Rise of the 'Dalit Millionaire': A Low Intensity Spectacle

Author(s): GOPAL GURU

Source: Economic and Political Weekly , DECEMBER 15, 2012, Vol. 47, No. 50 (DECEMBER
15, 2012), pp. 41-49
Published by: Economic and Political Weekly

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Rise of the 'Dalit Millionaire'
A Low Intensity Spectacle

GOPAL GURU

Dalit eff
the tory, "capitalism from below is a 21st century wonder", extr or
In the tory,the contemporary
interrogatory, interrogatory,
"can the subaltern"capitalism times,Bothfrom "can below one the often subaltern is a hears 21st century accumulate?". either the wonder", exclama- Both or
accumulate?".
particul
expressions, though seemingly different, essentially, uniformly
capital
designate triumphalism to the ideology of neo-liberalism.1 a
a few
One might also see the rise of a few dalits as millionaires as an da
affirmation of this triumphalism. Moreover, some of the dalits
Debord's
themselves have welcomed such a development within the
consciou
dalit community as a spectacular achievement.2
a person In this regard, it is interesting to note that some of the top
corporate houses have endorsed the arrival of dalits as mil-
essay an
thelionaires. Corporate magnates are reported to have extended cont
their support and joined dalits in publicly celebrating this de-
velopment. One can thus register the corporate support that
was extended to dalit millionaires who organised "Udyog
Mela" (a meet of dalit millionaires) in Indian metros like Pune
and Mumbai (Teltumbde 2011). 3 Interestingly, public an-
nouncement of this arrival has been amplified through both
print4 and electronic media.5 Some of the regional and national
television channels have been quite enthusiastic in exploding
the image of the dalit millionaire to some degree of visibility
and prominence. It is even more interesting to note that some
of the more notable social scientists, from the dalit community6
as well as non-dalits (Kapur et al 2010), are taking a consist-
ently positive stand towards these dalit millionaires.
Dalit efforts to move from the ordinary and explode into the
extraordinary (millionaire) may indeed look spectacular, parti-
cularly when dalits do not have a known history of capital accu-
mulation. But does this sudden rise of dalits to the position of
millionaires constitute a spectacle? What is a spectacle and within
what kind of a spectacle do these dalit millionaires fit? Let us
address these interrelated questions in the following sections.

1 What Is the Spectacle?

For addressing these questions, I find the work of Guy Debord,
one of the leading theorists of the spectacle, as a most useful
starting point for working out my own position vis-à-vis the
emergence of the dalit millionaire as spectacle. Debord, in his
seminal work on the spectacle of society, argues that the spec-
tacle presents itself both as an instrument of unification of
society and as providing common ground for the deceived
gaze and false consciousness.7 Thus, in Debord's framework,
the spectacle is an ideology, which, as false consciousness,
Gopal
necessarily forges a fake associationGur
between a person or a social
Political St
collectivity, and the spectacle.

