UNIT 16 SATYAGRAHA

Structure
16.1 Introduction
Aims and Objectives
16.2 Concept of Satyagraha
16.2.1 Superiority of Satyagraha to Passive Resistance
16.2.2 Satyagraha, a Glorious, Internal Revolution
16.2.3 Satyagraha and Militant Nationalism
16.2.4 Satyagraha, Civil Disobedience and Non-Cooperation
16.2.5 Duragraha

16.3 Sources of the Idea of Satyagraha

16.4 Satyagrahi
16.4.1 Satyagrahi and His Opponent
16.4.2 Discipline of the Satyagrahi

16.5 Satyagraha in South Africa

16.6 Satyagraha Movements in British India
16.6.1 Champaran Satyagraha
16.6.2 Kheda/Kaira Satyagraha
16.6.3 Ahmadabad Mill Worker’s Strike
16.6.4 Bardoli Satyagraha
16.6.5 Salt Satyagraha
16.6.6 Individual Satyagraha

16.7 Satyagraha in the French and Portuguese India

16.8 Satyagraha Legacy outside India
16.9 Contemporary Relevance
16.10 Summary
16.11 Terminal Questions
Suggested Readings

16.1 INTRODUCTION
I have no doubt that the British Government is a powerful Government, but I have no
doubt also that Satyagraha is a sovereign remedy. The acme of satyagraha would be to
lay down our lives for the defence of India’s just cause.
Gandhi in Harijan, September 1946
‘Power’ of any state or government is often measured by its military and economic
strength and it is always maintained that the country A is powerful enough to convince or
coerce country B to take certain measures that are favourable to the former even at the
expense of the latter. Against this backdrop, Gandhi’s words mentioned above displays his
Satyagraha 181

faith in the philosophy and practice of ‘Satyagraha’, a ‘sovereign remedy’ in the hands of
the ‘powerless’ to fight against the most ‘powerful’. Gandhi developed the concept of
Satyagraha, which involved a search for satya (truth), ahimsa (Non-violence) and self-
suffering. With his Satyagraha, Gandhi not only challenged the conventional notion of
power, but showed to the world that the weaker section of society was as powerful in
crucial respects as the strong. He trusted the power of the ‘idea’ of Satyagraha to face
the ‘might’ of the British imperialism/colonialism. For him, Sarvodaya is life’s goal and
Satyagraha - non-violent resistance - is the means to achieve it, while anasakti is a
method of training of self-discipline to gain power. Gandhi believed that Satyagraha is an
infallible panacea and is the only weapon that is “suited to the genius of our people and
of our land, which is the nursery of the most ancient religions …”
The Indian National Congress (INC) established in 1885 worked for the arousal and
consolidation of the national feeling, bringing in a large number of the Indians into the
vortex of nationalist political agitation and struggle. Early nationalists offered economic
critique of imperialism/colonialism and constantly wrote and spoke about India’s growing
poverty and linked it with the British colonial economic exploitation. The nationalists gave
full support to the popular struggle for human rights that was being waged in South Africa
after 1893 by Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi. Later, by 1915, Gandhi returned to India
and plunged into the national politics. The emergence of Gandhi in the Indian political
scene and his ‘Satyagraha’ movement turned it into a vigorous and successful mass
movement, which eventually freed India from the clutches of the European colonial rule.
Aims and Objectives
After studying the unit, you will be able to understand:
 The philosophy of ‘Satyagraha’ and its political and socio-economic dimensions.
 Satyagraha as an attempt to achieve a silent, non-violent revolution.
 The difference between ‘Satyagraha’ and ‘Passive Resistance’

16.2 CONCEPT OF SATYAGRAHA

Having experienced the scornful racist discrimination in South Africa, Gandhi resolved to
unite the ‘coloured’ people and to fight for their rights. Gandhi initially called the popular
movement against the racist regime as ‘passive resistance’, a term he borrowed from Leo
Tolstoy. But ‘Passive resistance’, was not only a foreign term that Gandhi had strong
reservations about, but the connotations of the term was also inadequate to highlight the
aspect of truth and moral courage that Gandhi associated with non-violent political
resistance. Moreover, it put political ends at the forefront, dissociated from deeper
ideological values. Gandhi needed an Indian term that could encompass all these aspects
of the revolution within it. Gandhi felt that “passive resistance” was “too narrowly”
construed and could be interpreted as a weapon of the weak. Maganlal Gandhi suggested
the term Sadagraha (sad-truth; agraha-firmness and so, firmness in a good cause).
Gandhi changed the word ‘Sad’ to ‘Satya’ - “Satyagraha”, to designate the struggle, he
was planning to launch. The word “Sat” implies openness, honesty and fairness: Truth.
“The word Satya (Truth), is derived from Sat, which means being. And nothing is or
exists in reality except Truth (M.K. Gandhi, Young India, July 30, 1931).” Satyagraha
literally means insistence on truth. This insistence arms the votary with matchless power.
182 Philosophy of Gandhi

