Reading Practice Test 01
Reading Practice Test 01
Reading Practice Test 01
READING PASSAGE 1
You should spend about 20 minutes on Ques ons 1-13 which are based on Reading Passage 1 below.
Andrea Palladio.
Italian architect
Vicenza is a pleasant, prosperous city in the Veneto, 60km west of Venice. Its grand families se led and farmed the area
from the 16th century. But its principal claim to fame is Andrea Palladio, who is such an influen al architect that a
neoclassical style is known as Palladian. The city is a permanent exhibi on of some of his finest buildings, and as he was
born – in Padua, to be precise – 500 years ago, the Interna onal Centre for the Study of Palladio’s Architecture has an
excellent excuse for moun ng la grande Mostra, the big show
The exhibi on has the special advantage of being held in one of Palladio’s buildings, Palazzo Barbaran da Porto. Its bold
façade is a mixture of rus ca on and decora on set between two rows of elegant columns. On the second floor,
the pediments are alternately curved or pointed, a Palladian trademark. The harmonious propor ons of the atrium at
the entrance lead through to a drama c interior of fine fireplaces and painted ceilings. Palladio’s design is simple, clear
and not over-crowded. The show has been organised on the same principles, according to Howard Burns, the
architectural historian who co-curated it.
Palladio’s father was a miller who se led in Vicenza, where the young Andrea was appren ced to a skilled stonemason.
How did a humble miller’s son become a world-renowned architect? The answer in the exhibi on is that, as a young
man, Palladio excelled at carving decora ve stonework on columns, doorways and fireplaces. He was plainly intelligent,
and lucky enough to come across a rich patron, Gian Giorgio Trissino, a landowner and scholar, who organised his
educa on, taking him to Rome in the 1540s, where he studied the masterpieces of classical Roman and Greek
architecture and the work of other influen al architects of the me, such as Donato Bramante and Raphael.
Burns argues that social mobility was also important. Entrepreneurs, prosperous from agriculture in the Veneto,
commissioned the promising local architect to design their country villas and their urban mansions. In Venice, the
aristocracy was anxious to co-opt talented ar sts, and Palladio has given the chance to design the buildings that have
made him famous – the churches of San Giorgio Maggiore and the Redentore, both easy to admire because they can be
seen from the city’s historical centre across a stretch of water.
He tried his hand at bridges – his unbuilt version of the Rialto Bridge was decorated with the large pediment and
columns of a temple – and, a er a fire at the Ducal Palace, he offered an alterna ve design which bears an uncanny
resemblance to the Banque ng House in Whitehall in London. Since it was designed by Inigo Jones, Palladio’s first foreign
disciple, this is not as surprising as it sounds.
F
Jones, who visited Italy in 1614, bought a trunk full of the master’s architectural drawings; they passed through the
hands of Dukes of Burlington and Devonshire before se ling at the Royal Ins tute of Bri sh Architects in 1894. Many are
now on display at Palazzo Barbaran. What they show is how Palladio drew on the buildings of ancient Rome as models.
The major theme of both his rural and urban building was temple architecture, with a strong pointed pediment
supported by columns and approached by wide steps.
Palladio’s work for rich landowners alienates unreconstructed cri cs on the Italian le , but among the papers in the
show are designed for cheap housing in Venice. In the wider world, Palladio’s reputa on has been nurtured by a text he
wrote and illustrated, “Qua ro Libri dell’ Archite ura”. His influence spread to St Petersburg and to Charlo esville in
Virginia, where Thomas Jefferson commissioned a Palladian villa he called Mon cello.
Vicenza’s show contains detailed models of the major buildings and is leavened by portraits of Palladio’s teachers and
clients by Ti an, Veronese and Tintore o; the pain ngs of his Vene an buildings are all by Canale o, no less. This is an
uncompromising exhibi on; many of the drawings are small and faint, and there are no sideshows for children, but
the impact of harmonious lines and sa sfying propor ons is to impart in a viewer a feeling of benevolent calm. Palladio
is history’s most therapeu c architect.
