Human Rights Notes End Sem Final
Human Rights Notes End Sem Final
Human Rights Notes End Sem Final
Each of these areas has had a profound influence on the state of human rights both globally
and domestically. Together, they illustrate how human rights are deeply intertwined with
broader socio-economic, technological, environmental, and political forces, underscoring the
need for adaptable, inclusive, and forward-thinking human rights frameworks that can
effectively address these evolving challenges.
SHIVANGSHI NOTES
Comprehensive Overview of International Human Rights Law: Key Concepts,
Normative Frameworks, and Case Studies
1. International Order and Normative Principles
The international order is defined by agreements among states, often based on normative
principles, to create a set of binding and non-binding legal standards. These standards,
including covenants and treaties, aim to establish a structured framework for addressing
human rights violations. However, the current world order often frames the dynamics of
human rights in terms of victims and perpetrators, where states holding power may be seen as
violators and are called to remedy injustices.
Core Elements of International Human Rights Order
State Responsibility: The state is responsible for both actions and inactions affecting
human rights. Violations lead to demands for redress, with the international
community holding states accountable.
Universal Nature: Human rights transcend national boundaries and political
affiliations, aiming to protect all individuals regardless of citizenship.
Non-derogable Rights: Certain rights, such as freedom from torture, are universally
protected and non-derogable, which means they cannot be suspended even in times of
crisis.
7. Conclusion
The landscape of international human rights law is characterized by a combination of binding
treaties, customary laws, and universal principles. Central to this framework are peremptory
norms, erga omnes obligations, and the interplay between positive law and evolving
interpretations. Cases like Gambia v. Myanmar highlight the practical challenges and
possibilities within international human rights law, as the global community seeks
accountability for gross violations while upholding the inherent dignity and rights of every
individual.
The Global South and International Human Rights: A Critical Perspective
1. Exclusion of the Global South from Human Rights Discussions
Historical Exclusion and Underrepresentation: International human rights (HR)
discussions have often excluded perspectives from the Global South, reinforcing a
hierarchy that privileges Western norms and ideas.
Violations and Elite Interests: Some HR violations in the Global South are framed
within "cultural assumptions" that implicitly protect elite interests, both domestically
and globally, and prevent genuine reform.
2. Colonial Legacies and the Development of International Law
Anghie’s Perspective on Sovereignty: Antony Anghie argues that the concept of
sovereignty, central to international law, was shaped by European powers through the
Treaty of Westphalia. This European concept of sovereignty categorized non-
European states as "non-sovereign," which justified colonial interventions.
The Dynamic of Difference: This concept describes how international law has
historically acted as a tool to bestow "sovereignty" on non-European states
selectively, reinforcing Western hegemony under the guise of a "civilizing mission."
Chimni’s View on Colonial Influence: B.S. Chimni points out that international law
is deeply rooted in colonial practices that perpetuate inequality and undermine efforts
to create a truly universal legal system.
3. Cultural Relativism vs. Universalism in Human Rights
The Universality Argument: According to Yash Ghai, the universality of HR rests
on a supposed universal human nature. This nature, however, is often defined through
Western ideas of individualism, which conflict with many Global South cultures that
value community and collective identity.
Critiques of "White Man’s Burden" in IHRL: The cultural relativist critique of
International Human Rights Law (IHRL) contends that it serves as a form of
ideological imposition—akin to the "White Man’s Burden"—wherein Western
nations dictate HR norms to other cultures, often disregarding indigenous values and
traditions.
4. Chimni’s Framework for a Decolonized International Law
Decolonization as a Necessary Process: Chimni advocates for decolonizing
international law by acknowledging its colonial roots and fostering inclusivity for the
perspectives of the Global South.
Self-Determination as a Core Principle: Self-determination goes beyond political
independence, embodying the right of Global South states to control their resources,
which supports fair development. This principle underpins the need for legal
structures that empower rather than subjugate these nations.
Towards a New Paradigm: Chimni calls for a "Third World Approaches to
International Law" (TWAIL) that centers Global South experiences and promotes
justice, equality, and solidarity. This alternative paradigm prioritizes dignity and
equity for all nations.
