Russia-Ukraine relations: A timeline

Russia and Ukraine have shared a troubled past that stretches all the way
back to the 10th century.

Both Russia and Ukraine share the same cultural roots. However, over the
course of time, both the countries developed unfamiliar cultural and political
identities.

While Kyiv has resisted Moscow’s attempts to impose its supremacy over
Ukraine, the latter has always insisted that Ukraine has always been a part of
Russia.

However, despite the animosity between the two nations, Ukraine was part of
the Soviet Union for over seven decades.

In the last twenty years, there have been repeated instances of Kyiv accusing
Moscow of meddling in its affairs.

We trace the history of the troubled relationship between the two nations.

1 - 10th - 19th century

The Origin: The modern nations of Russia, Ukraine, and Belarus all claim their
cultural ancestry to Kievan Rus -- a mediaeval principality that was in the
Kievan Rus' region.

Since the 10th century, the Rus principality was ruled by a Varangian dynasty,
the Rurikids. In the 13th century, the Mongol invasion of Kievan Rus led to the
downfall of the principality.

Until the invasion by Mongols, Kyiv was the capital of Rus from the 9th
century until 1240. Moscow then became the capital of the principality of
Muscovy and, later, the Russian Empire.

Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth: In 1569, the city of Kiev became part of

the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. The Polish-Lithuanian
Commonwealth was a buffer state between the two major powers of Europe
at the time: the Kingdom of Sweden and the Tsardom of Russia. The
Commonwealth was a federation of two states: the Kingdom of Poland and
the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. The city of Kiev was the capital of the Grand
Duchy of Lithuania.

Annexation of Ukraine by Imperial Russia: In 1783, Ukraine was annexed by

Imperial Russia in a bloodless event. The Ukrainian Cossacks, who had been
semi-independent since the early seventeenth century, were eager to join the
Russian Empire, and the tsar was happy to have them. There was some
resistance from the Ukrainians, but it was quickly put down. The annexation
of Ukraine was one of the first steps in the expansion of the Russian Empire
into the Balkans and the Black Sea region.

2 - Early 20th century

Suppression of Ukrainian culture: In the 19th century, the Russian Empire
started to suppress Ukrainian culture and language. This was done to
assimilate Ukrainians into Russian culture. The Russian Empire began moving
ethnic Russians into present-day Ukraine in the 18th century. This process
continued into the Soviet period. As a result, the Russian population in
Ukraine increased from approximately 3.5 million in 1917 to over 34 million by
1989.

The Russian Empire moved ethnic Russians to Ukraine to populate the region
and make it more loyal to the empire. This was done to strengthen Russian
control over the area and to extend the empire's borders.

Ukraine claims independence: On January 22, 1917, the Ukrainian Central

Rada (council) issued the "Universal of the Ukrainian People" which declared
Ukraine's autonomy within a federal Russian state. On November 2, 1917, the
council issued the "Declaration of Independence of Ukraine" and proclaimed
the nation's sovereignty. A few months later, it proclaimed the establishment
of the Ukrainian People's Republic on January 6, 1918.

3 - The Soviet era

Soviet Union founded: In the Soviet-Ukrainian War (1917-1921), the Ukrainian
Bolsheviks defeated the national government in Kyiv and established the
Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic (SSR). Ukraine SSR then joined hands with
Russia to become the founding member of the Soviet Union in 1922.
Ukraine became the bread basket of the USSR: Ukraine SSR became the
bread basket of Soviet Russia because it had rich soil that was perfect for
farming. The country's climate was also conducive to agriculture, which
meant that farmers could produce a lot of food. Additionally, the Soviet Union
had a large population, so there was a big demand for food. Ukraine SSR was
able to meet this demand and became a major supplier of food to the Soviet
Union.

Industrialization of Ukraine: In return, Ukraine SSR became industrialized

under Soviet Russia. Factories were built, and the country's agricultural sector
was modernized. Ukraine SSR also became a major producer of coal, iron, and
steel. In the 1930s, Ukraine SSR’s industrial sector grew rapidly as part of the
move towards an industrial economy. The republic's large agricultural sector
continued to provide the country with copious quantities of produce. Despite
harsh conditions in Soviet Ukraine during the 1930s, the republic experienced
relative prosperity and rapid industrialization.

Holodomor famine: The rapid industrialization came at a great price as it

destroyed the agrarian society. Ukraine was under the grip of a manufactured
famine from 1932 to 1933 that claimed the lives of around 3.5 million people
(about twice the population of Nebraska). The famine was believed to have
been engineered by the Soviet government of Joseph Stalin.

Crimea handed over to Ukraine: In 1954, Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev

handed over Crimea to Ukraine SSR. This move effectively transferred power
over the strategically important region from Russia to Ukraine SSR. The
transfer was part of Khrushchev’s vision for a politically unified Soviet Union. It
marked the culmination of centuries of conflict and competition between
Russia and Ukraine over the territory.

4 - post-Soviet era
Independence: In the beginning of the 1990s, there was massive support
within Ukraine to defect from the Soviet Union. Massive demonstrations took
place in support of Ukrainian independence, such as the 300,000-people
strong human chain. The chain stretched for over 600 kilometers (about
372.82 mi) from Lviv to Kiev, and it is believed to have united over 1.5 million
people (about the population of West Virginia) in support of Ukrainian
independence. Later that year, a referendum was held and over 90 per cent
of the people supported independence.

Leonid Makarovych Kravchuk was sworn in as the first president of

independent Ukraine in 1991. He served till 1994.

Nuclear Disarmament: Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Ukraine

inherited a large stockpile of nuclear weapons. The stockpile was third-largest
in the world along with technology to design and produce more weapons.

