AI57 Cantera
AI57 Cantera
AI57 Cantera
éric Pirart
in aedibus PEETERS
peeters LEUVEN - PARIS - BRISTOL, CT
lovanii 2016
Éric Pirart
Préface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .VII
Philippe Swennen
Xavier Tremblay et la liturgie longue proto-indo-iranienne. Présen-
tation ....................... 1
Annexe I ....................... 19
Annexe II...................... 29
Alberto Cantera
On Avestan text criticism (2): the accusative singular of the ū- and
a- stems in the long liturgy............... 89
Juan José Ferrer Losilla
Preconsonantal nasals in the Avestan alphabet......... 157
Jost Gippert
Albano-Iranica II: Avestan +afše.............. 185
Jean Kellens
Deux apologues sur le feu rituel............... 195
Jaime Martínez-Porro
The orthography of the Avestan diphthongs aē and aō in the manu-
scripts of the long liturgy................ 205
Antonio Panaino
The World’s Conflagration and the Manichaean “Great Fire” of
1468 years...................... 221
Éric Pirart
Les cvi de l’Avesta.................... 241
Nicholas Sims-Williams
Bactria—Balkh: variations on a place-name.......... 273
Alberto Cantera
Abstract
According to description in grammars there is in Avestan a vacillation between
‑um and ‑ūm as ending for the acc.sg. of the u-, ū- and ṷa- stems. According to
De Vaan (2003) this vacillation reflects just transmission errors in the manu-
scripts. The universal ending was in the he supposed (Sasanian) archetype
-ūm for the acc.sg of these stems, with the only exception of the ŋvha‑ stems
(< ºsṷa-), whose ending was ‑ŋvhəm. In this paper I show that the distribution of
1
This paper is part of the Avestan Digital Archive research project: Editing the Zoro-
astrian Long Liturgy (EZLL) (FF 2014-52438-P). It belongs to a series of papers on
Avestan text criticism, the first of which (“On Avestan text criticism (1): the importance
of the Iranian manuscripts for an edition of the long liturgy”) will be published in Schmitt,
Rüdiger-Sadovski, Velizar-Luschützky, Hans Christian (eds.): Iranische und indo ger
manische Sprachwissenschaft und Onomastik. Akten des Symposiums in memoriam
Manfred Mayrhofer (1926-2011), organisiert vom Institut für Iranistik und der Wiener
Sprachgesellschaft (Wien, 10.-12. Mai 2012). Wien: Verlag der ÖAW. (Sitzungsberichte
der ÖAW / Iranistische Onomastik, Nr. 14).
In the present paper I quote only readings that have been checked directly in manu-
scripts already published in facsimile or available in the Avestan Digital Archive. I shall
not use Geldner’s sigla for the designation of the manuscripts, since many of these manu-
scripts were not used by him. The habit of quoting manuscripts according to their signa-
tures in the host libraries or according to other ad hoc criteria for the manuscripts not used
by Geldner leads to much confusion. I have therefore given new sigla to all manuscripts
of the long liturgy. They are numerical sigla that give information about the text type of
the manuscript and its relative chronology:
Liturgical Combined Exegetical
Iranian Indian Pahlavi Sanskrit
Yasna 1-100 100-299 400-499 500-649 650-699
Yasna ī Rapihwin 300-399
Wisperad 2000-2199 2300-2599 2600-2899
Widēwdād 4000-4199 4200-4599 4600 4750-4760
Wištāsp Yašt 5000-5199 5200-5299 5300-5399
In each class, the manuscripts are arranged chronologically where the date is known.
A complete concordance of sigla can be found at Cantera 2014: 403 ff.
these endings is different in the Indian and in the Iranian manuscripts. In the
latter, the acc.sg. of the u- and ū- stems (-ūm viz. –īm) is still distinguished from
then acc.sg. of ṷa- (-um after single consonant [including –ŋvhum] and ‑ūm after
two consonants [including ‑ŋvhūm]). In the Indian manuscripts the lengthening of
–um into –ūm eliminated, however, this distinction. A further phonetic evolution
peculiar to the Indian transmission is the evolution of –oiium ( <*-aiṷam) to –ōim
in bisyllables (but –ōiiūm in drisyllables). The discovery of the different regular
treatment of these endings in the Indian and Iranian transmission has broad
implications. The recitation of the Avestan recitatives kept changing after the
emigration of a part of the community to India and our manuscritpts reflect the
peculiarities of both ways of reciting. Accordingly, variant readings are not just
corrupt readings of the supposed Sasanian archetype, but real recited forms when
the manuscripts were copied. We must redefine accordingly our goals when edit-
ing the Avestan texts and describing its grammar and historical phonetics.
him, Geldner edits ‑ūm for the acc.sg. of the u- and ū- stems2, but ‑um of
the ṷa- stems, but he asserts (2003: 319):
“It can be shown that the reflex of *-ṷam behaves identically to that
of *-ūm, both endings yielding ‑ūm. Thus, the ending ‑ūm is completely
parallel to the ending ‑īm. The only exception is formed by the subgroup
of forms ending in *hṷam, reflected as ‑ŋhum in our texts which was
probably rendered by *-ŋvhəm in the archetype”.