5. Permanent Sovereignty over Natural Resources
The Right to Resource Control: As discussed by Yogesh Tyagi, the principle of
"permanent sovereignty over natural resources" is essential for Global South
countries, granting them autonomy over their resources as a matter of self-
determination.
Challenges of Free Trade and Investment Law: Despite its recognition in
documents like the UN Charter, this principle often conflicts with global trade and
investment laws that favor powerful economies, highlighting the persistent economic
inequities faced by developing countries.
6. Neocolonialism and Recolonization through International Structures
Neocolonialism as Ideology vs. Recolonization as Process: Neocolonialism is an
ideological framework that sees Global South countries remain dependent and
subordinated within the global economy, while recolonization refers to ongoing
extractive practices enabled by international laws and institutions.
The Role of Bretton Woods Institutions: Chimni argues that the International
Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank, and other Bretton Woods institutions serve as
"dominant articulations" of international law that sustain the economic subjugation of
Global South states, entrenching power imbalances.
The Impact of Extractive Systems: Through mechanisms like structural adjustment
programs, these institutions often impose policies that strip Global South countries of
resource control, undermining economic sovereignty and perpetuating poverty.
7. Reframing Universality in International Law
Al Attar’s Contextual Approach to Universality: Mohsen Al Attar suggests a
reimagining of "universality" to include diverse cultural, political, and historical
contexts. This approach acknowledges non-Western interpretations of justice and
human rights.
Flexible and Inclusive Legal Frameworks: Al Attar proposes that international law
should be adaptable, inclusive, and considerate of cultural differences to promote
legitimacy and effective cooperation globally.
The Global South and International Human Rights: A Critical Perspective
1. Exclusion of the Global South from Human Rights Discussions
Historical Exclusion and Underrepresentation: International human rights (HR)
discussions have often excluded perspectives from the Global South, reinforcing a
hierarchy that privileges Western norms and ideas.
Violations and Elite Interests: Some HR violations in the Global South are framed
within "cultural assumptions" that implicitly protect elite interests, both domestically
and globally, and prevent genuine reform.
2. Colonial Legacies and the Development of International Law
Anghie’s Perspective on Sovereignty: Antony Anghie argues that the concept of
sovereignty, central to international law, was shaped by European powers through the
Treaty of Westphalia. This European concept of sovereignty categorized non-
European states as "non-sovereign," which justified colonial interventions.
The Dynamic of Difference: This concept describes how international law has
historically acted as a tool to bestow "sovereignty" on non-European states
selectively, reinforcing Western hegemony under the guise of a "civilizing mission."
Chimni’s View on Colonial Influence: B.S. Chimni points out that international law
is deeply rooted in colonial practices that perpetuate inequality and undermine efforts
to create a truly universal legal system.
3. Cultural Relativism vs. Universalism in Human Rights
The Universality Argument: According to Yash Ghai, the universality of HR rests
on a supposed universal human nature. This nature, however, is often defined through
Western ideas of individualism, which conflict with many Global South cultures that
value community and collective identity.
Critiques of "White Man’s Burden" in IHRL: The cultural relativist critique of
International Human Rights Law (IHRL) contends that it serves as a form of
ideological imposition—akin to the "White Man’s Burden"—wherein Western
nations dictate HR norms to other cultures, often disregarding indigenous values and
traditions.
4. Chimni’s Framework for a Decolonized International Law
Decolonization as a Necessary Process: Chimni advocates for decolonizing
international law by acknowledging its colonial roots and fostering inclusivity for the
perspectives of the Global South.
Self-Determination as a Core Principle: Self-determination goes beyond political
independence, embodying the right of Global South states to control their resources,
which supports fair development. This principle underpins the need for legal
structures that empower rather than subjugate these nations.
Towards a New Paradigm: Chimni calls for a "Third World Approaches to
International Law" (TWAIL) that centers Global South experiences and promotes
justice, equality, and solidarity. This alternative paradigm prioritizes dignity and
equity for all nations.
5. Permanent Sovereignty over Natural Resources
The Right to Resource Control: As discussed by Yogesh Tyagi, the principle of
"permanent sovereignty over natural resources" is essential for Global South
countries, granting them autonomy over their resources as a matter of self-
determination.