In 1994, Ukraine agreed to destroy the weapons and agreed to join the Non-
Proliferation of nuclear weapons (NPT). On December 5, 1994, Ukraine, Russia,
Britain, and the US signed the Budapest Memorandum. Under the terms of
the memorandum, Ukraine was promised security assurances in connection
with its accession to the NPT as a non-nuclear weapon state.

5 - 21st century
Orange Revolution: In 2004, a series of political protests took place in
Ukraine in response to the elections of Viktor Yanukovych, who also had the
support of Russian President Vladimir Putin. The protesters claimed that the
result of the elections was rigged by the authorities in Favour of
Yanukovych.A results were annulled and a revote ordered. In the re-election,
Viktor Yushchenko won by securing 52% of the votes.

Euromaidan protests: On 21 November, 2013, Viktor Yanukovych suspended

signing the EU Association Agreement and instead chose closer ties with
Russia. The decision not to sign the agreement sparked Euromaidan protests.
The protests were aimed at widespread government corruption, abuse of
power, and violation of human rights in Ukraine. Elected President Viktor
Yanukovych was ousted and the Ukrainian government was overthrown.

Annexation of Crimea: In February 2014, masked Russian troops took over

the supreme council of Crimea and several other strategically important
buildings and pro-Russian Sergey Aksyonov's government was established in
Crimea and it was formally incorporated by Russia as a federal subject.

Russia invades Ukraine: In 2021, Russia started a large military buildup on

the border with Ukraine. The buildup continued despite warnings from other
western countries. On February 24, 2022, the Russian president Vladimir
Putin ordered his troops to enter Ukraine.

