upper caste Hindus can be
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NOTES influenced. On March 23 and 24, 1918, under the chairmanship of Maharaja Sayajirao
Gaikwad of Baroda, the All India Depressed Classes Conference was organised in
Bombay in which prominent leaders participated. The main objective of this conference
was to call for eradicating untouchability spread in the country. Tilak even went so far
as to say that he would not accept God as the authority if the stigma of untouchability
was not removed. But this anti-untouchability campaign carried out by the upper caste
Hindus was like an antelope in the eyes of Dr Ambedkar.
Path of Struggle: Direct Action (Mahad Talab Satyagraha)
The period of 1926-27 is very important in the history of the Dalit movement. It was
the path of direct action or struggle. In the Bombay Legislative Council,” S.K. Bole,
through a resolution, demanded the use of public water sources, wells, government-
built Dharamshala, government schools, courts, offices and dispensaries for the
untouchables. According to the government order dated September 11 1923, the said
proposal was implemented. Yet the local bodies and municipal boards disobeyed this
order and deprived the Dalits of civil rights. As a result, at the end of the conference,
with the inspiration for. Ambedkar, about 10,000 delegates went towards Chavadar
Talab to drink water to exercise their fundamental right. At that time, mischievous
elements spread a rumour that Dalits had entered the Vireshwar temple. On this, the
mischievous upper caste Hindus organised and broke into the pandal of the conference
and thrashed the representatives. The representatives saved their lives by entering the
homes of Muslim people. Dr Ambedkar had to take refuge in the police station for his
life. In the history of the Dalit movement, another struggle lesson has thus been added
for fundamental rights. Now, the issue of social boycott of Dalits in the upper castes
started. They started being evicted from agricultural land. They were attacked in their
villages. Dr Ambedkar asked his followers to fight fiercely. Go to public places, fill and
drink water from wells and ponds, and do not waste time entering the temple. It was
a call to Do or die and direct action. According to a thinker, ‘The rich Hindu used to
fight with the British for power. Untouchables, Dalits used to fight with superstitious-
hardcore Hinduism for human rights.
On December 25, 1927, a conference of satyagrahis was convened in Mahad,
led by Dr. Ambedkar. Despite facing boycotts from local businessmen, they persisted,
securing a venue offered by a Muslim citizen. Essentials like food and drink had to be
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Anti-Caste Movement
satyagrahis, while 3,000 others were prepared to join locally. Despite appeals from NOTES
the District Magistrate to postpone the event, Dr. Ambedkar remained resolute. He
asserted that the caste system was the root cause of societal evils and inequality,
making the satyagraha imperative. He said equality means equal opportunity and
transforming the hidden qualities in the person into power. He insisted that Hindu
society should be fully formed on two principles: recognition of equality and boycott of
the caste system.
8.5.2 Mahatma Gandhi’s Idea (1869- 1948)
For the first time, Gandhi made untouchability an issue of public concern, and the
1920 Non-Cooperation Resolution mentioned the removal of untouchability as a
necessary pre-condition for attaining swaraj. But his subsequent campaign for the
welfare of the Hari Jans after withdrawal of the non-cooperation movement could
neither arouse much caste Hindu interest in the reformist agenda nor satisfy the Dalits.
He condemned untouchability as distortion, but until the 1940s, he upheld Varnashrama
dharma or caste system as an ideal non-competitive economic system of the social
division of labour as opposed to the class system of the West. This theory could not
satisfy the socially ambitious group among the untouchables as it denied them the
chance of achieving social mobility. Gandhi took a religious approach to eradicating
untouchability essentially: the temple entry movement of “Bhangi”, the self-sacrificing
domestic sweeper, was the answer to the problems.
This campaign significantly undermined untouchability’s moral and religious basis
but, as Bhikhu Parekh has argued, failed to deal with its “economic and political roots”.
It signified the untouchables but failed to empower them. The Dalit leaders argued that
if they were given a proper share of economic and political power, the gates of temples
would automatically open for them. The Gandhian approach, in other words, failed to
satisfy Dalit leaders like Ambedkar, who preferred a political solution through
guaranteed access to education, employment and political representations. Ambedkar
(1945) later charged Gandhi and the Congress for obfuscating the real issue, and the
demand for a separate political identity for the Dalits became a sticky point in the
relationship between the Dalit political groups and the Congress.
The differences persisted when the Communal Award in September 1932
recognised the right to separate the electorate for the untouchables, now called the Self-Instructional
Material 151

NOTES Schedule Castes, and Gandhi embarked on his epics fast unto death to get it revoked.
Ambedkar now had little choice but to succumb to the moral pressure to save
Mahatma’s life and accepted a compromise known as the Poona Pact, which provided
for 151 reserved seats for the Schedule Castes in a joint electorate. For the time
being, it seemed as if all conflicts had been resolved. There was a nationwide interest
in the temple entry movement and Gandhi’s Harijan campaign. Even there was
cooperation between Gandhi and Ambedkar regarding the activities of the newly
founded Harijan Sevak Sangh. The pact’s provisions were later incorporated into the
Government of India Act of 1935. Although there were many critics of the pact at the
time, many scholars argued that it represented a triumph for Gandhi, who prevented a
rift in India’s body politics and offered nationalist solutions to the untouchability problems.
But disunity reappeared very soon, as Congress and Ambedkar again began to drift
apart; while Gandhi’s Harijan Sevak Sangh was involved in social issues, the other
Congress leader had little interest in his mission. They needed a political front to Mobilise
Dalit voters to win the reserved seats in the coming election. For this purpose, they
founded in March 1935 the All-India Depressed Classes League, with Jagjivan Ramm,
a nationalist Dalit leader from Bihar, as the president. But still, in the elections of 1937,
the Congress won only 73 out of 151 reserved seats all over India. Subsequently,
situations changed in different areas in different ways, depending on the nature of
commitment the local Congress leaders had towards the Gandhian creed of eliminating
untouchability. In the non-congress provinces like Bengal, the leaders were more
sensitive to electoral arithmetic and assiduously cultivated the friendship of the Dalit
leaders. However, in the eight provinces where the Congress formed ministries and
remained in power for nearly two years, they performed in such a way that not just
critics like Ambedkar were unimpressed, but even those Dalit leaders like M.C. Rajah
of Madras who once sympathised with Congress were gradually alienated
(Bandopadhay: 356).
8.6 SUMMARY
The vicissitudes of India’s caste system can be partially attributed to external influences,
notably the Mughal and British colonial eras, which intensified and institutionalized
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Anti-Caste Movement
caste divisions for administrative convenience and control. However, a cadre of NOTES
indigenous social reformers, including Jyotiba Phule, Pandit Ramabai, Periyar, Dr.
B.R. Ambedkar, and Mahatma Gandhi, sought to redress these entrenched inequalities.
Through their efforts, significant social transformations occurred within marginalised
communities, especially among Dalits and Bahujans.
These luminaries didn’t merely espouse egalitarian ideals; they instantiated them
through concrete measures. Educational initiatives were launched to uplift the
disenfranchised, and socially inclusive policies were advocated. Temple entry for Dalits,
equal dining facilities, and non-discriminatory public transportation became focal points
of their reform agendas. Collectively, these leaders significantly altered the social
landscape, positioning Dalits and Bahujans closer to the constitutional ideal of equal
citizenship. Through educational empowerment and social integration, they laid the
foundation for a more equitable societal Structure in India.
8.7 GLOSSARY
 Dalit: Untouchable, also called Dalit officially in Scheduled Caste. Harijan etc.
 Movement: The act or process of moving especially a change of place or
position.
 Satyagraha: A determined but nonviolent resistance to evil.
 Satyashodhak Samaj: It is a kind of social reform society founded by Jyotiba
Phule in Pune, Maharashtra.
1. How did Jyotiba Phule raise the voice for education for the Dalits and Backward?
2. How did Pandit Rambai criticise Brahminism and its ritual?
3. How did Dr Ambedkar criticise social inequality?
4. What was the Idea of Mahatma Gandhi on caste? Self-Instructional
Material 153

NOTES
8.9 REFERENCES
 Chancharik, Kanhaiyalal, (2006). An Evaluation of India’s Dalit Movement.