Challenges of Free Trade and Investment Law: Despite its recognition in
documents like the UN Charter, this principle often conflicts with global trade and
investment laws that favor powerful economies, highlighting the persistent economic
inequities faced by developing countries.
6. Neocolonialism and Recolonization through International Structures
Neocolonialism as Ideology vs. Recolonization as Process: Neocolonialism is an
ideological framework that sees Global South countries remain dependent and
subordinated within the global economy, while recolonization refers to ongoing
extractive practices enabled by international laws and institutions.
The Role of Bretton Woods Institutions: Chimni argues that the International
Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank, and other Bretton Woods institutions serve as
"dominant articulations" of international law that sustain the economic subjugation of
Global South states, entrenching power imbalances.
The Impact of Extractive Systems: Through mechanisms like structural adjustment
programs, these institutions often impose policies that strip Global South countries of
resource control, undermining economic sovereignty and perpetuating poverty.
7. Reframing Universality in International Law
Al Attar’s Contextual Approach to Universality: Mohsen Al Attar suggests a
reimagining of "universality" to include diverse cultural, political, and historical
contexts. This approach acknowledges non-Western interpretations of justice and
human rights.
Flexible and Inclusive Legal Frameworks: Al Attar proposes that international law
should be adaptable, inclusive, and considerate of cultural differences to promote
legitimacy and effective cooperation globally.
Week 1-3:
To say that human rights are socially constructed is to say that ideas and practices in respect
of human rights are created, re-created, and instanciated by human actors in particular socio-
historical settings and conditions. It is a way of understanding human rights which does not
require them to have any metaphysical existence (for example, through nature or God), nor
does it rely on abstract reasoning or logic to ground them. The emphasis on the potential
creativity of human actors in this understanding of social constructionism also stands in
contrast to forms of structuralist explanation that reduce the role of social actors to nothing
other than bearers of structural determination
how power is conceptualized also bears heavily on how human rights have been understood.
Within the western liberal tradition, the concept of power has often been used in a very
limited way: as the capacities of social actors located in the political sphere (the state,
government, political parties, etc.).
Indian constitution reflects UDHR, ICHR etc.
Indian govt. sought to maintain primacy of constitution vis-a-vis IHR obligations
renewed attention to the dynamics of customary international law is relevant for a number
of reasons:
first, not all states are parties to the relevant international treaties.
Second, reservations to treaties may preclude international jurisdiction under treaty law.
Third, customary international law is relevant to limit treaty derogations in situations of
armed conflict, states of emergency, and other internal disturbances.
Fourth, some human rights treaties may contain specific clauses which entitle the control
body to have regard to customary inter- national law.
Fifth, customary international law may take effect as the law of the land
Rules of customary law emerge when two essential criteria are met: first there must be some
unambiguous and consistent practice by a state in a particular field (state practice), and
second, the state must have followed that practice out of a sense of legal obligation (opinio
juris)
In the field of human rights law, customary rules have evolved primarily from those
norms that are considered to be universal in character and that are proclaimed in
various international instruments. For example, several of the principles proclaimed in
the Universal Declaration of Human Rights have acquired the status of customary
international law, and are therefore legally binding.
Jus Cogen norms: Those peremptory norms that are clearly accepted and recognized include
the prohibitions of aggression, genocide, slavery, racial discrimination, crimes against
humanity and torture, and the right to self-determination’.10 Other examples included in
Commentary are ‘the slave trade...and apartheid...the prohibition against torture
Some treaties at the regional level currently provide for inter-state cases to be determined
before the relevant regional body or court.34 For present purposes we simply highlight the
point that human rights treaties create multilateral regimes in which any member can insist on
compliance by any other member, even in the absence of actual damage to the complaining
treaty party.
Second, the human rights treaties also create rights for individuals and groups.
Third, human rights treaties may create reporting obligations for the states parties.
Fourth, treaty rights may give rise to rights which are effective at the national level. Of
course, in many situations states will pass implementing legislation in order to give the rights
effect in the domestic legal order. But it has also been suggested that it is possible that human
rights treaties create rights that are clear and precise enough for individuals to rely on at the
national level
Fifth, a treaty can oblige or permit states to exercise criminal jurisdiction over international
crimes such as torture or disappearances.