History
2014 Russian annexation of Crimea
On 20 February 2014, Russia began its annexation of Crimea.[71][72][73][74] On 22 and
23 February, Russian troops and special forces began moving into Crimea through
Novorossiysk.[73] On 27 February, Russian forces without insignias began their
advance into the Crimean Peninsula.[75] They took strategic positions and captured
the Crimean Parliament, raising a Russian flag. Security checkpoints were used to
cut the Crimean Peninsula off from the rest of Ukraine and to restrict movement
within the territory.[76][77][78][79]
In the following days, Russian soldiers secured key airports and a communications
center.[80] Russian cyberattacks shut down websites associated with the Ukrainian
government, news media, and social media. Cyberattacks also enabled Russian
access to the mobile phones of Ukrainian officials and members of parliament
over the next few days—some of whom had their phones disabled as a result—
further severing lines of communication.[81]
On 1 March, the Russian legislature approved the use of armed forces, leading to
an influx of Russian troops and military hardware into the peninsula. [80] In the
following days, all remaining Ukrainian military bases and installations were
surrounded and besieged, including the Southern Naval Base. After Russia
formally annexed the peninsula on 18 March, Ukrainian military bases and ships
were stormed by Russian forces. On 24 March, Ukraine ordered troops to
withdraw; by 30 March, all Ukrainian forces had left the peninsula.
On 15 April, the Ukrainian parliament declared Crimea a territory temporarily
occupied by Russia.[82] After the annexation, the Russian government increased its
military presence in the region and made nuclear threats to solidify the new
status quo on the ground.[83] Russian president Vladimir Putin said that a Russian
military task force would be established in Crimea. [84] In November, NATO stated
that it believed Russia was deploying nuclear-capable weapons to Crimea.[85]
2014–2015 war in Donbas
Pro-Russian unrest
The first protests across southern and eastern Ukraine were largely native
expressions of discontent with the new Ukrainian government. [86] Russian
involvement at this stage was limited to voicing support for the demonstrations,
and the emergence of the separatists in Donetsk and Luhansk began as a small
fringe group of protesters, independent of Russian control.[86][87] Russia went on to
take advantage of this, however, and launched a coordinated political and military
campaign against Ukraine, as part of the broader Russo-Ukrainian War.[86][88] Putin
gave legitimacy to the nascent separatist movement when he described the
Donbas as part of the historic "New Russia" (Novorossiya) region, and expressed
bewilderment as how the region had ever become part of Ukraine in 1922 with
the foundation of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic.[89]
When the Ukrainian authorities cracked down on the pro-Russian protests and
arrested local separatist leaders in early March, they were replaced by people
with ties to the Russian security services and interests in Russian businesses,
probably by order of Russian intelligence.[90] By April 2014, Russian citizens had
taken control of the separatist movement, and were supported by volunteers and
materiel from Russia, including Chechen and Cossack fighters.[91][92][93][94] According
to DPR commander Igor GirkinWithout this support in April, the movement would
have fizzled out, as it had in Kharkiv and Odessa.[95] The disputed referendum on
the status of Donetsk Oblast was held on 11 May.[96][97][98]
These demonstrations, which followed the annexation of Crimea by the Russian
Federation, and which were part of a wider group of concurrent pro-Russian
protests across southern and eastern Ukraine, escalated into an armed conflict
between the Russia-backed separatist forces of the self-declared Donetsk and
Luhansk People's Republics (DPR and LPR respectively), and the Ukrainian
government.[99][100] The SBU claimed key commanders of the rebel movement
during the beginning of the conflict, including Igor Strelkov and Igor Bezler were
Russian agents.[101][102] The prime minister of Donetsk People's Republic from May
to August 2014 was a Russian citizen, Alexander Borodai.[93]
From August 2014 on, all top positions in Donetsk and Luhansk were held by
Ukrainian citizens.[103][92] Russian volunteers are reported to make up from 15% to
80% of the combatants,[93][104][105][106][107] with many said to be former military
personnel.[108][109] Recruitment for the Donbas insurgents was performed openly in
Russian cities using private or voyenkomat facilities, as was confirmed by several
Russian media.[108][110]
Economic and material circumstances in Donbas had generated neither necessary
nor sufficient conditions for a locally rooted, internally driven armed conflict. The
role of the Kremlin's military intervention was paramount for hostilities to
begin.[111]
April–July 2014
In late March, Russia continued the buildup of military forces near the Ukrainian
eastern border, reaching 30–40,000 troops (about twice the seating capacity of
Madison Square Garden) by April.[112][52] The deployment was used to threaten
escalation and stymie Ukraine's response to unfolding events. [52] Concerns were
expressed that Russia might again be readying an incursion into Ukraine following
its annexation of Crimea.[112] This threat forced Ukraine to divert force deployment
to its borders instead of the conflict zone.[52]
In April, armed conflict began in eastern Ukraine between Russian-backed
separatist forces and Ukrainian government. The separatists declared the People's
Republics of Donetsk and Luhansk. From 6 April, Militants occupied government
buildings in many cities and took control of border crossings to Russia, transport
hubs, broadcasting center, and other strategic infrastructure. Faced with
continued expansion of separatist territorial control, on 15 April the Ukrainian