In the following I will try to show that De Vaan’s conclusions are a
simplification. Different classes of manuscripts make for a different
treatment of these endings and it is not always advisable to reduce them
to a hypothetic archetypal form. Besides, at least some classes of manu-
scripts distinguish perfectly between the endings of the ū-stems and
those of the ua-stems. Therefore, it needs to be investigated whether the
confusion of all these -ūm endings in some classes of manuscripts is the
original situation, as De Vaan supposes, or whether it is a peculiarity of
the transmission and recitation of the Avestan texts in some times or
areas. In fact, as I will show in this paper, the manuscripts do not repro-
duce the spelling of the Sasanian archetype with some deviations or
transmission errors that corrupt the Sasanian original. The way how the
Avestan texts were recited has kept changing until the present times. The
manuscripts reflect these changes at least partially in the recitation. One
of the most obvious differences is the way in which the Avestan texts
were recited in India and in Iran. Such differences have left traces in the
manuscripts. Therefore, every textual-critical research on the Avestan
text must analyse separately the Indian and the Iranian evidence, first,
and then, wherever possible, even minor regional or temporal variants.
Some of the vacillations we find in our editions are vacillations
between the Indian and the Iranian spellings. In this paper we will dis-
cover a good example in the vacillation between the Iranian ōiium and
the Indian ōim as acc.sg. of aēua- “one”. Furthermore, it seems that the
Iranian manuscripts show a different distribution of the final ‑ūm/-um
and probably a more archaic one than the Indian manuscripts. As a mat-
ter of fact, Iranian manuscripts often seem to preserve more archaic fea-
tures. A similar case is the distribution of ‑uš/ūš. Whereas in the Iranian
manuscripts ‑uš is used for the n.sg. of the u- stems and ‑ūš for the acc.
pl., as would be expected from a historical point of view, the Indian
manuscripts have generalised the ending ‑ūš for both (De Vaan 2003:
2
He neither mentions nor discusses zauuanō.sum and yauuaē.sum.
327). For further examples of the more archaic features of the Iranian
manuscripts s. (Cantera (in press)).
Until recently such an investigation was quite difficult, if not impos-
sible. Geldner does not quote in his edition all attested variants of each
edited word, but only relevant readings, so “as to allow a judgement”
(Geldner 1886: lii; Cantera 2012b: 469). Besides, when a divergent
reading is quoted, only the first manuscript mentioned by him contains
exactly this reading, while the rest of the manuscripts mentioned can
show slight variations. As a result, on the basis of Geldner’s edition it is
impossible to know the variants attested in the manuscripts of each sin-
gle word. We have only a simplified selection of variants and even these
are grouped without taking into account minor differences. Geldner’s
edition of the Avesta has filtered the Avestan transmission. Therefore,
only the direct usage of the manuscripts allows us to know the richness
and complexity of the attested variant readings.
I have conceived the Avestan Digital Archive (ADA)3 as a tool for
solving this limitation of Geldner’s edition. On this web site we publish
Avestan manuscripts indexed and with metadata that allow the compari-
son of a selected passage in all published manuscripts. In the first phase
we have concentrated our efforts on the manuscripts of the Avestan long
liturgy. Geldner used around 70 manuscripts of the different variants of
this liturgy. In ADA 98 manuscripts have already been digitised and 64
manuscripts have been published online. And this number keeps con-
stantly increasing. Today, it is already possible to make a research about
the orthographic conventions of the different manuscripts and manu-
script classes on the basis of the manuscripts published in ADA, inde-
pendently of Geldner’s edition.
This paper is one of the first attempts to review Geldner’s and subse-
quent editorial decisions on the basis of the manuscripts published in
ADA. I have checked the forms in question in the long liturgy (Yasna,
Wisperad, Widēwdād) in the manuscripts that have by now (February
2013) been totally or partially published in the ADA. Additionally,
Mihrābān’s manuscripts have been checked, although only 4600 (L4)
has been published, because of their importance and of the role they
have played in former editions of the Avestan texts4. The forms analysed
http://www.avesta-archive.com or http://ada.usal.es.
3
– Iranian Sādes: Yasna 20; Wisperad 2005, 2010, 2101, 2102, 2104; Widewdad
4000, 4010, 4025, 4040, 4055, 4055, 4060, 4100, 4140
are not all attested acc.sg. of the ū- stems, but a representative selection.
For other phenomena less well attested I have checked all the forms.
When a form was frequently attested, I have analysed only a selection of
passages trying to cover the different texts and manuscript classes, but
only when the results obtained were basically uniform.
– Indian Sādes: Yasna: 100, 120, 230, 231, 234, 235; Wīdēwdād 4200, 4210, 4230,
4240, 4250, 4400, 4420, 4510, 4515
– Combined Yasna: 400, 415, 420
– Yasna Pahlavi: 500 (J2), 510 (K5), 530
– Yasna Sanskrit: 677 (S1), 680, 681, 682
– Wīdēwdād Pahlavi: 4600 (L4), 4610 (K1), 4660, 4670, 4700, 4710, 4711, 4713,
4715.
This is a total of 49 manuscripts. In order to check that my results have not been condi-
tioned by the selection of the manuscripts, I have also used 98 complete transliterations of
Y9 recently produced by the ADA team. We have checked the relevant forms in Y9 and the
results were always largely concurring with the results obtained in the other samples.
