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FAMILY AND
HUMANDEVELOPMENT
ACROSS CULTURES
A View From the Other Side

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FAMILY AND
HUMAN DEVELOPMENT
ACROSS CULTURES
A View From the Other Side
<;igdem KagItC;lba~1
Koc University
\f ~~I~~~~~i?G9a~P Press
NEW YORK AND LONDON
First published 1996 by Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc.
Published 2014 by Psychology Press
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY, 10017
and by Psychology Press
27 Church Road, Hove, East Sussex, BN3 2FA
Psychology Press is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
Copyright © 1996, by Lawrence Er/baum Associates, Inc.
All rights reserved. No part ofthis book may be reprinted or reproduced or
utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now
known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any
information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from
the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or

registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation
without intent to infringe.
Library of Congress Cata10ging-in-Publication Data
Käglt'i1ba§l, <;igdem
Family and human development across cultures a view from the other side I
<;igdem Käglt'i1ba§1.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and indexes.
ISBN 0-8058-2076-0 (cloth). - ISBN 0-8058-2077-9 (pbk.)
ISBN 978-0-805-82077-5 (pbk)
I. Socialization-Cross-cultural studies. 2. Family-Psychological aspects-Cross-cultural
studies. 3. Developmental psychology-Cross-cultural studies. 4. Cultural relativism.
5. Ethnopsychology. I. TitIe.
HQ783.K34 1996
303.3'2-dc20 95-47534
CIP
Publisher's Note
The publisher has gone to great lengths to ensure the quality
of this reprint but points out that some imperfections in the
original may be apparent.
To the memory oi my mother
Contents
Foreword M. Brewster Smith ix
Preface xiii
1. Introduction 1
PART I: HUMAN DEVELOPMENT, FAMILY, CULTURE
2. Development in Context 19
3. Socialization for Competence 35
4. Culture and Self 52
5. Family and Family Change 72
PART ,,: INDUCED CHANGE: EARLY ENRICHMENT
6. Induced Change: The Role of Psychology 101
7. Early Childhood Care and Education (ECCE): An Overview 124
8. The Turkish Early Enrichment Project 139
9. Search for Integration and Policy Relevance 170
vii
viii CONTENTS
References 187
Author Index 217
Subject Index 227

Foreword
M. Brewster Smith
University of California, Santa Cruz
This is an extraordinary book by an author who needs no introduction in the

world of international psychology. <;igdem Kaglt<;lba§l (g is silent in Turkish,
lengthening the preceding vowel; <; has the value of eh, § of sh), who is professor
of psychology at Koc University in Istanbul and past president of the Turkish
Psychological Association, is also former president of the International Associa-
tion of Cross-Cultural Psychology and two-term member of the executive com-
mittee of the International Union of Scientific Psychology. In 1993 she received
the American Psychological Association's award for Distinguished Contributions
to the International Advancement of Psychology. This volume represents the
culmination of a distinguished career, wh ich I have been privileged to follow
with admiration ever since her graduate study at the University of California,
Berkeley, some three decades ago. In that sense, as her preface attests, it is a very
personal book.
But it is also an exemplary, up-to-the-moment exposition of a view of human
and social development "from the other side"-from the perspective of what
Kaglt<;lba§l aptly calls the Majority World (no longer sensibly labeled Third
World) of countries that do not participate fully in the benefits and problems of
the industrial and postindustrial West. Further, it is an authoritative presentation
of the cross-cultural perspective, as an essential corrective to the unthinking
culture-boundedness of much Euro-American psychology. It is a searching analy-
sis of perspectives on human development that escape the pitfalls of extreme
relativism to which advocates of a culturally contextual approach are vulnerable,
in terms of criteria of cognitive competence and of developing selfhood in which
autonomy and relatedness are in balance. It is an original contribution to the
theory of family change, opposing the expectation of modernization theory that
ix
X FOREWORD
families in the developing world will converge on the Western individualistic

model. It is a wise and constructive analysis of the role of psychology in inducing
social change, focused on problems of the Majority World but just as relevant to
the Euro-American context. And it is a critical review of research and theory on
early childhood care and education (ECCE) in the United States and in the
Majority World; ECCE is the particular mode of intervention, in the family
context, with which she has been involved. In each of these widely dispersed
topical areas, the breadth and depth of her command of the specialized literature
is amazing. Readers who are already weIl acquainted with some of them (who
else will be familiar with them all?) will respect her guidance to the very exten-
sive bibliography in their own areas of competence and we1come it in the areas
new to them.
All of the foregoing comes to concrete focus in her account of the Turkish
Early Enrichment Project. This Lewin-style action-research, wh ich Kagit<;lba§l
conceived and directed in the shantytowns of Istanbul, is exemplary in a number
of respects. It was planned with sensitivity to the Turkish cultural context, but
with nonrelativistic standards of cognitive and social competence in child devel-
opment in mind. The intervention focused on the family, specifically the mother,
as the primary context of socialization in the preschool years. The research
design permitted appropriately controlled comparisons, with multiple outcome
measures. Strikingly positive short-term results were obtained, expecially on
cognitive and school-related measures, for the effects of training the mothers and
of educational day-care centers. In the almost unprecedented lO-year follow-up,
major effects of mother training persisted (inc1uding empowering benefits to the
mothers themselves), whereas the advantages of day-care center experience dissi-
pated with time. The findings make sense in terms of Kaglt<;lba§l's interpretation
that intervention with the mothers reoriented the functioning of the family sys-
tems of participants in ways that were self-sustaining. She then draws the book
together, making explicit how her project, which has had substantial impact on
Turkish programming for early childhood enrichment, suggests useful ways in
which psychology in the Majority World can become engaged with national and
pan-human objectives of global human development.
I would like to highlight several respects in wh ich Kagit<;lba§l provides intel-
lectualleadership that is much needed by psychology in the Euro-American and
Majority Worlds alike. These are contributions of the book that I enthusiastically
applaud.
For one, I am delighted with the way that she has enlarged on the recent
critique of the individualism of Euro-American culture. Many voices in psychol-
ogy and the social sciences, inc1uding feminists but not restricted to them, would
give higher priority to values of relatedness, as complementing the individualis-
tic values of agency or autonomy. From her Majority World perspective and her
command of the large recent literature documenting the prevalence of "collectiv-
ist" values outside Euro-American cultural precincts, she challenges moderniza-
FOREWORD xi
tion theory when it predicts the supplanting of relatedness values in the less
developed world by Western individualism. True, economic development with
its accompanying urbanization is a strong cOITosive for many aspects of tradition-
al cultures. But the example of Japan and other East Asian "success stories"
indicates that relatedness values can survive economic development. Addressing
her colleagues in the Majority World, she calls for new goals of personal autono-
my in a context that preserves the values of relatedness distinctive of non-
Western cultures. Her mother-training ECCE project demonstrates that it is pos-
sible to apply psychology toward realizing this objective, wh ich she sees as
humanly desirable for the Have"Nots as it is for the Haves.
Recently, a polarity has become salient contrasting the cross-cultural psychol-
ogy of Triandis, Berry, Bond, and others with the cultural psychology of Cole,
Rogoff, Shweder, and their associates. The former is charged by its critics with
continuing the outmoded positivist tradition, employing imposed "etic" dimen-
sions of comparison drawn inappropriately from individualistic Western culture;
the latter is committed to contextual, "ernie" treatment of experience and behav-
ior in each culture's own terms, but is vulnerable to sometimes nihilistic relativ-
ism. Kaglt($lba§l comes from the cross-cultural tradition, of wh ich she is an
acknowledged leader, but she insists, articulately and persuasively, that cultural
and cross-cultural approaches are complementary, not competing; she believes
psychology can give proper attention to cultural context without giving up its
strategies of comparison or its aims to discover principles that transcend his tory
and culture. (Rogoff, on her part, also does not see the approaches in opposition
to one another.)
Her integrative approach comes to a focus in her insistence on the relevance of
standards of human development that apply across nations and cultures and
across the baITier between Haves and Have-Nots in Euro-American societies.
This attempt to combine cultural contextualism with universalistic standards is a
complex, difficult intellectual maneuver, not an easy political compromise. I
think it is the right choice. It has become politically incoITect to regard school-
related cognitive competences as more "developed" than the less abstractive
competencies of children in premodern rural societies or streetwise culture; the
presently indispensable value of formal schooling is even disparaged. Kaglt-
($lba§l reminds us that in the Majority World, universal schooling and literacy is a
consensual/objective engraved in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights
and the Convention on Rights of the Child but only very partially attained,
expecially for girls and women. "Middle-class" cognitive competencies are very
much needed to cope with the complexities of the contemporary world, whether
on the part of disadvantaged minorities in the United States or the hordes of rural
immigrants to the exploding cities of the Majority World. As she observes, it is
only a step from the extreme relativism of some postmodern admirers of tradi-
tional culture to implicit advocacy of a double standard: first-class preschools
and elementary schools for OUT children to prepare them for OUT world, but, for
xii FOREWORD
instance, rote learning in Koranic schools (or no schools, for girls) as preserving
the valued culture of Those Others. The ethicallpolitical issues are difficult, but
KagltC;lba§l's position is courageous and clear.
Those who disagree in principle with her stance that calls for contextualism
without complete relativism will not only have to contend with her argument;
they will also have to come to terms with the implications of her intervention
research on early childhood enrichment and mother empowerment. I have recent-
ly been involved in the armchair defense of scientific empiricism in psychology
from postmodernist assault, trying to sustain the human effort to approach truth
and goodness in formulations that transcend the particular historicocultural con-
texts from which they are derived. I am impressed that KagltC;lba§l's demonstra-
tion of the effectiveness of her mother-training intervention in a Majority World
setting is a much stronger answer to the extreme cultural relativists than any
philosophical metatheoretical argument. The concrete example is persuasive:
relevant culturally contextual scientific research can be done and it is useful and
influential on public policy. Articulate elites in the developing countries will
want to support interventions such as she exemplified; so will the participants
themselves as they encounter such programs. This is the way to go!
This volume will immediately become obligatory reading and a valuable
resource to the band of cultural and cross-cultural psychologists, still too few,
who are committed to reshaping mainstream Euro-American psychology so as to
make it more truly universal, less unwittingly culturebound. It should have equal
immediate interest to psychologists in the Majority World and Euro-American
psychologists who want to collaborate with them in challenging enterprise of
applying psychology to the problems of societal development. But the appro-
priate audience for this book as textbook and resource is much broader.
KagltC;lba§l's view of family and human development "from the other side" is
very relevant to the concerns of mainstream psychologists on "this" side of the
great divide between Have and Have-Not societies. We Euro-Americans have
parallel problems in relating to internal Have-Not minorities. In our current well-
motivated wave of political correctness, we may be bemused by similar qualms
of relativism concerning the relevance of "middle-class" cognitive standards to
children and adults who have been systematically excluded from middle-class
opportunities and benefits. The wave of support for early intervention projects
peaked with President 10hnson's Great Society programs, and these projects
mostly neglected the family context of early child development. Perhaps
KagltC;lba§l's hope-inspiring example from Istanbul may stimulate blase Ameri-
can psychologists to take heart, and once more seriously address the problem of
bringing excluded minorities into full citizenship. Certainly, she has given pro-
fessors and students of developmental psychology and of family relations much
to ponder.
Preface
A PERSONAL ACCOUNT
Interpersonal Relations
A few years aga I was invited to participate in a symposium at an international
congress of cross-cultural psychology. I was asked to present a personal account
of how I became a cross-cultural psychologist, mainly in terms of how I came to
be involved in cross-cultural research. That task helped me look back and delve
into the background of my present academic interests. It was a process of recon-
struction. As I tried to pinpoint the beginning of my academic interest in cross-
cultural or cultural psychology, I found myself going back further and further.
So, an attempted academic reconstruction turned into an autobiographical recon-
struction. Obviously, everyone's work must reflect personal experience, though
this is rarely made explicit. I would like to start this book by making this personal
experience explicit. This is because I believe this exercise might help put what I
have to say into some perspective-an international perspective at that.
I was a graduate student in the social psychology program at the University of
California, Berkeley during the 1960s. I was wen versed in the social psycho-
logicalliterature of the 1950s and 1960s. But, what intrigued me more than the
highly popular cognitive dissonance theory and the lure of the experimental
laboratory was the social, political, and psychological implications of the then-
no-Ionger-in-vogue authoritarian personality theory (Adorno, Frenkel-Bruns-
wick, Levinson, & Sanford; 1950). This was despite the influential methodologi-
cal critique of Christie and Jahoda (1954). So, against my supervisor and mentor
M. Brewster Smith's good advice, I undertook a cross-cultural comparative
xiii
xiv PREFACE
study, instead of a clean laboratory experiment, for my doctoral research to test