interim government launched an "Anti-Terrorist Operation" (ATO), however,
Ukrainian military and security services were poorly prepared and ill-positioned
and the operation quickly stalled.[113]
By the end of April, the Ukrainian Government announced it had no full control of
the provinces of Donetsk and Luhansk, being on "full combat alert" against a
possible Russian invasion and reinstatement of conscription to the armed
forces.[114] Through May, Ukrainian campaign focused on containing the separatists
by securing key positions around the ATO zone to position the military for a
decisive offensive against the rebel enclave once Ukraine's national mobilization
complete.
As conflict between the separatists and the Ukrainian government escalated in
May, Russia began to employ a "hybrid approach", deploying a combination of
disinformation tactics, irregular fighters, regular Russian troops, and conventional
military support to support the separatists and destabilize the Donbas
region.[115][116][117] The First Battle of Donetsk Airport that followed the Ukrainian
presidential elections marked a turning point in conflict; it was the first battle
between the separatists and the Ukrainian government that involved large
numbers of Russian "volunteers".[118][119]: 15 According to the Ukrainian government, at the
height of the conflict in the summer of 2014, Russian paramilitaries were reported
to make up between 15% to 80% of the combatants. [93] From June Russia trickled
in arms, armor, and munitions to the separatist forces.
By the end of July, they [clarification needed] were pushing into Donetsk and Luhansk cities,
to cut off supply routes between the two, isolating Donetsk and thought to
restore control of the Russo-Ukrainian border. By 28 July, the strategic heights of
Savur-Mohyla were under Ukrainian control, along with the town of Debaltseve,
an important railroad hub.[120] These operational successes of Ukrainian forces
threatened the very existence of Russian-supported DPR and LPR statelets,
prompting Russian cross-border artillery shelling targeted against advancing
Ukrainian troops on their own soil, from mid-July onwards. [citation needed]
American and Ukrainian officials said they had evidence of Russian interference in
Ukraine, including intercepted communications between Russian officials and
Donbas insurgents.[121][122]
Ukrainian media have described the well-organized and well-armed pro-Russian
militants as similar to those who occupied regions of Crimea during the Crimean
crisis.[123][124] The former deputy Chief of the General Staff of the Armed Forces of
Ukraine, Admiral Ihor Kabanenko, said that the militants are Russian military
reconnaissance and sabotage units.[125] Arsen Avakov stated that the militants in
Krasnyi Lyman used Russian-made AK-100 series assault rifles fitted with grenade
launchers, and that such weapons are only issued in the Russian Federation. "The
Government of Ukraine is considering the facts of today as a manifestation of
external aggression by Russia," said Avakov.[126] Militants in Sloviansk arrived in
military lorries without license plates.[127] A reporter from Russia's Novaya Gazeta,
having visited separatist artillery positions in Avdeyevka, wrote that in his opinion
"it's impossible that the cannons are handled by volunteers" as they require a
trained and experienced team, including observers and adjustment experts.[128]
August 2014 Russian invasion
After a series of military defeats and setbacks for the Donetsk and Luhansk
separatists, who united under the banner of "Novorossiya", a term Russian
President Vladimir Putin used to describe southeastern Ukraine,[129][130] Russia
dispatched what it called a "humanitarian convoy" of trucks across the Russo-
Ukrainian border in mid-August 2014. Ukraine reacted to the move by calling it a
"direct invasion".[131] Ukraine's National Security and Defense Council published a
report on the number and contents of these convoys, claiming they were arriving
daily in November (up to 9 convoys on 30 November) and their contents were
arms and ammunition. In early August, according to Igor Strelkov, Russian
servicemembers, on "vacation" from the army, began to arrive in Donbas. [132]
By August 2014, the Ukrainian "Anti-Terrorist Operation" was able to vastly shrink
the territory under the control of the pro-Russian forces, and came close to
regaining control of the Russo-Ukrainian border.[133] Igor Girkin urged Russian
military intervention, and said that the combat inexperience of his irregular
forces, along with recruitment difficulties amongst the local population in
Donetsk Oblast, had caused the setbacks. He addressed Russian president
Vladimir Putin, saying that: "Losing this war on the territory that President
Vladimir Putin personally named New Russia would threaten the Kremlin's power
and, personally, the power of the president".[134]
In response to the deteriorating situation in the Donbas, Russia abandoned its
hybrid approach, and began a conventional invasion of the region. [133][135] The first
sign of this invasion was 25 August 2014 capture of a group of Russian
paratroopers on active service in Ukrainian territory by the Ukrainian security
service (SBU).[136] The SBU released photographs of them, and their names.[137] On
the following day, the Russian defense Ministry said these soldiers had crossed
the border "by accident".[138][139][140] According to Nikolai Mitrokhin's estimates, by
mid-August 2014 during the Battle of Ilovaisk, there were between 20,000 and
25,000 troops fighting in the Donbas on the separatist side, and only between
40% and 45% were "locals".[141]
On 24 August 2014, Amvrosiivka was occupied by Russian paratroopers,[142]
supported by 250 armored vehicles and artillery pieces. [143] The same day,
President of Ukraine Petro Poroshenko referred to the anti-terrorist operation
(ATO) as Ukraine's "Patriotic War of 2014" and a war against "external
aggression".[144][145] Ten Russian paratroopers of the 331st Guards Airborne
Regiment, military unit 71211 from Kostroma, were captured in Dzerkalne that