5
De Vaan repeats Geldner’s view on the position of Mf1, according to which it is a
Sade extracted from a Pahlavi manuscript like Pt4 or Mf4. Yet there is no evidence that
‑um for an acc.sg. of the u- stems in the Iranian Sādes (s. table 1a). For
this exception cf. below.
In fact, the instances of ‑um instead of ‑ūm quoted by De Vaan are all
problematic. In Vr2.7 and 14.3 ahūmca ratūmca appears in a kind of
gloss or commentary: hō zī asti ahūmca ratūmca yō ahurō mazdå
(so Geldner). Here the acc.sg. ahūmca ratūmca make no sense at all.
We should rather read the passage as hō zī asti ahumaca ratumaca yō
ahurō mazdå “in fact, it is Ahura Mazdā who owns the ahu and
the ratu”. Thus it is already edited by Kellens (1996: 97; 2006: 43).
ahumaca ratumaca are most likely n.sg. of ahuman- ratuman-6. The
manuscripts clearly support this reading, Vr2.77:
– ahumaca ratumaca: 2010, 2101, 2102, 2104, 2230, 4000, 4010, 4025,
4040, 4050, 4055, 4060, 4100, 4140
– ahumaca ratūmca: 4200
– ahūmca ratūmca: 4210, 4230, 4240, 4250, 4400, 4410, 4510, 4515
– ahumca ratūmca: 4420
1. tāiium: [Iranian Sādes] 15, 20, 82, 83, 2010, 2040, 2101, 2104,
4000, 4010, 4020, 4025, 4040, 4045, 4050, 4055, 4060, 4070, 4100,
4140, 5020; [combined Yasna] 408, 409, 410, 415, 420, 450; [Pahlavi
Yasna] 500, 602; [Sanskrit Yasna] 677
2. tāiiūm: [Indian Sādes] 110, 120, 234, 235, 4200, 4210, 4220, 4240,
4250, 4340, 4360, 4410, 4420, 4440, 4450, 4500, 4503, 4504, 4506,
4507, 4510, 4515; [combined Yasna] 400; [Pahlavi Yasna] 510, 530,
605, 613; [Sanskrit Yasna] 682
Mf1 is extracted from an old Pahlavi Yasna manuscript . It is rather an Indian copy of a
real Iranian Yasna Sade and hence not influenced by the Iranian Sāde manuscripts but
probably itself one of them (Cantera 2013).
6
Perhaps even a wrong n.sg. of ahumant- ratumant-.
7
A similar distribution appears in Vr14.3.
Av. mōurum has obviously an ending ‑um and not ‑ūm. We can only
speculate about the reasons.
The most frequent variant of this ending is not ‑um, but ‑īm (a reading
almost totally absent from the ṷa- stems). It is the most frequent ending
in the Iranian Sādes (cf. table 1a). As is well known, in the Iranian pro-
nunciation of the Avestan, ū and ī converged in ī. This is reflected in the
manuscripts: from the middle of the 17th century, they use mostly one
single letter for ī8. However, the manuscripts of the brothers Frēdōn and
Wahrom Marzbān (2005, 2010, 4000, 4010, 4040) and also of Frēdōn
Gōbadšāh Frēdōn (4025) do still distinguish between the two sounds,
even though confusions are frequent9. Therefore, the Iranian manuscripts
copied after 1640 have always the ending ‑īm instead of ‑ūm10. In earlier
manuscripts the confusion happens occasionally. Accordingly, ‑ūm was
a real pronunciation of the ending and not just a graphical phenomenon.
Furthermore, the evolution of ‑ūm into ‑īm prevented the confusion
between ‑ūm and ‑um in the Iranian manuscripts.
Arranged by frequency, the rest of the attested variants are:
8
This can be the old letter for ū or, more frequently, for ī. On this confusion cf.
Martínez Porro (2012)
9
Thus we find not only –īm for –ūm, but also –ūm for –īm, e.g. Y9.8 ažūm in
4010,4025. Xōsrō Anōšagruwān Rōstām, the copyist of 4020 [Mf2] has still two different
letters, but ū is almost never used in the right positions.
10
The change of the ending –ūm into īm does not affect Mihrābān’s manuscripts.
They are older than this process. The combined manuscripts, copied in India from Iranian
originals, are also free of this confusion. I have been able to find only one instance of an
ending –īm: Y9.11 patīm [combined Yasna] 400, 450, [Pahlavi Yasna] 613 (paitīm),
[Sanskrit Yasna] 682, [Indian Sāde] 4504. Hence we can assume that their Iranian origi-
nals were copied before the 17th century. In fact, the last Iranian copy mentioned in the
colophons (Hošang Syawaxš ahryār’s) is dated 1495. The Indian manuscripts are, of
course, free from this evolution.
cf. Vr2.8 ºmainiiūš: 4400 ºmainiiəuš: 451511. There are other instances
of ‑ū for acc.sg. ‑ūm: Y9.19 ahū: 510, 530; Y11.13 tāiiū: 231; Y27.4
ahū: 682; Y28.1 xratū: 230; Y32.9 xaratū: 4510, xratū: 4515; Y62.5
ºgātū: 500; V1.15 ºjaṇtū: 4400. These readings are more sporadic than
in the case of maniiūm and limited to the Indian manuscripts, so that
maniiū can most probably be considered an abbreviation.