the cross-cultural generality of the authoritarian personality theory. Although I
called myself a social psychologist, I was in fact a cross-cultural psychologist at
heart at a time when nobody I knew was doing "cross-cultural psychology."
Yet, this was only a "natural" development given the fact that I was a foreign
student in the United States and was using, almost automatically, a cultural filter
in my reading. Thus, my study emerged out of the realization when I read the
Authoritarian Personality (Adomo et al. , 1950) that some of the characteristics
of the so-called authoritarian personality were in fact social norms in Turkey. The
following is the opening paragraph of the resultant publication, which describes
the general view underlying the study.
Some findings of social psychology may refer to general panhuman relationships,

others to relationships that hold only within specific sociocultural settings. Only
systematic cross-cultural comparison can separate these or identify the limits within
which particular generalizations hold. An example of findings that seem Iikely to
be culturally specific are those in support of a general syndrome of "authoritarian-
ism." In cultures in which social norms bear differentially on the components of
this syndrome, one should expect different patterns of relationship to obtain. Such
contrasts were anticipated between the United States and Turkey. This studyexam-
ines the assumed inherent dynamic organization of personality attributes and attitu-
dinal variables underlying "authoritarianism" in the light of a cross-cultural com-
parison. (KagJt~!ba§!, 1970, p. 444).
I maintain the above view in a general sense some 25 years later. I believe it
fonns a raison d'etre of cross-cultural psychology, which sheds important light
on human behavior.
This early realization of cross-cultural variability in some "basic" personality
characteristics, assumed to be universal, had something to do with my own early
experiences in culture contact, in addition to being a foreign student at Berkeley.
When they occurred, they were simple events; only much later have I been able
to put them into perspective, attributing to them a culturally situated meaning. I
want to relate some of these experiences, going further back in time.
As a teenager I was a boarding student at an American school for girls in
Istanbul, Turkey. There was much physical contact among girls (kissing on both
cheeks, embracing, walking ann in ann in the corridors, in the garden, court-
yard, etc.) as a natural part of interpersonal affection and wann peer relations.!
We used to get a kick out of the shocked glances of the new American teachers
(mostly young women) before they got acculturated to "the ways ofthe natives."
IThere is still much more physical contact among same-sex friends and kin in "contact" cultures
such as Turkey than in "noncontact" Western cultures. However, the absolute amount of physical
contact is probably less today than before, especially among the educated middle-class groups in
those societies due to "cultural diffusion," especially through the media, of the Western models.
A PERSONAL ACCOUNT xv
Some mischievous girls used to overdo the show of affection for its shock value
in the presence of these teachers.
After I graduated from the American school in Istanbul and was accepted at
Wellesley College (in Massachusetts, USA), an important part of my self-
induced preparation/orientation to life in the United States was to restrain myself
from showing physical affection.
During my last years at the American school in Istanbul I studied British and
American literature and 20th-century philosophy, which focused on phenome-
nology and existentialism. Apart from scholarly work by Kierkegaard, Jaspers,
Husserl, Heidegger, and Sartre, I also read some plays by Sartre. These were
my earliest scholarly contacts with the pervasive individualistic perspective in
Western philosophy and literary tradition. The closing words of Sartre's No
Exit, "Hell is other people" were stamped in my memory. This statement in-
trigued me in its utmost strangeness. Today I see it as a reflection of extreme
individualism.
My first impression of "suburban America" (Newton Center, Massachusetts),
where I stayed with an American family, was beautiful hornes, spacious gardens
with lovely trees and flowers, clean streets, and no people. I often wondered
where the people were. Not once did I meet any neighbors or see my host family
visiting them.
I had a close friend at Wellesley, whom I visited and stayed with at her
family's horne during some short vacations. One day when she was very sad, I
asked her what was wrong. She said, "It is a personal matter." I was shattered.
This was clearly a rejection for me; obviously she did not consider me very close
if she could not confide in me. In my understanding there could not be anything
that I would withhold from my best friend; I would at least let her know the
nature of the problem even if I did not reveal the details. What for her was a
simple assertion of her privacy was for me a declaration of rejection. The memo-
ry is still vivid after more than 30 years.
These everyday events and experiences have all had to do with what I consider
today abasie aspect of interpersonal relations showing cross-cultural variation,
that is, interpersonal connectedness (relatedness) or separateness. From another
perspective, they have to do with the self, again in terms of its level of individua-
tion (separateness, boundedness) or connectedness with others. Obviously, there
were many other experiences involving misunderstanding or readjustment during
my student years in the United States, and there have been others since then in
my international contacts. However, I find it important that most of the episodes
I remember, like those I have mentioned, have to do with the connectedness-
separateness dimension of interpersonal relations.
Some episodes may be eye opening even if one is no longer a "naive student."
Consider a conversation I had a few years ago with a well-known North Ameri-
can cross-cultural psychologist friend and his wife. When I asked after their son,
who was about 21 years old at the time, my friend said he was staying with them
xvi PREFACE
in their horne, but they were not charging hirn rent. I couldn't believe what I
heard and wondered if he was joking; he was not. 2
Yet another episode occured while I was on a sabbatical leave at Harvard
University and Radcliffe College (Bunting Institute) some ten years ago. I be-
came acquainted with a renowned anthropologist, several years my senior. One
day when we were getting into the back seat of a car I attempted to help her in
first. My behavior offended her; she said she was not old enough to need help
getting into a car. My behavior was a reflection of my respect and appreciation
for her age and accomplishments. She took it as an insult to her independence
and autonomy. The interesting point here is that I, the cross-cultural psycholo-
gist, let my old country values take precedence over my knowledge of American
values, and she, the highly experienced anthropologist, did not recognize that.
Experiences like these remind one of the cross-cultural diversity in the inter-
personal relations sphere that goes deep into cultural meaning systems and con-
ventions. This diversity exists side by side with a remarkable commonality,
deriving from our common biologically based human nature and our immense
intercultural-intemational communication systems, including similar educational
experiences, working as strong converging and unifying forces. If even among
educated people, culturally sensitive and intemationally minded social scientists
at that, there could be such differences in understanding, there would naturally be
greater differences among common people immersed in their own cultures.
The aforementioned experiential examples demonstrate how living in another
cultural context or acculturation through early exposure to another culture sens i-
tizes one to culture, as such. It is very much like "the fish in water"; you "see"
culture when you get out of it. What is probably even more important, however,
is that once you become conscious of it, you cannot ignore it. This is probably
the summary of my first involvement with cultural and cross-cultural psycholo-
gy. It has important implications for the kind of psychology I practice and that I
think should be pursued.
Of particular significance to me is to understand the underlying dimensions of
interpersonal relations, their variation across cultures, and their antecedents. The
interpersonal connectedness-separateness dimension, as reflected in the previous
personal episodes, signals a clue to an understanding of the self and its development
in context. This context is the family and, moving out from it, the sociocultural
environment. The observed variations in self-construals and self-other relations
appear to be deeply rooted in the cross-cultural diversities in contexts (Kaglt<;lba~l,
1990; Markus & Kitayama, 1991). How and why these variations come about is,
for me, the key question to understanding an important aspect of human reality.
2Another North American colleague interpreted this episode to mean that I was surprised my
friend was not charging rent to his son! In case other Western readers also misinterpret what I have
written, let me explain: I was surprised that it would even occur to my friend to charge rent to his own
son.
A PERSONAL ACCOUNT xvii
Social Relevance
Another thread of influence running through both my personal life and profes-
sional career is a deep concern for and a commitment to social well-being. The
roots of this commitment go back to my early socialization in family and school,