“Palladio, 500 Anni: La Grande Mostra” is at Palazzo Barbaran da Porto, Vicenza, un l January 6th 2009. The exhibi on
con nues at the Royal Academy of Arts, London, from January 31st to April 13th, and travels a erwards to Barcelona and
Madrid.
Do the following statements agree with the informa on given in Reading Passage 1?
1 The building where the exhibi on is staged has been newly renovated
5 Palladio’s alterna ve design for the Ducal Palace in Venice was based on an English building.
Choose NO MORE THAN THREE WORDS from the passage for each answer.
11 What type of Ancient Roman buildings most heavily influenced Palladio’s work?
13 In the writer’s opinion, what feeling will visitors to the exhibi on experience?
READING PASSAGE 2
You should spend about 20 minutes on Ques ons 14-26 which are based on Reading Passage 2 below.
The prospects for humanity and for the world as a whole are somewhere between glorious and dire. It is hard to be much
more precise.
By ‘glorious’, I mean that our descendants – all who are born on to this Earth – could live very comfortably and securely,
and could con nue to do so for as long as the Earth can support life, which should be for a very long me indeed. We
should at least be thinking in terms of the next million years. Furthermore, our descendants could con nue to enjoy the
company of other species – establishing a much be er rela onship with them than we have now. Other animals need
not live in constant fear of us. Many of those fellow species now seem bound to become ex nct, but a significant
propor on could and should con nue to live alongside us. Such a future may seem ideal, and so it is. Yet I do not believe
it is fanciful. There is nothing in the physical fabric of the Earth or in our own biology to suggest that this is not possible.
‘Dire’ means that we human beings could be in deep trouble within the next few centuries, living but also dying in large
numbers in poli cal terror and from starva on, while huge numbers of our fellow creatures would simply disappear,
leaving only the ones that we find convenient – chickens, ca le – or that we can’t shake off, like flies and mice. I’m taking
it to be self-evident that glory is preferable.
Our future is not en rely in our own hands because the Earth has its own rules, is part of the solar system and is neither
stable nor innately safe. Other planets in the solar system are quite beyond habita on, because their temperature is far
too high or too low to be endured, and ours, too, in principle could p either way. Even rela vely unspectacular changes
in the atmosphere could do the trick. The core of the Earth is hot, which in many ways is good for living creatures, but
every now and again, the molten rock bursts through volcanoes on the surface. Among the biggest volcanic erup ons in
recent memory was Mount St Helens, in the USA, which threw out a cubic kilometre of ash – fortunately, in an area
where very few people live. In 1815, Tambora (in present-day Indonesia) expelled so much ash into the upper
atmosphere that clima c effects seriously harmed food produc on around the world for the season a er season. En re
civilisa ons have been destroyed by volcanoes.
Yet nothing we have so far experienced shows what volcanoes can really do. Yellowstone Na onal Park in the
USA occupies the caldera (the crater formed when a volcano collapses) of an exceedingly ancient volcano of
extraordinary magnitude. Modem surveys show that its centre is now rising. Some me in the next 200 million years,
Yellowstone could erupt again, and when it does, the whole world will be transformed. Yellowstone could erupt
tomorrow. But there’s a very good chance that it will give us another million years, and that surely is enough to be going
on with. It seems sensible to assume that this will be the case.
The universe at large is dangerous, too: in par cular, we share the sky with vast numbers of asteroids, and now and
again, the come into our planet’s atmosphere. An asteroid the size of a small island, hi ng the Earth at 15,000
kilometres an hour (a rela vely modest speed by the standards of heavenly bodies), would strike the ocean bed like a
rock in a puddle, send a dal wave around the world as high as a small mountain and as fast as a jumbo jet, and propel
us into an ice age that could last for centuries. There are plans to head off such disasters (including rockets to push
approaching asteroids into new trajectories), but in truth, it’s down to luck.