2. ‑ąm instead of ‑ūm is found three times in Mihrābān’s Pahlavi
Wīdēwdād (4600, 4610) and their copies: V8.40 barəšnąm 4610,
barəšnū.ąm: 4700; V15.43 gātąm: 4610, 4711, 4715; V19.29 ºpərətąm:
4600, 4610, 4710, 4711, 4715. Other than in the Pahlavi Wīdēwdād
manuscripts, we find it only in Vr15.43 gāθąm 4055 and V8.103
zaṇtąmca 4420. This fluctuation is much more frequent with the ending
‑um (cf. below).
3. The change of ‑ūm into -əm is very sporadic: Y9.11 paitəm: 415,
4210,4240,4250 patəm: 4200; V1.15 ºzaṇtəm: 4601.
4. The change of ‑ūm into -om occurs rarely: Vr2.8 ºmain̨iiom. It is
almost limited to the manuscript 4410 and the word daxiiūm; Y68.5
dāxiiaomca: 4410; V8.103 dāxiiaomca: 4410; V18.52 dāxiiaom: 4410.
5. The change of ‑ūm into ‑uum is of a purely graphical nature, analo-
gous to the fluctuation between ī, ū and ii, uu in some Indian Sādes:
Y2.2 ratuum: 682; Y9.21 tāīuum: 100, 230; Y19.6 pəratuum.cit: 231;
Y31.2 ratuum: 100; Y68.5 daxvauumca: 100.
We can conclude then that the ending of the u- stems is clearly ‑ūm for
all attested stems but mōuru- “Margiana”. In Mihrābān’s Pahlavi Yasna
manuscripts, there is almost no reading with ‑um and not a single one
exists in the Iranian manuscripts (but Y9.21 tāiium and mōurum). Other
variant readings are mostly specific of the Indian or the Iranian transmis-
sion and reflect the idiosyncrasies of the recitation in these areas.
11
A similar explanation was advanced by Hoffmann (1975-1992: 600, n. 15) for
Yt5.102 gātu. On the abbreviations in general cf. now Tremblay (2012: 118 ff.).
– the most frequent variant reading is ‑ąm: Y19.7 θrišąm (2010, 4025);
caθrušąm (2010, 4040); V6.32 θrišąm (4050); caθrušąm (4010,
4025, 4040, 4601), ciθrušąm (4050); V16.2 θrišąm (4000, 4010,
4050, 4055); caθrušąm (4000) ; V18.63a θrušąm (4000, 4010, 4055),
θrišąm (4050); V18.64b θrišąm (4000); Y11.5 hōiiąmca (4050);
V9.18a,b haōiiąm (4050). It seems that ‑um and ‑ąm were recited
similarly and could therefore be confused. Thus Mihrābān
Anōšagruwān Wahromšāh copies Y11.5 twice in 4050, writing first
hōoiiąmca and then hōiiumca. Observe that -um appears as a variant
reading of ‑ąm in some instances in the Iranian manuscripts: Y9.18
kaōiium for kaōiiąm in 2010, 4010, 4025, 4031, 4040, 4045, 4050,
4055, 4060, 4100, 4140; Y9.18 tbišuuatum for tbišuuatąm in 4020.
– The confusion between ‑um and -əm (which could, of course, be influ-
enced by the frequent acc.sg. in -əm) is less frequent. It only appears
in the forms haurum and saurum which show a peculiar treatment in
the other classes of manuscripts as well (cf. below): y19.14 haurəm
(2010, 2101, 4000, 4010, 4040, 4055, 4060, 4100), ahurəm (20, 4025,
4050); V10.9 saōrəm (4000, 4010, 4050), sōrəm (4055).
12
Obviously influenced by the corresponding feminine form paōirīm.
13
The only exception is srum in Mihrābān’s Pahlavi Wīdēwdād manuscripts and, con-
sequently, later copies of these manuscripts.
14
Thus could be explained the two spellings of the secondary middle ending of the
2.p.sg. *dhṷam: OAv. °dūm would derive from *duṷam (the form of the ending after two
consonants or long vowels) and YAv. °δβəm from *dṷam (the ending after a short vowel).
Although in the rest of the attested forms the almost universal ending
is ‑ūm, we occasionally come across ‑um. This ending appears only in the
oldest Indian Sades, while in the same passages more modern manu-
scripts show ‑ūm: Y19.7 ciθrušum (230, 100); V6.32 θrišum (4200,
4210); V16.2 caθrušum (4200, 4210), ciθrušum (4240). Furthermore, we
sometimes find endings that usually alternate with ‑um and not with ‑ūm.
Thus the related manuscripts 4510 and 4515 have three times ciθrušəm
(Y19.7, V6.32, 16.2). 4400 has one occurrence of ciθrušąm (V16.2).
In Mihrābān’s manuscripts the ending ‑um is still majoritarian (cf.
tables 3d, f) in all forms, but in the acc.sg. of ºōiiūm we find exclusively
‑ūm (cf. tables 4d, f). In the rest of the forms, apart from ‑um we find the
variant reading ‑ąm which is specific for ‑um in the Iranian manuscripts.