This power or force is connoted by the word Satyagraha. Gandhi explains: “Truth (Satya)
implies love and firmness (Agraha) engenders and therefore serves as a synonym for
force. I thus began to call the Indian movement “Satyagraha”, that is to say, the Force
which is born of Truth and Love or non-violence, and gave up the use of the phrase
“passive resistance” (M.K. Gandhi, Satyagraha in South Africa, 1928, p. 72).
The term satyagraha expressed the nature of non-violent direct action of the Indians
against the racial policy of the Government of South Africa. It is the relentless pursuit of
truthful ends through non-violent means. It is an attempt to vindicate truth, not by inflicting
suffering on the opponent but on one’s own self in an effort to bring in change of heart
on the part of the opponent. It postulates the conquest of the adversary by suffering in
one’s own person. Gandhi maintained: “The hardest heart and the grossest ignorance must
disappear before the rising sun of suffering without anger and without malice” (Young
India, February 19, 1925).
While commenting on the basic characteristic of Satyagraha which implies onward march
only and of no possibility of retreat or look back, Gandhi comments: “Since Satyagraha
is one of the most powerful methods of direct action a Satyagrahi (practitioner of
Satyagraha) exhausts all other means before he resorts to Satyagraha. He will therefore
constantly and continually approach the constituted authority, he will appeal to public
opinion, educate public opinion, state his case calmly and coolly before everybody, who
wants to listen to him, and only after he has exhausted all these avenues will he resort
to Satyagraha. But when he has found the impelling call of the inner voice within him and
launches out upon Satyagraha he has burnt his boats and there is no receding” (Young
India, October 20, 1927). Again, he adds: “My experience has taught me that a law of
progression applies to every righteous struggle. But in the case of Satyagraha the law
amounts to an axiom. As a Satyagraha struggle progresses onward, many other elements
help to swell its current, and there is a constant growth in the results to which it leads.
This is really inevitable, and is bound up with the first principles of Satyagraha. For in
Satyagraha the minimum is also the maximum, and as it is irreducible minimum, there is
no question of retreat, and the only movement possible is an advance”.
Highlighting the significance of ‘Fasting’ as a tactic as a part of Satyagraha philosophy,
Gandhi points out: “Fasting unto death is an integral part of Satyagraha programme, and
it is the greatest and most effective weapon in its armory under given circumstances. Not
every one is qualified for undertaking it without a proper course of training (Harijan, July
26, 1942). Here, Gandhi tries to convince the detractors of the demonstrative effect of
one’s suffering on others, for paving way to a positive impact.
16.2.1 Superiority of Satyagraha to Passive Resistance
Satyagraha and Passive Resistance are methods for meeting aggression and settling
conflicts. Passive Resistance as practised by non-Conformists in England and the Germans
in Ruhr against the French was a political weapon of expediency whereas Satyagraha is
a moral weapon based on the superiority of soul-force or love-force over physical force.
Passive Resistance is the weapon of the weak, while Satyagraha can be practised only
by the bravest who have the courage to die without killing. Passive Resistance aims at
embarrassing the opponent into submission, while Satyagraha intends to wean the
opponent from error by love and patient suffering. In Passive Resistance there is no place
for love for the opponent; in Satyagraha there is no room for ill-will and hatred, since
the Satyagrahi is supposed to act against the evil and not the evil-doer. Passive Resistance
is static, while Satyagraha is dynamic. Passive Resistance is a negative approach, while
Satyagraha 183

Satyagraha is positive in content and conduct. Passive Resistance does not exclude the
possibility of violent methods. Satyagraha does not permit violence in any form or shape
and on any eventualities. There is nothing passive about Satyagraha and on the other
hand, it is active, pure and simple. It emphasizes internal strength of character, while
passive resistance does not lay emphasis on the moral stature of the resistance (M.K.
Gandhi, Satyagraha in South Africa, 1928, pp.73-5).

16.2.2 Satyagraha, a Glorious, Internal Revolution

Gandhi believed that change in the polity or society is to be brought about by changing
the hearts and minds of men and not by bloody revolutions. Since every individual has
a conscience, Gandhi aimed at its awakening, not through violent means, but, by stressing
on self-purification and moral influence. He was convinced that through Satyagraha the
change of heart can be made possible. In essence, the idea underlying Satyagraha is to
convert the wrongdoer, to awaken the sense of justice in him, to show him also that
without the co-operation, direct or indirect, of the wronged the wrongdoer cannot do the
wrong intended by him (Harijan, December 10, 1938). It seeks to eliminate antagonisms
without harming the antagonists themselves, as opposed to violent resistance, which is
meant to cause harm to the antagonist. A Satyagrahi therefore does not seek to end or
destroy the relationship with the antagonist, but instead seeks to transform or “purify” it
to a higher level. Satyagraha is also termed as “silent force” or a “soul force”. It arms
the individual with moral power rather than physical power. It is a “universal force”that
“makes no distinction between kinsmen and strangers, young and old, man and woman,
friend and foe.”

16.2.3 Satyagraha and Militant Nationalism

The Indian anarchists living in London at the beginning of the twentieth century and those
who were in the field in India were advocating use of force and violence to achieve the
right to self-determination and freedom from colonial rule quickly, since they sincerely and
seriously believed that strategies of moderates may delay, if not deny, the achievement of
freedom. The youth of the country lamented the evil effects of the colonial rule and this
helpless and hapless feeling as well as the failure of the moderates in achieving the goal
of self-determination, enthused some among them to take recourse to violence as a means
to achieve their right.
In his Hind Swaraj, Gandhi criticised the use of force by the Indians as a means to
achieve the goal of self-rule. For him, “Swaraj is not English rule without Englishman. Real
Home Rule is self-rule or self-control; the way to it is passive resistance that is soul-force
or love-force and in order to exert this force, Swadeshi in every sense is necessary”
(M.K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj or Indian Home Rule, 1938, Eighteenth Reprint, 2006, p.
90). “Real home rule is possible only where passive resistance is the guiding force of the
people. Any other rule is foreign rule”, remained his conviction (Ibid., pp.72-3). Gandhi
reiterated that “Brute-force is not natural to Indian soil. You will have, therefore, to rely
wholly on soul-force. You must not consider that violence is necessary at any stage for
reaching our goal”( Ibid, p.84).
Though he accepted and acknowledged the patriotic spirit of extremists and their craving
for right to self-determination and admired their spirit of sacrifice for the sake of their
mother country, he disapproved of their violent activities and believed that the extremists
would complicate rather than clear the mess that the Indians were in under the alien rule.
As an alternative, he suggested ahimsa and Satyagraha, non-violent mass movement to
184 Philosophy of Gandhi

face the all-powerful British Raj. He believed that ahimsa is the weapon of the strong and
a true Satyagrahi is handling a more lethal weapon than the extremists were handling.

16.2.4 Satyagraha, Civil Disobedience and Non-Cooperation

Civil disobedience and non-cooperation as practised under Satyagraha are based on the
“law of suffering”, a doctrine that the endurance of suffering is a means to an end. This
end implies a moral upliftment or progress of an individual or society. Therefore, non-
cooperation in Satyagraha is a means to secure the cooperation of the opponent
consistently with truth and justice. Gandhi sincerely believed that “non-cooperation with
evil is as much a duty as is cooperation with good”. Pacifism, civil disobedience, rightful
resistance against wrong policies, passive resistance, non-cooperation are some of the
forms of non-violent struggles Gandhi brought into practice. All these terms come under
the common term “Satyagraha”.

16.2.5 Duragraha
Gandhi contrasted Satyagraha (holding on to truth) with “Duragraha” (holding on by
force), as in protest meant more to harass than enlighten opponents. He wrote: “There
must be no impatience, no barbarity, no insolence, no undue pressure. If we want to
cultivate a true spirit of democracy, we cannot afford to be intolerant. Intolerance betrays
want of faith in one’s cause.”