which for me coincided. Both my parents were teachers with a mission to
contribute to the education and development of a modem secular society out of
the ashes of an old one based on tradition and religion. 3 They started their own
private school with very limited funds. At age 2 I found mys elf in school and I
have been there all my life. I was brought up with the ideal of "doing something
worthwhile for society," an idea nourished especially by my mother.
In retrospect, such ideals were taken seriously by many young people of my
generation, especially among the children of the educated teachers and civil
servants who carried considerable responsibility for "building a modem nation."
Indeed, early studies conducted in the post-World War 11 period among youth in
developing countries point to much higher "patriotism" and reveal a great value
for "doing something good for one's family and country," as compared with
American youth. For example, Gillespie and Allport (1955) talked about the
strong national loyalties of youth in newly emergent nations in the process of
nation building.
The historical context of nation building probably did make the loyalty feIt to
the nation more salient in young persons' values. However, as evidenced by a
great deal of subsequent research and current work, this is not the whole story.
For example, in my 1966 comparative study of Turkish and American adoles-
cents, I found the same high level of nationalloyalty among the Turkish sampie,
for whom nation building was not relevant. In contrast, American adolescents
valued personal achievement and happiness (Kaglt<;lba§l, 1970). Furtherrnore, in
a later study with Turkish adolescents (Kaglt<;lba§l, 1973), I found patriotism
(loyalty to the country) to fit into a "modem" outlook and to be associated with
belief in internal control of reinforcement, optimism, and achievement motiva-
tion. It was negatively associated with a more traditional outlook, characterized
by religiosity, authoritarianism, and belief in external control of reinforcement.
Even when achievement motivation is studied, which is often assumed to
focus on the self, the same loyalty to society can be seen. Thus Phalet and Claeys
(1993) found Turkish adolescents (both in Turkey and in Belgium) to combine
individual and group loyalties (Kaglt<;lba§l, 1987b) into a "social achievement
motivation," contrasted with the individualistic achievement motivation of the
Belgian youth. Similar findings of socially oriented achievement motivation have
been reported for the Japanese (DeVos, 1968), the Indians (Agarwal & Misra,
3The republican secularist reforms were in full swing. They had been started by Atatürk and the
founders of the Turkish Republic after the war for independence was won in early 1920s, following
the collapse of the Ottoman Empire after World War I. The ties with the six centuries of Ottoman past
were severed and by 1940s the reforms were consolidated.
xviii PREFACE
1986; Misra & Agarwal, 1985), and the Chinese (Bond, 1986, p. 36; K-S. Yang,
1986, pp. 113,114).
The previous examples point to the continuing pervasiveness of the loyalty
and commitment to entities transcending the self in the so-called collectivistic
cultures. In the individualistic culture, however, it has been claimed that "the
primary loyalty is to the self-its values, autonomy, pleasure, virtue and actual-
ization" (Kagan, 1984). I do not mean to infer here value judgments about what
is good and what is bad, but rather to point to differences in emphasis in focusing
on the self or on the larger collectivity in which the self is embedded. As
becomes apparent in the following chapters, this is one of the central themes in
the book.
There has been some recent questioning of the vulnerability of "lives orga-
nized around self-actualization and the pursuit of gratification" and a recognition
of the fact that "human lives seem most meaningful and satisfying when they are
devoted to projects and guided by values that transcend the self" (M. B. Smith,
1994, p.407). Other critics have also expressed their concerns with too much
individualism, especially in the Uni ted States (e.g., Bellah, Madsen, Sullivan,
Swidler, & Tipton, 1985; Cushman, 1990; Lasch, 1979, 1984; Sampson, 1987;
Schwartz, 1986; Taylor, 1989). There have been pleas for a greater commitment
to society (Etzioni, 1993; Sarason, 1981, 1988; M. A. Wallach & L. Wallach,
1983, 1990).
To some extent these recent developments have had an effect in making my
own commitments more salient for me, which I have expressed here. The differ-
ence between the individualistic and the collectivistic concerns appears to be
continuing. It is understandable, therefore, that much of Western academic psy-
chology is still somewhat oblivious of societal problems ,4 but in contrast there is
a loud cry from the collectivistic Majority World 5 for a more socially relevant
psychology that assumes responsibility for societal development (e.g.,
Kaglt~lba§l, 1991d, 1994b; Nsamenang, 1992; D. Sinha, 1983; D. Sinha & Kao,
1988). Some Western cross-cultural psychologists have also joined in, as in an
early call by lahoda (1975).
The stress on the social relevance and applied significance of psychology is a
key to my general orientation to it. This orientation is deep seated in both my
personal and academic background and cultural context. Thus I see psychologi-
cal inquiry not only as an important tool in understanding behavior but also in
changing it, at a macrolevel, to improve the human condition. This may be seen
4There are some signs that this may be changing . See note 23 below.
51 am using the "Majority WorId." instead of "Developing Countries" or the "Third WorId." The
developing countries are not getting any cIoser to the developed countries (if anything, the gap is
widening), and with the coIIapse of the "Second World," the "Third" does not make much sense.
Majority WorId, referring in fact to the majority of the worId's population, emerges as a preferable
term.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS xix
as an overly ambitious or presumptuous view of the field, if not also a naive one.
Even though I am weH aware of some truth in such an objection, as weH as of the
multiple causation of human phenomena, including to a large extent non-
psychological causes, I am, nevertheless, of the opinion that psychology does
have the potential to contribute to the improvement of the human condition.
My work during the last 15 years has involved research along two different but
related paths. One of these has been theoretical in orientation, whereas the other
has been more problem oriented with an applied emphasis. These seemingly
disparate research interests have been quite integrated in my own thinking, and I
hope to reflect this integration in this book.
Thus, on the one hand, I study self-family-culture interfaces and their mod-
ifications across time and space and, on the other hand, I study planned change
through an applied intervention project. This project, which is "action research"
in the Lewinian tradition, is presented here both in its own right and as a case
study demonstrating the applied significance and policy relevance of psychology.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This book was written during a sabbaticalleave in the 1993-1994 academic year
at the Netherlands Institute for Advanced Study (NIAS). I appreciate this leave
granted to me by Bogazici University. I am truly grateful for the perfect atmo-
sphere and the superb support at NIAS, which contributed greatly to my work.
Pilar van Breda-Burgueno of NIAS ably typed several revisions of the manu-
script.
Ype Poortinga read the first version of the manuscript and gave me much
valuable feedback. I also benefited from the comments of lohn Berry, Pierre
Dasen, Patricia Greenfield, and anonymous reviewers, as weH as the support of
Walt Lonner. I am thankful to Marc Bomstein for taking the initiative to contact
Lawrence Erlbaum for me, acting as a liaison. I appreciate the assistance of
ludith Amsel and Sondra Guideman of Lawrence Erlbaum Associates with the
editing and the production of the book.
My students Asli Carkoglu, Nurcan KaramoHa, Didem Gurbey, Ayse Uskul,
Sahika Ayhan, Ozge Koca, and Esin Uzun helped in various ways. Throughout
my work on the manuscript, my husband, Oguz Kaglt<;lba§l, provided me with
invaluable moral support and encouragement, without which I could not have
finished this demanding task. I am indebted to all. Thanks also to my colleagues
and students at Bogazici University who have considerably influenced my think-
ing on human development, the family, and cross-cultural psychology. Many
years were spent at Bogazici before my recent move to Koc University. I feel a
deep sense of gratitude to Bogazici.
1 Introd uction
ABOUT THIS VOLUME
This volume is, on the one hand, about the psychology of human development
and human relations within the cultural context. The development of human
relations and the self is situated within the family and society. In my thinking, the
links between the person, family, and society are crucial for an understanding of
global human psychology. On the other hand, this volume is also about the
integration of theory and practice. Specifically, I make an attempt to find out
whether a culturally sensitive conceptualization of individual-family-culture
links has any relevance for applications and policies designed to promote human
well-being. Clearly, there are two types of linkages that need c1arification. The
first one has to do with some of the intersections between the levels of analysis-
the individual (self), the group (family), and the larger context in which both
exist (culture and society). The second one relates theory and application.
Linking Self, Family, Society