It appears only in Mihrābān’s Pahlavi Wīdēwdād manuscripts: V16.2
θrišąm (4600), V18.63a θrišąm (4600, 4610), V18.63b θrišąm (4600);
V6.32 caθrušąm (4610), ciθrušąm (4700). Furthermore, in V6.32 both
4700 and 4713, copies of 4600, presume θrišąm in the lost 4600.
Although Mihrābān copied both manuscripts from the same source, the
readings ‑um and ‑ąm alternate in the same passage in both manuscripts.
Readings with ‑ūm appear only rarely, but are especially frequent in
4610 (K1). We find θrišūm in 510 (Y19.7) and in 4610 (V18.63b,
18.64b). In all cases the older manuscripts 500 (J2) and 4600 (K1) show
the older endings ‑um or ‑ąm. The ending ‑ūm seems to be an Indian
influence. In the combined Yasna manuscripts (400, 415, 420) the domi
nant ending is clearly ‑um (cf. tables 3e, 4e). It is also the only form I
find in 677 (S1): Y19.7 θrišum (677, 682), θrišum (680); caθrušum
(677), ciθrušum (680), ciθrušum (682), Y2.13 [vīdōii]um (677), Y11.4
hoiiumca (682).
The ending ‑um appears clearly as the older form of the ending for the
acc.sg. of the ṷa- stems. Its almost universal spelling as -ūm in the Indian
manuscripts must be the result of a secondary lengthening. It appears
15
I assume that the reduction of -ōiium into -ōim is prior to the Indian lengthening of
-um not only because this seems more likely, but as well because the reduction affects
Mihrābān’s manuscripts, while the lengthening appears there only sporadically.
16
This is not a spelling for *haoīm, perhaps the regular acc.sg. of haoiia-, but a reduc-
tion of hōiium (attested in the Iranian Sādes) and with the enclitic ºca, hōiiūmca.
17
613 has hoiiumca in both passages.
Some Indian Sāde manuscripts sometimes use the ending ‑ōim (or
similars) even for trisyllables, but the expected forms are always better
attested. These variant readings belong almost always to the same manu-
scripts18, viz. such as are strongly influenced by the recitation and show
little, if any, dependence from written copies (Cantera 2012a: 301 f.):
Y2.13 vīduiim (231), vīδuiim (4400), vīdaoīm (4200); Y6.12 vīdūīm
(415, 4400); Y25.6 vīduiim (230, 100), vīδuiim (231); Y71.5 vīdōīm
(230, 120), βiduiim (231), vīdūīm (4400).
Av. daēuua- shows an unexpected acc.sg. (cf. table 6). The regular
form would be *dōiium for the Iranian manuscripts and *dōim for the
Indian ones. Instead we find almost everywhere the acc.sg. daēum (with
‑um and not ‑ūm). The diphthong aē did not yield the expected ōi because
of the influence by aē of the rest of the paradigm (daēuuō, etc.). Only
two variant readings appear: daēuum is a frequent variant reading in the
Iranian Sādes (V10.13 4000, 4050, 4055; V13.7 4000, 4010, 4050,
4055) and daem in the Indian manuscripts (already in Dārāb Hīrā Candā:
V10.9 4230, 4410; V13.7 4200, 4230) and once already in Mihrābān’s
4610 (K1) daēm19. This form is the equivalent of *dōim, for it appears
18
An exception is Y71.5 vīdōīm in Dārāb Hīrā Cāndā’s manuscript 120 (Lb2).
19
But 4600 (L4) daēum. A problem is posed by vaēm, the strange and only acc.sg. of
vaiiu- (Ved. vāyú‑). The expected form would be *voiium in Iranian manuscripts and
*vōim (monosyllabic) in the Indian manuscripts, from Mihrābān on. Actually, the only
attested form is vaēm. Unfortunately, we are not sure of the form of this acc.sg. in the
Iranian liturgical manuscripts. The only attestation in the Yasna appears in Y25.5. This
passage is part of the standard šnūman of Mīnō-Nāwār, used in the daily ceremonies. This
šnūman is usually not included in the Iranian Wisperad or Wīdēwdād Sādes. Hence,
among the manuscripts already published in ADA, this form is unfortunately only attested
in the late Yasna Sāde manuscript 20, where it appears as vaē. Geldner does not quote any
variant readings in the rest of attestations in the Khorde Avesta: S2.21, Yt15.1, Yt15.5,
Yt15.57, Y25.5. Therefore, this form is not directly comparable with the sporadic variant
reading daēm. Perhaps the original form was *vaēum parallel to daēum and not the non-
only in manuscripts with the evolution -ōiium > -ōim, but with restitu-
tion of the paradigmatic daēº instead of ºdōiº. The reading daēuum is the
result of another restitution of the stem daēuua-.