Economic & Political weekly Q3H December 15, 2012 vol xlvii no 50 41

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SPECIAL ARTICLE

2.1 Averse to the Capitalist, But Not against Cash

In societies like India, caste consciousness as a subjective
resource is constitutive of spectacle as an ideology. In fact,First,
as I dalit millionaires have certain structural limitations that
prevent
will argue in the rest of this essay, spectacle as an ideology is them from becoming a high intensity spectacle, as
outlined
less likely to gain salience on its own, particularly outside the in Section 1. They have not, for example, acquired the
enormous
subjective framework of caste consciousness. That is to say, in material and cultural power that would help them
societies like India, where social constituencies are yetstamp
to their signature all over the globe. Although they share
develop a full-fledged consumerist consciousness and there theislarger ideological space with the hegemonic spectacle,
their sphere of ideological influence remains confined to a
still a premodern lag in their cultural consciousness, a specta-
small constituency of dalits. Their ideological mediation, thus,
cle of general nature would, in such a context, find it difficult
to become ideologically attractive to the cross section ofhas
thelimitations.
Within the logic of low intensity, dalit millionaires are sup-
population. Hence, the corporate capital may require a spect-
acle, which will act as a buffer for creating an ideological
posed to project themselves as role models that work out for
impact through arranging the spectacles in a synchronising the cultural consumption of dalit masses. In other words, dalit
manner, thus making some spectacles auxiliary in nature millionaires are not supposed to focus on the non-dalits, who,
in any case, feel much more mesmerised by the public pres-
impact social groups with uneven levels of cultural conscious-
ence of high intensity spectacles, which are globally available,
ness. It is in this sense that one can understand the emergence
of the dalit millionaire as a spectacle. and in plenty. Interestingly, the dalit millionaire as a low
intensity spectacle is much more desi than a high intensity
I will argue in the rest of this essay, that in the Indian con-
text, since the spectacles of the corporate class lack powerone,
to which is arguably more derivative. These are derivative
inasmuch as they are accessed by Indians from outside.
act as a self-sufficient ideological category, it requires other
One can argue that showcasing the dalit millionaire, thus,
spectacles that can carry forward its ideological agenda. To
has been motivated by the ideological need to induce in com-
put it differently, in the public domain, where caste still con-
mon dalits a feeling of pacification, which in effect will neu-
tinues to have formative impact on the cultural consciousness
tralise their anti-corporate stance. The evidence of such pacifi-
of people, no spectacle can claim that, in such a social context,
its demonstrative presence is independently attractive. Oncation
the is already available in the expression of some of the
contrary, it has to promote itself through the mediation ofcommon
an- dalits who seem to be holding the following view:
other spectacle that would create grounds for makingthey
the may be averse to the capitalist, but they are not against
former attractive. cash.8 It is in this context that one can make sense of the "re-
These cultural compulsions force the corporate class tosigned
as- attitude" of the Indian corporate class, which may not
be too keen to create among the common dalit a high profile
sign a hegemonic orientation to its spectacle. In its need to re-
consumerist
main effective and powerful, it has to allow such spectacles as consciousness. In this regard, it is necessary to
keep
can express themselves with different degrees of intensity. I in view the grudging (Nilekani 2008: 330) willingness of
corporates to help the government devise and implement
am going to argue that the dalit millionaire as spectacle oper-
ates with low intensity. Taking our cue once again fromvarious
De- welfare schemes like the Mahatma Gandhi National
Rural Employment Guarantee Act to make cash available to
bord, it could further be argued that the hegemonic spectacle
is a parasitic category inasmuch as it requires either a non-
the toiling dalit in rural India. The corporates might even fund
dalit non-governmental organisations (ngos) to propagate the
spectacle or a non-competitive variety of spectacle as the defining
condition of its own existence. Therefore, it is in this connec-
importance of cash transfers to poor dalits.
Thus, neutralising the radical consciousness is not a small
tion that it would be worthwhile to understand the corporate
endorsement of dalit millionaires as a spectacle. gain for the corporate class. Promoting the dalit millionaire
It would be equally interesting to evaluate the spectacle with
of the specific purpose of making ideological inroads into
the dalit millionaire particularly in terms of its subsidiarythe dalit community is quite indicative of the fact that corpo-
role
rates
in sustaining the high intensity or the hegemonic spectacle as still strategise within the framework of caste, even if
represented by the Indian corporate class. Extending Debord's such strategic thinking goes against the oft-repeated claim of
seamless
definition a little further, one could also define spectacle in its social order.
hegemonic form, which, while generating ideological impact
2.2 The Constraining Collectivity
with high intensity, also accommodates within it a low inten-
Second, dalit millionaires can be defined as low intensity spec-
sity spectacle. In the following section, I therefore argue that
dalit millionaires represent the low intensity spectacle. tacles because they have limited cultural power of dispersion
of the local images of such moneybags. At the other end of the
2 The Dalit Millionaire: A Low Intensity Spectacle spectrum, the high intensity spectacle could be present at sev-
eral places at the same time and could, thus, be taken around
Why is the emergence of the dalit millionaire a low intensity spec-
the globe. This multiple dispersion of animated images has
tacle? Let me address this question in terms of the asymmetrical
become a possibility, primarily because the non-dalit million-
relationship between the low intensity and high intensity specta-
cles. The arrival of the dalit as millionaire could be characterised