16.3 SOURCES OF THE IDEA OF SATYAGRAHA

‘Satyagraha’ was based on the principles of Ahimsa or non-violence, which was the
founding principle of Gandhi’s political ideology that was based on theological tenets of
Jainism, Buddhism, Upanishads and the Bhagavad-Gita. The Upanishads declare that the
entire world rests on the bedrock of satya or truth. Buddha gave to the mankind the
message of Ahimsa or non-violence and maintained that hatred could be overcome not by
hatred but by love. Mahavira held ahimsa as the highest form of religion. The Hindu
mythology abounds in stories, especially of Raja Harishchandra, extolling the virtue of
holding on to truth, through thick and thin. Philosophy of Socrates and teachings of Jesus
Christ too are based on perfect Satyagraha. The Christian dictum, “Resist no evil; if
anybody smite your right cheek, show him the left also”, remains the guiding principle of
the Gandhian Satyagraha.
Gandhi gave this concept a new shape and philosophy and converted it into a new
weapon against evil. Gandhi was also influenced by the writings of Thoreau, Tolstoy and
Ruskin. They advocated non-cooperation of civilians against the government if it proved
suppressive or tyrannical. Their thoughts got a practical shape in Gandhi’s approach, first
against the highly unruly administration of colonial Governments in Africa and later in the
struggle for Independence in India. It is rather natural when Gandhi maintains: “I do not
claim to have originated any new principle or doctrine. I have simply tried in my own way
to apply this eternal principle to our daily life and problems. Truth and non-violence are
as old as hills. All I have done is to try experiments on as vast a scale as I could”
(Harijan, March 28, 1936).

16.4 SATYAGRAHI
Satyagraha is fundamentally a way of life, which guides the modes of political activism
undertaken by the Satyagrahis. On an individual level, it involves a life committed to truth,
Satyagraha 185

chastity, non-attachment and hard-work. On the political front, Satyagraha involves

utilisation of non-violent measures to curb the opponent, and ideally to convert him rather
than to coerce him into submission. A Satyagrahi wants to make the evil-doers see the
evil that they are indulging into, and realise their injustice. It involves transforming them
into acceptance of the right, and if that fails to come around, then at least to stop them
from obstructing the right. Picketing, non-cooperation, peaceful marches and meetings,
along with a peaceful disobedience of the laws of the land were typical modes of
resistance adopted by Satyagrahis. His course is plain. He must stand unmoved in the
midst of all cross currents.
Reverence to the opposition was one of the unique features of the Satyagraha preached
by Gandhi. Under no circumstance, should the opposition or the flag of the opposition be
insulted in a Satyagraha movement. A true Satyagrahi had to resist and bear all hardships,
including physical assault with patience, not ever stooping to anger, and to defend the faith
even at the cost of life. Satyagrahis had to be extremely strong in inner strength and moral
courage in order to do that. Satyagrahis need to maintain a pure and simple life. Gandhi
made his own life a veritable example of his teachings, and also turned his ashram at
Sabarmati as a haven for individuals who chose to maintain a life based on his teachings.
Violence of all forms was to be resisted and refrained from. Abuses and swearing were
strictly prohibited and all forms of abstinence from sensual pleasures were highly
advocated. Every one was meant to work for his or her food and the clothes, which
Gandhi called bread-labour. Wearing Khadi and leading a simple life was prescribed.
Absolute secularism and eradication of every shade of untouchability were also distinct
characteristics of satyagraha. Through this, Gandhi believed that the Indians would be
strong enough to tread the paths of a truly non-violent revolution.
Satyagraha or struggle against injustice could be individualistic or on a mass scale. Gandhi
felt that a Satyagrahi had to obey the laws of the society intelligently, and of his own free
will. For mass civil disobedience it was necessary to create a band of well tried, pure
hearted volunteers who thoroughly understood the strict conditions of Satyagraha. Patience
and sleepless vigilance were required for the same. Gandhi was also aware of the
difficulties in organising devoted volunteers, in a continued struggle. Gandhi set up
Satyagraha Ashram at Kochrab with 25 men and women as the first inmates to train
Satyagrahis.

16.4.1 Satyagrahi and his Opponent

While elaborating on the relationship between a Satyagrahi and his opponent, Gandhi
maintained that the former must know that his suffering will melt “the stoniest heart of the
stoniest” opponent (Young India, June 4, 1925). As such, through self-suffering he
appeals to his opponents better nature, as retaliation is to his baser (Harijan, July 26,
1942). “It is never the intention of a Satyagrahi to embarrass the wrongdoer. The appeal
is never to his fear; it is, must be, always to his heart. The Satyagrahi’s object is to
convert, not to coerce, the wrongdoer. He should avoid artificiality in all his doings. He
acts naturally and from inward conviction” (Harijan, March 25, 1939). A satyagrahi must
be willing to shoulder any sacrifice which is occasioned by the struggle which they have
initiated, rather than pushing such sacrifice or suffering onto their opponent, lest the
opponent become alienated and access to their portion of the truth become lost. He must
always provide a face-saving “way out” for the opponents. The goal is to discover a
wider vista of truth and justice, not to achieve victory over the opponent. A Satyagrahi
bids goodbye to fear. He is therefore never afraid of trusting the opponent. Even if the
186 Philosophy of Gandhi

opponent plays him false twenty times, the Satyagrahi is ready to trust him the twenty-
first time, for an implicit trust in human nature is the very essence of his creed.

16.4.2 Discipline of the Satyagrahi

The following points were laid down by Gandhi as a code of discipline for volunteers in
the 1930 movement:
 Harbour no anger but suffer the anger of the opponent. Refuse to return the assault
of the opponent.
 Do not submit to any order given in anger, even though severe punishment is
threatened for disobeying.
 Refrain from insults and swearing.
 Protect opponents from insult or attack, even at the risk of life.
 Do not resist arrest nor the attachment of property, unless holding property as a
trustee.
 Refuse to surrender any property held in trust at the risk of life.
 If taken prisoner, behave in an exemplary manner.
 As a member of a Satyagraha unit, obey the orders of Satyagraha leaders, and
resign from the unit in the event of serious disagreement.
 Do not expect guarantees for maintenance of dependents.
Gandhi envisioned Satyagraha as not only a tactic to be used in acute political struggle,
but as a universal solvent for injustice and harm. He felt that it was equally applicable to
large-scale political struggle and to one-on-one interpersonal conflicts and that it should be
taught to everyone. He asked Satyagrahis to follow the following principles (Yamas
described in Yoga Sutra):
 Nonviolence (ahimsa)
 Truth — this includes honesty, but goes beyond it to mean living fully in accord with
and in devotion to that which is true
 Non-stealing
 Chastity (brahmacharya) — this includes sexual chastity, but also the subordination of
other sensual desires to the primary devotion to truth
 Non-possession (not the same as poverty)
 Body-labour or bread-labour
 Control of the palate
 Fearlessness
 Equal respect for all religions
 Economic strategy such as boycotts (swadeshi)
 Freedom from untouchability
Satyagraha 187