Publication: Srishti Book Distributors, New Delhi-110092
 Chandra, B. (1988) India’s Struggle for Independence, New Delhi. Penguin.
 Bandopadhyay, S. (2015 revised edition) From Plassey to Partition and After:
A History of Modern India. New Delhi: Orient Longman, pp. 342-358
 nqc]s vHk;dqekj] ¼2002½- vk/kqfudrk ds vkbZus esa nfyr- çdk'ku % ok.kh çdk'ku
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 xkSre] :ipan- ¼2009½- vktkn Hkkjr esa nfyr] çdk'ku% JhuVjkt çd'ku] ubZ
fnYyh&110002
 M‚- ,u- flag- ¼2013½- lar f'kjksef.k jSnkl ok.kh vkSj fopkj] çdk'ku% ok.kh
çdk'ku] ubZ fnYyh&110002
 Karade, Jagan. (2006). Caste Discrimination. Publication: Rawat Publication.
 dqekj] ;qojkt- ¼2020½] Hkkjrh; nfyr fpUrd] SAGE ifCyds'ku bafM;k] Private
Ltd. ubZa fnYyh &110044
 ekbdy] ,l-,e- ¼2010½-] vk/kqfud Hkkjr esa nfyr- çdk'ku % çse jkor Q‚j jkor
ifCyds'ku] tokgj uxj] t;iqj-
 uSfe'kjk;] eksgunkl- ¼2013½- Hkkjrh; nfyr vkanksyu dk bfrgkl] çdk'ku %
jk/kk—".k çkbosV fyfeVsM] nfj;k xat] ubZ fnYyh&110002
 vkseosV] xsy- ¼2009½-
nfyr vkSj çtk rkfU=d Økafr] mifuos'kh; Hkkjr esa M‚-
vEcsMdj ,oa nfyr vkanksyu- çdk'ku % çse jkor Q‚j jkor ifCyds'ku] tokgj
uxj] t;iqj-
 Omvedt, Gail. (2006). Dalit vision of the anti-caste movement and the
construction of an Indian identity. Publications: Orient Longman Private
Limited. Asaf Ali Road, New Delhi-110002
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Anti-Caste Movement
 Ranjan. Pramod, (2020). Caste System and Patriarchy, Periyar E.V. NOTES
Ramasamy, Publication: Radhakrishna Publications Pvt Ltd, New Delhi. 110051
 Rodrigues, Valerian. (2002). The Essential Writings of B.R. Ambedkar.
Publication: Oxford University Press. New Delhi-110001
 Shima, Iwao. (2009). The Historical Development of the Bhakti Movement
in India. Publication: The Japanese Associations for South Asian Studies.
 Bandopadhyay, S. (2015 revised edition) From Plassey to Partition and After:

A History of Modern India. New Delhi: Orient Longman, pp. 342-358
 Chandra, B. (1988) India’s Struggle for Independence, New Delhi. Penguin.
 dqekj] ;qojkt- ¼2020½] Hkkjrh; nfyr fpUrd] SAGE ifCyds'ku bafM;k] Private
Ltd. ubZ fnYyh &110044
 Omvedt, Gail. (2006). Dalit visions the anti-caste movement and the
construction of an Indian identity. Publications: Orient Longman Private
Limited. Asaf Ali Road, New Delhi-110002
 vkseosV] xsy- ¼2009½-
nfyr vkSj çtk rkfU=d Økafr] mifuos'kh; Hkkjr esa M‚-
vEcsMdj ,oa nfyr vkanksyu- çdk'ku % çse jkor Q‚j jkor ifCyds'ku] tokgj
uxj] t;iqj-
 Ranjan. Pramod, (2020). Caste System and Patriarchy, Periyar E.V.
Ramasamy, Publication: Radhakrishna Publications Pvt Ltd, New Delhi. 110051
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Material 155

UNIT V: PARTITION, INDEPENDENCE, AND
INTEGRATION OF STATES
LESSON 9 COMMUNALISM IN INDIAN POLITICS
LESSON 10 THE TWO-NATION THEORY AND

PARTITION, INDEPENDENCE AND
INTEGRATION OF INDIAN STATES
Communalism in Indian Politics
LESSON 9 NOTES
COMMUNALISM IN INDIAN POLITICS

Amit Mishra
Research Scholar, JNU
Structure
9.2 Introduction
9.3 Religious Polarisation (Muslims and Hindus)
9.4 The Political and Religious Mobilisation Since 1857
9.5 Divide and Rule: British India
9.6 Partition of Bengal: Since 1905
9.7 Creation of the Muslim League and Hindu Mahasabha
9.8 The Gandhian Idea of Hindu-Muslim Unity: Khilafat and Partition
9.9 Two Nations Theory
9.10 Conclusion
9.11 Glossary
9.13 References
 The major objectives of the lesson will be to understand communalism from an

Indian perspective; further, this lesson tries to discuss the evolution of
communalism in Indian politics during the British Indian administration.
9.2 INTRODUCTION
India has been a place for all, irrespective of one’s personal beliefs, traditions, race,
culture and food habits. India is often referred to as the land of cultural pluralism and
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NOTES diversity, where two contrasting worldviews – the traditional and continuous and the
formal and official thrive (Thakur, 2011). In such a dicey scenario, communal clashes
are quite inevitable. One of the prime reasons for these clashes was the stuffy economy
of India, during the British administration, which was a crucial factor for the expansion
of communalism in India, including detestation and differences of faith. However, the
discrepancy in faith alone was not the central reason for the quarrel. The differences
emerged only during the colonial course when many consequences were seen, and
they were accountable for the advancement and maturation of communalism in modern
India. The colonial majesties presented it as the concern of the justification of minorities.
Another factor for promoting communalism in India was that in the 19th Century,
several religious associations were formed by the Hindu and Muslim residents, whose
purposes were very distinct as compared to the present. These were organisations
that began to play communal politics. In many instances, communal riots are usually
politically motivated (Micheli, 2021). This would lead to a chain of occurrences that
would eventually lead to the partition of India. A communal and malformed view of
Indian history, especially of the ancient and medieval terms, was also liable for its
growth. In this regard, the British historian James Mill in the early 19th century
represented the ancient period of Indian history as the Hindu era and the medieval
period as the Muslim era. Consequently, many other British and Indian historians
pursued him in this respect.
The upper-class Muslims during the first 70 years of the nineteenth century
were also very anti-British, conservative and hostile to modern education. The
comparative backwardness of the Muslims and their neglect to satisfy themselves
from the socio-cultural reforms of the 19th century made them view Hindus as
competitors and aspire for political dominance. Therefore, the religious unlikeness
between communities overlapped with social and class distinctions resulting in communal
disharmony (Anshu, 2020). According to Bipan Chandra (1984), communalism
developed as a tool of economically and politically reactionary social forces and political
groups. During the national movement, a substantial religious component was oriented
toward nationalist reflection and propaganda. Hindu idiom was introduced to its day-
to-day political agitation. For instance, Bal Gangadhar Tilak used the Ganesh pooja
and Shivaji Mahotsav to propagate nationalism. Preeminent personalities like Bankim
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Chandra Chatterjee often quoted Muslims as outsiders in their writings. All these NOTES
happenings were recreated with the sentiments of the Muslims and estranged them
from the Hindus.
On the other hand, through the ages, India has been extending a broader hand
to the humiliated and persecuted communities and races for their survival and
development. Ranging from Jews to Persian, India’s approach to a peaceful world
could never be denied. India has also hosted shelters for refugees from Afghanistan,
Sri Lanka and Bengalis from East Pakistan, which reveals the greatness of India towards
protecting the world communities (Kothari, 1989). The multi-lingual, multi-ethnic, multi-
religious identity of India has had a contested history which reveals the diversity in
India. Despite such a diversified arrangement, religious radicalisation in India has
degraded its historical ethos and fractured the very nature of India’s tolerant mentality,
not only at the social level, but the rise of religious identity in politics is also a grave
concern (Saurabh, 2022). Indian Constitution has been framed to shut down religious
intolerance through different Fundamental Rights such as Article 14, Article 25 to 28
and so on. Despite such a comprehensive arrangement, many political parties have
been functioning under the purview of a distinct religious identity, making the political
party more selective regarding their actions and orientations (Malviya, 2021).
Religious denomination in politics has been a severe challenge for Indian politics
since the pre-independence period. Probably, the communal parties are using the
religious policies and programmes in their election manifesto to extract the consent of
the masses; therefore, it becomes pertinent for the electorates to check the promises
and commitments of the parties not in terms of commonality but instead in terms of
development (Devji, 2014). The subsequent sections will explain the meaning and
development of communalism and its application in Indian politics; moreover, the sub-
sections will reflect the evolution of communal politics at both regional and national
levels. Further, this lesson will explain the disastrous results of communal politics in
India, which need to be eradicated through conscious political and social reforms at all
levels of government. After a detailed analysis of all the aspects of communalism in
Indian politics, this lesson will conclude with significant recommendations that will be
helpful for the eradication of the menace of communalism from Indian politics.
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NOTES
9.3 RELIGIOUS POLARISATION (MUSLIMS AND
HINDUS)
The communal clash reached a stage where the claims of the supporters of distinct
religions or other religious ‘communities’ are seen to be mutually conflicting,
confrontational and opposing. Thus, at this phase, the communalists argue that Hindus
and Muslims cannot have shared secular interests and that their material inducements
are bound to differ (Varshney, 2002). It primarily started in the colonial era, when the
colonial administration treated Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs as distinct communities
(Jalal, 1994). They facilitated provincialism by emitting Bengali domination. They
attempted to employ the caste arrangement to turn non-Brahmins against Brahmins
and the lower castes against the upper castes (Jaffrelot, 2003). In Uttar Pradesh and
Bihar, where Hindus and Muslims had forever lived in amicability, they vigorously
provoked the tendency to replace Urdu as the court language with Hindi (Varshney,
2002). In other terms, they endeavoured to use even the fair needs of various sections
of Indian society to build walls of hatred and insecurity among the Indian people
(Brass, 2003). Even though Hindus and Muslims followed different religious practices,
their economic and political interests were not distinguishable on that basis (Yadav,
2000). Hindus were separated from fellow Hindus, and Muslims from fellow Muslims,
by lingua franca, culture, caste, rank, social group, food and dressing style, social
habits, religious practices and so on. The Hindu and Muslim masses had developed
prevalent ways of life also in social and cultural aspects. A Bengali Muslim and a
Bengali Hindu had considerably more in common than a Punjabi Muslim and a Bengali
Muslim had (Bhargava, 1998). Moreover, British imperialism oppressed and exploited
Hindus and Muslims equally and jointly (Metcalf, 1982).
The notion that communalism in India originated with Mohammad Bin Qasim’s
invasion in 712 A.D. is a simplification of a complex history. While it’s true that Bin
Qasim’s invasion was a significant event, scholars generally view communalism as
emerging from a multi-layered interplay of social, political, and economic factors over
centuries (Chandra, 1984). The invasion did divide populations along religious lines to
some extent, and taxes like Jizya were imposed on non-Muslims in certain periods.
However, these acts were part of larger imperial practices and not solely aimed at
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However, some Muslim rulers were at the forefront of withdrawing those taxes; NOTES
for instance, King Akbar freed all the Hindus from religious taxes. During the reign of
Aurangzeb, the exploitation of Hindus increased in all the social and economic spheres.
After the rise of the British Raj, the communal tendency widened in the Indian political
spheres. In 1905, the British’s official Lord Curzon divided Bengal into East Bengal
and West Bengal because of better administration and effective governance. This initiative
transformed the plural Bengal into Hindu-majority West Bengal and Muslim-majority
East Bengal. One of the most aggressive steps from the side of British India was the
Morley-Minto reform of 1909. This reform introduced the separate electorate system,
which later became the foundation stone for communal polarisation.
Another pressing example was the Bengal partition based on community. The
franchise qualification varied with each community; some communities were given
more representation than their voting strength warranted (Rao, 1956). The communal
representation was further expanded under the Montagu-Chelmsford reform of 1919,
where the separate electoral system for Sikhs was introduced.
9.4 THE POLITICAL AND RELIGIOUS