day, a village near Amvrosiivka, 20 kilometers (12 mi) from the border,[146] after
their armored vehicles were hit by Ukrainian artillery. On 25 August, the Security
Service of Ukraine reported the capture of paratroopers who claimed they had
crossed Ukrainian border by accident in the night of 23 August. [147] The SBU also
released their photos and names.[148] The next day, the Russian Ministry of
Defense said that they had crossed the border "by accident". [146][149] The Ministry of
Foreign Affairs of Ukraine labeled the conflict an invasion on 27 August 2014.[150]
On 25 August, a column of Russian tanks and military vehicles was reported to
have crossed into Ukraine in the southeast, near the town of Novoazovsk located
on the Azov sea coast, and headed towards Ukrainian-held Mariupol,[151][152][153][154][155]
in an area that had not seen pro-Russian presence for weeks.[156] The Bellingcat
investigation revealed some details of this operation. [157] Russian forces captured
the city of Novoazovsk.[158] and Russian soldiers began arresting and deporting to
unknown locations all Ukrainians who did not have an address registered within
the town.[159] Pro-Ukrainian anti-war protests took place in Mariupol which was
threatened by Russian troops.[159][160] The UN Security Council called an emergency
meeting to discuss the situation.[161]
The 76th Guards Air Assault Division based in Pskov allegedly entered Ukrainian
territory in August and engaged in a skirmish near Luhansk, suffering 80 dead. The
Ukrainian Defense Ministry said that they had seized two of the unit's armored
vehicles near Luhansk city, and reported about another three tanks and two
armored vehicles of pro-Russian forces destroyed in other regions.[162][163] The
Russian government denied the skirmish took place [163] but on 18 August, the 76th
Guards Air Assault Division was awarded the Order of Suvorov, one of Russia's
highest awards, by Russian minister of defense Sergey Shoigu for the "successful
completion of military missions" and "courage and heroism". [163]
Russian media highlighted that the medal is awarded exclusively for combat
operations and reported that many soldiers from this division had died in Ukraine
just days before, but their burials were conducted in secret. [164][165][166] Some Russian
media, such as Pskovskaya Guberniya,[167] reported that Russian paratroopers
might have been killed in Ukraine. Journalists traveled to Pskov, the reported
burial location of the troops, to investigate. Multiple reporters said they had been
attacked or threatened there, and that the attackers erased several camera
memories cards.[168] Pskovskaya Guberniya revealed transcripts of phone
conversations between Russian soldiers being treated in a Pskov hospital for
wounds received while fighting in Ukraine. The soldiers reveal that they were sent
to the war, but told by their officers that they were going on "an exercise". [169][170]
The speaker of Russia's upper house of parliament and Russian state television
channels acknowledged that Russian soldiers entered Ukraine, but referred to
them as "volunteers".[171] A reporter for Novaya Gazeta, an opposition newspaper
in Russia, stated that the Russian military leadership paid soldiers to resign their
commissions and fight in Ukraine in the early summer of 2014, and then began
ordering soldiers into Ukraine. This reporter mentioned knowledge of at least one
case when soldiers who refused were threatened with prosecution.[172] Russian
opposition MP Lev Shlosberg made similar statements, although he said
combatants from his country are "regular Russian troops", disguised as units of
the DPR and LPR.[173]
In early September 2014, Russian state-owned television channels reported on
the funerals of Russian soldiers who had died in Ukraine during the war in
Donbas, but described them as "volunteers" fighting for the "Russian world".
Valentina Matviyenko, a top politician in the ruling United Russia party, also
praised "volunteers" fighting in "our fraternal nation", referring to Ukraine. [171]
Russian state television for the first time showed the funeral of a soldier killed
fighting in east Ukraine. State-controlled TV station Channel One showed the
burial of paratrooper Anatoly Travkin in the central Russian city of Kostroma. The
broadcaster said Travkin had not told his wife or commanders about his decision
to fight alongside pro-Russia rebels battling government forces. "Officially he just
went on leave", the news reader said.[174]
Mariupol offensive and first Minsk ceasefire
On 3 September 2014, a Sky News team filmed groups of troops near Novoazovsk
wearing modern combat gear typical for Russian units and traveling in new
military vehicles with number plates and other markings removed. Specialists
consulted by the journalists' identified parts of the equipment (uniform, rifles) as
currently used by Russian ground forces and paratroopers.[175]
Also, on, 3 September, Ukrainian President Poroshenko said he had reached a
"permanent ceasefire" agreement with Russian President Putin. [176] Russia denied
the ceasefire agreement took place, denying being party to the conflict at all,
adding that "they only discussed how to settle the conflict". [177][178] Poroshenko
then backtracked from his previous statement about the agreement. [179][180]
Mick Krever wrote on the CNN blog that on 5 September Russia's Permanent
Representative to the OSCE, Andrey Kelin, had said it was natural pro-Russian
separatists "are going to liberate" Mariupol. Ukrainian forces stated that Russian
intelligence groups had been spotted in the area. Kelin said 'there might be
volunteers over there.'[181] On 4 September 2014, a NATO officer said there were
several thousand regular Russian forces operating in Ukraine. [182]
On 5 September 2014, the ceasefire agreement called the Minsk Protocol, drew a
line of demarcation between Ukraine and separatist-controlled portions of
Donetsk and Luhansk Oblasts in the southeast of the country.