aires, arguably, got themselves entangled into atomised indi-
as a low intensity spectacle for the following reasons: viduality. It is the powerful individual, rather than the
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structures (it industry), who is projected with much more in- ontologically chained to the identity of these dalits. The dalit
tensity across time and space. However, for Indian academic millionaires' existence as spectacle depends on the negative
devotees, scholars from the west also become spectacles when essence of the outcastes. They have to remain in touch with
the latter reach India. Dalit millionaires are yet to completely the wretched, howsoever "embarrassing" the latter may be. In
walk out of their "constraining collectivity" and become indi- the Indian context, spectacles operate on a conundrum. The
viduals. The very tag of "dalit" being attached to their million- Indian corporates, in association with the state, require dalit
aire status denies them individuality, which, in some sense, is millionaires who, in turn, require millions of outcastes. Dalit
necessary in order to explode oneself into a spectacle. The millionaires are low intensity spectacles because they are not
caste of the dalit millionaires, therefore, sets limits to the full universally more attractive.
explosion of their spectacle.
Even the support that is extended by the corporates to dalit 2.4 Keeping a Low Prof ile
millionaires is limited, ranging from a symbolic handshake Fourth, dalit millionaires also operate at the level of low inten-
with the dalit millionaire, to fragile hand-holding in terms of sity, particularly in the world of publicity or in the cultural life
providing clientele to him/her.9 The corporate support that of capital. They tend to make only occasional appearances in
these dalit millionaires have received from their corporate pa- the world of publicity. Thus, aggressive advertisement by the
trons for the purpose of organising Udyog Melas under the dalit millionaire is completely ruled out. However, one cannot
banner of the Dalit Indian Industry of Chambers and Com- expect such adventurousness from dalit millionaires as they
merce (dicci) (Teltumbde 2011) has been much more moder- are newcomers to the field of capitalism. Capitalism not just
ate as compared to the massive corporate support that was from below but from outside the pale of Hinduism at the
made available for organising a beauty pageant in Bangalore present juncture, does not lead to complete transgression of
some years ago.10 economic boundaries. In some sense, the limits of dalit mil-
lionaires in expanding beyond a certain stage could be under-
2.3 The 'Embarrassing' Unaesthetic stood in terms of the historically accumulated limits of their
Third, aesthetic taste, interestingly, provides a measure to social background.
decide the high intensity of the spectacle of the corporate class. Even today, as the spectacle of dalit millionaires gets haunted
Ironically, the aesthetic sense of the high intensity spectacle by the spectre of caste, they prefer to remain chained to their
makes it necessary on the part of the corporates to keep the identity. They, like the Nadars of Chennai (Damodaran 2008:
below poverty line dalit out of their sight. Let me offer another 316) and the Gounders of Tripur (Chari 2004), have not been
illustration that would explain this expansive aesthetic taste of able to infuse universal content into their social identity, thus,
the Indian corporate. For example, the spectacle of the 2010 making it an inversion category. Although, they, in their self-
Commonwealth Games in Delhi literally covered jhuggis perception, might claim that they can now respectfully appear
(shanty slums) with oversized hoardings carrying the message in the public domain, even with their social identity.
of globality.11 Globality, thus, redefines the cultural relation- On the other hand, the Indian corporate class does not
ship projecting the spectacle (glassy corporate offices) as the require making such an announcement. The high intensity
marker of beauty and the non-spectacle (slums) as the sign of spectacle keeps happening continuously, and hence its recep-
"dirt" and stigma. The relationship between the spectacle and tion does not come as a sudden surprise to the world. It is not a
non-spectacle is not just of scale, but of quality as well. The wonder for many. Most of these dalit millionaires are structur-
awesome urban presence of the high intensity spectacle seeks ally compelled to keep a low profile. They realise that as long
to not only overshadow, but also make invisible what could be as they remain confined within the permissible limits of pro-
called the non-spectacle. duction and distribution, they would continue to receive the
Meanwhile, the poor dalit becomes the logical condition for patronage of corporate magnates as well as political parties.
the very existence of the low intensity spectacle. The relation-
2.5 The Latecomers
ship between the dalit millionaire and the common dalit is
similar to the constitutive relationship between a lotus and the Fifth, I would like to argue that it was state and political
huge mass of mud on which it grows. Just as the lotus requires patronage, rather than the free and competitive context of
mud for its growth, dalit millionaires require the mass of the market, that provided an initial condition for the mobility of
dalit poor in order to become a spectacle. Logically, the the dalit millionaire in India. Capitalist patronage came into
"wretched" of the dalits provide this condition to the dalit the picture only at a later stage, which had already been set up
millionaire for acquiring the status of a spectacle even at a by state patronage. In fact, the capitalist in the Indian context
low intensity. continues to remain the beneficiary of the Indian state (Kavi-
Dalit millionaires are the non-spectacle of the genuine spec- raj 2006: 158).
tacle, and ragpickers and scavengers in the withered-down The role that politics, both of political parties and state
jhuggis of dalits are the non-spectacle of the low intensity patronage, plays in providing necessary conditions for the
spectacle. The only difference that one can find between the mobility of dalit millionaires becomes crucial in the context of
high and low intensity spectacles is that while the former their being historically deprived of the resources (Damodaran
desires to avoid the very sight of a common dalit, the latter is 2008) that are necessary for such an emergence. Since the