16.5 SATYAGRAHA IN SOUTH AFRICA

Gandhi’s Satyagraha experiment began in South Africa in 1906. The non-white immigrants
were expected to register themselves in the Registrar of Asiatics and the government
issued a certificate of registration with their identity and fingerprints. Failure to comply with
the regulation resulted in forfeiture of their right to live in Transvaal and the defaulter was
liable to a fine of 100 pounds and deportation. Gandhi was determined to oppose this
black ordinance and goaded the Indians not to submit to the ordinance if it became law.
While speaking before 3,000 Indians gathered at a theater in Johannesburg on September
11, 1906, Gandhi organised a strategy of nonviolent resistance to oppose racist policies
of the South African Government. Satyagraha was born and since then, it has been
adopted by many around the world to resist social injustice and oppression. On July 1,
1907, the ordinance came into effect and the Indians were required to get themselves
registered by July 31. Gandhi and his followers stoutly opposed the move. The Transvaal
Indian Association organised boycott, dissuaded Indians from registering and as a result
only 100 out of 1500 registered in July. Leaders of the movement including Gandhi were
imprisoned. General Smuts assured Gandhi that in case the Indians would voluntarily
register, the Registration Act would be repealed. On Gandhi’s advice, the Indians
voluntarily registered by April 1908. However, Smuts went back on his promise and
refused to repeal the act. Popular movement was resumed and Gandhi announced his
decision to burn the certificates collected earlier. Soon, women, working class and the
peasants joined the Satyagraha movement against oppression and injustice meted out by
the White rulers towards the coloured people. Gandhi devised and gave concrete shape
to his doctrine of Satyagraha and between 1907 and 1914 he initiated a number of civil
resistance movements which revealed the effectiveness of organised nonviolent resistance
against a more powerful opponent.

16.6 SATYAGRAHA MOVEMENTS IN BRITISH INDIA

The British Government appointed the Rowlatt Commission for recommendations regarding
administration of justice in India. The Committee recommended greater curbs on civil
liberties in India. Consequently, the Imperial Legislative Council passed two bills, one
provided for the arrest and detention of persons involved in anarchical activities, the other
made the possession of seditious literature a crime. The Rowlatt Bills had granted
sweeping powers of preventive detention or enforced residence on all suspected political
agitators and as such was received with dismay by every section of Indian public opinion.
In opposition to these, Gandhi initially requested the Viceroy to withhold his assent for the
‘black bills’, but on the latter’s failure, he galvanised mass support for this act of defiance;
he proclaimed April 6 as Satyagraha Day, a day of hartal (suspension of all business),
fasting, mass meetings to protest against the hated legislation. The non-co-operation
evoked a widespread response. The people were denied of their freedom of expression,
freedom of association, right to religion and other such fundamental freedoms. On April
13, 1919, people who congregated in the Jallianwala Bagh for certain religious purpose
were fired upon by the British army officer O’Dyer. This massacre, termed by Nehru as
“a long horror and terrible indignity”, resulted in the loss of 1,202 lives and left 3,600
wounded and some permanently disabled.
Eruption of violence among the masses during the course of the popular movement in
different parts of the country made Gandhi to realise the need for teaching the people of
188 Philosophy of Gandhi

civil disobedience and Satyagraha and launched massive training programme. In Young
India he called the public attention “to constructive Satyagraha as also sometimes
cleansing Satyagraha”.

16.6.1 Champaran Satyagraha

Under the Tinkathia system the peasants of Champaran in Bihar were bound by law to
grow indigo on 3/20th of their land and sell it to the British planters at prices arbitrarily
fixed by the latter. They were liable to unlawful extraction and oppression by the planters.
Gandhi went into a systematic enquiry into their grievances and took up their cause. His
activities forced the local administration to appoint a committee of inquiry and as a result,
Champaran Agrarian Bill and subsequently Act was passed protecting the interests of the
poor peasants.

16.6.2 Kheda/ Kaira Satyagraha

The crops had failed in Kaira district of Gujarat in 1918 but the officers insisted on full
collection of land revenue. Gandhi organised the peasants to offer Satyagraha and goaded
them to refuse to pay taxes and to suffer all consequences. Even those who could afford
to pay declined to pay as a matter of principle, on the face of all threats of coercion and
attachment. The government was forced to yield to the pressure and to arrive at a
settlement with the peasants.

16.6.3 Ahmedabad Mill Worker’s Strike

Gandhi led the mill-workers of Ahmedabad in a strike against the mill-owners who had
refused to pay them higher wages and exploited them severely. He rallied behind them by
under-taking a fast and this united all so firmly that the mill-owners gave in on the fourth
day of the fast and agreed to a 35 per cent wage increase.

16.6.4 Bardoli Satyagraha

The Bardoli Satyagraha, led by Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel with undisputed zest, marks an
important movement with non-violence as its hallmark. In 1928, the taluka contained 137
villages with some parts of it rich in crops like cotton, rice etc. The peasants of the region
were incensed by a large increase in land revenue announced by the British government.
The non-violent movement started after two years of petitioning and protesting, with the
peasants moving a resolution on non-payment of taxes until the government considered
withdrawing the increase in revenue. Large number of men and women participated in this
Satyagraha movement wherein they were threatened by the government that their land
would be forfeited. An iron will is said to have prevailed in Bardoli with mass resignations
from the village headmen and the subordinate officers. After a four-month battle and a
spate of observations, threats of arrests and continuous assessment of situation, peace was
opted for and led to the reinstatement of the headmen and talatis and release of arrested
Satyagrahis. Following a careful scrutiny of official records and taking stock of the
situation, the government annulled the increase which they tried to enforce at any cost.
The leadership acumen of Patel was recognised by one and all and earned him the credit
of being a true disciple of Gandhi. Sarojini Naidu, a prominent leader, noted that Patel
‘translated Gandhi’s teachings into practical, dynamic action’ (cited in Rajmohan Gandhi,
Patel, pp.168-9).