According to Hoffmann and Narten (1989: 52 n. 57) the acc.sg. of
the ṷa- stems after h, like hauuaŋvha- “good life” (< *haṷ-ṷahṷa-), was
hauuaŋvhəm in the archetype. This would be the only form that could
explain the really attested forms hauuaŋhəm and hauuaŋhum. The form
supposed for the archetype is not justified by palaeographic or textual-
critical evidence. It is just the lowest common denominator to the
attested forms and thus a reconstructed form with respect to which we
cannot know whether it was ever written down as such. The only argu-
ment for postulating it is that both forms must derive from an “arche-
typal” common form and that we suppose it to be the direct ancestor of
the different attested forms. In fact, there are no more arguments for
postulating a Sasanian *hauuaŋvhəm than a *caθrušuuəm.
De Vaan, however, thinks the confirmation of this postulate lies in the
distribution of the variant readings of paŋtaŋvha- “one fifth”. Actually,
the attested forms show almost the same distribution of the variant read-
ings as for the rest of the uua- stems. The Iranian Sādes never show a
final ºŋvhəm20, but always the two more frequent endings for the ṷa-
stems, i.e. ‑um and ‑ąm (cf. table 7a):
■ -um:
– for paŋtaŋhum: :Y19.7 paŋtaŋhum: 4000, 4010, 4055 paṇŋtaŋhum: 4060,
4100, paṇgtaŋhum: 2101; V6.32 paŋtaŋhum: 4000; V16.2 paŋtaŋhum:
4010, 4055
– for hauuaŋhum: Y71.11a hauuaŋhum: 2101, 4000, 4010, 4055;
hauuaŋvhum: 2010; Y71.b hauuaŋvhum: 2101; hauuaŋhum: 4000, 4010,
4050, 4055
– -ąm: Y19.7 paŋtaŋhąm: 4025, 4040, 4050, paṇgtaŋhąm: 20, pataŋhąm:
2010; V6.32 paṇgtaŋhąm: 4010, 4025, 4040, paŋtaŋhąm: 4050, 4055;
V16.2 paŋtaŋhąm: 4000, 4050.
paradigmatic *vōim. The attested vaēm could be the result of a dissimilation or even a
faulty restitution of one abbreviated form vaē., cf. Y25.5 vaē (20). In any case, De Vaan
(2003: 326) is right in rejecting the derivation of vaēm from an IIr. stem vāiá- (hesitat-
ingly suggested by Hoffmann and Forssman 1996: 58).
20
The only exception is 2010 Y71.11a, but it was corrected into hauuaŋhum.
In the Indian Sādes we find three endings that also appear for the
rest of ṷa- stems, but this time the distribution is not exactly the same
(cf. table 6b). Here the ending -əm is visibly more frequent than in the
rest of ṷa- stems. Nevertheless, in all passages the ending ‑um or ‑ūm is
better represented (but V16.2):
21
Compare the frequent confusion between -um and -ąm in the Iranian manuscripts.
22
Strikingly Tremblay (2012: 129 f.) in his discussion of the matter does not take into
consideration that Mihrābān uses this letter.
after the segregation of the Indian and Iranian communities the way how
the Avestan language was recited in the ritual continued changing and
these changes are reflected in the manuscripts. Thus, the forms attested
in the manuscripts are not degenerations of a supposed original Sasanian
archetype or a subsequent hyparchetype through the copying process23.
But even if we accept the existence of a Sasanian archetype for the
extant manuscripts, the attempt to edit the recitative of the long liturgy
in the form in which it was written down in the “liturgical” Sasanian
archetype is too risky. Returning to the acc.sg. forms we have discussed,
it is impossible to know which was the stage reached at the time of the
supposed Sasanian archetype. Had the distinction between the acc.sg. of
the u- and ū- stems already faded away? Had -ṷəm# already evolved
into ‑um and -uṷəm# into ‑ūm? Being strict, we can only edit either the
Iranian redaction (with its distinction of the acc.sg. of ū- and ṷa- stems)
or the Indian one (without such distinction and with reduction of ºōiiūm
to ºōim in disyllables). The phonetic changes of the Avestan language
did not come to an end in Sasanian times but continue until today. The
extant manuscripts are not defective copies of a Sasanian archetype but
reflect the way the Avestan text was recited in their respective traditions.
Editions of the Avestan texts must take into account this fact.
23
Indeed, the existence of the archetype and the hyparchetypes has recently been
doubted (Cantera 2012a; Tremblay 2012). In any case, even if there was a Sasanian
archetype, our manuscripts do not derive directly from it (Kellens 1998; Kellens 2012).
Tables
Table 1 : u- stems
Table 1a Iranian Sādes
ahūm -um -ūm other endings
Y9.19 ahūm: 2101 ahīm: 15, 20, 82, 83, 2010,
2040, 2104, 2801, 4000, 4010,
4020, 4025, 4031, 4040, 4045,
4050, 4055, 4060, 4070, 4100,
4140, 5020
Y11.10 ahūm: 2010, 4000 ahīm: 20, 2101, 2104, 4140
Y27.5 ahūm: 2005, 2010, ahīm: 20, 2101, 4050, 4055,
4000. 4010, 4025, 4100
4040
Y30.6 ahūm: 2005, 2010, ahīm: 20, 4040, 4050, 4055
2101, 4000. 4010,
4025
V2.22a ahūm: 4000, 4010, ahīm: 4050, 4055
4025, 4040
V2.22b ahūm: 4000, 4010, ahīm: 4050, 4055
4025, 4040
V18.16 ahūm: 4000 ahīm: 4050, 4055
barəšnūm -um -ūm other endings
V8.40 barəšnīm: 4000, 4010, 4025,
4050, 4055
V8.41 barəšnūm: 4010, barəšnīm: 4000, 4050, 4055
4025
V9.15 barəšnīm: 4000, 4010, 4055
baršnīm: 4050
dax́iiūm -um -ūm other endings
Y62.5 daxiiūmca: 2010, daxiiəmca: 20, 2101, 4050
4000, 4010, 4055
Y68.5 daxiiūmca: 2005, daxiiīmca: 20, 2101, 4050,
2010, 4000, 4010 4055
V8.103 daxiiīmca: 4000, 4010, 4025,
4050, 4055
V18.52 ºdaxiiūm: 4000, ºdaxiiīm: 4050, 4055
4010
24
Corresponds to VrS32.5.