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caste system by and large deprived dalits of material resourc- constraints on the power of assertion of the dalits. They had to
es, and the postcolonial state offered marginal benefits to remain grateful to both the party as well as the corporate bosses.
some dalits through redistributive policies, they seem to have This did not give the decisive power to the dalits, with which
looked at different avenues for their progress. The state and they could dictate terms to the political bosses. They have
party politics, therefore, open up some space for dalits to enjoy always had to remain subdued. It is this dependence on
some degree of economic freedom, which is contingent upon patronages that makes them a low intensity spectacle.
political opportunities. Formal electoral politics was an option that some of them
Dalit millionaires are latecomers to the process that makes used effectively to achieve "phenomenal" individual progress
the emergence of millionaires possible. Dalits have historically through consumption (dalit politicians are known to buy
existed outside the opportunity structures of both institutional costly diamond sets), while others sought to patronise poli-
and community networks. Even if they historically had impres- tical networks in order to get footholds even on the manufac-
sive material assets enough to become millionaires, they could turing side of the market.12 Thus, it is political freedom that
not consolidate and build on these resources. This was because seems to have helped dalits gain economic freedom. Dalit ex-
they lacked the opportunity structures. However, in independ-perience with constitutional provisions and the resultant
state intervention would seek to reverse the Friedmanian or-
ent India, particularly in recent times when electoral politics
der and make political freedom a necessary condition for eco-
have become much more competitive and where the support of
a small community becomes crucial to win elections, politicalnomic freedom. Friedman, in his book on Capitalism and
parties with heavy bourgeoisie backing had to support not onlyFreedom , says that
candidates, but also entrepreneurs from among dalits. ...while economic freedom is a necessary condition for civil and po-
It is interesting to record here that majority of dalit million- litical freedom, political freedom, desirable though it may be, is not a
aires are the major beneficiaries of political patrons, and also necessary condition for economic and civil freedom (Friedman 2002:
ix (preface)).
the corporates, who, due to party affiliations, support dalits.
Do not forget, for instance, the support that Birla gave to Gan- Friedman further argues that capitalism does try and elimi-
dhi for carrying out the "Harijan" welfare programme beforenate constraining conditions like the medieval guilds in Europe
independence. However, in the trade off, the party bosses andand the caste system in India, so that people can enjoy and
the capitalist always enjoyed dominance, which in turn putredeem economic freedom. For example, dalit political leaders,