My purpose here is to look into some limited aspects of family dynamics and
family socialization within varying sociocultural contexts with a view to discover
their functional (or causal) links with human development. Thus, a contextual-
developmental-functional approach is undertaken here.
The approach is contextual in that the study of the person and human develop-
ment automatically implicates the family as the context, and thus figures the
family explicitly in the conceptualization. Similarly, when the family is under
2 1. INTRODUCTION
focus, it is automatically situated in its sociocultural environment. This approach

is very much in line with the ecological orientation of Bronfenbrenner (1979),
with traces of the classical field theory of Lewin (1951), and symbolic interac-
tionism of G. H. Mead (1934), on the one hand, and with the current contextual-
ist models, on the other (e.g., Featherman & R. M. Lerner, 1985; Hurrelmann,
1988; R. M. Lerner, 1983, 1989). Much thinking in cross-cultural psychology is
also contextualistic, almost by definition, and the approach here is akin to the
current theorizing in this field (e.g., Berry, 1976; Berry, Poortinga, SegaIl, &
Dasen, 1992, p. 12; Eckensberger, 1990; Price-Williams, 1980).
The approach here is also developmental. This is because it is not enough to
note or even to establish with some certainty differences across contexts. The
way these differences emerge is just as important for psychological inquiry. More
and more, the significance of a developmental approach is being recognized, and
a developmental orientation is seen as inherently complementing a cross-cultural
one (Bornstein, 1984; Bornstein & Bruner, 1989; Eckensberger, 1990; Heron &
Kroeger, 1981; Jahoda, 1986; Rogoff, Gauvain, & Ellis, 1984; Rogoff & Mo-
relli, 1989). This is not to say that all cross-cultural work takes cognizance of
developmental processes, but that the recognition of the need to do so is increas-
ing. It is interesting to note in this context that in her invited address at the
centennial convention of the American Psychological Association, Anastasi
(1992) pointed to the recent progress of cross-cultural psychology and life-span
developmental psychology as the two most important developments of the last
decades.
Finally, the present approach is functional because social and psychological
adaptive mechanisms are invoked to explain why a particular type of develop-
ment occurs. I should note, however, that this functional approach is not deter-
ministic and allows for flexibility and feedback mechanisms. It also tries to stay
away from teleological reasoning. Adaptive mechanisms are, rather, used as
clues to understand why self-family-culture linkages get established in particu-
lar ways, showing variability as weIl as similarity across cultures. The contex-
tual, developmental, and functional approaches are elaborated on when neces-
sary throughout.
In forming the links among the self, family, and the larger sociocultural
environment, I work from a cultural and cross-cultural perspective. A cultural
approach is presupposed by contextualism, and a cross-cultural approach is
required for the unambiguous interpretation of the observed cultural differences
(Van de Vijver & Poortinga, 1990). To understand the functional relations among
the society, the family, and the development of the self, the underlying dynamics
need to be discovered. A cross-cultural comparative orientation provides the
grounds for such an endeavor, as it supplies more variation than can be obtained
in a single culture study (Berry et al., 1992; Rogoff et al., 1984; 1. W. Whiting &
Child, 1953).
A CULTURAL AND CROSS-CULTURAL PERSPECTIVE 3
Linking Theory and Application