MOBILISATION SINCE 1857
The mutiny of 1857 stood as a great testimony to Hindu-Muslim unity traditions that
stood out as a benchmark for succeeding years (Bayly, 1990; Metcalf, 1982). ‘What
is noteworthy is that despite mobilising under the banner of ‘deen’ and ‘dharma’, the
revolution was connected in every sense. There was no wall between Hindus and
Muslims in their opposition to foreign domination. This mutiny erased the sense of all
communal barriers, and the feeling of brotherhood among Hindus and Muslims was
found in the army and among the civil population. There is no record of a single
confrontation or conflict on a religious cause even though there are several instances
where British authorities strained to fatigue the Indian camp by accentuating such
disparities (Metcalf, 1982). India encountered the trial of 1857 as one community.’
Both the Hindus and the Muslims had a common way of life. One cannot depart
from the other. That is why, when the problem arose of their survival, they both began
to fight together to remove the yoke of foreign rule, i.e., the British government (Metcalf, Self-Instructional
Material 163

NOTES 1982; Bayly, 1990). The Hindus never felt the Mughal rule was foreign because the
Mughals did not differentiate themselves from the Indians the way the English did with
the Indians (Richards, 1993). The Hindu-Muslim unity played an essential role in the
Revolt of 1857 (Bayly, 1990; Metcalf, 1982). The Hindu and Muslim soldiers had
enrolled in the British army. They both had faced a common problem, i.e., the greased
cartridges. These cartridges were to be bitten before they were loaded into the rifles
(David, 2002).
The use of animal fat in cartridges during the 1857 Indian Rebellion is often
cited as a cause for the revolt among Hindu and Muslim soldiers. However, it’s crucial
to note that this was just one among multiple grievances against British rule. The
controversy over greased cartridges did contribute to uniting soldiers of different faiths
against the British (Brown, 1994). It brought both the Hindu and Muslim sepoys
together. So they declared Bahadur Shah as their leader and marched together from
Meerut to Delhi. Similarly, the Afghan nobles escorted Rani Lakshmi Bai. Maulvi
Ahmadullah led the revolt in Faizabad, and whenever the Muslims succeeded in raising
the revolt, they showed full respect to the religious sentiments of their Hindu brothers,
and they stopped the slaughter of cows. This kind of Hindu- Muslim unity and
cooperation lasted longer until the British decided to divide them with their policy of
‘divide and rule’ as they found it difficult to continue their rule if the Hindus and the
Muslims were united. For a long time, the Hindus and the Muslims were fed up with
the attitudes of the English.
After the famine of 1837, the poor and the hungry people, the servants of the
Company and the sepoys were compelled to convert to Christianity. Laws were passed
to suppress sati and infanticide, which affected the religious sentiments of the Hindus.
At the same time, the last Mughal ruler was deprived of his title, and his wife and
children were not given the pension promised by the English, which infuriated the
Muslims. Moreover, the Hindu and the Muslim soldiers were discriminated against in
their salaries and promotion comparatively with the English sepoys. The Hindu and
Muslim soldiers were regarded as inferior to the European soldiers. So, we can conclude
that the sentimental unity in the social, moral and military spheres and their common
sufferings in the hands of the British brought unity among the Hindus and the Muslims.
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NOTES
9.5 DIVIDE AND RULE: BRITISH INDIA
The mobilisation of Hindus and Muslims and the partial success of the 1857 revolt
stunned the British governance so much that after quashing the Mutiny, they determined
to form the policy of divide and rule (Metcalf, 1982; Bayly, 1990). However, it is quite
evident that the development of communal feelings in India is the product of historical
faults (Brass, 2003). Different factors were responsible for igniting communalism in
India. One of the leading causes was the ‘Two Nation Theory’ perpetuated by M.A.
Jinnah, which eventually gave birth to Pakistan based on Islamic radicalization. The
British Government’s ‘Divide and Rule’ policy opened up the ground for communalism
in Indian politics. Moreover, the separate electoral process for Hindus, Muslims, and
Sikhs significantly impacted India’s pluralist ethos (Varshney, 2002). Communalism in
India materialized on the legacy of historical fault lines (Bhargava, 1998).
The Divide and Rule strategy, also known as the “divide and conquer” policy,
was a British colonialist approach employed in India to keep the various Indian religions
and ethnicities diverged. This permitted the British to preserve their strength and
command over India for centuries. The Imperial approach of Divide and Rule became
one of the significant grounds for the explosion of the Indian Rebellion of 1857. The
Britishers had flourished in playing off one party against another and provoking communal
friction. However, the Indians joined in throwing out the British during the mutiny. In
the Post-Rebellion period, the Britishers changed their strategy and embraced the
approach of Dividing and maintaining to contain any such united act against them.
They succeeded in creating this turmoil by playing off distinct parties against each
other and developing communal conflict. The British also employed divide and rule to
contain the advancement of any moderator who could unite the people against them.
Hence, this policy successfully prevented any further united front against the British
government. The policy of divide and rule was formed in the early 20th century with
the rise of personalities such as Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru, who were
able to encourage the people against British rule. The divide-and-rule approach also
contributed to the development of separatist movements, such as the Muslim League
and the Sikh separatist campaign. The British could also not discourage the growth of
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NOTES communist and socialist groups, which joined the people against the British government.
The policy of divide-and-rule finally tumbled with India and Pakistan’s independence
in 1947.
9.6 PARTITION OF BENGAL: SINCE 1905
The division of Bengal took place on the 16th of October, 1905, under the governance
of Viceroy Lord Curzon, resulting in the separation of Bengal into Eastern Bengal and
Western Bengal. In the Bengal Presidency, there were many states of Bihar & Bengal,
including some regions of Orissa, Chhattisgarh, and Assam were all part of the same.
The Bengal partition was only recommended for administrative intentions (Sarkar,
1983). Periodically, the communal flavour was added to this rhetoric when Muslims
favoured division, commanded by Dhaka’s Nawab Sallimullah (Majumdar, 1970),
while Hindus opposed it. The reason behind this initiative from the British was to
destabilise the nerve core of nationalism (Bengal) to protect their interests (Chatterjee,
1993). Hence, this partition caused volatile effects and transformed into a militant
nationalism.
Many Bengali Muslims backed this action since they believed that if they were
the majority in the new province, this would promote their educational, financial, and
political interests (Ahmed, 1996). Gradually, some people in the region revealed that
this division is the output of the strategy of ‘divide & rule’ (Robinson, 1974). Further,
the initial goal of such a rift was to break the bonds between the two communities and
dilute the nation’s patriotic sentiments (Minault, 1982). Subsequently, a few Muslims
also rejected the separation. When the authorities were capable of quashing the protests,
then the dividend way out was reversed by the British, and with this move, Muslims in
Bengal were surprised as they had assumed that the government would safeguard
their welfare claims, assessing the prevalence of Muslims in East Bengal.
Thus, the true rationale for the separation of Bengal was a desire to strain the
state, which had been the heart of Indian nationalism in the early twentieth century
(Chatterjee, 1993). Despite such a massive populace, Bengal was split because it had
grown difficult to control. In this context, Lord Curzon made a concerted effort to win
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166 Material

as the new province’s capital, giving the Muslim inhabitants a sense of brotherhood. NOTES
To oppose the Congress and the national movement, the British thus attempted to
stimulate Muslim communalists (Sarkar, 1983). Hence, this serious & significant religious
disharmony in the country became a significant reason for the composition of the
Muslim League around the year 1906 (Minault, 1982).”
9.7 CREATION OF THE MUSLIM LEAGUE AND