In this way, neoliberalism, transnational law, or, in effect, aspirations to universal objectivity
were used to justify an indirect grab of the tools of emancipation of Third World states,
resulting in the hollowing out of their recently acquired sovereignty and precipitating
what Chimni describes as the “recolonisation” of the Third World
A century later, this time in Iraq, we see yet again the imposition of a self-serving economic
and regulatory model by a Euro-American alliance,
[t]he most effective aspect of hegemony is found in the suppression of alternative views
through the establishment of parameters which define what is legitimate, reasonable,
sane, practical, good, true, and beautiful.”
With pluralism, efforts are made to minimize hierarchical relations between differing legal
and social orders; the contention is that the accommodation of distinct cultural norms requires
a shift in our perception from international legal equality to international legal equivalence,
from objective norms to subjective priorities.
the idea of human rights is essentially Western, and not universal. It has developed in the
West and was imposed by the West on the rest of the world, first in 1948, and later by the
United
Nations system and other means of global domination, not excluding force. In a less drastic
formulation, a claim is made that the West uses force to impose human rights.
The paradox of the corpus is that it seeks to foster diversity and difference but does so only
under the rubric of Western political democracy.
Every culture will have its distinctive ways of formulating and supporting human rights.
Every society can learn from other societies more effective ways to implement human rights.
While honoring the diversity of cultures, we can also build toward common principles that all
can support. As agreement is reached on the substance, we may begin to trust international
law to provide a salutary and acceptable safeguard to ensure that all people can count on a
minimum standard of human rights.4
The failure of most universalists-particularly the most conventional thinkers and activists
among them-to positively engage in this debate unnecessarily antagonizes Third World
cultural pluralists and lends credence to charges of cultural imperialism.
The forceful rejection of dialogue also leads to the inevitable conclusion that there is a
hierarchy of cultures, an assumption that is not only detrimental to the human rights project
but is also inconsistent with the human rights corpus' commitment to equality, diversity, and
difference.
The fundamental texts of international human rights law are derived from bodies of domestic
jurisprudence developed over several centuries in Western Europe and the United States. The
dominant influence of Western liberal thought and philosophies are unmistakable.
In this paper we have argued that human rights arose to ameliorate the worst excesses of
Modernity, but are embedded within its dominant discourses, which are most fully expressed
in its reified legalistic language.
Universalism via Cultural Relativism
Perhaps what we have now is not universal human rights but one can certainly work
successfully to develop it. (Mutua)
The relentless effort to universalize-through Western intellectual crusades-what is essentially
a European corpus of human rights cannot succeed. Nor will it advance the cause to
demonize those who resist the corpus. The multifaceted critique of the corpus from Mricans,
Asians, Moslems, Hindus, and a host of critical thinkers from around the world are in fact
valuable resources which, if used right, can be the way for human rights to be redeemed and
truly universalized. "Multiculturalization'' of the human rights corpus could be attempted in a
number of areas: balancing between individual and group rights, giving more substance
to social and economic rights, relating rights to duties, and addressing the relationship
between the corpus and the particularities of various economic systems.
Universalism is irrefutable but it may have differing sources, meanings, implications, and
consequences.
Human rights universalism is not the 180 degree opposite of particular- ism or localism.
W e should resist the temptation (or assumed obligation) to take sides. The task is to seek the
best combination of components even if they originate in competing theorems. (Krygier)
Human rights universalism is of the kind that allows for taking contextual matters into
account. For Brems and Sadurski universality is contextual, at the same time they deny that
particularism is relevant to the status of human rights universalism. Sadurski in particular
finds the particularist claim unacceptable.
The key to such a position is dialogue, where different understandings of what it means
to be human can be validated and where individuals and groups are able to share and
accept these differences. From these constructions of ‘humanity’, different expressions
of human rights and human responsibilities can be derived, again embracing both
difference and commonality. This includes collective as well as individual
understandings of ‘humanity’, a problematising of the separation between the human
and the non-human (thereby potentially incorporating animal rights, environmental
rights, and Indigenous people’s connections to the land), a re-evaluation of the
connection between rights and responsibilities, and the incorporation of the spiritual
and the cultural, as well as the more conventional ‘rights’ as found in the UN
conventions.