The second basic task I undertake in this volume is to integrate theory and
application. By application I do not me an individual-focused psychological prac-
tice, wh ich readily comes to mind, but rather the use of psychology in large-scale
efforts to improve human well-being and to contribute to societal development.
Psychologists' contribution to development efforts focuses on its human aspects;
therefore, any applied work would benefit from a knowledge of the cultural
context in wh ich human phenomena occur. Intervention attempts in developing
countries need to be especially sensitive to the human relations in the "culture of
relatedness" (Kaglt<;lba§l, 1985a) prevalent in these societies. Thus, interven-
tions may be expected to work better if they take into consideration and build on
the existing human connectedness, as reflected in closely knit family, kinship,
and community ties, rather than counteracting them, for example, in building
individualistic independence and competition.
The emphasis on applied research occupies a central place in my orientation to
psychology (Kaglt<;lba§l, 1994b). Theory that is not put to the test of application
has limited utility, and applications not informed by theory tend to be haphazard
and expensive "shots in the dark" that can't be afforded, especially in the Major-
ity World (see footnote 5 in Preface) countries with limited resources. In other
words, I believe that psychology need not choose between theory and scientific
rigor on the one hand and relevance on the other, and it is incumbent on the
psychologist, especially on one who lives in the Majority World, to be involved
in efforts to uphold human well-being. Culturally sensitive and both "socially
and scientifically responsible" (Drenth, 1991) psychological research can go a
long way toward contributing to social development efforts.
This book presents, in some detail, an applied research project that I have
carried out with my colleagues in Istanbul, Turkey. I believe it deserves attention
both for demonstrating the integration of theory and practice on the one hand,
and the potential of psychology for contributing to human development on the
other. The Turkish Early Enrichment Project and its follow-up study together
spanned a lO-year period. I attempt to bridge the gap between theory and appli-
cation by using this applied research as a case in point.
A CULTURAL AND CROSS-CULTURAL PERSPECTIVE
This topic covers a wide scope and includes extensive research and theory
spanning the fields of cultural and cross-cultural psychology, anthropology, and
sociology. I would like to give here a rather brief and general overview of the
issues involved and examine the relevant concepts. My approach here is basically
psychological, though Iresort to anthropological and sociological conceptualiza-
tions where appropriate.
4 1. INTRODUCTION
Recent Developments in Cross-Cultural Perspective
Human development always occurs within culture, but it is rarely studied as such
by academic psychology. The issue does not concern only developmental psy-
chology but is true of all psychology whose unit of analysis is typically the
individual. This outlook is in line with the goal of discovering universal regu-
larities in psychological processes and behavior, which psychology inherited
from physics. Accordingly, a physical science model adhering to a positivistic
philosophy of science is typically adopted. This implies a methodological orien-
tation isolating the behavior from its natural context to control for "unwanted"
variation. Thus, social and cultural factors are often absent in analyses.
This is noticeable from a cursory glance at popular developmental psychology
textbooks. They tend not to include cultural differences, or they treat them as
extraneous variables (noise), and they view the individualistic trajectory as the
normal way of developing. These textbooks influence how development is
viewed in American psychology and abroad.
This state of affairs has been noted by critics both within and outside psychol-
ogy. For example, focusing on human development, T. Schwartz (1981) stated:
"Developmental psychology has largely missed the opportunity to consider the
child in the cultural milieu, which is the sine qua non of the developmental
completion of a human nature" (p. 4). Similarly, lahoda and Dasen (1986), in
their introduction to the special issue of the International Journal oj Behavioral
Development, called for a "Cross-cultural developmental psychology ...
[which] is not just comparative [but] essentially is an outlook that takes culture
seriously" and deplored the fact that "theories and findings in developmental
psychology originating in the First world tend to be disseminated to the Third
World as gospel truth" (p. 413).
In his influential work on the ecology of human development, Bronfenbrenner
(1979) complained about the "marked asymmetry: a hypertrophy of theory and
research focusing on the properties of the person and only the most rudimentary
conception and characterization of the environment in wh ich the person is found"
(p. 16), and claimed that "developmental psychology . . . is the science of the
strange behavior of children in strange situations with strange adults for the
briefest possible periods of time" (p. 19).
These views are echoed by those who believe that a noncontextual approach to
behavior in general and to human development in particular is inadequate (e.g.,
Bornstein, 1991; Bronfenbrenner, 1986; Dasen, 1984; lahoda, 1986; Ka-
glt<;lba§l, 1984, 1992b; R. M. Lerner, 1989; MacDonald, 1986; Pepitone, 1987;
Price-Williams, 1980; Rogoff et al., 1984; Rogoff & Morelli, 1989; Shweder &
Bourne, 1984; Tajfel, 1972; Triandis, 1972; Tyler, 1989).
The extensive criticism, substantiated by insightful research, has aimed to be
a corrective to the "narrow" focus of psychology. It has been an outcry, loud and
clear, serving as the basis for the advancement of a wide range of disciplines and
critical views spanning cross-cultural and cultural psychology, on the one hand,
and social constructionism and indigenous psychology, on the other.
Most research in mainstream psychology is still going about its usual busi-
ness. Nevertheless, the developments in cultural and cross-cultural psychology
over the past 25 years are substantial, and they do challenge the established
scientific traditions of psychological research though probably not yet strongly
enough to shake them (Bond, 1988; Lonner, 1989). As a crude indicator of the
notable growth of the field, several publications and textbooks could be cited. A
number of journals are devoted to cross-cultural psychological research, among
them are the Journal 0/ Cross-Cultural Psychology, International Journal 0/
Psychology, International Journal o/Intercultural Relations, International Jour-
nal 0/ Behavioral Development, and Psychology and Developing Societies. Some
others have an international cross-cultural outlook: for example, Journal 0/ So-
cial Psychology, Inter-American Journal 0/ Psychology, European Journal 0/
Social Psychology. To date, there have been four reviews of cross-cultural psy-
chology in the Annual Review 0/ Psychology (Brislin, 1983; Kaglt~lba§l & Berry,
1989; Segall, 1986; Triandis, Malpass, & Davidson, 1973) and one of cultural
psychology (Shweder & Sullivan, 1993). The six-volume Handbook 0/ Cross-
Cultural Psychology appeared in 1980. A second edition of the Handbook is
currently in preparation.
A great number of books, written or edited by cross-cultural psychologists
have been published in the series on Cross-Cultural Research and Methodology
and in the selected volumes from the conferences of the International Association
for Cross-Cultural Psychology. There are also numerous publications that pro-
vide overviews of the field, inc1uding the annual Nebraska Symposium on Mo-
tivation (Berman, 1990) and some textbooks of cross-cultural psychology (Berry
et al. , 1992; Segall, Dasen, Berry, & Poortinga, 1990); cross-cultural social
psychology (Moghaddam, Taylor, & Wright, 1993; P. B. Smith & Bond, 1993;
Triandis 1994), and psychology in cultural context (Brislin, 1993; Lonner &
Malpass, 1994; Matsumoto, 1994). All this activity points to a growing cross-
cultural psychology.
Particularly in the cross-cultural study of human development the affinity to
an anthropological approach emphasizing the specific cultural context is notable.
Starting with the pioneering work of the Whitings and their associates on child
rearing in six cultures (Minturn & Lambert, 1964; B. B. Whiting, 1963; B. B.
Whiting & J. W. Whiting, 1975), much work has been conducted by psycholo-
gists and anthropologists at times working together. Several books on cross-
cultural child development, inc1uding a handbook (R. L. Munroe, R. H.
Munroe, & B. B. Whiting, 1981) provide overviews of this work (e.g., Borns-
tein, 1991; Greenfield & Cocking, 1994; R. L. Munroe & R. H. Munroe, 1975;
Stigler, Shweder, & Herdt, 1990; Valsiner, 1989; Wagner, 1983; Wagner &
Stevenson, 1982; Werner, 1979).
Research and conceptualization regarding the importance of the cultural con-
6 1. INTRODUCTION
text for psychology have also been emerging from the non-Western world. This is
significant when we consider the fact that psychology has traditionally been a
Western, and to a large extent, American preoccupation. The rest of the world
has typically followed suit, demonstrating a remarkable degree of "traditional
acquiescence" (Kaglt~lba§l, 1994a, 1994b). More recently, however, the pro-
gress of cross-cultural psychology has benefited from scholarship in non-Western
countries, particularly in Asia. In addition to a growing number of contributions
to journals and books containing cross-cultural psychological work from non-
Western psychologists, some volumes have come out dealing specifically with
psychology and human development in the Majority World (e.g., Curran, 1984;
Nsamenang, 1992; ühuche & ütaala, 1981; üppong, 1980; Pandey, 1988; Sar-
aswathi & Dutta, 1987; Saraswathi & Kaur, 1993; D. Sinha, 1981; D. Sinha &
Kao, 1988; Suvannathat, Bhanthumnavin, Bhuapirom, & Keats, 1985).
A new development emerging mainly from non-Western contexts is the so-
called indigenous psychology (Adair, 1992; Bond, 1986; G. E. Enriquez, 1990;
Heelas & Locke, 1981; Kaglt~lba§l & Berry, 1989; Kim & Berry, 1993; D.
Sinha, 1986, 1992). It purports that each culture should be studied within itself,
as it forms the all-important context of psychological phenomena. In this ap-
proach "from within," the historical-cultural characteristics, symbols and arti-
facts are used as materials to construct a meaningful portrait of a people. "Natu-
ral," rather than "imposed," categories are utilized, reminiscent of the typically
"emic" approach of anthropologists.
"Indigenization," or indigenous psychology, has been proposed to be an an-
tithesis of the universalist orientation, typical of much of cross-cultural psycholo-
gy. However I believe they are complementary approaches (Kaglt~lba§l, 1992a),
each providing feedback for the other. If indigenization is seen as an approach,
rather than a goal in and of itself, then it is likely to be followed by a comparative
approach. And when commonalities emerge out of such comparison among
different indigenous realities, we beg in to approach universality (Berry, 1989).
This point is discussed further later.
Benefits of the Cross-Cultural Perspective
The greatly increasing volume of cross-cultural research is a c1ear indication of

the growing appreciation of the value of a cross-cultural perspective. The advan-
tages involved have been repeatedly voiced by those conducting such research.
The following are some of the oft-quoted benefits within a developmental per-
spective.
A cross-cultural developmental approach uncovers a greater range of variation
than any single culture study. With a more comprehensive coverage of diversity,
a wider perspective emerges according to which what is typical and what is
atypical may need to be redefined (Bornstein, 1984).
With increased coverage of variation, it also becomes more possible to distin-