November 2014 escalation

On 7 November, NATO officials confirmed the continued invasion of Ukraine, with
32 Russian tanks, 16 howitzer cannons and 30 trucks of troops entering the
country.[183] On 12 November, NATO reiterated the prevalence of Russian troops;
US general Philip M. Breedlove said "Russian tanks, Russian artillery, Russian air
defense systems and Russian combat troops" were sighted. [85] The Lithuanian
Mission to the United Nations denounced Russia's 'undeclared war' on Ukraine. [184]
Journalist Menahem Kahana took a picture showing a 1RL232 "Leopard"
battlefield surveillance radar system in Torez, east of Donetsk; and Dutch
freelance journalist Stefan Huijon took pictures which showed the 1RL232
traveling with the 1RL239 "Lynx" radar system.[185]
OSCE monitors further observed vehicles apparently used to transport soldiers'
dead bodies crossing the Russian-Ukrainian border – in one case a vehicle marked
with Russia's military code for soldiers killed in action crossed from Russia into
Ukraine on 11 November 2014, and later returned.[186] On 23 January 2015 the
Committee of Soldiers' Mothers warned about conscripts being sent to east
Ukraine.[187] NATO said it had seen an increase in Russian tanks, artillery pieces and
other heavy military equipment in eastern Ukraine and renewed its call for
Moscow to withdraw its forces.[188]
The center for Eurasian Strategic Intelligence estimated, based on "official
statements and interrogation records of captured military men from these units,
satellite surveillance data" as well as verified announcements from relatives and
profiles in social networks, that over 30 Russian military units were taking part in
the conflict in Ukraine. In total, over 8,000 soldiers had fought there at different
moments.[189] The Chicago Council on Global Affairs stated that the Russian
separatists enjoyed technical advantages over the Ukrainian army since the large
inflow of advanced military systems in mid-2014: effective anti-aircraft weapons
("Buk", MANPADS) suppressed Ukrainian air strikes, Russian drones provided
intelligence, and Russian secure communications system thwarted the Ukrainian
side from communications intelligence. The Russian side also frequently
employed electronic warfare systems that Ukraine lacked. Similar conclusions
about the technical advantage of the Russian separatists were voiced by the
Conflict Studies Research Centre.[190]
Numerous reports of Russian troops and warfare on Ukrainian territory were
raised in United Nations Security Council meetings. In 12 November meeting, the
representative of the United Kingdom also accused Russia of intentionally
constraining OSCE observation missions' capabilities, pointing out that the
observers were allowed to monitor only two kilometers of border between
Ukraine and Russia, and drones deployed to extend their capabilities were being
jammed or shot down.[191]
2015 and ceasefire
In January, Donetsk, Luhansk, and Mariupol were the three cities that
represented the three fronts on which Ukraine was pressed by forces allegedly
armed, trained and backed by Russia.[193]
Poroshenko spoke of a dangerous escalation on 21 January amid reports of more
than 2,000 additional Russian troops crossing the border, together with 200 tanks
and armed personnel carriers. He abbreviated his visit to the World Economic
Forum in Davos because of his concerns at the worsening situation.[194] On 29
January, the chief of Ukraine's General Military Staff Viktor Muzhenko said 'the
Ukrainian army is not engaged in combat operations against Russian regular
units,' but that he had information about Russian civilian and military individuals
fighting alongside 'illegal armed groups in combat activities.' [195]
Reporting from DPR-controlled areas on 28 January, the OSCE observed on the
outskirts of Khartsyzk, east of Donetsk, "a column of five T-72 tanks facing east,
and immediately after, another column of four T-72 tanks moving east on the
same road which was accompanied by four unmarked military trucks, type URAL.
All vehicles and tanks were unmarked." It reported on an intensified movement of
unmarked military trucks, covered with canvas. [196] After the shelling of residential
areas in Mariupol, NATO's Jens Stoltenberg said: "Russian troops in eastern
Ukraine are supporting these offensive operations with command-and-control
systems, air defense systems with advanced surface-to-air missiles, unmanned
aerial systems, advanced multiple rocket launcher systems, and electronic
warfare systems."'[188][197]
A new package of measures to end the conflict, known as Minsk II, was agreed on
15 February 2015.[198] On 18 February, Ukrainian forces withdrew from Debatlseve,
the last major battle of the Donbas war.

Frozen conflict phase (2015–2022)