16.6.5 Salt Satyagraha

The British had decided to take the Indian salt back to Britain and refine it and
Satyagraha 189

repackage it and sell it back to the Indian people at about 20 times the price. The
enormous taxes imposed on salt, an essential commodity that everybody needs every day,
was perceived by one and all totally unjust, and made Gandhi to decide to defy the salt
tax. He decided to break the infamous salt law as it affected everybody, Hindus and
Muslims, rich and poor. Gandhi calculated that movement against oppressive salt laws
would unite the people irrespective of their religion, region or economic status.
The Salt Satyagraha was organised in 1930, when Gandhi announced to the nation that
he was going to defy the salt laws enacted by the British and defy the British government.
When Gandhi began the march, 247 miles to the sea, on March 12, 1930, it just caught
the imagination of the people and millions poured out into the streets; the response was
so tremendous that the Congress doubters also began to see the wisdom of it, and the
British government was taken completely by surprise. It turned out to be a turning point
in the freedom struggle in India. Gandhi’s Satyagraha reached the pinnacle of success, and
the Indian Nationalist movement reached a feverish pitch, forcing the government to initiate
procedures towards the Gandhi-Irwin pact, followed by the Second Round Table
Conference, where Gandhi gave one of his greatest speeches exposing the evils of the
British rule and endorsing the methods of Satyagraha.

16.6.6 Individual Satyagraha

From his experience, Gandhi understood that every individual is not fit to be a
‘Satyagrahi’ by inclination and temperament and so, there was a virtual need for training
and conditioning. He was aghast with the mass violence in retaliation of use of force by
the state agencies like police. As such, in October 1940, when he thought of launching
a fresh Satyagraha movement, it was decided that the campaign should be limited to
selected individuals who were trained to be Satyagrahis. To his credit, Vinoba Bhave was
selected by Gandhi to be the first leader to offer Satyagraha. Satyagraha by that time has
gained wide popularity, and there were committed Satyagrahis all over the country. The
Quit India Movement reclaimed the ideals of Satyagraha, which finally went a long way
in securing Indian independence by August 15, 1947.

16.7 SATYAGRAHA IN THE FRENCH AND PORTUGUESE

INDIA
16.7.1 French India
The news of the British withdrawal from India before August 1947 augmented the
nationalist movement in the French Indian colonies. The locals intended to join free India
and this idea spurred them into action. On August 3, people of Pondicherry surrounded
the Government offices and demanded freedom from the French rule. Under the
leadership of Kamal Prasad Ghosh, the mayor of Chandernagore, a general strike was
called for and a hartal was announced but withdrawn after the release of about 100
persons who had been arrested earlier. On August 9, the French Indians took to direct
action and the public agitation crippled the French India administration as the people
sealed the government offices, forced the police to lay down their arms and drove away
the French Administrator. Anticipating a flare-up in the French Indian settlements on the
eve of August 15, the French approached the Indian Government through Paul Henri
Roux, Chargé d’Affaires of France in New Delhi at that juncture, who appraised Nehru
to the effect and sought an amicable settlement between the Governments of France and
India. Nehru suggested to the French to put their stand on French India on paper and
190 Philosophy of Gandhi

present it to the Indian Government but the French refused to commit themselves on
paper. Meanwhile, François Baron, the then Governor of French India, directly approached
Gandhi, and pleaded for his interference and assured him of their resolve to settle the
matter peacefully through negotiations with its Indian counterpart, assuring to introduce
constitutional reforms towards democratising the French Indian administration. Gandhi
condemned the action of the Indians who declared their freedom from France and
Portugal, as thoughtless and a sign of arrogance and warned against taking the law in their
own hands. Gandhi condemned the freedom fighters in Chandernagore as duragrahis and
not satyagrahis, who are supposed to be fighters of a righteous cause through fair means
and not violence. Gandhi’s condemnation was distorted, printed and distributed throughout
French India that further confused and divided the nationalist elements. Taking benefit of
this confusion and the resultant lull in the popular movement, Baron let loose rigorous
oppression of the freedom fighters and started constitutional reforms for which, he
claimed, he got the approval of Gandhi. Though the Indian leaders were enamoured by
the French, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, true to his character and conviction, firmly asserted
that the French Settlements too must be liberated at the same time as India became free
from the British colonial yoke while Gandhi and Nehru opined that their liberation could
wait for some more time.
However, on November 7, 1947, Subbiah, the Communist leader from Pondicherry and
Arunanshu from Chandernagore met Gandhi at Delhi and impressed him on the cunningness
of Baron and how his words were twisted and falsely presented to serve the purpose of
suppressing the satyagraha and in perpetuating the French rule on the Indian soil and
strengthening their regime here. Gandhi maintained: “I am surprised that my friendly act
towards Chandernagore could be distorted by anyone to suggest that I could ever
countenance an inferior status in the little foreign settlements in India.” (CWMG, LXXXIX
(August 1, 1947 – November 10, 1947), pp. 500, 514). The leaders and participants
of freedom movement in French India imbibed the ideals of Gandhism and fought against
the French colonial rule. The Gandhian non-violent movement with a popular base and
participation subsequently achieved independence from the French colonial rule as the
French Indian problem was solved amicably through peaceful negotiation between France
and India by 1954.

16.7.2 Portuguese India

The Portuguese India too witnessed the establishment of nationalist organisations such as
the Goa Seva Sangh founded in 1943 by Purushottam Kakodkar, Vinayak Mayenkar,
Nilakanth Karapurkar and others to fight the Portuguese colonial rule. The spread of
nationalist ideas harnessed mass support for the satyagraha movement at a later date.
This awakening resulted in the launching of a popular movement in the Portuguese India
for the restoration of civil liberties on June 18, 1946 under the leadership of Dr.Ram
Manohar Lohia, who maintained: “Goa is part of us (the Indians) and we can’t allow her
movements for freedom and unity to be suppressed with such wanton ferocity”. He
advised the Goans that “the first step towards the resurgence of national life in Goa was
the abolition of its infamous law regarding assembly, organizations and publication”. The
Portuguese Government reacted vehemently; arrested Lohia and barred his entry into Goa.
With the formation of Goa National Congress which decided to offer satyagraha on 8th,
18th and 28th of every month, public meetings, hoisting of Indian national flags, and
circulation of pamphlets were undertaken. Police brutalities and imprisonment of the
leaders failed to unnerve the Goan nationalists. While supporting Lohia’s courageous
action, Gandhi advised him to leave the matter to Nehru. The news of the British
Satyagraha 191