On the other hand, the archaeological and the fossil evidence shows that no truly devasta ng asteroid has struck since
the one that seems to have accounted for the ex nc on of the dinosaurs 65 million years ago. So again, there seems no
immediate reason for despair. The Earth is indeed an uncertain place, in an uncertain universe, but with average luck, it
should do us well enough. If the world does become inhospitable in the next few thousand or million years, then it will
probably be our own fault. In short, despite the underlying uncertainty, our own future and that of our fellow creatures
are very much in our own hands.
G
Given average luck on the geological and the cosmic scale, the difference between glory and disaster will be made and is
being made, by poli cs. Certain kinds of poli cal systems and strategies would predispose us to long-term survival (and
indeed to comfort and security and pleasure of being alive), while others would take us more and
more frene cally towards collapse. The broad point is, though, that we need to look at ourselves – humanity – and at
the world in general in a quite new light. Our material problems are fundamentally those of biology. We need to think,
and we need our poli cians to think, biologically. Do that, and take the ideas seriously, and we are in with a chance.
Ignore biology and we and our fellow creatures haven’t a hope.
Do the following statements reflect the claims of the writer in Reading Passage 2?
In boxes 14-19 on your answer sheet write
15 The nature of the Earth and human biology make it impossible for human beings to survive another million years.
16 An erup on by Yellowstone is likely to be more destruc ve than previous volcanic erup ons.
17 There is a greater chance of the Earth being hit by small asteroids than large ones.
19 Poli cians currently in power seem unlikely to change their way of thinking.
Ques on 20-25
The Earth could become uninhabitable, like other planets, through a major change in the 20………………….. Volcanic
erup ons of 21……………………. can lead to shortages of 22……………………. in a wide area. An asteroid hi ng the Earth
could create a 23…………………… that would result in a new 24……………………. Plans are being made to
use 25…………………….. to deflect asteroids heading for the Earth.
Ques on 26
B to prove that generally held beliefs about the future are all mistaken
READING PASSAGE 3
You should spend about 20 minutes on Ques ons 27-40 which are based on Reading Passage 3 below.
Excava ons at the site of prehistoric Akro ri, on the coast of the Aegean Sea, have revealed much about the technical
aspects of po ery manufacture, indisputably one of the basic industries of this Greek city. However, considerably less is
known about the socio-economic context and the way produc on was organised.
The bulk of po ery found at Akro ri is locally made and dates from the late fi eenth century BC. It clearly fulfilled a vast
range of the se lement’s requirements: more than fi y different types of pots can be dis nguished. The po ery found
includes a wide variety of func onal types like storage jars, smaller containers, pouring vessels, cooking pots, drinking
vessels and so on, which all relate to specific ac vi es and which would have been made and distributed with those
ac vi es in mind. Given a large number of shapes produced and the rela vely high degree of standardisa on, it has
generally been assumed that most, if not all, of Akro ri po ery, was produced by specialised cra smen in a non-
domes c context. Unfortunately, neither the po ers’ workshops nor kilns have been found within the excavated area.
The reason may be that the ceramic workshops were located on the periphery of the site, which has not yet been
excavated. In any event, the ubiquity of the po ery, and the consistent repe on of the same types in different sizes
suggest produc on on an industrial scale.
The Akro rian po ers seem to have responded to pressures beyond their households, namely to the increasing
complexity of regional distribu on and exchange systems. We can imagine them as full- me cra smen working
permanently in a high produc on-rate cra such as po ery manufacture, and suppor ng themselves en rely from the
proceeds of their cra . In view of the above, one can begin to speak in terms of mass-produced po ery and the
existence of organised workshops of cra smen during the period 1550-1500 BC. Yet, how po ery produc on was
organised at Akro ri remains an open ques on, as there is no real documentary evidence. Our en re knowledge comes
from the ceramic material itself, and the tenta ve conclusions which can be drawn from it.