The global human rights regime relies on national implementation of internationally
recognized human rights. Norm creation has been internationalized. Enforcement of
authoritative international human rights norms, however, is left almost entirely to sovereign
states.
Problems with Cultural Relativism
l and overlap ping consensus universality more voluntary or coerced? The influence of the
United States and Western Europe should not be underestimated. Example, however, has
been more powerful than advocacy and coercion has typically played less of a role than
positive inducements such as closer political or economic relations or full participation in
international society. Human rights dominate political discussions less because of pressure
from materially or culturally dominant powers than because they respond to some of the most
important social and political aspirations of individuals, families, and groups in most
countries of the world.
States may be particularly vulnerable to external pressure and thus tempted or even
compelled to offer purely formal endorsements of international norms advocated by leading
powers.
Consider claims that "Asian values" are incompatible with internationally recognized human
rights. Asian values like Western values, African values, and most other sets of values can be,
and have been, understood as incompatible with human rights. But they also can be and have
been interpreted to support human rights, as they regularly are today in Japan, Taiwan, and
South Korea.
First, it risks reducing "right" to "traditional," "good" to "old," and "obligatory" to "habitual."
Few societies or individuals, however, believe that their values are binding simply or even
primarily because they happen to be widely endorsed within their culture. Without very
powerful philosophical arguments (which are not to be found in this cultural relativist
literature on human rights) it would seem inappropriate to adopt a theory that is inconsistent
with the moral experience of almost all people especially in the name of cultural sensitivity
and diversity.
Second, the equation of indigenous cultural origins with moral validity is deeply
problematic.
Third, intolerant, even genocidal, relativism is as defensible as tolerant
relativism
Fourth, cultural relativist arguments usually either ignore politics or confuse it with culture.
The often deeply coercive aspect to culture is simply
ignored.
Fifth, these arguments typically ignore the impact of states, markets, colonialism, the spread
of human rights ideas, and various other social forces. conomic policy options that the
developed world has exercised or is exercising. Take the principle of free trade.
The first principle with respect to claims for recognition is that international law must
safeguard, to use the expression of Habermas, "the other of otherness. A second
principle is that we must take all human suffering equally seriously. For instance, the
egregious violation of international humanitarian laws that the world is witnessing today is in
great part due to misrecognition. The sufferings of Others is somehow less suffering.
Where claims for redistribution are concerned, the first principle I would propose is
that third world peoples must not be denied
A second principle of redistributive justice would call for establishing the practice of social
audit of international economic laws, in particular to assess their impact on the global poor.
To put it differently, the primacy of international human rights law over economic laws, in
particular those which internationalize property. The third principle I would propose is that
humanitarian assistance should be provided to all those in need without discrimination and
not be used to advance non-humanitarian ends.
Claims of representation
There is also, it deserves emphasis, an intimate relationship between the three claims for
recognition, redistribution, and
representation, explaining why I go beyond simply articulating the claims for redistribution
where principles of global justice are
concerned. For instance, the claims for global distributive justice will be difficult to realize
unless the claims for recognition and
representation are addressed. Misrecognition, for example, may eliminate the possibility of
realizing claims for redistribution, and
representation. Thus, in his seminal work Imperialism, Sovereignty and International
Law, Antony Anghie demonstrates how
international law continuously reproduces the structure of the "civilizing mission" that
informed the colonial project." Anghie's
work raises the crucial issue as to whether it is possible at all in the circumstances to create an
international law that is not imperial?45 Misrecognition in other words appears to greatly
reduce the possibility of creating a global law of welfare.
The concept of the "minimum core"' seeks to establish a minimum legal content for the
notoriously indeterminate claims of economic and social rights. By recognizing the
"minimum essential levels" of the rights to food, health, housing, and education,2 it is a
concept trimmed, honed, and shorn of deontological excess.
It reflects a "minimalist" rights strategy, which implies that maximum gains are
made by minimizing goals.
long-standing criticism faults the minimum core for directing our attention only to the
performance of developing states,5 leaving the legal discourse of economic
and social rights beyond the reach of those facing material deprivation in the
middle or high income countries.