withdrawal from India by mid 1947 encouraged popular movements in Portuguese India
in spite of the ruthless suppression and oppression spearheaded by the colonial
administration. The intransigence of the Portuguese colonial rulers made it difficult for
Nehru and the Indian Government to engage and convince its Portuguese counterpart.
The Indian nationalist elements resorted to direct action, which resulted in Satyagraha on
August 15, 1954. The Portuguese authorities endeavoured to convince the international
community that the satyagrahis were not Goans but Indian intruders. It also alleged
connivance and support of the Indian Government. Its proposal to appoint a team of
observers from the countries selected by Portugal and India to probe the matter was
turned down by the Indian Government. Further, inspite of appeals from the leaders of
the liberation movement to come to their rescue, Nehru believed that the Satyagraha
opposition to Portuguese colonialism should be an “entirely Goan movement, popular and
indigenous” and did not favour the Indian nationals’ participation in the Satyagraha
movement in Goa. Despite tremendous adverse public opinion, Nehru stuck to his guns
and imposed a ban on the entry of Indian nationals into Goa on August 15, 1954. In
June 1955, the Portuguese police opened fire and dispersed a gathering of Goans at
Cancona in South Goa as they were taking “an oath of allegiance to the liberation
movement” from within, without any prior warning indicating that the satyagrahis were
not safe in the Portuguese India.
Despite the lack of open support and encouragement from the Indian side, mass
Satyagraha was held on August 15, 1955. Some 4,204 satyagrahis marched into the
Portuguese possessions but faced the Portuguese police firing. This violent episode led to
the death of 22 satyagrahis and injuries to 225 persons. Following this, Nehru deplored
the ‘wanton and brutal exercise of force against unarmed people’ and asked the
Portuguese to close their delegation in Delhi. On September 1, 1955, both the countries
closed down their respective Consulates and the Goa borders were sealed off preceded
by the economic sanctions and further denial of any facilities to the Portuguese ships
entering Indian ports. On September 4, 1955, the Congress Working Committee declared
that individual Satyagraha by the Indian nationals for the liberation of Goa should be
avoided and ruled out mass entries into Goa. In April 1956, Morarji Desai, the then Chief
Minister of Bombay, urged the Goan citizens of Bombay to build up a fearless Satyagraha
movement and pointed out: “But, the struggle for Goan freedom has essentially to be a
Goan movement. You have to help yourselves.” In a public meeting held in Poona on
February 5, 1957 a demand was raised for the relaxation of the Union Government’s
restrictions on the non-violent Satyagraha campaign launched by the people for the
liberation of Goa by K.M.Jadhe, President of the Goa Vimochan Sahayak Samiti (The
Hindu, September 5, 1955). The Portuguese Indian authorities had scant respect for non-
violent Satyagraha movement, and the satyagrahis were dealt with utmost contempt and
in a crude fashion. To avoid violent reaction, Nehru relied on economic blockade and
then on diplomacy. In the end, he had to resort to ‘show’ of force, if not ‘use’ of force
to liberate Goa from the Portuguese colonists.

16.8 SATYAGRAHA LEGACY OUTSIDE INDIA

Satyagraha has gained wide acceptance around the world as a more potent tool of
resistance than armed violence. Satyagraha legacy was carried on long after Gandhi and
Martin Luther King used it in his battle against racism and also used the term “soul force”
during his famous “I Have a Dream” speech. The Reverend Martin Luther King used it
in the United States to oppose segregation and during the campaigns he led for the civil
192 Philosophy of Gandhi

rights movement in the United States. While acknowledging Gandhian influence over his
work, Martin Luther King said: “Like most people, I had heard of Gandhi, but I had
never studied him seriously. As I read I became deeply fascinated by his campaigns of
nonviolent resistance. I was particularly moved by his Salt March to the Sea and his
numerous fasts. The whole concept of Satyagraha was profoundly significant to me. As
I delved deeper into the philosophy of Gandhi, my skepticism concerning the power of
love gradually diminished, and I came to see for the first time its potency in the area of
social reform. ... It was in this Gandhian emphasis on love and nonviolence that I
discovered the method for social reform that I had been seeking”. Later, Nelson Mandela
used the Satyagraha technique in South Africa to end apartheid.

16.9 CONTEMPORARY RELEVANCE

At present, the negative effects of globalisation have created an unbridgeable gap between
rich and poor countries and people as well. Powerful nations try to corner all the world’s
resources for their own benefit and are ready to use military force to impose their will
on others. Moreover, militancy, insurgency and terrorism have become the order of the
day in several parts of the world. Minority Politics of language, culture, ethnicity, religion
and region and consequent crises situation has taken a heavy toll on global peace and
security. Real or perceived grievances – political, economic and socio-cultural – have led
to catastrophic conditions everywhere. On failure of peaceful, constitutional means in
achieving the goal, the leadership has taken recourse to violence and use of force. There
are incidents leading to huge loss of life and property by terrorist activities and also by
counter-terrorist actions of the State. Unfortunately, innocent civilians are becoming targets
of both terrorists and state agencies. Terrorists terrorise to discredit the State in the eyes
of its own subjects and State terrorises to eliminate opposition to its authority and to
suppress political dissensions. While terrorists try to justify their action in the name of right
to self- determination/achievement of political goals/ root cause of socio-economic injustice,
the State justifies it in the name of protecting their citizens and safeguarding their territorial
integrity. There is rather a race between the parties to terrorise and who terrorises more
comprehensively and effectively wins the race. This is the sorry spectacle of international
politics of the day. In such a situation, all right thinking human beings have to resolve that
violence is unacceptable and unjustifiable and serves no purpose.
Here comes Gandhian technique of ‘Satyagraha’ and his vision of a non-violent mass
movement. All his arguments against the use of violence on the part of anarchists against
the British colonial rule are more relevant today than they were ever before. That violence
leads to more violence needs no further proof. His advocacy of the use of soul-force or
love-force and his strategy of Satyagraha to attain unsullied ‘swaraj’ stands vindicated.
Uninterrupted peace and ever-lasting prosperity could be achieved, if only Gandhian
prescription to the issues of globalisation and international terrorism is paid heed of.

16.10 SUMMARY
To achieve the goal of national independence from colonial rule, Gandhi emphasised
ahimsa and satya, which he welded together in the concept and practice of Satyagraha.
Satyagraha proved to be a novel method of political action, a technique which revolutionised
Indian politics and galvanised millions to action against the British Raj. Satyagraha for
Gandhi was the only legitimate way to earn one’s political rights, as it was based on the
ideals of truth and non-violence. Satyagraha was the key aspect of all revolutions of the
Indian National Movement in the Gandhian era. It is the most potent legacy Gandhi left
Satyagraha 193

to India and to the world. Satyagraha is the pursuit of truth. Gandhi believed that truth
should be the cornerstone of everybody’s life and that we must dedicate our lives to
pursuing truth, to finding out the truth in our lives. And so his entire philosophy was the
philosophy of life. It was not just a philosophy for conflict resolution, but something that
we have to imbibe in our life and live it all the time so that we can improve and become
better human beings.