According to a top U.S. general in January, Russian supplied drones and electronic
jamming have ensured Ukrainian troops struggle to counter artillery fire by pro-
Russian militants. "The rebels have Russian-provided UAVs (Unmanned aerial
vehicles) that are giving the rebels the detection capability and the ability to
target Ukrainian forces".[199] Advanced electronic jamming was also reported by
OSCE observers on numerous occasions.[200]
US Army commander in Europe Ben Hodges stated in February 2015 that "it's very
obvious from the amount of ammunition, type of equipment, there's direct
Russian military intervention in the Debaltseve area". [201] According to estimates
by the Chicago Council on Global Affairs in February, Russian separatists' forces
numbered around 36,000 troops (as compared to 34,000 Ukrainian), of whom
8,500–10,000 were Russian soldiers. Additionally, around 1,000 GRU troops were
operating in the area.[202] According to military expert Ilya Kramnik, total Ukrainian
forces outnumbered the Russian forces by a factor of two (20,000 Russian
separatists vs. 40,000 fighting for Ukraine).[203]
In February 2015, the independent Russian newspaper Novaya Gazeta obtained
documents,[204] allegedly written by oligarch Konstantin Malofayev and others,
which provided the Russian government with a strategy in the event of Viktor
Yanukovych's removal from power and the break-up of Ukraine, which were
considered likely. The documents outlined plans for the annexation of Crimea and
the eastern portions of the country, closely describing the events that followed
Yanukovych's fall. The documents also described plans for a public relations
campaign which would seek to justify Russian actions. [205][206][207]
Russian financing of militias and Glazier tapes
In August 2016, the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) published the first batch of
telephone intercepts from 2014 of Sergey Glazyev (Russian presidential adviser),
Konstantin Zatulin, and other people in which they discussed covert funding of
pro-Russian activists in Eastern Ukraine, the occupation of administration
buildings and other actions that at the right time led to the armed conflict. [208]
As early as February 2014, Glazier gave direct instructions to various pro-Russian
parties in Ukraine to instigate unrest in Donetsk, Kharkiv, Zaporizhia, and Odessa.
He told various pro-Russian actors to take over local administration offices, what
to do afterwards, and how to formulate their demands, and promised support
from Russia, including "sending our guys".[209][210][211] In further calls recorded in
February and March 2014, Glazier pointed out that the "peninsula doesn't have
its own electricity, water, or gas" and a "quick and effective" solution would be
expansion to the north. According to Ukrainian journalists, this indicated plans for
military intervention in Donbas to form a Russia-controlled puppet state of
Novorossiya to ensure supplies to annexed Crimea were discussed long before the
conflict began in April.
Russian troop deployments
A report by Igor Sutyagin published by the Royal United Services Institute in
March 2015 stated that a total of 42,000 regular Russian combat troops were
involved in the fighting, with a peak strength of 10,000 in December 2014. The
direct involvement of the Russian troops on Ukrainian territory began in August
2014, when Ukrainian military successes created the possibility that the pro-
Russian rebels would collapse. According to the report, the Russian troops were
the most capable units on the anti-Ukrainian side, with the regular Donetsk and
Luhansk rebel formations used as "cannon fodder".[212][213]
The Chicago Council on Global Affairs stated that the Russian separatists had
enjoyed technical advantages over the Ukrainian army since the large inflow of
advanced military systems in mid-2014: effective anti-aircraft weapons ("Buk",
MANPADS) suppressed Ukrainian air strikes, Russian drones provided intelligence,
and Russian secure communications system thwarted the Ukrainian side from
communications intelligence. The Russian side also frequently employed
electronic warfare systems that Ukraine lacked. Similar conclusions about the
technical advantage of the Russian separatists were voiced by the Conflict Studies
Research Centre.[213]
Cases of Russian soldiers killed and wounded in Ukraine were widely discussed in
local Russian media in the republics from which they originated. [214] Recruitment
for Donbas was performed openly via veteran and other paramilitary
organizations. Vladimir Yefimov, leader of one such organization, explained in
detail in an interview how the process worked in the Ural area. The organization
recruited mostly army veterans, but also police officers, firefighters etc. with
military experience. The cost of equipping one volunteer was estimated at around
350,000 rubles (Around $6500) plus the cost of the volunteer's salary, from
60,000 to 240,000 rubles per month depending on their experience.[215]
The volunteers were issued a document claiming that their participation was
limited to "offering humanitarian help" to avoid Russian mercenary laws. In
Russia's anti-mercenary legislation, a mercenary is defined as someone who
"takes part [in fighting] with aims counter to the interests of the Russian
Federation".[215] The recruits traveled to the conflict zone without weapons, which
they receive at their destination. Often, Russian troops have traveled disguised as
Red Cross personnel.[109][216][217][218] Igor Trunov, head of the Russian Red Cross in
Moscow, condemned these convoys, saying they made delivery of real
humanitarian aid more difficult.[219]
On 22 April 2015, the US Department of State accused the "combined Russian-
separatist forces" of accumulating air defense systems, UAV and command and
control equipment in eastern Ukraine, and of conducting "complex" military
training that "leaves no doubt that Russia is involved in the training". Russia also
reinforced its military presence on the eastern border with Ukraine as well as
near Belgorod, which is close to Kharkiv.[220] In June 2015, Vice News reporter
Simon Ostrovsky investigated the movements of Bato Dambaev, a Russian
contract soldier from Buryatia, through a military camp in Rostov Oblast to
Vuhlehirsk in Ukraine during the battle of Debaltseve and back to Buryatia, finding
exact locations where Dambaev photographed himself, and came to the
conclusion that Dambaev had fought in Ukraine while in active service in the
Russian army.[221]
Russia refused to allow the OSCE to expand its mission, and OSCE observer Paul
Picard stated that "We often see how Russian media outlets manipulate our
statements. They say that we have not seen Russian troops crossing the borders.
But that only applies to two border crossings. We have no idea what is going on at
the others."[222]
In September 2015, the United Nations Human Rights Office estimated that 8000
casualties had resulted from the conflict, noting that the violence had been
"fueled by the presence and continuing influx of foreign fighters and sophisticated
weapons and ammunition from the Russian Federation."[223]
In 2020 analysis of publicly available Russian railway traffic data (gdevagon.ru)
indicated that in January 2015, a period of especially heavy fighting, thousands of
tons of cargo declared "high explosives" were sent by railway from various places
in Russia into Uspenskaya, a small train station on a line crossing from
Rostovskaya oblast' (Russia) into a separatist-controlled part of Ukraine.[224]
2016 escalation
On 8 August 2016, Ukraine reported that Russia had increased its military
presence along the Crimea demarcation line. Border crossings were then
closed.[225] On 10 August, the Russian security agency FSB claimed it had prevented
"Ukrainian terrorist attacks" and that two servicemembers were killed in clashes
in Armiansk (Crimea), adding that "several" Ukrainian and Russian citizens were
detained.[226][227][228] Russian media reported that one of the killed soldiers was a
commander of the Russian GRU, later buried in Simferopol.[229]
The Ukrainian government denied that the incident took place.[230][231] Parallel to
the incident on 9 August, a Ukrainian official claimed that a number of Russian
soldiers had deserted but had not entered into Ukraine,[232] and that skirmishes
broke out between Russian intelligence officers and border guards. [233] Russian
President Putin accused Ukraine of turning to the "practice of terror". [234]
Ukrainian President Poroshenko called the Russian version of events "equally
cynical and insane".[235] The U.S. denied Russia's claims, with its ambassador to
Ukraine (Geoffrey R. Pyatt) stating "The U.S. Government has seen nothing so far
that corroborates Russian allegations of a "Crimea incursion". [236][check quotation syntax]
Russia used the allegation to engage in a rapid military build-up in Crimea,[237]
followed by drills and military movement near the Ukrainian border.[237][238]
Ukrainian president Petro Poroshenko warned that Russia was preparing for a
full-scale invasion of Ukraine.[239][240]
2018 Kerch Strait incident
The Kerch Strait offers a critical link for Ukraine's eastern ports in the Azov Sea to
the Black Sea, over which Russia gained de facto control in the aftermath of 2014.
In 2017, Ukraine appealed to court of arbitration over the use of the strait, but, by
2018 Russia had built a bridge over it, limiting the size of ships that could transit
the strait, imposed new regulations, and subsequently detained Ukrainian vessels
on several occasions.
Tensions over the issue had been rising for months.[241] On 25 November 2018,
three Ukrainian boats traveling from Odessa to Mariupol attempted to cross the
Kerch Strait caused an incident, in which Russian warships fired on and seized the
Ukrainian boats; 24 Ukrainian sailors were detained.[242][243] A day later on 26
November 2018, lawmakers in the Ukrainian parliament overwhelmingly backed
the imposition of martial law along Ukraine's coastal regions and those bordering
Russia in response to the firing and seizure of Ukrainian naval ships by Russia near
the Crimean Peninsula. A total of 276 lawmakers in Kyiv approved the measure, to
take effect on 28 November 2018 and automatically expire after 30 days (about 4
and a half weeks).[244]
2019–2020
More than 110 Ukrainian soldiers were killed in the conflict between Ukrainian
government forces and Russian-backed separatists in 2019.[245] In May 2019, the
newly elected Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy took office promising to
end the War in Donbas.[245] In December 2019, Ukraine and pro-Russian separatists
began swapping prisoners of war. Around 200 prisoners were exchanged on 29
December 2019.[246][247][248][249] According to Ukrainian authorities, 50 Ukrainian
soldiers were killed in the conflict between Ukrainian government forces and
Russian-backed separatists in 2020.[250] Since 2019, Russia has issued over 650,000
internal Russian passports among an unconfirmed overall population,[251] which is
considered by Ukrainian government as a step towards annexation of the
region.[252]