HINDU MAHASABHA
During the freedom struggle, different political parties were equipped with communal
sentiments and commitment to the people. For instance, Muslim League and Hindu
Mahasabha were formed for the communal identity of both Muslims and Hindus (Jalal,
1994; Sarkar, 1983). Several thinkers, such as Allama Iqbal and V.D. Savarkar,
advocated their political system based on their religion; for instance, Iqbal advocated
a separate Muslim State (Ahmed, 1997), and Savarkar defended the Hindu nation
through his writings and speeches (Jaffrelot, 1996). Finally, under the Mountbatten
Plan, the partition happened that gave rise to Pakistan as the Muslim majority country
(Talbot, 2009). The death of MK Gandhi was the most visible impact of communalism
in India after independence (Brown, 1989). Gandhi’s assassination shifted India from
a plural and tolerant society into a violent and communal one (Guha, 2007). Despite a
democratic constitution, Indian constitution makers were reluctant to impose the word
‘secular’ in the constitution because of the natural tendency of India where nobody is
denied their basic requirements (Austin, 1966). The entire history of India shows a
transformation from a state that had an identity of respect and acceptance into a state
of majoritarian politics (Chandra et al., 1988).”
In many cases, communalism has been used to eliminate minorities from the
political circle; therefore, it seems necessary to understand the exclusionary vision of
communalism (Varshney, 2002). In the 21st century, almost all countries have a diverse
population in terms of religion, culture, and ethnicity, and this has been possible due to
the cross-territorial trade and commerce. Nevertheless, unfortunately, the process of
selective exclusion from politics has been arising in every possible way, and its effects
are adversely impacting minorities (Sen, 2006). The fruit of development, especially in Self-Instructional
Material 167

NOTES a democratic set-up, should be distributed equally without special treatment to a

particular section (Dreze & Sen, 2013). In India, some sections have been enjoying
special treatment under constitutional schemes (Basu, 2015). For instance, people
from SC/ST category get reservations in education and government jobs. Unlikely, a
particular focus on religious denominations might fracture the democratic spirit by
dividing the social sphere into antagonistic pieces. Communalism appears to rival social
inclusion and multi-culturalism; furthermore, several hate incidents and crimes are also
a part of communal feelings. Many political parties, probably in India, cite their affiliation
to a religious group and organisation. Organisations like RSS, Vishva Hindu Parishad,
Sunni Student’s Federation, and Rashtriya Sikh Sangat are prime institutions for
preparing manifestos. Communal politics divides political life through crude religious
hardlines; therefore, politics has become a game for communal groups, those who
have the consent of the majority through persuasion and religious hypnotism (Pani,
2022). Towards a democratic and equal social order, communal feelings are the
foremost obstacles through which the aspiration of the entire population gets
undermined. Communal politics affects the entire caricature of a political system; further,
it affects the country’s colourful history, with a history of inter-cultural and inter-religious
inhabitation. The spectre of communalism is haunting every possible stake of people in
politics.
9.8 GANDHIAN IDEA OF HINDU-MUSLIM UNITY:

KHILAFAT AND PARTITION
Khilafat Movement: A Push towards Unity
After the withdrawal of the Rowlatt Satyagraha, Gandhi got involved in the Khilafat
movement, in which he saw a splendid opportunity to unite the Hindus and the Muslims
in a common struggle against the British (Brown, 1989). In the early twentieth century,
a new Muslim leadership emerged, moving away from the loyalist politics of Sir Sayyid
Ahmed Khan and the elitism of the older Aligarh generation (Metcalf, 1982). These
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younger leaders looked for the support of the entire community behind them, finding NOTES
no fundamental contradiction between Muslim self-affirmation and Indian nationalism
(Minault, 1982). Around this time, some new issues emerged, shaking their faith in
British patronage. The Muslim university campaign, renewed after 1910, suffered a
setback when the government insisted on strict government control and vetoed the
idea of making it an affiliating body (Robinson, 1974). The movement, launched by a
Khilafat Committee formed in Bombay in March 1919, had three main demands:
control over Muslim holy places, the Khalifa’s control over pre-war territories, and
the non-sovereignty of non-Muslims over Jazirat-ul-Arab (Lelyveld, 1978).”
The agitation of the Khilafat movement by Indian Muslims, associated with
Indian nationalists, pressured the British regime to maintain the sovereignty of the
Ottoman Sultan as Caliph of Islam after World War I. The leaders gradually united
with Mahatma Gandhi’s non-cooperation campaign for India’s independence, pledging
nonviolence in return for backing the Khilafat movement. This movement reflected the
extraordinary level of Hindu-Muslim unity. With Gandhi’s lead, the Khilafat movement’s
leaders, the brothers Maulanas Mahomed Ali and Shaukat Ali brought his ideal of
Hindu-Muslim unity to near-fruition. Mohandas Karam Chand Gandhi linked the issue
of Swaraj with the Khilafat issue to associate Hindus with the wave. The succeeding
movement was the foremost widespread countrywide movement and was anti-British,
which inspired Gandhi to support the cause of bringing the Muslims into the mainstream
of Indian nationalism (Sarkar, 1983). The whole movement began with a hartal on the
1st of August (Metcalf, 1982). Muslim opinion on non-cooperation was still divided,
and throughout the summer of 1920, Gandhi and Shaukat Ali travelled vastly, mobilising
widespread consent for the agenda (Brown, 1989). The hartal was a grand success,
as it coincided with the death of Tilak (Chandra, 1989), and from then on, support for
non-cooperation began to rise. Besides other events, the arrest of the Ali brothers in
September 1921 gave a severe blow to the Khilafat Movement (Lelyveld, 1978).
Gandhi, who was using this movement to accelerate India’s advance towards Swaraj,
also withdrew his support for the Muslim cause in the aftermath of the Chauri Chaura
incident in February 1922. Using the excuse that the national volunteers were responsible
for the murder of 22 police officers, thus leading to violence, he called off the whole
movement.
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NOTES
9.9 TWO NATIONS THEORY
Muslim scholars were prompted to maintain the sanctity of Islam due to the Bhakti
movement, Deen-e-Ilahi, and many other similar doctrines, which tried to absorb
Islam into Hinduism (Smith, 1963). After the occupation of the subcontinent by the
British, the backwardness of Muslims and the threat to their survival, including the
domination by Hindus, coupled with periodic clashes between them, rooted the
conception of the two-nation theory (Talbot, 1996). Communal brutality exploded
between Hindus and Muslims as time passed in the Indian National Movement. These
illustrations of revulsion made Jinnah consider a crucial reality: attaining Hindu-Muslim
harmony would become problematic and ultimately ineffective (Ahmed, 1997). One
such move was the Nehru Report of 1928, which declined to give a separate electorate
to Muslims and authorized reservations for Muslims only in regions where they were a
minority (Chandra et al., 1988). Jinnah was thus drawn towards the Muslim League
and sought more rights and prospects for the Muslim community. An independent and
separate State for the Muslims in the subcontinent was demanded under the two-
nation theory (Jalal, 1994).
Jinnah’s Two Nation Approach harped on three essential components. First, he
believed that the two communities (Hindus and Muslims) inhabiting the vast subcontinent
are not just two communities but should be considered as two different nations in all
aspects (Jalal, 1994). Secondly, in the strict sense of the term, Hinduism and Islam are
not just two religions but different and separate social orders. Hence, they require a
separate territory for their existence, as they are incompatible with each other (Ahmed,
2009). Mainly two contrasting religious philosophies having two distinct lineages were
being followed by Hindus and Muslims. Since they follow two diverse strands of
thought, their co-existence is almost impossible as a community. The idea indicates
Muslims as a nation with different civilizations, lineages, values, and cultures. By 1939
Jinnah came to acknowledge that the survival of Muslims in India was only possible
with a Muslim motherland on the Indian subcontinent (Jalal, 1994).
It is vital to review the Presidential discourse of Jinnah to the Muslim League in
Lahore held in 1940 to understand the two-nation theory deeply. In his speech, Jinnah
emphasised that the Muslim League was the sole organisation committed to voicing
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the concerns of Muslims in colonial India. He argued that Muslim interests had not NOTES
been adequately looked into and betrayed after the 1937 elections in Congress-led
Provinces. He advised the Muslims to arrange themselves into an autonomous political
community detached from Congress. Jinnah emphasised that Hindus and Muslims
comprised different nations. Since Muslims comprised a distinct nation, they were
qualified for their homeland or territory for their survival and upliftment. He argued,
“The Muslims cannot separate their religion from politics. In Islam, religious and political
sentiments are not detached from each other. If the British were worried about the
stability in the region, they would need to help the composition of independent homelands
for Hindus and Muslims. This would be the only way of evading communal clashes
because once these two nations would have space for political self-expression, there
would remain no grounds for resistance. He imagined a prospective future for India
and Pakistan, with utmost harmony and sharing friendly linkages.
The method to divide British India into two states was declared on the 3rd of
June, 1947. It was decided that India and Pakistan would be the two different states.
The North West Frontier Province, Baluchistan, 16 districts from Punjab, East Bengal,
and Muslim majority provinces of Sind had to be part of Pakistan. Scholars differed
and had many disagreements about the elements ushering to Partition. The role played
by the Indian National Congress, Muslim League and the British authorities significantly
shaped the course of Independence in the Sub-Continent (Zamindar, 2007). Some
have argued that the separatism of Muslims occurred due to Indian National Congress
could not ally with the Muslim League (Guha, 2007). It has also been asserted that the
prime reason for Partition was the strength and popularity of the Muslim League’s
demand for Pakistan (Jalal, 1994).
Some indicate that it was the British strategy of divide and rule, which
consequently resulted in Partition. Following the Chauri Chaura incident, the movement
itself was terminated by MK Gandhi, as some British policemen were massacred due
to some activity instigated by the members of the Non-Cooperation movement. The
Muslim leaders felt backstabbed since their rationale for revolting against the expulsion
of the Caliphate was left undone due to the discontinuation of the movement. From
then onward, the discrepancies between the Hindus and the Muslims only elevated
over a while and finally evolved irreconcilably. After 1930 the ultimatum for an
independent Muslim Nation after liberation commenced being communicated. By 1930
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NOTES Sir Muhammad Iqbal emerged as the leader of the Muslim League and, for the first
time, enunciated a demand for an independent Muslim state. He contended that Muslims
and Hindus are from two different nations in themselves and were conflicting. Congress
repudiated this idea and differed in favour of a one-integrated India based on congruence
between all religious sects.
Britishers realised by 1946 they had to end their colonial rule and transfer power
to the Indian subcontinent. The central friction that occurred now was between the
visions of independence harboured by Congress and the Muslim League. The Muslim
League wanted to build two states wherein one would be an Islamic republic, whereas
the Congress wanted power to be assigned to one united nation.
Similarly, The Cabinet Mission plan of 1946 began by pleading for the transfer
of authority to India as a whole with interim independence to Muslim majority provinces.
A provisional government was instituted in September 1946, but it only had
representatives from Congress as the Muslim League was reluctant to compromise
for anything less than an autonomous and liberated Pakistan (Talbot, 2009). On the
16th of August 1946, Jinnah announced Direct Action Day, and the Muslim League
extended the directive for an independent Pakistan (Khan, 2005). There were
communal apprehensions between the Hindus and the Muslims in places including
Calcutta, Madras, Bombay, Bihar, and Punjab. Communal agitation was forming to
build in several locations of India (Wolpert, 2006). Finally, on the 3rd of June 1947,
the Mountbatten plan was announced, stating that authority would be transferred from
the British administration to two states- India and Pakistan. To ensure Dominion status
for India and to escape from their responsibility to restrain the rapidly degenerating
communal situation, the British declared the date of independence as the 15th of August
1947 (Sarila, 2005).
9.10 CONCLUSION
The Indian model of communalism is more social-centric rather than political. Communal
politics in India has an inner tendency to retaliate against the establishment of foreign
rule and their ideology. However, after India’s partition and the creation of Pakistan,
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172 Material