16.11 TERMINAL QUESTIONS

1. Describe the concept of ‘Satyagraha’ and bring out its political, socio-economic and
spiritual dimensions.
2. Evaluate the role of Gandhi in transforming the Concept of Satyagraha as a political
weapon against the European Colonial masters.
3. Is Satyagraha a panacea to the present day ills in national and international politics?

SUGGESTED READINGS
1. Gandhi,M.K., Satyagraha in South Africa, Translated from the Gujarati by Valji
Govindji Desai, Navajivan Publishing House, Ahmedabad, 1928 .
2. ………………., Hind Swaraj or Indian Home Rule, Navajivan Publishing House,
Ahmedabad, 1938, Eighteenth Reprint, 2006.
3. Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi.
4. Prabhu, R.K, and U. R. Rao., (eds), The Mind of Mahatma Gandhi, Ahmedabad,
Revised Edition, 1967.
5. Lohia, Ram Manohar., Action in Goa, August Publication House, Bombay, 1947.
6. Sheik Ali, B., (ed.), Goa Wins Freedom Reflections and Reminiscences, Goa
University, Goa, 1986.
7. Jawaharlal Nehru, India’s Foreign Policy Selected Speeches, September1946 – April
1961, The Publication Division, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Government
of India, Second Reprint, New Delhi, 1983
8. Krishnamurthy,B., “Hind Swaraj: Gandhian Prescription to the Right to Self-
Determination” in Journal of Gandhian Studies, Special number on Hind Swaraj, Vol.
VII, No.1, 2009, pp. 69-81.
9. ———————, “Role of Satyagraha in the Freedom Movements in the French
and Portuguese India”, Journal of Gandhian Studies, Vol. V, Nos. I & II, 2007,
pp.55-70.
10. Chandra, Bipin., et al., Freedom Struggle, National Book Trust, New Delhi, 2000
(Fourth Reprint)
11. Gandhi, Rajmohan., Patel: A Life, Navajivan Publishing House, Ahmedabad, 1990.
12. Parekh, Bhikhu., “Gandhi in the 21st Century”, Posted on September 2, 2009 by
gandhifriends, www.gandhitoday.com.
13. Brecher, Michael., Nehru – A Political Biography, Oxford University Press, Delhi,
1998 (Reprinted as Oxford India Paperbacks)
Relevant Web-sites:
www.gandhitoday.com
http://www.wikipedia.org/wiki/Satyagraha
http://www.quietspaces.com/satyagraha.html
http://www.mapsofindia.com/personalities/gandhi/satyagrah.html
194 Philosophy of Gandhi

SUGGESTED READINGS
Ahluwalia, B.K, and Ahluwalia, Shashi., Architects of Swaraj, Intellectual, New Delhi,
1982.
Alexander, Horace Gundry., “Gandhi” (In His) Consider India: An Essay in Values,
Asia Publishing House, Bombay, 1961.
Anand,Y.P., Mahatma Gandhi and Buddhism, Journal of Oriental Studies, Vol. 14,
October, 2004.
Ananthu,T.S., Gandhi’s Hind Swaraj: Its Appeal to Me, Gandhi Peace Foundation,
New Delhi, 1965.
Arnold, G., Gandhi, Pearson Education Ltd, Toronto, 2001
Bakshi, S.R., Gandhi and Concept of Swaraj, Criterion Publications, 1988.
Bakshi, S.R., Gandhi and his Techniques of Satyagraha, Sterling Publications Private
Ltd, New Delhi, 1987.
Bakshi, S.R., Gandhi and Ideology of Swadeshi, Reliance Publishing House, New Delhi,
1987.
Basu,Sajal., (ed), Satyagraha as Movement, Gandhi Smarak Sangrahalaya, Barrackpore
and Sujan Publications, Kolkata, 2007.
Bharathi,K.S., Philosophy of Sarvodaya, Indus, New Delhi, 1990.
Bharathi,S.R., Satyagraha of Mahatma Gandhi, Indus Publishing Co., New Delhi,
1980.
Borman, William., Gandhi and Non-Violence, State University of New York Press,
1986.
Bose, Anima., Dimensions of Peace and Non-Violence: The Gandhian Perspective,
Gyan Publishing House, New Delhi, 1987
Cain, Wlliam,E., A Historical Guide to Henry David Thoreau, Oxford University Press,
2000.
Chakrabarti, Mohit., Gandhian Aesthetics, Atlantic Publishers and Distributors, New
Delhi, 1991.
Chanderkanta., “Ends and means” In Kewal Krishan Mittal., (ed), Ethical Ideas of
Mahatma Gandhi, Gandhi Bhavan, Delhi, 1981.
Chatterjee,M., Gandhi’s Religious Thought, Macmillan, London, 1983.
Chopra,R.K., Thus Spake Gandhi, R.K.C. Publisher, New Delhi, 1994.
Coomaraswamy, Ananda K and Horner., Living Thoughts of Gautam : The Buddha,
Rupa, New Delhi, 2003.
David, Yohanan Ben., Indo-Judaic Studies: Some Papers, Northern Book Centre, New
Delhi, 2002.
Suggested Readings 195

Diwakar, R.R., Gandhiji’s Basic Ideas and Some Modern Problems, Bombay, 1963.
Diwakar, R.R., Satyagraha: The Pathway to Peace, Patna, 1950
Gandhi, M.K., What is Hinduism? Published on behalf of Indian Council of Historical
Research by National Book Trust, New Delhi, 1994.
Gandhi,M.K., Ethical Religion, Navajivan Publishing House, Ahmedabad, 2007 reprint.
Gangrade,K.D, Kothari, L.S, and Verma AR., Concept of Truth in Science and
Religion, Concept Publishing Company, New Delhi, 2005.
Ganguli,B.N., Gandhi’s Social Philosophy: Perspective and Relevance, Vikas Publishing
House Pvt Ltd, New Delhi, 1973.
Gokhale,B.K., Gandhi and History, History and Theory, Vl. 11, No.2, 1972, pp. 214-
225.
Goyal, O.P., Gandhi: An Interpretation, Kitab Mahal, Allahabad, 1964
Horsburh, H.J.N., Non- Violence and Aggression, Oxford University Press, 1968.
Hunt,James.D., Gandhi and the Non-Conformists, Promilla and Co. Publishers, New
Delhi, 1986.
Iyer, Raghavan N., “Gandhi’s Interpretation of History” in Gandhi Marg, Vol. 6, No.4,
1962, pp. 319-327.
Joshi, Tarkateertha Laxmanshastri., Development of Indian Culture: Vedas to Gandhi,
Translated by S.R.Nene, Lokmanya Griha, Mumbai, 2001.
Kaka, Kalelkar., Mahatma Gandhi’s “Gospel of Swadeshi”, Gandhi Hindustani Sahitya
Sabha, New Delhi, 1922, reprint 2004.
Karna, K.K. Lal., Mahatma Gandhi Contribution to Hinduism, Classical, New Delhi,
1981.
Karunakaran, K.D., Gandhi Interpretation, Gitanjali Publication House, 1985.
Khanna, Suman., Gandhi and the Good Life, Gandhi Peace Foundation, New Delhi,
1985.
Khoshoo,T.N., Mahatma Gandhi: An Apostle of Applied Human Ecology, TERI, New
Delhi, 1995.
Kim,S.K., The Philosophical Thoughts of Mahatma Gandhi, Vikas Publishing House,
New Delhi, 1996.
Kochukoshy, C.K., Philosophy of Mahatma Gandhi, International Cultural Forum,
Delhi, 1961.
Kokandakar, J.R., Prelude to the search of truth, Bhartiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay,
1994
Koshal, Rajindar K, and Koshal Manjulika., Gandhian Economic Philosophy, American
Journal of Economics and Sociology, Vol. 32, No. 2, April, 1973, pp.191-209.
196 Philosophy of Gandhi