United Nations Committee on Economic and Social Rights ("the Committee"), the first
international body to articulate the concept, has, since 1990, variously equated the minimum
core with a presumptive legal entitlement, a non-derogable obligation, and an obligation of
strict liability
At base, these critics take two skeptical positions-that "universality" in the claims of
differentially situated people is an impossible goal, and that contextualized claims, advanced
locally, are too complex to be addressed by the discourse and institutions of rights.
In the first formulation, the minimum core reflects the aspects of the right which satisfy the
"basic needs" of the rights-holders, rather than any supplementary, elective, or more
ambitious level of interests.
This question may be answered instrumentally-for example, "basic needs" are the material
interests or resources required for basic functioning, or conversely for human
flourishing (two very different normative goals, the latter relating directly to our second
contested essence for the minimum core). Or we may answer this question categorically, 76
in the sense that "basic needs" are required for "a minimum condition for a bearable
life,' 77 or for "a decent chance at a reasonably healthy and active life
The determinations of "normal" life expectancy and mortality patterns, the adequate
caloric and nutritional food packages, and minimum room for housing space, all fail as
determinate universal content for the rights to food, health, or housing
A value-based core goes further than the "basic needs" inquiry by emphasizing not what is
strictly required for life, but rather what it means to be human. distinguish the value-based
core by its more pointed emphasis on human dignity, equality, or freedom.
The preamble of the Covenant, like the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights,
acknowledges that the rights enunciated within them "derive from the inherent dignity of the
human person.
Nonetheless, the value of dignity creates its own challenges for substantiating the minimum
core. As recognized by commentators in both international law and constitutional law,
"dignity" can be measured subjectively or objectively
An objective notion of dignity removes these difficulties. In the past, Objective protections of
dignity for economic and social rights have tended to revert to the formulaic conceptions of
basic needs.
Similarly, the peremptory norms of custom, which rely on a normative rather than consensus-
based hierarchy, are supposed to ameliorate the self-interest of sovereignty in international
law.' Some commentators seek to dissolve the tension between consensus and ethical
normativity by "universalizing"' 8 8 the norms themselves. Whether necessary for
sovereignty and self-government on the one hand, or for principled legality on the other, the
Consensus Approach to the minimum core is beset by several limitations.
The Essence Approach fails to deliver a determinate "core" to economic and social rights
because of the inevitability of disagreement in the ordering of both values and needs, and
because it is disengaged with the institutional background that impacts how legal rights are
realized and enforced. While the normative inquiry-and especially the focus on dignity- is
helpful in charting the substantive content of rights, it misfires when placed within the
minimalist and rigid "core" formulation. The Consensus Approach seeks to remove these
shortcomings, yet produces only a vague and conservatively articulated "core," which
conceals the troubling question of whose consensus counts and whose consensus (and
disagreement) is peripheral. The Obligations Approach is incompatible with a "core"
designation, due to the polycentric obligations that correlate with each economic and social
right, the relativity between their "negative" and "positive" formulations, and the danger of
capture into vocabularies of institutional jurisdiction or justiciability. how all rights--civil,
political, economic, social, and cultural-contain correlative duties of the state to both
("negatively") refrain from and ("positively" or affirmatively) perform certain acts in certain
circumstances. This analysis makes the equally significant point that the "negative"
nonintervention duties are not, a priori, more important than the "positive
Thus, "core obligations" are both negative and positive obligations and are actively addressed
to both judicial and other legal institutional settings.
Some commentators have suggested that the minimum core concept relates
only to obligations of result because it is able to signal only the extent to which individuals
are enjoying (or will enjoy) their rights rather than assess the policies and procedures that
bring about that result.
CESCR General Comment No. 3 “Committee is of the view that a minimum core
obligation to ensure the satisfaction of, at the very least, minimum essential levels of each of
the rights is incumbent upon every State party. Thus, for example, a State party in which any
significant number of individuals is deprived of essential foodstuffs, of essential primary
health care, of basic shelter and housing, or of the most basic forms of education is, prima
facie, failing to discharge its obligations under the Covenant.”
The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the International
Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) differ in their obligations.
The ICCPR focuses on civil and political rights such as the right to life, freedom of
expression, and the right to a fair trial. The obligations under the ICCPR are mainly negative
obligations, meaning that States are obligated to refrain from interfering with individuals'
enjoyment of their rights.