guish between biological and environmental influences. That is, the greater the
commonality found in a developmental sequence or psychological process over
highly varied cultural contexts, the greater the likelihood of its biological roots,
though shared sodal structures mayaiso be a cause. With a finding of increased
diversity in a psychological phenomenon across cultures, environmental causa-
tion is implicated.
In view of the aforementioned two points regarding increased degree of vari-
ability in cross-cultural study, theories based on research with more limited
sampies may need to be revised if they are to hold up to their claims of uni ver-
sality.
The theory-testing potential of cross-cultural research is thus very important.
Any psychological theory claiming universality, as they all do, must be demon-
strated to hold cross-culturally. Obviously, a theory can never be proven in
absolute terms, as there is always the likelihood of one disconfirming case.
Nevertheless, if a theory finds supportive evidence in highly diverse cultural
contexts, its claim to "extern al validity" and universality would be a lot stronger
than if it is tested in only a single cultural context. The more a theory receives
cross-cultural confirmation, the more closely it approximates universal gener-
ality. Indeed, most cross-cultural research in human development has had such a
theory-testing goal. This research has served theory very weil; for example,
Piagetian and Vygotskian theories have enjoyed cross-cultural extensions.
Such testing also helps refine theory. For example, as cross-cultural research
showed that the "formal operations" stage of Piaget was very rare among illiter-
ate adults, he changed his orientation and accepted that formal operations may
not be a universal stage but may occur only in specific familiar domains. This
reformulation was subsequently supported by research conducted in the United
States (D. Kuhn & Brannock, 1977; reported in Rogoff et al., 1984). Cross-
cultural developmental research, which has contributed significantly to theoreti-
cal advancement, cannot boast the same degree of success in serving the well-
being ofthe world's children (Dasen & Jahoda, 1986; Kaglt<;lba§l, 1991a; 1992b;
Wagner, 1983) for that has not been its intention. Much work needs to be done
which is both informed by culturally relevant theory and is problem oriented in
order to promote children's well-being. This is a basic theme in this volume.
Another advantage of cross-cultural comparative research is the possibility of
disentangling some variables highly associated in one culture by going to another
society where this is less so. This allows for refined analysis by unconfounding
variables. For example, it is difficult to study separately the effects of age
(maturation) and the experience of schooling in Western contexts because these
two variables are highly confounded (all children are at school). By conducting
studies in cultures where this is not the case, the effects of maturation, as separate
from schooling, can be studied (Rogoff, 1981; Rogoff et al. , 1984).
As in the previous example, cross-cultural research has the potential to study
8 1. INTRODUCTION
naturally occurring cause-effect relations that cannot be manipulated experimen-

tally, by utilizing natural quasi-experimental studies. To follow-up the previous
example, it is not possible to deprive some children of schooling in order to study
the effects of age on cognitive development independently of schooling. How-
ever, if such is naturally the case, cause-effect relations can be pursued accord-
ingly.
Cross-cultural study can also provide comprehensive descriptions of psycho-
logical phenomena. With increased range of variation covered-for example, in
age-specific human development-we can get a fuller spectrum of development,
which is aprerequisite for explanation (Bornstein, 1984). Especially in the hands
of anthropologists, who have contributed greatly to the study of cross-cultural
human development, rich description can be a valuable source of knowledge and
understanding.
Such comparative description and cross-cultural work, in general, provide
insight into human adaptation (Rogoff et al., 1984). It brings into focus variation
in ecological/environmental factors and how they are experienced by the people
being studied. Functional relations among the ecological, economic, and socio-
political contextual variables and the psychological behavioral characteristics of
people reflect biological/ cultural adaptations (Berry, 1976; Berry et al. , 1992).
Cross-cultural psychological study also works as a corrective for the re-
searcher's ethnocentrism. This is mainly because it sensitizes researchers to the
cultural basis of their own beliefs. Cross-cultural psychologists are likely to
realize that psychology, as it has been constructed historically, is indeed an
indigenous psychology of the Western world. It needs to be tried out for validity
in the non-Western world if its claim to universality is to be substantiated by
evidence. A lot of psychological theories are cultural constructions, reflecting a
particular orientation to and interpretation of "reality."
There are important implications of this view in both the explanation of
human phenomena and in applications across cultures. For example, the way sex
roles or human competence are conceptualized within the prevalent folk theories
of a people may be quite different from those of the psychologist armed with
Western theory. It takes much sensitivity to work out differences in interpretation
and to avoid blunders in applied work that may entail interventions to change
behaviors. Here a psychologist with a cross-cultural orientation and experience
would have a definite advantage over the one with a unicultural background.
Apart from these substantive contributions of the cross-cultural approach to
improve theory and understanding, it has also had a different type of impact on
mainstream thinking in psychology in general, and developmental psychology in
particular. This has had to do with the potential of some cross-cultural research to
unravel socioeconomic development and culture.
A great deal of earlier cross-cultural research was conducted in preindustrial
and some in preliterate societies, or using the Human Relations Area Files,
wh ich consist of anthropological information on the same types of societies. As
Azuma (1986) noted, "A limitation of such studies is that cultural variables
covary with the degree of industrialization of the society" (p. 3). This confound-
ing of socioeconomic structural factors (such as education, standard of living,
etc.)-that is, level of societal development-with cultural beliefs and values
blurs interpretation. Also as these societies are often remote and very different
from contemporary societies, findings from them tend to be ignored by main-
stream psychologists as irrelevant (obscure anthropologie al description), though
the cognitive area may be an exception.
More recently, with the increased volume of comparative research emerging
from contemporary nation states, it has been possible to keep socioeconomic
level characteristics rather similar in cross-cultural comparison and to focus on
other cultural differences. It is more difficult to ignore this type of research, for it
often involves socioeconomically similar sampies, such as urban educated
groups, university students, and so on, with nevertheless different cultural orien-
tations. For example, with the recent economic growth in the "Pacific Rim" and
the high mathematics-science achievement levels of Japanese and Chinese chil-
dren (both in their own countries and in the United States), the West has become
interested in Eastern and especially the Japanese culture (Japanese management,
Japanese childrearing, Japanese education, etc.). Such interest leads to a greater
appreciation of cross-cultural research.
Some significant social problems that require solutions are amenable to cross-
cultural study. Among these, ethnic issues and global development efforts cur-
rently have high priority. Thus, with the need to improve ethnic relations and to
contribute to the human aspects of global development, there is increasing al-
location of resources for applied intervention research both in the Majority World
and also involving ethnic minorities in the Western world. This attracts the
attention of mainstream psychologists to ethnic and cross-cultural research as
weIl.
Finally, and as related to all of the previous points, probably a most important
benefit that cross-cultural orientation is providing to general psychology is a
"sensitization to culture." In a way, one could say that it has taken the demonstra-
tion of cultural differences in comparative research to get the psychologists to
take culture seriously. Both cross-cultural and ethnic psychological research has
played an important role here (Berry, 1985). The integration of culture into
psychological analysis promises to widen the scope of our understanding; it can
be a breakthrough for psychology.
The Culture Concept

Anthropologists have been studying culture from the very beginning. It is often
noted that there are some 164 definitions of culture (Kroeber & Kluekhohn,
1952). Obviously there are different views about how best to conceptualize
culture and what aspects to emphasize. There appears to be agreement, however,
10 1. INTRODUCTION
regarding its comprehensive nature. Thus, the following characterizations, and