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both male and female, who did not inherit anything substantial 2.7 Self-inflicted Exploitation
from the past except a socially degrading background, have Seventh, dalit millionaires could be characterised as low
now been able to accumulate some degree of capital by invest- intensity because of the nature of exploitation and strategies of
ing in smaller enterprises like textile production, shipping, manipulation that they are associated with. Dalit millionaires
manufacturing and catering.13 Some of them invested in are associated with exploitation, but at different levels. Initially,
educational institutions and yielded accumulation of capital.14 some of them have themselves been the victims of exploitation
Others who also benefited from political patronage did not by others. Once they acquire their limited power, they exploit
invest in production, but are reported to have invested in real others, and most of the time their own people. Their exploita-
estate.15 This rise, in relative terms, has become possible only tion is of a specific type, and hence, it is non-standardised.
after the dalits have gotten an influential political position Ultimately, they become the sources of their own moral
through an affirmative programme. But this investment still exploitation. This self-inflicted exploitation is moral in the
does not make them a high intensity spectacle. They still remain sense that it involves self-depreciation. Development that is
upstarts in the sphere of capitalism. One could attribute this based on an element of patronage does involve compromise
"classic character" of the mainstream corporate to the histori- in order to adjust with the dominant partner, whose self-
cally structuralised process of accumulation of capital and the recognition is based on somebody's moral degradation. On
favourable social conditions of its expansion, both in terms of the other hand, the corporate class acquires high intensity for
time and space. It is expansive in terms of social consumption its spectacle precisely because it engages in the exploitation
of its products and also in terms of institutional credit. Dalit of humanity. It adopts forms of exploitation that are stand-
capital has so far remained confined to a specific location ardised, as existing across time and space. The ruthless ex-
(Damodaran 2008: 316). To put it differently, historically ploitation of natural resources is one such form that exploits
inherited wealth tends to naturalise, even for the poor, the humanity in its entirety.
claim of being affluent. Finally, one needs to explain the low intensity nature of the
On the contrary, the historical inability to convert traditional spectacle, particularly in terms of the unique cultural resources
sources of wealth into modern forms of capital (Moon 2009: that would otherwise help them become a part of the national
4-5) makes the emergence of dalit millionaires incredible, and spectacle. Interestingly, corporates objectively participate in
hence a socially produced "wonder". Their arrival is sudden the national spectacle. On 26 January one can notice the mili-
because they have no known history of successful accumulation. tary vehicles produced by the corporate sector in the Republic
Also, dalit capital can accumulate, but with an arresting sense Day parade.. Dalits do have the Mahar regiment at Sagar in
of accumulation/It is in this historical sense that one can define Madhya Pradesh, but one does not remember it being a part of
the low intensity spectacle as represented by the dalit millionaire. the parade. In the absence of dalit participation in such a na-
tional spectacle, some dalits might justify being a part even of
2.6 The Static Spectacle a low intensity spectacle as provided by the capitalism. But
Sixth, the dalit spectacle is low intensity because it lacks socialshould one draw such subsidised satisfaction from this low in-
dynamism. This lack of dynamism is evident in its incapacity tensity? The feeling of subsidised satisfaction, if entertained,
to showcase itself for wider appreciation of its performance. Itmay have the following implications for the notion of freedom.
is not interested in multiplying accumulation through trans-
local expansion of capital. It is low intensity as it draws subsi- 3 Critiquing the Low Intensity Spectacle
dised satisfaction in whatever it accumulates through produc- Folding the image of a dalit into a spectacle is not without
ing spectacles that are static, and hence devoid of dynamism.problems. My critique is a continuation of the dalit critique of
Similarly, dalit millionaires do not have a substantive relation-the phenomenon of the dalit millionaire. A certain under-
ship with the world of advertising, but are rhetorically show-standing of the spectacle seeks to render affirmation of the
cased only occasionally. Their market depends on patronage dalit millionaire as deeply problematic on several counts.
as provided by the corporates on the one hand, and the state
and political parties on the other.16 3.1 No Moral Autonomy
Meanwhile, the high intensity spectacle keeps occurringFirst, the idea of the dalit millionaire spectacle does not enable
through the production of multiple images, whose job is to the dalit in question to acquire moral autonomy that is so nec-
induce more amusement in the consumer. The operational essary to tell the truth. One of the ways to define truth is by
aspects of the hegemonic spectacle, particularly in the age ofrelating it to an honest conversation with the common dalit, by
globalisation, suggest seamlessness to the extent that it exists telling the latter that the free market can help only a few dalits
outside the formal national boundaries and tends to stamp its become millionaires, but that it has no capacity to make "a
signature on the global cultural landscape. That is to say, it is decent life" a lived experience for the totality of millions of
everywhere in the global society. It incarnates itself through dalits. This realisation, from the participation in an honest
speed and size. It is thus in gigantic airports, the expandingconversation with common dalits, offers a bright chance to ex-
and ever extending metro flyovers superimposed over thepose the rhetorical relation that both low and high intensity
shanty slums, the glamorous shopping malls and the intensespectacles tend to establish with the non-spectacle (dalits with
international migration. disparate poverty), an ideological need rather than a substantive