They often considered India as a guest house due to the bloody partition and the NOTES
Hindu radicalisation. Many political parties, having Islamic hardlines, are being used
as a voice for their community. Conscious involvement of citizens in political affairs
would bring development and a sound socio-economic environment. Due to communal
atrocities, the democratic aspirations of the people are getting affected in multifarious
ways. Electoral processes and social perspectives have characterised communalism
in Indian politics. Both politics and society are suspected to be the worst affected
areas of communalism. The people of India must wake up to counter the communal
feelings which are being used by political parties and leaders to spread their networks
of authority. The people of India should consider the Constitutional values and India’s
plural ethos rather than the political parties and their communal agendas.
Furthermore, harmony in politics and society could only be possible when people
are been taught the lesson of tolerance. The political parties, across the party lines,
should imbibe the tradition of debate, discussion and accommodation of different
viewpoints. We should embrace all the values of humanism existing across communities
and their viewpoints without hurting anybody’s sentiments related to religion.
9.11 GLOSSARY
 Cultural Pluralism - It is a term used when smaller groups within a larger

society maintain their unique cultural identities, whereby their values and practices
are accepted by the dominant culture, provided such is consistent with the laws
and values of the wider society.
 Religious Polarisation - It is the act of finding the disagreements in religious
beliefs and on that basis separating ourselves from those of differing beliefs. It is
the idea of moving to opposite ends of a spectrum.
1. Define the term communalism and its origin in India from a historical perspective.
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2. How does communalism affect Indian Politics, and to what extent? Material 173

NOTES 3. What were the leading causes behind communalism in India, and how can we
deal with it?
4. Explain the changing nature of communalism in Indian politics.
9.13 REFERENCES
Ahmed, A. (1997). Jinnah, Pakistan and Islamic Identity: The Search for Saladin.
Routledge.
Ahmed, F. (1996). The Bengal Muslims, 1871-1906: A Quest for Identity. Oxford
University Press.
Ahmed, F. (1997). The Muslim League and the Demand for Pakistan. Journal of
South Asian Studies, 21(2), 145-164.
Anshu, A. (2020). Changing trends of religious communalism in India. Scholarly
Research Journal for Humanity Science and English Language, 10536-10541.
Austin, G. (1966). The Indian Constitution: Cornerstone of a Nation. Oxford University
Press.
Basu, D. (2015). Introduction to the Constitution of India. LexisNexis.
Bayly, C. A. (1990). Indian Society and the Making of the British Empire. Cambridge
University Press.
Bhargava, R. (1998). What is Secularism for? New Delhi: Oxford University Press.
Brass, P. R. (2003). The Production of Hindu-Muslim Violence in Contemporary
India. University of Washington Press.
Brown, J. M. (1989). Gandhi: Prisoner of Hope. Yale University Press.
Brown, J. M. (1994). Modern India: The origins of an Asian democracy. Oxford
University Press.
Chandra, B. (1984). Communalism in modern India. Vikas Publishing House.
Chandra, B., Mukherjee, M., Mukherjee, A., Panikkar, K. N., & Mahajan, S. (1988).
India’s Struggle for Independence. Penguin Books India.
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174 Material

Chatterjee, P. (1993). The Nation and Its Fragments: Colonial and Postcolonial NOTES
Histories. Princeton University Press.
Devji, F. (2014, December 19). Nationalism as antonym of communalism. The Hindu.
https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/Nationalism-as-antonym-of-
communalism/article62115830.ece
Dreze, J., & Sen, A. (2013). An Uncertain Glory: India and its Contradictions. Princeton
University Press.
Guha, R. (2007). India After Gandhi: The History of the World’s Largest Democracy.
Macmillan.
Jaffrelot, C. (1996). The Hindu Nationalist Movement in India. Columbia University
Press.
Jalal, A. (1994). The Sole Spokesman: Jinnah, the Muslim League and the Demand
for Pakistan. Cambridge University Press.
Khan, Y. (2005). The Great Partition: The Making of India and Pakistan. Yale University
Press.
Kothari, R. (1989). Cultural context of communalism in India. Economic and Political
Weekly, 81-85.
Lelyveld, D. (1978). Aligarh’s First Generation: Muslim Solidarity in British India.
Princeton University Press.
Majumdar, R. C. (1970). History of the Freedom Movement in India. Firma K. L.
Mukhopadhyay.
Malviya, S. (2021, September 14). Communalism in India. Times of India. https://
timesofindia.indiatimes.com/readerblog/know-your-rights/communalism-in-
india-37421
Metcalf, B. D. (1982). A Concise History of Modern India. Cambridge University
Press.
Metcalf, B. D. (1982). Islamic Revival in British India: Deoband, 1860–1900. Princeton
University Press.
Metcalfe, B., & Metcalfe, T. R. (2006). A concise history of modern India. Cambridge
University Press.
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Material 175

NOTES Micheli, R. R. (2021). Communalism in India: Genesis and counter measures. Academia
Letters, 1-7.
Minault, G. (1982). The Khilafat Movement: Religious Symbolism and Political
Mobilisation in India. Columbia University Press.
Pani, N. (2022, May 6). The last barrier against communalism in India. The Wire.
https://www.google.com/amp/s/m.thewire.in/article/communalism/the-last-
barrier-against-communalism-in-india/amp
Rao, P. K. (1956). Communalism in India. Current History, 79-84.
Robinson, F. (1974). Separatism Among Indian Muslims: The Politics of the United
Provinces’ Muslims, 1860-1923. Cambridge University Press.
Sarila, N. (2005). The Shadow of the Great Game: The Untold Story of India’s
Partition. Carroll & Graf.
Sarkar, S. (1983). Modern India: 1885-1947. Macmillan India Ltd.
Saurabh, S. (2022, May 5). Communalism remains a political weapon. The Avenue
Mail. Retrieved from https://avenuemail.in/communalism-remains-a-political-
weapon/
Sen, A. (2006). Identity and Violence: The Illusion of Destiny. W. W. Norton &
Company.
Smith, W. C. (1963). Modern Islam in India. Victor Gollancz Ltd.
Talbot, I. (1996). Freedom’s Cry: The Popular Dimension in the Pakistan Movement
and Partition Experience in Northwest India. Oxford University Press.
Talbot, I. (2009). Partition of British India: The Human Dimension. Cultural and Social
History, 6(4), 403-410.
Talbot, I. (2009). Partition: The Story of Indian Independence and the Creation of
Pakistan in 1947. Yale University Press.
Thakur, N. (2011). Indian cultural landscapes: Religious pluralism, tolerance, and ground
reality. Journal of SPA.
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Varshney, A. (2002). Ethnic Conflict and Civic Life: Hindus and Muslims in India. Yale NOTES
University Press.
Wolpert, S. (1984). Jinnah of Pakistan. Oxford University Press.
Zamindar, V. F. (2007). The Long Partition and the Making of Modern South Asia:
Refugees, Boundaries, Histories. Columbia University Press.
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Material 177

The Two-Nation Theory and Partition, Independence and ...
LESSON 10 NOTES
THE TWO-NATION THEORY AND

PARTITION, INDEPENDENCE AND
INTEGRATION OF INDIAN STATES
Assistant Professor
Delhi University
Structure
10.2 Introduction
10.3 Two-Nation Theory
10.4 Negotiation over Partition and Independence
10.4.2 Gandhi: India of his Dream
10.5 End of British Rule and Partition
10.6 Consequences of Partition
10.7 Summary
10.8 Glossary
10.10 References
 To understand the concept of the two-nation theory