D
The inven on of units of quan ty and of a numerical system to count them was of capital importance of an exchange-
geared society such as that of Akro ri. In spite of the absence of any wri en records, the archaeological evidence reveals
that concepts of measurements, both weight and number, had been formulated. Standard measures may already have
been in opera on, such as those evidenced by a graduated series of lead weights – made in disc form – found at the site.
The existence of units of capacity in Late Bronze Age mes is also evidenced, by the nota on of units of a liquid measure
for wine on excavated containers.
It must be recognised that the func on of po ery vessels plays a very important role in determining their characteris cs.
The intended func on affects the choice of clay, the produc on technique, and the shape and the size of the pots. For
example, large storage jars would be needed to store commodi es, whereas smaller containers would be used for
transport. In fact, the length of a man’s arm limits the size of a smaller pot to a capacity of about twenty litres; that is
also the maximum a man can comfortably carry.
The various sizes of container would thus represent standard quan es of a commodity, which is a fundamental element
in the func on of exchange. Akro rian merchants handling a commodity such as wine would have been able to
determine easily the amount of wine they were transpor ng from the number of containers they carried in their ships
since the capacity of each container was known to be 14-18 litres. (We could draw a parallel here with the current
prac ce in Greece of selling oil in 17-kilogram ns.)
We may, therefore, assume that the shape, capacity, and, some mes decora on of vessels are indica ve of the
commodity contained by them. Since individual transac ons would normally involve different quan es of a given
commodity, a range of ‘standardised’ types of the vessel would be needed to meet traders’ requirements.
In trying to reconstruct systems of capacity by measuring the volume of excavated po ery, a rather generous range of
tolerances must be allowed. It seems possible that the po ers of that me had specific sizes of the vessel in mind, and
tried to reproduce them using a specific type and amount of clay. However, it would be quite difficult for them to achieve
the exact size required every me, without any mechanical means of regula ng symmetry and wall thickness, and some
po ers would be more skilled than others. In addi on, varia ons in the repe on of types and size may also occur
because of unforeseen circumstances during the throwing process. For instance, instead of destroying the en re pot if
the clay in the rim contained a piece of grit, a po er might produce a smaller pot by simply cu ng off the rim. Even
where there is no no ceable external difference between pots meant to contain the same quan ty of a commodity,
differences in their capacity can actually reach one or two litres. In one case the devia on from the required size appears
to be as much as 10-20 per cent.
The establishment of regular trade routes within the Aegean led to increased movement of goods; consequently, a
regular exchange of local, luxury and surplus goods, including metals, would have become feasible as a result of the
advances in transport technology. The increased demand for standardised exchanges, inextricably linked to commercial
transac ons, might have been one of the main factors which led to the standardisa on of po ery produc on. Thus, the
whole network of ceramic produc on and exchange would have depended on specific regional economic condi ons and
would reflect the socio-economic structure of prehistoric Akro ri.
Ques ons 27-28
27 What does the writer say about of po ery excavated at Akro ri?
28 The assump on that po ery from Akro ri was produced by specialists is partly based on
29 The assump on that standard units of weight were in use could be based on
F The variety of commodi es for which they would have been used.
Ques ons 33-38
Do the following statements agree with the views of the writer in Reading Passage 3? Write
NOT GIVEN if it is impossible to say what the writer thinks about this
33 There are plans to excavate new areas of the archaeological site the near future.
34 Some of the evidence concerning po ery produc on in ancient Akro ri comes from wri en records
35 Pots for transpor ng liquids would have held no more than about 20 litres.
36 It would have been hard for merchants to calculate how much wine was on their ships.
37 The capacity of containers intended to hold the same amounts differed by up to 20 per cent.
38 Regular trading of goods around the Aegean would have led to the general standardisa on of quan es.
39 What does the writer say about the standardisa on of container sizes?
A Containers which looked the same from the outside o en varied incapacity.
C The unsystema c use of different types of clay resulted in size varia ons.
B To suggest how features of po ery produc on at Akro ri reflected other developments in the region.
D To describe methods for storing and transpor ng household goods in prehistoric socie es.