others, have been proposed: "traditional ideas and especially their attached val-
ues," "the mass of learned behaviour passing through generations," "shared
symbols and meanings," "different experiences of groups that lead to predictable
and significant differences in behavior," "a 'gestalt' of ideas, practices, norms
and meanings that organize behavior as a system," "a superordinate organizer
with a pervasive influence on its constituent elements," "a system, a set of
interrelated and inextricably linked elements," "mental programming or soft-
ware."
Psychologists tend to adopt Herskovits' (1948) all-inclusive definition of cul-
ture as "the man-made part of the environment" (Segall et al., 1990), including
both "physical culture" and "subjective culture" (subjective responses to what is
man made) (Triandis, 1972). Various cultural conceptions have been elaborately
discussed recently (e.g., Berry et al., 1992; Van de Vijver & Hutschemaekers,
1990).
The important point here is situating the psychological phenomenon in its
cultural context. This appears as "obvious" because we know that "it is rare
(perhaps even impossible) for any human being ever to behave without respond-
ing to some aspect of culture" (Segall et al., 1990, p. 5). Nevertheless, what
appears obvious turns out to be less so when an attempt is made to integrate
culture into psychological analysis (Van de Vijver & Hutschemaekers, 1990).
First of all, the diffuse, all-inclusive nature of culture presents a problem in
research. As a superordinate entity, it cannot serve as an explanation or an
independent variable (Segall, 1983). Such explanations can turn into empty
tautologies, such as "Chinese are this way because of their culture." Thus,
attempts are made by psychologists to define culture in less molar and more
molecular ways or to operationalize it (Poortinga, Van de Vijver, Joe, & Van de
Koppel, 1987; Segall, 1984; B. B. Whiting, 1976). In this more molecular
conceptualization, culture is treated as a "set of conditions" (Segall, 1984) that is
quite different from culture as a system (Rohner, 1984). It is also conceptualized
as "shared constraints that limit the behavior repertoire available to members of a
certain socio-cultural group" (Poortinga, 1992, p. 10).
Second, and as related to the previous issue of definition, a perennial meth-
odological problem and a long-standing issue is how to study behavior in culture.
The two basic approaches here, having traditional counterparts in psychology
and sociology, are those that prescribe studying the phenomenon either from
within or from without. This distinction has been the basis of "cultural" and
"cross-cultural" psychology, where the former studies human phenomena from
within and the latter from without. It has also formed a current debate on the
issue of cultural versus cross-cultural psychology, which is discussed later. The
two views have been expressed in different labels in different disciplines and
orientations, but the basic similarities among them prompt me to group them
together. The views from within and from without have their paralleis in the
idiographic and nomothetic approaches in psychology, going back to Cronbach's

characterization of "the two disciplines of scientific psychology" (1957), and
before hirn to Allport (1937), who ascribed the distinction to the German philoso-
pher Windelband. They also found paralleis in the qualitative and quantitative
research traditions in sociology and the hermeneutic versus positivistic ap-
proaches in anthropology. In cross-cultural psychology the emic-etic debate and
the indigenous (or relativist) versus universalist orientations (Berry et al., 1992),
respectively, appear analogous. Finally, the current debate between cultural and
cross-cultural psychology refIects the same basic distinction.
What is common in the idiographic, hermeneutic, emic, indigenous, rela-
tivist, cultural approaches is an emphasis on the uniqueness of concepts in each
cultural context, because they derive their meanings from these contexts. There
is also a stress on the variability and the uniqueness of the individual case
(person, culture, etc.) that requires its study from within and in its own right,
defying comparison. In contrast, the nomothetic, positivist, etic, universalist,
cross-cultural approaches study the "typical," not the unique, which can be
compared using a common standard or measure. The emphasis is on the underly-
ing similarities that render comparison possible. There appears to be a basic
conflict between the emic and the etic, if accepted as exc1usive orientations,
because being stuck in one would negate the other (Kaglt<;lba§l, 1992a).
As psychology ventures into integrating culture into its analyses and strives to
account for cultural diversity while c1aiming generality (Dasen & Jahoda, 1986,
p. 413), it is bound to "move out" from individuals into their interaction with the
environment. Yet, this is where this basic conflict comes in. It is between what
Lightfoot and Valsiner (1992, p. 394) called "the need to conceptualize 'context
dependency' of psychological phenomena and the 'context-eliminating' theoreti-
cal traditions of psychology." It can be resolved if there is a genuine understand-
ing that eliminating the context or abstracting behavior from its environment is
not the only route toward reaching generality. Indeed, it may be a route that does
not lead to real generality but to pseudo-generality. This type of generality is
assumed but not empirically demonstrated. The assumption is that the causal
relation that is found in the behavior abstracted from the environment in the pure
controlled laboratory condition holds across cultures or environments because it
is independent of the latter. Yet, even the most ardent experimental ist knows that
complete abstraction from the environment is impossible in research with human
beings who bring their "culture" into the laboratory, in the form of expectations,
habits, values, and so on.
The other, and surer, route toward generality, though laborious, is integrating
context into psychological study and examining its impact. When this type of
context-dependent study, uncovering causal relations, is conducted in other con-
texts also, the obtained similarities and differences can weave the path toward
generalities.
The recent debate about whether cultural or cross-cultural psychology pro-
12 1. INTRODUCTION
vides the better conceptual scheme for studying human phenomena (Markus &
Kitayama, 1992; Shweder, 1990, 1991; Shweder & Sullivan, 1993; Van de
Vijver & Hutschemaekers, 1990) has once again brought the issue to the fore.
The discussion revolves about some more basic methodological and conceptual
issues such as whether a comparative (decontextualizing) or a wholistic, contex-
tualizing (situated) methodology is to be used in the study of human psychologi-
cal phenomena· and whether universalism or relativism of psychological func-
tioning is to be assumed. It is reminiscent of the earlier etic-emic debate (Berry,
1969, 1989; Jahoda, 1977, 1983) and the current discussion on universalist
orientation versus indigenous psychology (Berry et al. , 1992; G. E. Enriquez,
1990; Kim & Berry, 1993; D. Sinha, 1989, 1992).
I do not subscribe to the either-or stance of the debate and believe that the two
approaches can be, and should be, complementary (KagJt<;lba§l, 1992a). To my
understanding, cultural psychology is psychology within the cultural context,
and as such all human psychology should indeed be cultural psychology, as
human phenomena always take place within culture. However, as we are far
from this ideal, psychological inquiry that takes cognizance of the cultural con-
text can be labeled cultural psychology. If in such inquiry a comparative ap-
proach is used and thus at least two cultures are implicated, even if implicitly, we
are in the realm of cross-cultural psychology. It is important to note that a
comparative approach does not predude a contextualistic orientation. Indeed, a
contextualistic orientation and a comparative orientation are basic to my think-
ing, as already made dear. In this, I am in agreement with Eckensberger (1990)
and with Price-Williams, who observed that "contexts are not necessarily unique;
they can be compared" (1980, p. 82). That is why in this book I see myself
involved in both cultural and cross-cultural psychology. However, for the sake of
simplicity and not to use both terms together, I use "cultural psychology" unless
specifically referring to cross-cultural comparison.
Similarities and Differences

This brings me to a consideration of the meaning attributed to similarities and
differences obtained in cross-cultural comparisons. It does not make much sense
to insist on an either-or position (universalism or relativism) because this is an
empirical issue. It is the researcher's task "to know when it makes sense to
emphasize likeness, rand when] difference ... " (to quote a phrase from Shwe-
der, 1984, p. 60 which he later appears to abandon by rejecting likenesses)
(Shweder, 1990, 1991; Shweder & Sullivan, 1993). As I mentioned earlier, with
the greater comprehensive coverage of variation in cross-cultural study, common
and variable characteristics and biological and environmental factors can be
distinguished more effectively than when a smaller range of variation is entailed.
However, it should also be noted that similarity across cultures dos not neces-
sarily imply genetic determination. It can be due to some universal (or commonly
shared) psychological or structural factors. For example, all societies have devel-
oped rules and social control mechanisms for maintaining intragroup harmony,
care of the young, and socialization of children. Thus, there are similarities, as
weIl as differences, across cultures. These similarities may be due to analogous
functionallinks among behaviors in different cultures, rather than to biological
commonalities (see also Lonner, 1980 and Van de Vijver & Poortinga, 1982).
Yet, when similarities are found between cultures an ethological explanation
is commonly invoked (H. Papousek & M. Papousek, 1991; Sigman & Wachs,
1991), and they are attributed to culture only when differences are found. One
reason for this is the assumption of the uniqueness of each culture. This is a view
derived from descriptive anthropology and is readily accepted by cross-cultural
psychologists. It leads to the expectation that cross-cultural comparison should
uncover differences in behavior. Thus, cross-cultural research reports are replete
with statements such as "the Indian self ... , the Japanese mother ... "; or "the
Greek philotimo," the "Latin American simpatia," the "Japanese amae" or the
"Mexican historic-sociocultural premises." Yet study after study finds similar
characteristics among behavior patterns in countries such as India, Korea, Mexi-
co, Greece, Japan, and so forth, which remain implicit. Indeed, Triandis (1989)
noted sentiments in other collectivistic cultural groups similar to the "Greek
philotimo," and a Turkish researcher (Ay~i~egi, 1993) found the "Mexican
historic-sociocultural premises" (Diaz-Guerrero, 1991) regarding sex roles to be
typical in Turkey!
There is a need to go beyond the descriptive psychological portrayal of differ-
ent peoples toward discovering underlying reasons for behavior that may be
shared to some extent among them. Thus the current two-way thinking (differ-
ence implying cultural, similarity biological causation) needs to be expanded to
at least a three-way thinking. When a difference is found in cross-cultural com-
parison, a contextual (environmental/cultural) interpretation would be implied,
except for few known race differences. When a similarity is found, however,
there is an ambiguity because either shared biology or shared structure (psycho-
logical, ecological, social or cultural) may be the cause. Or, there might even be
the further possibility of a combination of the two. The challenge is unraveling
these influences.
If we are interested in possible generalization, the comparison of two or more
emic portrayals is needed (Berry, 1969, 1989; Triandis, 1978). This is where an
etic or cross-cultural comparative approach comes into the picture. It is important
to note here that the ultimate aim of this approach should be more the discovery
of shared characteristics than of differences, that is, if psychological theory
aspires for universality. But interestingly enough, a focus on differences is preva-
lent here. Of course, there are exceptions, as exemplified in the weIl-known
studies utilizing data from a great number of countries in order to discover
patterns of beliefs or values (e.g., Hofstede, 1980; S. H. Schwartz, 1992; S. H.
Schwartz & Bilsky, 1987, 1990). However, in these studies structures are typ-
14 1. INTRODUCTION
ically imposed from outside rather than discovered in cultural (emic) study. What
appears to be lacking are studies conducted within the cultural context that reveal
functionalladaptive links among phenomena that may, in turn, repeat themselves
in different contexts, thus pointing to some fundamental causal relations.
ORGANIZATION OF THE BOOK
This introductory chapter has focused on cultural and cross-cultural perspectives