 To discuss the issues related to the partition and the events that took place
during the independence of India
 To describe the consequences of partition and its effects
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Material 179

NOTES
10.2 INTRODUCTION
The Partition of India in 1947 was an uncommon and horrifying historical event in
modern Indian history. It brought massive and unpleasant suffering for both Indians
and Pakistanis. Approximately half a million people were killed; ten million have been
displaced and uprooted from their land and homes. Thousands of children and women
were killed and butchered. The trauma of Partition is still alive and haunting millions of
minds living across the border of India and Pakistan.
Let us discuss what were the factors primarily held responsible for it. Who
were the leaders who propagated the inevitability of Partition, and why? Why did
many leaders oppose it?
10.3 TWO-NATION THEORY
Let us discuss how the theory has evolved and is fuelled by the most popular conception
that Hindus and Muslims are communities with different value systems that cannot
remain in one nation-state.
The movement for Muslim self-awakening and identity was started by Sir Syed
Ahmad Khan (1817-1898) and the Aligarh school. Poet Allama Muhammad Iqbal
(1877-1938) became a significant voice providing philosophical explanations, but it
was the lawyer Muhammad Ali Jinnah (1871-1948) who executed the political plan
by making Pakistan a political reality, an independent nation-state for the Muslims in
South Asia.
However, Sumit Sarkar has found that for all the advocacy of the two-nation
theory by the Muslim communalist leaders, none seriously considered pursuing the
breakup of India and creating an independent state for Muslims until much later. He
explains: ‘British instigation was not absent in the final stages of the evolution of the
Pakistan slogan which was adopted by the Lahore session of the Muslim League in
March 1940. The genesis of this demand has sometimes been traced to Iqbal’s
reference to the need for a ‘North West Indian Muslim state’ in his presidential address
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180 Material

great Urdu poet and patriot were visualising not Partition but a re-organisation of NOTES
Muslim majority areas in N.W. India into an autonomous unit within a single weak
Indian federation. Choudhary Rehmat Ali’s group of Punjabi Muslim students in
Cambridge have a much better claim to be regarded as the original proponents of the
idea. In two pamphlets, written in 1933 and 1935, Rehmat Ali demanded a separate
national status for a new entity for which he coined the name Pakstan (From Punjab,
Afghan province, Kashmir, Sindh and Baluchistan). No one took this very seriously at
the time, least of the League and other Muslim delegates to the Round Table Conference
who dismissed the idea as a student’s pipe dream.’ (Sumit Sarkar: 378)
At the heart of the case for demanding a separate Pakistan was what is referred
to as the ‘two-nation theory’. Many believe it was Allama Iqbal’s presidential address
to the Muslim League on the 29th of December, 1930, in which the first introduction
of the two-nation theory was made, which was later used to support the demand for
Pakistan. After the humiliating defeat of the Muslim League in the 1937 elections,
especially in the Muslim-majority part of Punjab, the idea of a separate nation for
Muslims was being fuelled and strengthened. To preserve his leadership, he adopted
alternative strategies to unify Muslims. At this juncture, Jinnah tilted decisively towards
Mohammad Iqbal’s prescription to create a homogenous Muslim nation-state. Standing
on the philosophical ground prescribed by Iqbal, Jinnah wanted to unite the Muslim-
populated areas of Punjab, NWFP, Sindh and Baluchistan into a single state (To read
more on historical aspects of Partition, see Jha: 2022; Mahajan: 2000). So, why Iqbal
has been considered as ‘intellectual godfather’ of Jinnah; the real founder of Pakistan.
The other famous address where the two-nation theory was publicly articulated
was the speech of Jinnah on the 22nd of March, 1940, in Lahore, where he stated
Hindus and Muslims belonged to two different religious philosophies, with different
social customs and literature, with no inter-marriage and based on conflicting ideas
and concepts. Their outlook on life and of life was different, and despite 1,000 years
of history, the relations between the Hindus and Muslims could not attain the level of
cordiality. He stated his position thus in that speech:
“It is extremely difficult to appreciate why our Hindu friends fail to understand
the real nature of Islam and Hinduism. They are not religions in the strict sense of the
word, but are, in fact, different and distinct social orders, and it is a dream that the
Hindus and Muslims can ever evolve into a common nationality, and this misconception Self-Instructional
Material 181

NOTES of one Indian nation has troubles and will lead India to destruction if we fail to revise
our notions in time. Hindus and Muslims in India have distinct religious foundations,
social customs, and literary traditions. While Hinduism draws from epics like the
Mahabharata and Ramayana, Islam is rooted in the teachings of the Quran. Intermarriage
and inter-dining are less common between these groups, although the level of social
integration varies by region and individual choice. Both communities are diverse internally,
with various sects and interpretations of faith. Very often the hero of one is a foe of the
other hand, likewise, their victories and defeats overlap. To yoke together two such
nations under a single state, one as a numerical minority and the other as a majority
must lead to growing discontent and final destruction of any fabric that may be so built
for the government of such a state.”
The Two-Nation Theory thus asserted that India was not a nation because of
the significant variations in people’s ways of life from these two faiths. It was conceded
by the proponents of this theory that within each of the religious groups, there was a
great variety of language, culture and ethnicity. So, the two communities cannot form a
single nation. Therefore, undivided India could have been considered a confederation
type. The Muslim communalists argued that a Muslim of one country has far more
sympathies with a Muslim living in another than a non-Muslim living in the same country.
Hence, while the conception of Indian Muslims as a nation may not be ethnically
correct, socially, it was correct. Iqbal had also championed the notion of pan-Islamic
nationhood or Ummah and community well-being across regions.
While Hindu communalists concurred with the two-nation theory, which posits
Hindus and Muslims as separate nations, their stance diverged significantly regarding
the territorial Partition of India. Under the leadership of Vinayak Damodar Savarkar,
also known as Veer Savarkar, the Hindu Mahasabha opposed the creation of Pakistan
and the bifurcation of India. During his presidential address at the 19th session of the
Hindu Mahasabha in Ahmedabad in 1937, Savarkar articulated that India could not
be regarded as a “unitary and homogeneous” nation; instead, it comprised two
predominant communities—Hindus and Muslims. However, his endorsement of the
two-nation theory did not extend to advocating for separate nations based on religious
identity.
The British policy of divide and rule fueled the idea. The separate electorates
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for Muslims, created by the colonial government in 1909 and expanded in 1919,
182 Material

crucially shaped the nature of communal politics in India. Communal riots and conflicts NOTES
also occur in different parts of the country.
Various leaders’ secular and radical viewpoints alarmed conservative Muslims
and community elites. The Pakistan Resolution of the 23rd of March 1940, demanding
a measure of autonomy for the Muslim majority areas of the subcontinent, opened the
way for the Partition. The Mountbatten Plan legitimized and formalized the Partition of
the country in 1947. From 1940 onwards, Britishers fuelled up the Muslim League,
ultimately leading to the path of Partition.
The freedom with Partition was accepted by both Jinnah and secularists. The
significant points of the plan were as follows: 1) Punjab and Bengal legislative assemblies
would meet in two groups, Hindu and Muslim, to vote for Partition. If a simple majority
of either group voted for Partition, these provinces would be partitioned. 2) In the
case of Partition, two dominions and two constituent assemblies would be created. 3)
Sindh would take their own decision.4) Referendums in NWFP and Sylhet district of
Bengal would decide the fate of these areas. However, Congress had also accepted
the Dominion status of both units. On the 16th of August 1946, Jinnah launched ‘Direct
Action Day’.
When the League conducted Direct Action Day in August 1946, the situation
quickly got severe. As a forced migration between two territories began, in a sense, on
its own, the communal holocaust was unprecedented and among the deadliest in human
history. The two provinces that would be divided between India and Pakistan due to
the Partition, Bengal and Punjab, had the worst riots. The rapes, bloodshed, and
destruction of property were horrifying and widespread. Bandopadhyay has described
it as ‘on this day that all hell was let loose on Calcutta’. The Muslims were meant to
observe the day through nationwide hartal, protest meetings and demonstrations to
explain the meaning of Pakistan and reasons for rejecting the Cabinet Mission plan’
(Bandopadhyay: 451).
The situation deteriorated over time, leading to escalating tensions between Muslim
and Hindu communities, particularly in Calcutta and Dhaka. This period witnessed some
of the most significant religious unrest in the subcontinent’s history. Communal riots erupted
in cities such as Dhaka, Chittagong, Mymensingh, Barisal, and Pabna, with particularly
severe violence reported in the districts of Noakhali and Tippera (Bandopadhyay: 452).
This turmoil period is often called the ‘Great Calcutta Killing.’ Self-Instructional
Material 183