On the other hand, the ICESCR focuses on economic, social, and cultural rights such as the
right to education, health, and adequate standard of living. The obligations under the ICESCR
are mainly positive obligations, meaning that States are obligated to take steps to ensure the
realization of these rights, such as providing access to education, healthcare, and social
security.
In summary, the ICCPR primarily requires States to refrain from interfering with individual
rights, while the ICESCR requires States to take active steps to ensure that individuals can
enjoy their economic, social, and cultural rights.
Week 8 &9
The six treaties are associated with six treaty bodies which have the task of monitoring the
implementation of treaty obligations. Five of the six treaty bodies meet primarily in Geneva,
and are serviced by the OHCHR. These are:
1. the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD)
2. the Human Rights Committee (HRC)
3. the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (CESCR)
4. the Committee Against Torture (CAT)
5. the Committee on the Rights of the Child (CRC).
One treaty body meets in New York and is serviced by the UN Division for the Advancement
of Women:
6. the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW).
The treaty bodies are composed of members who are elected by each group of states parties
(or through ECOSOC in the case of CESCR).
The six treaties are associated with six treaty bodies which have the task of monitoring the
implementation of treaty obligations. Five of the six treaty bodies meet primarily in Geneva,
and are serviced by the OHCHR. These are:
1. the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD)
2. the Human Rights Committee (HRC)
3. the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (CESCR)
4. the Committee Against Torture (CAT)
5. the Committee on the Rights of the Child (CRC).
One treaty body meets in New York and is serviced by the UN Division for the Advancement
of Women:
6. the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW).
The treaty bodies are composed of members who are elected by each group of states parties
(or through ECOSOC in the case of CESCR).
Human Rights Council- 2006 (inter-governmental body)-- everybody can be elected and
regional cap based on seat allocation -- gave rise to Universal Periodic Review - each state
reviewed every 4 years
When you ratify, views are an obligation but not a judicial decision as no oral hearings or
rules of evidence -- impartiality is there though -- consistent negotiation
Vishaka : “In the absence of domestic law occupying the field, to formulate effective
measures to check the evil of sexual harassment of working women at all work places, the
contents of International Conventions and norms are significant for the purpose of
interpretation of the guarantee of gender equality, right to work with human dignity in
Articles 14, 15 19(1)(g) and 21 of the Constitution and the safeguards against sexual
harassment implicit therein. Any International Convention not inconsistent with the
fundamental rights and in harmony with its spirit must be read into these provisions to
enlarge the meaning and content thereof, to promote the object of the constitutional
guarantee”
European Convention on Human Rights (1953)
The African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (1986)
The Inter-American Convention on Human Rights (1978)
Cairo Declaration on Human Rights in Islam (1990) (Organisation of Islamic
Cooperation)
ASEAN Human Rights Declaration (2012) (ASEAN)
Regional courts play an important role in the development of human rights law as a whole.
Regional systems also allow for the possibility of regional values to be taken into account
when human rights norms are defined.
The existence of regional human rights systems allows for enforcement mechanisms which
can resonate better with local conditions than a global, universal system of enforcement.
A key strength of regional protection of human rights is its potential to act as a conduit in
making global human rights local.
While India is not a party to the 1951 Refugee Convention, it is still obliged to
observe the principle of non-refoulement as this is a part of customary international
law. It is binding on all States, irrespective of whether a State is or is not a party to the
1951 Convention or the 1967 Protocol.
The obligation to observe the customary international-law principle of non-
refoulement is strengthened by the fact that India is a signatory to the 1984
Convention against Torture (CAT), albeit it is yet to ratify it. The CAT articulates a
wider legal basis for respecting the principle of non-refoulement.
The Eurocentric definition of ‘refugee’ contained in the 1951 Convention is confined
to the violation of civil and political rights, and does not extend to social, economic,
and cultural rights.
It is noted that the rights regime contained in the 1951 Convention is too burdensome
for third world countries like India to implement as it can barely meet the needs of its
own citizens.
It is said that that once India becomes a party to the 1951 Convention it would allow,
intrusive supervision by the UNHCR of the national refugee regime.
Chimni argues that India should not accede to the 1951 Convention at a time when
the North is violating it in both letter and spirit.