in psychology, which provide a general conceptual framework. Given the bene-
fits of a cross-cultural approach in widening the scope of our understanding, I
make frequent use of it in discussions throughout the book. Nevertheless, my
main focus is on human development in cultural context, as mediated by the
family. I ex amine it from a functional-contextual perspective and with both a
theoretical and applied emphasis. Its coverage here is quite varied and spans
wide ground. The different chapters deal with different yet related topics.
The book is composed of two parts. The first part focuses on human develop-
ment, family, and culture. The chapters in this first part mainly cover theory and
research linking phenomena at the individual, group (family), and societallevels
of analyses. Human development in cultural context and the more specific pro-
cess of the development of social/cognitive competence; the relations between
culture and self; and family change through social change are examined.
Throughout the discussions, a cross-cultural, contextual, functional, and devel-
opmental perspective is assumed.
The first part contains four chapters dealing with the central issues discussed
in the introduction. Chapter 2 studies "Development in Context." Numerous
examples from across cultures and diverse theoretical perspectives point to the
necessity of construing human development in context. Though the cultural
context is stressed, an ecological perspective to context is used with different
layers of embedded environmental influences, ranging from the family to soci-
etal values. Context is seen to impart meaning to human experience, as for
example in the construal of "childhood" itself.
Chapter 3 examines "Socialization for Competence" and builds upon the
previous chapter. Theoretical and cultural conceptions of cognitive competence
are reviewed. There is a discussion of cultural variability in the meaning of
"competence" and particularly cognitive competence. It deals with difficult is-
sues of relativism versus comparative standards and the danger of double stan-
dards in the study of competence across cultures. A basic theme, also discussed
in chapter 2 and later in chapter 6, is the culture gap between traditional child-
rearing values and the new environmental demands emerging with social change
and urban lifestyles, which may result in a disadvantage for the child.
Chapter 4 provides a discussion of the concept of self across cultures and
looks into the complex interplay of "Culture and Self." Several theoreticaland
ORGANIZATION OF THE BOOK 15
disciplinary perspectives are examined, inc1uding a review of the recent critique

of individualism in the Western, particularly in the American, context. A distinc-
tion is made between the "relational self" and the "separated self," which is
another basic theme throughout the book. It is also conceptualized as a dimen-
sion of (inter)dependence-independence in interpersonal relations. Autonomy,
control, and achievement, as weil as the development of the self, are interpreted
within this perspective.
Chapter 5 explores "Family and Family Change." Family is studied as the
microcontext of development. Three prototypical family patterns are discussed,
and a model of family change is proposed through social change. The commonly
accepted modernization view of convergence toward the Western model is ques-
tioned, and a shift toward a "model of emotional interdependence" is proposed.
This is a family /human model, as the development of the self within the family is
also studied. There is a proposed shift toward the development of the
"autonomous-relational self" through socioeconomic development within the
culture of relatedness (collectivism).
Part 11 moves from theory to application. It focuses on induced change and the
role of psychology both in general terms and also with regard to early enrich-
ment. It examines the applied significance of psychology in promoting healthy
human development and analyzes the psychology (social science)-social policy
interface.
Chapter 6, "Induced Change: The Role of Psychology," critically appraises
the role of psychology in the light of the foregoing discussions and forms a link
between the two parts of the book. It asks the question of how psychology can
help promote "human development" and assigns a socially, as weil as a scien-
tifically, responsible role to psychology. There is a more extensive discussion
here of the "political" issues of values, standards, and relativism in the study of
human development across cultures. Some controversial topics are confronted,
such as schooling, religious education, school readiness, and the nature-nurture
underpinnings.
Chapter 7, "Early Childhood Care and Education (ECCE)," narrows down the
question to early enrichment. It provides an overview of the early childhood care
and education research and applications, both in the Western and the Majority
World. This is seen as an area where psychological expertise, especially in the
field of developmental psychology, can inform research and applications. Some
issues in ECCE are reviewed, such as the relative effectiveness and cost-
effectiveness of center-based and home-based approaches.
Chapter 8, "The Turkish Early Enrichment Project," is presented as a case in
point. It describes a longitudinal study of early enrichment, coupled with a
follow-up, where both the horne and preschool environment and mother training
are studied in terms of their differential effects on the development of children.
Effects of the project intervention on the overall development and school
achievement of children as weIl as on the mothers and the horne environment are
16 1. INTRODUCTION
discussed. The holistic, interactional, contextual orientation of the project is seen

as its main strength, leading to gains sustained over time.
Chapter 9, "Search for Integration and Policy Relevance," builds the policy
implications of the Turkish Early Enrichment Project and examines the general
issue of psychology and social policy. Policy relevance of psychology (and of
social science) is discussed with a particular focus on global human development
and well-being. An integration of the foregoing topics and discussions is
searched here. The development of the self and of human competence in family
and culture is viewed again, with an "involved" stance. The socially relevant role
of psychology comes to the fore.
All chapters are interrelated, yet each stands on its own. As such, they may be
seen as independent topics, and in particular, the first and the second parts differ
in theoretical and practical emphasis. Nevertheless, in my thinking, the different
parts hang together, and I try to weave them together. Specifically, the theoretical
perspectives set out in Part I serve as the theoretical underpinnings of the inter-
vention presented in Part 11. Similarly, the call for the greater involvement of
psychology in socially relevant research serves as the moral justification for the
intervention. Theory, (applied) research, and policy need to be interrelated, and
this is wh at this book is about.
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FAMILY AND

A View From the Other Side

A View From the Other Side

Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or

Library of Congress Cata10ging-in-Publication Data

Foreword M. Brewster Smith ix

PART I: HUMAN DEVELOPMENT, FAMILY, CULTURE

3. Socialization for Competence 35

4. Culture and Self 52

5. Family and Family Change 72

PART ,,: INDUCED CHANGE: EARLY ENRICHMENT

6. Induced Change: The Role of Psychology 101

7. Early Childhood Care and Education (ECCE): An Overview 124

8. The Turkish Early Enrichment Project 139

9. Search for Integration and Policy Relevance 170

Author Index 217

Subject Index 227

This is an extraordinary book by an author who needs no introduction in the

families in the developing world will converge on the Western individualistic

study, instead of a clean laboratory experiment, for my doctoral research to test

Some findings of social psychology may refer to general panhuman relationships,

ABOUT THIS VOLUME

Linking Self, Family, Society

focus, it is automatically situated in its sociocultural environment. This approach

Linking Theory and Application

A CULTURAL AND CROSS-CULTURAL PERSPECTIVE

Recent Developments in Cross-Cultural Perspective

Benefits of the Cross-Cultural Perspective

The greatly increasing volume of cross-cultural research is a c1ear indication of

With increased coverage of variation, it also becomes more possible to distin-

naturally occurring cause-effect relations that cannot be manipulated experimen-

The Culture Concept

regarding its comprehensive nature. Thus, the following characterizations, and

idiographic and nomothetic approaches in psychology, going back to Cronbach's

Similarities and Differences

ORGANIZATION OF THE BOOK

This introductory chapter has focused on cultural and cross-cultural perspectives

disciplinary perspectives are examined, inc1uding a review of the recent critique

discussed. The holistic, interactional, contextual orientation of the project is seen

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