25
Corrected into gāθīm.
30
Vr19.1
31
= VrS32.5 in the Wisperad, Widēwdād and Wīštāsp Yašt ceremonies.
32
This is a modern part completing a destroyed half page of the original manuscript.
33
For dā ahūm.
Before marətānō.
34
35
= VrS32.5 in the Wisperad, Widēwdād and Wīštāsp Yašt ceremonies.
Table 1c Combined
Yasna
ahūm -um -ūm other endings
Y9.19 ahūm: 400, 408, 409, 410,
415, 420, 450
Y11.10 ahūm: 400, 415, 420
Y27.4 ahūm: 400, 415, 420
Y30.6 ahūm: 400, 415, 420
dax́iiūm -um -ūm other endings
Y62.5 daxiiūmca: 400, 415, 420
Y68.5 daxiiūmca: 400, 415, 420
gātūm -um -ūm other endings
Y62.5 ºgātūm: 400, 415, 420
maińiiūm -um -ūm other endings
Y18.8 ºmainiiū 400
ºmainiiū: 415, 420
pitūm -um -ūm other endings
Y9.11 patūm: 408, 409, 420 paitīm: 400
paitūm: 410 paitəm: 415
patīm: 450
pərətūm -um -ūm other endings
Y46.10 pərətūm: 420
fərətūm: 400, 415
Y19.6 pərətūm.cit: 400
pairitūm.cīt: 415
pərətəmcīt: 420
Y71.16 pərətūm: 400, 415, 420
rašnūm -um -ūm other endings
Y2.7 rašnūm: 400, 415, 420
Y6.6 rašnūm: 400
rasnūm: 415
Y16.5 rašnūm: 400, 415, 420
Y17.6 rašnūm: 400
ratūm -um -ūm other endings
Y2.2 ratūm: 400, 415, 420
Y2.4a ratūm: 400, 415, 420
Y2.4b ratūm: 400, 415, 420
Y2.5a ratūm: 400, 415, 420
Table 1f Wīdēwdād
Pahlavi
ahūm -um -ūm other endings
V2.22a ahūm: 4670
V2.22b ahūm: 4670, 4700, 4711,
4712, 4713, 4715, 4710
V18.16 ahūm: 4600, 4660, 4700,
4711, 4712, 4713, 4715,
4710
barəšnūm -um -ūm other endings
V8.40 barəšnūm: 4601 barəšnū.ąm: 4700
baršnūm: 4713 barəšnąm: 4610
barəšnūm: 4670, 4711
baraišnūm: 4700
V8.41 barəšnūm: 4713
barəšnūm: 4700, 4711, 4610
baršnūm: 4601
baršnūm: 4670
V9.15 baršnūm: 4600, 461036,
4700, 4715
barašnūm: 4670, 4711, 4710
baršnūm: 4713
dax́iiūm -um -ūm other endings
V8.10337 daxiiumca: daxiiūmca: 4700, 4700,
4601 4711, 4713
36
4610 .
37
4610
38
4610 .