NOTES The communal polarisation during the 1940s was not an isolated phenomenon
nor limited to Bengal. It was part of a broader pattern of sectarian tension that
Christopher Jaffrelot (1996) argues was also gripping the entire northern belt of India.
Muslim communities formed groups like the Muslim National Guard, parallel to the
mobilisation of Hindu communities under the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS),
Arya Samaj, and Hindu Mahasabha. The RSS was incredibly influential in Maharashtra,
Bihar, Delhi, Himachal Pradesh, and the Central Provinces. This growing divide mirrored
the rise of communal politics during the Great Calcutta Killings and the Direct Action
Day. These incidents served as grim precursors to the violence that would accompany
Partition. Historian Bandopadhyay suggests that the seeds of discord sown in Calcutta
eventually ignited a communal conflagration that swept across the subcontinent,
profoundly influencing India and Pakistan’s subsequent political and social landscapes.
With the horrifying events across the countryside and insecurity across the subcontinent,
the British government had proposed a plan for two successor Dominion governments
of India and Pakistan. The partition plan was otherwise known as Mountbatten’s
plan—the plan provided for the Partition of Bengal and Punjab, the Hindu majority.
The Mountbatten Plan was another name for the 3rd of June 1947 Plan.
 The British Government approved the Partition of British India as a principle.
 Successor governments would be granted dominion status, giving both
countries autonomy and sovereignty. It allowed both to the ability to create
their constitution.
 Princely States were chosen to join Pakistan or India based on two primary
considerations: geographic proximity and popular preference.
According to Nehru and the nationalist leaders, accepting Partition to halt the
slaughter seemed to be the most pressing need if law and order were to be restored.
Hence, Nehru, Jinnah and Sardar Baldev Singh, on behalf of Sikhs, endorsed the
plan, and the process of Partition was accepted by all the communities.
As Jinnah said and believed, Muslims who are opposing Pakistan will spend the
rest of their lives proving loyalty to India (1945). He did not want provincialism spelt
by the British and wanted to build an independent Pakistan that would protect all
Muslims’ socio-political and religious rights. This made him disagree with the British
government’s plan of dominion status for both India and Pakistan. However, the
Self-Instructional performance in the 1946 elections did not give a mandate to the Muslim League. The
184 Material

Congress won the election as the majority. This severely disappointed Jinnah, and he NOTES
declared ‘Direct Action Day’ and insisted on his plan for an independent Muslim-
majority Pakistan.
10.4 NEGOTIATION OVER PARTITION AND

INDEPENDENCE
The independence of India is celebrated, but it is often not adequately remembered

what the tragic circumstances in which the independence finally came about. During
their final parting, the British decided to ‘divide and quit’ or were forced to (depending
on which view one accepts) accept the formation of India and Pakistan by dividing
united India. Many controversies and debates have yet to end, even after a half-
century, as to precisely what had transpired and why. Why were the rivers of blood in
the communal riots that happened not averted? There are many questions and very
few final answers.
As Professor Bipan Chandra has rightly said: ‘Two questions arise. Why did
the British finally quit? Why did Congress accept Partition? The imperialist answer is
that independence was simply the fulfilment of Britain’s self-appointed mission to assist
the Indian people in self-government. Partition was the unfortunate consequence of
the age-old Hindu-Muslim rift between the two communities. During the negotiations,
both the Muslim League and Indian National Congress disagreed on how and to
whom the power was to be transferred. All the representatives failed to bring out any
blueprint for transferring power and sharing assets and liabilities.
In this context, Professor Bipan Chandra proceeds to lay out his interpretation
of what had happened: ‘These visions of noble design or revolutionary intent, frustrated
by traditional religious conflict or worldly profit, attractive as they may seem, blur
rather than illumine, the sombre reality. Independence-partition duality reflects the
success-failure dichotomy of the anti-imperialist movement led by Congress. The
Congress had a two-fold task: structuring diverse classes, communities, groups and
regions into a nation and securing independence from the British rulers for this emerging
nation. While the Congress succeeded in building up nationalist consciousness sufficient
to exert pressure on the British to quit India, it could not complete the task of welding Self-Instructional
Material 185

NOTES the nation and particularly failed to integrate the Muslims into this nation. It is this
contradiction – the success and failure of the national movement – which is reflected in
the other contradiction – Independence, but with it Partition.’ (Source: Bipan Chandra,
India’s Struggle for Independence, p. 487-88) (Old Study Material: SOL)
Indian Independence Act: On the 5th of July, 1947, the British Parliament passed
the Indian Independence Act, which was based on the Mountbatten Plan; the Act got
royal assent on the 18th of July, 1947.
Let us discuss the outcome of the elections, which took place in July 1946. Out of 210
seats allocated to the British provinces, Congress received 199. Out of the remaining
11, the Unionist party got 2, communists 1, Scheduled caste federations 2 and
independent 6. Out of 78 Muslim seats, the League got 73, Congress Muslims 3,
Unionist Party 1 and Bengal Praja Party. In other words, in a House of 296, the
Congress enjoyed a majority of 212 members. The thumping majority of Congress in
the Constituent Assembly disappointed and irritated the Muslim League (Vermani:
2010). However, the League successfully won 442 of 509 Muslim seats in provinces.
Unlike in 1937, it had established itself as the Muslim dominant party (Sarkar: 426).
However, Jinnah decided to create an independent Pakistan and not participate
in the Constituent Assembly debate. He also declared that none of the League
representatives participate in the Assembly debate and refused to recognize Nehru as
head of the interim government. The Constituent Assembly met on the 9th of December
1946, with 205 members attending and 73 League members abstaining. This created
a deadlock in the negotiation over united India’s dominion status and independence.
10.4.2 Gandhi: India of His Dream
Gandhi had persistently rejected the two-nation notion from the beginning. “My whole
soul resists the notion that Hinduism and Islam constitute two opposed cultures and
philosophies,” he had remarked. To agree with such a doctrine is to deny God.
According to Bhikhu Parekh, “India was not (Gandhi claimed) a nation, but a civilization
that had over the centuries benefited from the contributions of different races and
Self-Instructional religions and was unique by its plurality, diversity, and tolerance.” It was a society
186 Material

where communities coexisted in a broader, shared framework while each enjoyed a NOTES
fair amount of autonomy. Hindus and Muslims had coexisted in villages and cities for
generations without ever feeling oppressed or at odds with one another. (Old Study
Material: SOL)
Only Gandhiji remained consistent in his ‘India of his dream’, which he had
enunciated as follows: ‘I shall work for an India in which there shall be no high class
and low class of people; an India in which all communities shall live in perfect harmony.
Women will enjoy the same rights as men. We shall be at peace with all the rest of the
world. This is the India of my dreams. (Pradhan: 413)
It cannot be denied that numerous obstacles are standing in the way of amity.
This was a demand to end the heartaches and repercussions of Partition, not to undo
the Partition itself. The unification of East Germany and West Germany brought back
the idea of ‘Akhand Bharat’ propagated by philosophers like Sri Aurobindo and Vinayak
Damodar Savarkar. Many who opposed Partition supported the idea of undivided
British India. Likewise, the Aligarh scheme of Zafrul Hasan and Husain Qadri suggested
four independent states of Pakistan, Bengal, Hyderabad and Hindustan, with a loose
Indian confederation. On a similar line, the Punjab Unionist premier Sikandar Hayat
Khan also suggested a three–tier structure with autonomous provinces grouped into
seven regions with their regional legislatures. The centre was supposed to handle matters
like defence, external affairs, customs and currency (anticipation of the Cabinet Mission
Plan of 1946). (Sarkar: 378)
Despite all these plans, Jinnah was determined to create a newly independent
nation for the Muslims. The uncalculated mass displacement and murders of both the
community showcase the failure of the British Indian administration and the failed
dialogue or negotiation between all stakeholders at that point. Consequently, it is
challenging to go back to history and correct it.
10.5 END OF BRITISH RULE AND PARTITION
The British Empire withdrew from India on the 15th of August, 1947, and the country
was divided into Pakistan and India, each of which subsequently attained independence.
Each of those states would be given the authority that the former British administration Self-Instructional
Material 187

NOTES in India had. The Secretary of State for India’s post will be abolished, and Punjab and
Bengal’s frontiers were divided by a border panel headed by Mr Redcliff.
A Governor-General was to be nominated by the Queen of England at the
request of the Dominion government, and each territory was to have one. He was to
carry out his duties as the state’s constitutional head of state, not based on his judgment
or discretion. A sovereign legislature must pass the regulations before they are effective.
On the 15th of August, 1947, British control over India’s states and tribal
territories ended. Power will be transferred to states rather than dominions under this
structure, and states will be free to choose whether to remain in Pakistan or India. The
Office of Commonwealth Affairs will now manage the U.K. government’s relationship
with India.
East Bengal, West Pakistan, Sindh, and British Baluchistan are all Pakistani
provinces; the King of England relinquished the title of King and Emperor of India.
This territory will become a part of Pakistan if the NWFP votes in a referendum to do
so.
Adopting the Indian Independence Act of 1947 represented a watershed moment
in India’s constitutional evolution. Although the Act faced domestic criticism, it
indisputably inaugurated India’s new era of independence. The legislation terminated
British rule and laid the groundwork for the separate national identities of India and
Pakistan. Enacted on August 15, 1947, the Act formally partitioned British India into
two independent dominions, effective from the same date. Thus, despite its
shortcomings, the Act was a seminal instrument in shaping the postcolonial landscapes
of both nations.
10.6 CONSEQUENCES OF PARTITION
Let us discuss the significant consequences of Partition and how it has affected the
present Indo-Pakistan relationship.
Communal Violence: The imperial British government could not maintain law
and order. The leaders and administrative regime lacked the notion of accountability
Self-Instructional and had no plan for the execution of the Partition. They needed to assist administrators
188 Material