2021–2022 Russian military buildup

Rise in tensions
From March to April 2021, Russia commenced a major military build-up near the
Russo-Ukrainian border, followed by a second build-up between October 2021 to
February 2022 in both Russia and Belarus.[254] During these developments, the
Russian government repeatedly denied it had plans to invade or attack
Ukraine;[255][256] those who issued the denials included Putin's spokesman Dmitry
Peskov in November 2021, Deputy Foreign Minister Sergei Ryabkov in January
2022,[257] Russian ambassador to the US Anatoly Antonov on 20 February 2022,[255]
and Russian ambassador to the Czech Republic Alexander Zmeevsky on 23
February 2022.[258]
In early December 2021, following Russian denials, the US released intelligence of
Russian invasion plans, including satellite photographs showing Russian troops
and equipment near the Ukrainian border.[259] The intelligence reported the
existence of a Russian list of key sites and individuals to be killed or neutralized
upon invasion.[260] The US continued to release reports that accurately predicted
the invasion plans,[260] but according to Michael Kofman of the Center for Naval
Analyses, the Ukrainian government did not adequately prepare for a large
invasion.[261]
Russian accusations and demands
In the months preceding the invasion, Russian officials accused Ukraine of inciting
tensions, Russophobia, and the repression of Russian speakers in Ukraine. They
also made multiple security demands of Ukraine, NATO, and non-NATO allies in
the EU. These actions were described by commentators and Western officials as
attempts to justify war.[262][263] On 9 December 2021 Putin said that "Russophobia is
a first step towards genocide".[264][265] Putin's claims were dismissed by the
international community,[266] and Russian claims of genocide have been widely
rejected as baseless.[267][268][269]
In a 21 February speech,[270] Putin questioned the legitimacy of the Ukrainian state,
repeating an inaccurate claim that "Ukraine never had a tradition of genuine
statehood".[271] He incorrectly described the country as having been created by
Vladimir Lenin, who carved a Soviet Republic out of what Putin said was Russian
land, then according to Putin Joseph Stalin supplemented Ukrainian lands with
lands from other eastern European countries following the Second World War,
and his successor Nikita Khrushchev “Took Crimea away from Russia for some
reason and gave it to Ukraine” in 1954.[20] To justify an invasion, Putin falsely
accused Ukrainian society and government of being dominated by neo-Nazism,
invoking the history of collaboration in German-occupied Ukraine during World
War II,[272][273] and echoing an antisemitic conspiracy theory which casts Russian
Christians, rather than Jews, as the true victims of Nazi Germany.[274][266] While
Ukraine has a far-right fringe, including the neo-Nazi Azov Battalion and Right
Sector,[275][273] analysts have described Putin's rhetoric as greatly exaggerating the
influence of far-right groups within Ukraine; there is no widespread support for
the ideology in the government, military, or electorate.[262][272] The Poroshenko
administration enforced the law condemning the Soviet Union and the Nazis in
2015. Ukrainian president Zelenskyy, who is Jewish, stated that his grandfather
served in the Soviet army fighting against the Nazis;[276] three of his family
members died in the Holocaust.
During the second build-up, Russia issued demands to the US and NATO, including
a legally binding arrangement preventing Ukraine from ever joining NATO, and
the removal of multinational forces stationed in NATO's Eastern European
member states.[278] Russia threatened an unspecified military response if NATO
continued to follow an "aggressive line".[279] These demands were widely
interpreted as being non-viable; new NATO members in Central and Eastern
Europe had joined the alliance because their populations broadly preferred to
move towards the safety and economic opportunities offered by NATO and the
EU, and their governments sought protection from Russian irredentism.[280] The
demand for a formal treaty preventing Ukraine from joining NATO was also seen
as unviable by Western officials as it would contravene the treaty's "open door"
Policy, although NATO showed no desire to accede to Ukraine's requests to
join.[281]
Alleged clashes (17–21 February)
Fighting in Donbas escalated significantly from 17 February 2022 onwards. [282] The
Ukrainians and the Russian separatists each accused the other of firing into their
territory.[283][284] On 18 February, the Donetsk and Luhansk people's republics
ordered mandatory emergency evacuations of civilians from their respective
capital cities,[285][286][287] although observers noted that full evacuations would take
months.[288] Ukrainian media reported a sharp increase in artillery shelling by the
Russian-led militants in Donbas as attempts to provoke the Ukrainian army. [289][290]
In the days leading up to the invasion, the Russian government intensified its
disinformation campaign, with Russian state media promoting fabricated videos
(false flags) On an hourly basis purporting to show Ukrainian forces attacking
Russia, in a bid to justify an invasion of Ukraine. [291] Many of the disinformation
videos were poor and amateur in quality, and evidence showed that the claimed
attacks, explosions, and evacuations in Donbas were staged by Russia. [291][292][293]
Escalation (21–23 February)
On 21 February at 22:35 (UTC+3),[294] Putin announced that the Russian
government would diplomatically recognize the Donetsk and Luhansk people's
republics.[295] The same evening, Putin directed that Russian troops be deployed
into Donbas, in what Russia referred to as a "peacekeeping mission".[296][297] The 21
February intervention in Donbas was condemned by several members of the UN
Security Council; no one voiced support for it.[298] On 22 February, the Federation
Council unanimously authorized Putin to use military force outside Russia. [299]
In response, Zelenskyy ordered the conscription of army reservists;[300] The
following day, Ukraine's parliament proclaimed a 30-day nationwide state of
emergency and ordered the mobilization of all reservists.[301][302][303] Meanwhile,
Russia began to evacuate its embassy in Kyiv.[304] The websites of the Ukrainian
parliament and government, along with banking websites, were hit by DDoS
attacks,[305] widely attributed to Russian-backed hackers.[306][307]
On the night of 23 February,[308] Zelenskyy gave a speech in Russian in which he
appealed to the citizens of Russia to prevent war.[309][310] He also refuted Russia's
claims about the presence of neo-Nazis in the Ukrainian government and stated
that he had no intention of attacking the Donbas region. [311] Kremlin spokesman
Dmitry Peskov said on 23 February that the separatist leaders in Donetsk and
Luhansk had sent a letter to Putin stating that Ukrainian shelling had caused
civilian deaths and appealing for military support from Russia. [312]
In response, Ukraine requested an urgent UN Security Council meeting, [313] which
convened at 21:30 (UTC−5).[314] Half an hour into the emergency meeting, Putin
announced the start of military operations in Ukraine. Sergiy Kyslytsya, the
Ukrainian representative, subsequently called on the Russian representative,
Vasily Nebenzya, to "do everything possible to stop the war" or relinquish his
position as president of the UN Security Council; Nebenzya refused.[315][316]

2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine

The invasion began on the morning of 24 February, [317] when Putin announced a
"special military operation" to "demilitarise and denazify" Ukraine.[318][319] Minutes
later, missiles and airstrikes hit across Ukraine, including the capital Kyiv, shortly
followed by a large ground invasion from multiple directions. [320][321] Ukrainian
president Volodymyr Zelenskyy enacted martial law and a general mobilisation of
all male Ukrainian citizens between 18 and 60, who were banned from leaving the
country.[322][323]
At the start of the invasion, Russian attacks were launched on a northern front
From Belarus towards Kyiv, a northeastern front towards Kharkiv, a southern
front from Crimea, and a southeastern front from the cities of Luhansk and
Donetsk.[324][325] During March, the Russian advance towards Kyiv stalled. Amidst
heavy losses and strong Ukrainian resistance, Russian troops retreated from Kyiv
Oblast by 3 April. On 8 April, Russia announced that its forces in southern and
eastern Ukraine would be placed under the command of General Aleksandr
Dvornikov, and some units withdrawn from northern Ukraine were subsequently
redeployed to the Donbas.[326] On 19 April, Russia launched a renewed attack
across a 500 kilometers (300 mi) long front extending from Kharkiv to Donetsk
and Luhansk, with simultaneous missile attacks directed at Kyiv in the north and
Lviv in western Ukraine.[327] By 13 May, Russian forces near Kharkiv had withdrawn
following a Ukrainian counter-offensive. By 20 May, Mariupol fell to Russian
troops following a prolonged siege of the Azovstal steel works.[328][329]
The invasion was internationally condemned as a war of aggression.[330][331] A
United Nations General Assembly resolution demanded a full withdrawal of
Russian forces, the International Court of Justice ordered Russia to suspend
military operations and the Council of Europe expelled Russia. Many countries
imposed new sanctions, which have affected the economies of Russia and the
world,[332] and provided humanitarian and military aid to Ukraine.[333]