Kumar, Ravindra., Non-Violence and Its Philosophy, Dynamic Publications, Meerut,

2005.
Kumarappa, J.C., The Non-Violent Economy and World Peace, Rajghat, Varanasi,
1958.
Lewisburg,P.A., Ruskin and Gandhi, Bucknell University Press and London Associated
Press, 1970.
Maharajan,M., Gandhi Thought : A study of Tradition and Modernity, Sterling, New
Delhi, 1996.
Majumdar, Uma., Gandhi’s Pilgrimage of Faith: From Darkness to Light, State
University of New York Press, 2005.
Malhotra, S.L., “Gandhi’s Doctrine of Swadeshi and the Pattern of International
Peace,” In R. Balasubramaniam and T.S.Devadoss, (ed), Gandhian Thought, University
of Madras, Madras, 1981.
Mathai, Mundackal Paulaose and Joseph, Siby., Meditations on Gandhi: A Ravindra
Varma festschrift, Concept Publishing Company, New Delhi, 2002.
Mathur, J.S, and Mathur, A.K., (ed.) Economic Thought of Mahatma Gandhi, Arihant
Publications, Jaipur, 1994.
McDonough, Sheila., Gandhi’s Response to Islam, D.K.Printworld, 1994
Moore,Charles.A, and Morris, Aidyth V., The Indian Mind: Essentials of Indian
Philosophy and Culture, East West Center Press, 1967.
Naess, Arne., Gandhi and GroupConflict: An Exploration of Satyagraha, Theoretical
Background, Universitetsforlaget, Oslo-Bergen-Tromso, 1974.
Nanda,B.R., Gandhi and His Critics, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1985.
Nandy, Ashis., “From outside The Imperium: Gandhi’s Cultural Critique of the West”
In Traditions, Tyranny, and Utopias: Essays in the Politics of Awareness, Oxford
University Press, Delhi, 1987.
Nevaskar, Balwant., Capitalists without Capitalism: The Jains of India and the
Quakers of the West, Greenwood Press, Westport CT, 1971.
Pal, Bipin Chandra., Swadeshi and Swaraj, Yugantar Prakashan Ltd., Calcutta, 1958.
Parel, Anthony. J., (ed.) Gandhi, Freedom and Self-Rule, Lexington Books, MD, 2000.
Patil,S.H., Gandhi and Swaraj, Deep and Deep Publishers, New Delhi, 1983.
Pattanaik, D.D., The Swadeshi Movement: Culmination of Cultural Nationalism,
Orissa Review, August, 2005.
Prabhu, R.K., and Rao, U. R., (ed) “The Gospel Of Sarvodaya, in The Mind of
Mahatma Gandhi , Navajivan Publishing House, Ahmedabad, revised Edition, 1967.
Prasad, Shambhu., Towards an Understanding of Gandhi’s views on Science, Economic
and Political Weekly, Vol. 36, No. 39, September 29- October 5, 2001, pp.3721-3732.
Suggested Readings 197

Prasad,K.M., Sarvodaya of Gandhi, Rajhans Publications, New Delhi, 1984.

Puri, Rashmi-Sudha., Gandhi on War and Peace, Praeger Publishers, 1987.
Rai, Ajay Shankar., Gandhi Satyagraha: An Analytical and Critical Approach, Concept
Publishing Company, New Delhi, 2002.
Raju, P.A., Gandhi and his Religion, Concept Publishing Company, New Delhi, 2000.
Ramachandran, G, and Mahadevan, T.K., (ed.) Quest for Gandhi, Gandhi Peace
Foundation, New Delhi, 1970.
Ranade,R.D., Spiritual Awakening in Gandhi and Other Indian Saints, Sarva Seva
Sangh Prakashan, Varanasi, 2003.
Rao, K.L.Seshagiri., Mahatma Gandhi and Comparative Religion, Motilal Banarsidas
Publications Private Ltd., New Delhi, 1978, reprint 1990.
Sahasrabudhey, Sunil., Gandhi’s Challenge to Modern science, Other India Press, Goa,
2002.
Saxena, Sushil Kumar., Ever Unto God, Essays on Gandhi and Religion, Indian
Council of Philosophical Research, New Delhi, 1988.
Sonnleitner,Michael.W., Gandhian Non-Violence: Levels of Satyagraha, Abhinav
Publications, New Delhi, 1985.
Suman, Kwatra., Satyagraha and Social Change, Deep and Deep Publications, New
Delhi, 2001.
Tahtinen, U., Ahimsa: Non-Violence in Indian Tradition, Navajivan Publishing House,
Ahmedabad, 1976.
Trivedi, Lisa., Clothing Gandhi’s Nation: Homespun and Modern India, Indiana
University Press, 2007.
Unnithan,T.K.N., Gandhi and Social Change, Rawat Publications, Jaipur, 1979.
Varma, Ravindra., Spiritual Basis of Satyagraha, Navajivan Publishing House, Ahmedabad,
2001.
Varma, Ravindra., Spiritual Perception of Mahatma Gandhi, Rupa and Co., New
Delhi, 2006.
Varma, Vishwanath Prasad., Political Philosophy of Mahatma Gandhi and Sarvodaya,
Lakshmi Narain Agarwal, Delhi, 1959.

(Compiled by Ms.Mamta Tyagi, Research and Teaching Assistant, School of

Interdisciplinary and Transdisciplinary Studies, Indira Gandhi National Open
University, New Delhi)