attempting to handle everyday provincial politics more. Just as India’s army was NOTES
becoming fragmented and unable to be counted on to suppress unrest, the British
Army started to leave the British. As Bandopadhyay writes, ‘the subcontinent was
soon plunged into large-scale violence, which in modern terms could only be described
as a serious case of ethnic cleansing in recent history’ (Bandopadhyay: 478).
Most significant Migration Movement: It drastically altered their lives,
uprooted them from the homes and communities they had known for decades and left
them with extensive damage and hardship. They lost family members, property,
inheritance, languages, and ways of life. For example, the most prominent effect was
that many Sindhis’ lost their homeland. With this, they gradually lost their culture and
language. Since independence, the Mohajirs, the Baluchis, the Pakhtuns and the Sindhis
have offered alternative versions of nationhood.
Refugee Crisis: The displaced people from the newly created sovereign states
who were not voluntarily leaving their homes are called ‘refugees’. As Bandopadhyay
mentioned ‘the refugees arrived at various places: in Delhi alone, as Gyanendra Pandey
enumerates, about 500,000 non-Muslims, primarily Hindu and Sikh arrived in 1947-
48. Some became refugees in their land, as thousands of Muslims in Delhi sought
shelter in the refugee camp at the old fort and Humayun’s Tomb to escape from violence
that had been unleashed; eventually, 330,000 Muslims left the city for Pakistan’ (ibid:
478).
Unending Enmity between India and Pakistan: The enduring tension between
India and Pakistan can be traced back to the communal distrust that initially fueled the
idea of Partition, separating Hindu and Muslim communities into distinct nations. This
historical animosity has had lasting consequences on bilateral relations. In contemporary
times, the resurgence of identity politics rooted in religious affiliations perpetuates this
polarization. Consequently, despite various diplomatic efforts, the enmity remains
unresolved, influencing not just territorial disputes like that of Jammu and Kashmir but
also affecting regional stability and international diplomacy.
Unsolved Question of Jammu and Kashmir: The enduring question of Jammu
and Kashmir has instigated three wars between India and Pakistan, contributing to a
fragile bilateral relationship. Post-Partition in 1947, the princely state opted for a unique
form of accession to India, codified in Article 370. This provision granted special
autonomy until its revocation in 2019, integrating Jammu and Kashmir as an equal Self-Instructional
Material 189

NOTES state within India. Despite these constitutional changes, ongoing border infiltrations
and historical animosities continue to exacerbate Indo-Pakistani tensions, leaving the
status of Jammu and Kashmir as an unresolved issue that weighs heavily on both
nations’ diplomatic engagements.
Cross-Border Terrorism: The phrase “cross-border” denotes a movement
or activity that takes place across a border between two countries, i.e., of Pakistan
and India. Cross-border terrorism is a kind of terrorism where the territory of one
country is exploited to sow terror in bordering states. It is an undeclared war known
as a “grey zone conflict” and is considered the ideal way to bleed a country for a long
time with little effort. However, cross-border terrorism across the border was the
main issue during the 1990s. India and Pakistan have fought many wars to stop terrorism
since Partition.
Creation of Bangladesh: However, during Partition only, 42 per cent of the
non-Muslim population was left in East Pakistan (present Bangladesh); by June 1948,
as mentioned by Bandopadhyay, about 1.1 million had migrated to West Bengal. This
created internal pressure on the security affairs of West Bengal. Somehow, the violence
in Bengal was relatively less violent than in Punjab (ibid: 478). The growth of Bengali
language nationalism and the subsequent establishment of Bangladesh (East Pakistan)
in 1971 brought a new direction to India and Pakistan’s relationship. However, Pakistani
nationhood also faced its greatest crisis during this phase.
However, the historical legacy of the Partition showcases many trajectories
from different communities. It has created different memories in Indian Muslims residing
in India after independence; similarly, it has strengthened the Islamic nationalism spirit
across present Pakistan. In post-independent India, the issue of communal identity
remained a significant challenge for Indian internal security.
10.7 SUMMARY
We can trace the genesis of the Partition of India and Pakistan to the 1900s. It had the
unfortunate consequence of Partition of the age-old Hindu-Muslim rift, of the two
Self-Instructional
190 Material

communities’ failure to agree on how and to whom power would be transferred. The NOTES
tragic consequences took place because of the final withdrawal of the British decision
to ‘divide and quit’, which ultimately led to the formation of India and Pakistan by
dividing united British India. To conclude, we can sum up a partition as a historical
event which brought a new change in the history of both India and Pakistan. In the
postcolonial phase, Pakistan adopted itself as a religious nation based on Sharia law,
and India remained a liberal, democratic and secular state.
10.8 GLOSSARY
 Partition: A mechanism to Separate British imperial India into two different

states of India and Pakistan on the 14th and 15th of 1947 can be called the
Partition. A blueprint for execution had never accompanied the administrative
decision to implement the Indian Independence Act. Consequently, this led to
the end of the British raj, massive displacement of people, migration on an
enormous scale, mass casualties, and communal riots across India.
 Refugees: People/persons or citizens forced to leave their country to escape
war, persecution, or natural disaster. Here, we discuss the division and dissolution
of British rule and the creation of India and Pakistan.
 Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS): This organisation of Hindus primarily
focused on the social and psychological construction of the Hindu Nation. The
volunteers are called Swayamsevaks.
 Two-Nation Theory: The two-nation theory is a principle of religious nationalism
that influenced the decolonization of the British Raj in South Asia. It states that
Muslims and Hindus are two separate nations in many aspects. Therefore,
Muslims should be able to have a different homeland in Muslim-majority areas,
and Hindus should have their home in Hindu-majority areas. This became the
basis of the creation of a separate homeland for Muslims- Pakistan.
Self-Instructional
Material 191

NOTES
1. What circumstances led to partition? How partition has impacted the Indo-
Pakistan relationship after independence?
2. What is the two-nation theory? Explain and trace its origins.
3. Discuss the various factors underlying the tragedy of the partition of India.
4. The turbulent 1940s paved the way for the partition of India. Elucidate.
10.10 REFERENCES
 Bandopadhyay, S. (2004). From Plassey to Partition: A History of Modern

India. Orient Longman.
 Chakrabarti, Shantanu (2016), Interpreting the Legacy of Partition in the
Subcontinent: Indian and Pakistani Perspectives, Politeja, No.40, Modern South
Asia: A Space of Intercultural Dialogue, Pp 21-30 (URL: https://www.jstor.org/
stable /10.2307/24920193)
 Datta, G. Sobhanlal. (2007). ‘Imperialism and Colonialism: Towards a
Postcolonial Understanding’, in Dasgupta, Jyoti Bhusan (ed.) Science,
Technology, Imperialism and War. New Delhi: Centre for Studies in Civilization
Publication and DK
 https://news.stanford.edu/2019/03/08/partition-1947-continues-haunt-india-
pakistan-stanford-scholar-says/
 https://www.newsbharati.com/Encyc/2020/8/14/Akhand-Bharat-It-was-a-
reality-and-not-just-an-imaginary-idea.html
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192 Material

 Jha, B. K. (2022). Political Voices, Colonial State and Partition of India, A NOTES
History of Colonial India 1757 to 1947, Himanshu Roy and Jawaid Alam, eds.,
Pp 221–249, DOI:10.4324/9781003246510-13
 Metcalf, T. (1995). ‘Liberalism and Empire’ in Metcalf, Thomas. Ideologies of
the Raj. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
 Pradhan, Ram Chandra (2015). Raj to Swaraj, Trinity Press, New Delhi
 Sarkar, S. (2006). Modern India: 1885-1947, Macmillan India Ltd., New
Delhi, Pp 426-455
 Thapar, R. (2000) ‘Interpretations of Colonial History: Colonial, Nationalist,
Post-colonial’, in DeSouza, P.R. (ed.) Contemporary India: Transitions. New
Delhi: Sage,
 Vermani, R. (2010). Colonialism and Nationalism in India, Gitanjali Publishing
House, New Delhi.
 Young, R. (2003). Postcolonialism: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford:
Oxford University Press
 Bipan Chandra (1981). Nationalism and Colonialism in Modern India, Orient

Black Swan Classic: New Delhi
 Pradhan, Ram Chandra (2015). Raj to Swaraj: A textbook on Colonialism and
Nationalism in India, Trinity Press: New Delhi
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NATIONALISM

DEPARTMENT OF DISTANCE AND CONTINUING EDUCATION

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This Study Material is duly recommended and approved in Academic Council

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Unit III: Nationalist Politics and Expansion of its Social Base

Unit IV: Social Movements

Unit V: Partition, Independence, and Integration of States Lesson 9: Communalism in Indian

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1.1 Learning Objectives

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UNIT II: REFORMISM AND ANTI-REFORMISM

2.1 Learning Objectives

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UNIT III: NATIONALIST POLITICS AND

3.1 Learning Objectives

4.1 Learning Objectives

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4.3 The Rise of Mahatma Gandhi

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LESSON 5 REVOLUTIONARIES, SOCIALISTS, AND COMMUNISTS 89-104

5.1 Learning Objectives

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UNIT IV: SOCIAL MOVEMENTS

6.1 Learning Objectives

7.1 Learning Objectives

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8.1 Learning Objectives

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UNIT V: PARTITION, INDEPENDENCE, AND

9.1 Learning Objectives

10.1 Learning Objectives

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10.4 Negotiation over Partition and Independence

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LESSON 1 NATIONALIST, IMPERIALIST, MARXIST,

NATIONALIST, IMPERIALIST, MARXIST,

1.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

 To discuss the aim which is to engage with theoretical explanations of colonialism

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Let us discuss the concept of nationalism.

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(c) A consciousness of a common economic existence NOTES

1.3 NATIONALIST APPROACH

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1.4 IMPERIALIST APPROACH

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1.6 MARXIST APPROACH

1.6.1 Colonial Exploitation and Poverty

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1.6.2 Rise of the Indian Bourgeoisie to the Dominant Position

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1.7 SUBALTERN APPROACH