Table 2 : ū- stems
Table 2a Iranian Sādes
fsəratūm -um -ūm other endings
Y5.5 fsəratūm: 4010, 4025, 4040 fsəratīm: 4060, 4100,
fsiratūm: 4000 4140
fsarətūm: 2010 fsarətīm: 2101
fsiratīm: 2104, 4050,
4055
Y27.9 fsəratūm: 2005, 4000, 4010, fsəratīm: 2101, 4025,
4040 4050, 4100
fsaratūm: 2010 pəsəratīm: 20
fsiratūuuōm: 4055
Y33.12 fsəratūm: 4040
Y37.5 fsəratūm: 2005, 4000, 4010, fsəratīm: 2101,
4025
tanūm -um -ūm other endings
Y9.17 ºtanīm: 15, 20, 82, 83,
2010, 2040, 2101,
2104, 2801, 4000,
4010, 4020, 4025,
4031, 4040, 4050,
4055, 4060, 4070,
4100, 4140, 5020
ºtanəm: 4045
Table 2c Combined
Yasna
fsəratūm -um -ūm other endings
Y5.5 fəšəratūm: 415 fsəratīm: 400
fsə.ratūm: 420
Y27.9
Y33.12 fsəratūm: 400
Y37.5 fsəratūm: 400
tanūm -um -ūm other endings
Y9.17 ºtanūm: 400, 408, 409, 410,
415, 420, 450
Y10.14 tanūm: 400, 415, 420
Y33.10 tanūm: 400, 415, 420
xšnūm -um -ūm other endings
Y48.12 xšnəm: 400, 420
xšnəm: 415
Y53.2 xšnəm: 400
xšnəm: 415, 420
Table 2f Wīdēwdād
Pahlavi
tanūm -um -ūm other endings
V4.17 tanūm: 4600, 4670, 4700,
4711, 4712, 4713, 4715,
4710
V5.12 tanūm: 4601, 4670, 4700,
4711, 4712, 4713, 4715,
4710
V9.1 tanūm: 4600, 4670, 4700,
4711, 4713, 4715, 4710
Table 3c Combined
Yasna
caθrušum -um -ūm -əm
Y19.7 ciθrušum: 400 ciθrašūm: 420
haurum -um -ūm -əm
Y19.14 haurum: 400 ahurəm: 415
haurəm: 420
Y20.3 ahurəm: 415
θrišum -um -ūm -əm
Y19.7 θrišūm: 400, 415, 420
Table 3f Pahlavi
Wīdēwdād
caθrušum -um -ūm other endings
V6.32 caθrušūm: 4710 caθrušąm: 4601
caθrušąm: 4610, 4711,
4715
ciθrušąm: 4712
ciθrušąm: 4700, 4713
ciθrušəm: 4670
V16.2 caθrušum: caθrušąm: 4600, 4660,
4610, 4711, 47 4710
caθrušəm: 4670
haurum -um -ūm other endings
V13.12 °haurum:
4600, 4610,
4660, 4670,
4700, 4711,
4713
V13.13 °haurum:
4600, 4610,
4660, 4670,
4700, 4711,
4713, 4715
pourum -um -ūm other endings
V4.47 paourum: paoru: 4712
4601, 4670,
4700, 4713,
4715, 4710
V8.40 paourum: paourūm: 4601, 4670, 4700
4610, 4711,
4713, 4715
V8.41 paourum:
4601, 4610,
4670, 4700,
4711, 4713,
4715
V8.58a pōurum: 4601,
4670
paourum:
4610, 4700,
4711, 4713,
4715
39
Similar distribution in V5.30, 8.77, 9.7, 9.28.
40
4610 .
41
Interestingly, the scribe copied Y11.5 twice, each time spelling hōiiumca differ-
ently: first hōoiiąmca and then hōiiumca.
Table 6: daēum
Table 7: *ºhṷam
Table 7a Iranian Sādes
hauuaŋhum -um -ūm other endings
Y71.11a hauuaŋhum: hauuaŋhəm: 201042
2101, 4000,
4010, 4055
hauuaŋvhum:
2010
Y71.11b hauuaŋvhum:
2101
hauuaŋhum:
4000, 4010,
4050, 4055
paŋtaŋhum -um -ūm other endings
Y19.7 paŋtaŋhum: paŋtaŋhąm: 4025,
4000, 4010, 4040, 4050
4055 paṇgtaŋhąm: 20
paṇŋtaŋhum: pataŋhąm: 2010
4060, 4100
paṇgtaŋhum:
2101
V6.32 paŋtaŋhum: paṇgtaŋhąm: 4010,
4000 4025, 4040
paŋtaŋhąm: 4050, 4055
V16.2 paŋtaŋhum: paŋtaŋhąm: 4000, 4050
4010, 4055
Table 7b Indian Sādes
hauuaŋhum -um -ūm other endings
Y71.11a hauuaŋhum: hauuaŋhō.hūm: 231 hauuaŋhauum: 100
4420 hauuaŋhūm: 4510 huuaŋuhuum: 235, 234
huuaŋum: huuaŋhūm: 4515 haūm.aŋhumē: 230
4240 hauuaŋhauuaṇmē: 120
auuaŋhum: hauuaŋhō.mē: 4400
4410 hauuaŋuhē: 4200
Y71.11b hauuaŋum: hauuaŋhūm: 235, 234, 4420, haūm.aŋhu.mē: 230
4240 4510 hauuaŋhauum: 100
auuaŋhum: huuaŋhūm: 4515 hauuaŋhauuaṇmə: 120
4410 hauuṇŋhō.hūma: 231
hauuaŋhumē: 4200
hauuaŋhō.mə: 4400
42
Corrected into hauuaŋhum.
Table 7f Wīdēwdād
Pahlavi
paŋtaŋhum -um -ūm other endings
V6.32 paŋtaŋhąm: 4711, 4715
paŋhtaŋhąm: 4601,
4712
paŋhaitaŋhąm: 4700
paŋhtaŋhəm: 4670,
4713
paŋhaotaŋhəm: 4710
V16.2 paŋtaŋhąm: 4600,
4660, 4711, 4713
paŋhąm: 4710
paŋtaŋhəm: 4700
paŋhataŋhəm: 4670
Bibliography
Tremblay, X. (2012). Ibant obscuri uaria sub nocte : Les textes avestiques et
leurs recensions des Sassanides au XIIIe s. AD en particulier
d’après l’alphabet avestique. Notes de lecture avestiques VIII.
The transmission of the Avesta. A. Cantera (ed.). Wiesbaden,
Harrassowitz: 98-135.