Instead, along with the other countries of South Asia (none of which are parties to the
1951 Convention), India should argue that their accession is conditional on the
Western States rolling back the non-entrée (no entry) regime they have established
over the past two decades. The non-entrée regime is constituted by a range of legal
and administrative measures that include visa restrictions, carrier sanctions,
interdictions, third safe-country rule, restrictive interpretations of the definition of
‘refugee’, withdrawal of social welfare benefits to asylum seekers, and widespread
practices of detention.
The dismantling of the non-entrée regime would also be in keeping with the principle
of burden-sharing, which has arguably evolved as a principle of customary
international law and requires that the responsibility of providing asylum be shared by
all States.
At present, this is far from true, as third world countries, some of which are the
poorest ones, host the predomi- nant majority of refugees.
Western states portray the non-entree regime as being composed of measures which
merely seek to check abuse of refugee status by individuals seeking a better life in the
affluent North. Coupled with the growing inability of impoverished Third World
states to carry the burden of refugees, the new approach led to the increasing
acceptance of involuntary repatriation and a focus on in-country protection and
internally displaced persons (IDPs
General Comments
Provide guidance on general treaty obligations of state parties
Set out how the treaty bodies interpret the scope of application of substantive provisions
Wider thematic or cross-cutting issues i.e. role of NHRIs
Inquiries (CAT and CEDAW Committee)
Committee may initiate inquiry upon the receipt of reliable report of violation by state party.
Report on inquiry is sent to state party with recommendations.
Complaints procedure:
Inter-state complaints mechanism (state may complain that another state has breached
their obligations )
Optional complaints mechanism (individuals complain about violation of convention
rights) quasi-judicial mechanism (six treaty bodies)
Upon procedural verification, complaint is registered and transmitted to the state
party. Comments of the state party are then sent to the complainant for response.
Interim measures of protection may be issues in cases of death penalty, extradition,
deportation.
Treaty bodies require compliance with interim measures as inherent to treaty
obligations and failure to comply is a serious breach
Drawbacks:
Regional human rights law may develop in ways that openly conflict with global
human rights norms.
2015 Human Rights Declaration of the Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the
Gulf (GCC Declaration) (Gulf Declaration of Human Rights)
The Interpretation of Shariʿ̄ah (margin of appreciation accorded to the state)
Case of Saudi Arabia (more than 60 people are currently behind bars in the kingdom
for expressing views that don’t align with the government)
Deferment to Domestic Law
Complaints mechanism:
Inter-state complaints mechanism (state may complain that another state has breached
their obligations )
Optional complaints mechanism (individuals complain about violation of convention
rights) quasi-judicial mechanism (six treaty bodies)
Upon procedural verification, complaint is registered and transmitted to the state
party. Comments of the state party are then sent to the complainant for response.
Interim measures of protection may be issues in cases of death penalty, extradition,
deportation.
Treaty bodies require compliance with interim measures as inherent to treaty
obligations and failure to comply is a serious breach
Universal Periodic Review - a new mechanism, the Universal Periodic Review (UPR), was
created as a holistic review of a state’s human rights situation and launched in 2008. What set
this mechanism apart from the other UN mechanisms and made it so radical was, precisely,
its universal rather than selective character: all UN member states would be reviewed and all
fellow member states would be invited to do the reviewing.
Each UN Member State is reviewed once every four years
Done by UPR Working Group consisting of all members of the Council
National Report
Compilation of UN Information (OHCHR)
Summary of Stakeholder Information (OHCHR)
Outcome Report
Complimentary to treaty body – cross-implementation
State Reporting
Legal, administrative, and judicial measures for giving effect to treaty provisions
Harmonize national law with international human rights law
Designated country rapporteur will prepare a ‘list of issues’ to update the state report
For CAT, a reply to list of issues becomes the state report
After examination, body adopts ‘concluding observations’ each concern is match with
specific implementable measure
States are invited to follow up on concluding observations
Unilateral review might be done for states with excessive reporting delays
"Optional Protocols" which either provide for procedures with regard to the treaty or
address a substantive area related to the treaty.
Optional Protocols to human rights treaties are treaties in their own right, and are
open to signature, accession or ratification by countries who are party to the main
treaty.