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identification with the latter. Telling the truth through honest oneself. That is to say, being born in a social situation does not
conversation and acting accordingly would, thus, prevent the make one automatically morally infallible as to being truthful.
lie from fragmenting solidarities that necessarily result from To put it differently, moral commitment to remain truthful to
honest and continuous conversation. Solidarities would impose the community does not depend on the sociological identifica-
moral restriction on the ambition of the ordinary to become tion of that community. For example, it is not enough to prag-
the extraordinary, or the spectacle. matically identify oneself with the dalit community. Mere
Prescription of capitalism as the ideal social order, in effect, sociological identification with the dalit community does not
seriously and continuously misleads people into ignoring the guarantee virtue that, in turn, makes moral demands on a per-
inconsistency between the new truth (dalit millionaires) and son to remain truthful to one's own community. The narrow
the ontological truth that reflects perpetuation and deepening politics of identity necessarily puncture this possibility of
of wretchedness among dalits. The protagonists of the new being truthful to one's own community. Dalit millionaires'
truth, thus, hold belief in the fragmentary atomistic approach notion of self-development has, therefore, to be understood in
to reality. They think and perceive their progress more in terms of the untruth that they practice, in relation to larger
terms of a fragmentary self-world view that necessarily com- social concerns of their community.
pels a person to gloss over a larger part of the truth. People do
not see any inconsistency between this truth and the truth of 3*2 Perpetuating Casteism
the community. This search for the new truth, which assumes Second, globalisation and the free market have not been able
only a narrow social base, has been aptly discarded by none to minimise the presence of caste in the sphere of governance
other than Babasaheb Ambedkar himself. Ambedkar (1979: in cities. In fact, it has perpetuated casteism in new forms,
228(2)) says making dalits participate in the perpetuation of casteism. The
Individual mobility, success and performance are worthy of respect, state's practice of outsourcing the management of urban gov-
but most of the time cannot be worthy of imitation. Collective success ernance or maintenance of sanitation has, in effect, created a
is much superior to individual success. Individual success may have set of "garbage managers", contractors from within the dalit
achieved a Himalayan height, and yet is dwarfed in front of the collec-
community. These new jobbers are said to be indulging in the
tive success (translated from Marathi).
worst kind of exploitation of ragpickers.17 Thus, globalisation
Choosing to ignore the inconsistency between the two has somehow led to the localisation of exploitation, which op-
truths also leads us to believe that being identified with the erates within the dalit community. Dalit ragpickers now have
common dalit is not a sufficient condition to remain truthful to exploiters both from within and outside the community.

46 December 15, 2012 vol XLVii no 50 EEE3 Economic & Political WEEKLY

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 = SPECIAL ARTICLE

objective fact that they have become millionaires, but they are
The unresolvable paradox that dalit millionaires therefore
yet
face is this: while they require a larger dalit identity as to become part of the universal truth as embodied in the
a nega-
expanding
tive reference point for their individual promotion, at the same material presence of the corporate class. The
time they seek to fictionalise the larger truth that tendsuniversal
to keep truth is expressed through competition of individu-
als,rise
a vast mass of destitute dalits in disparate poverty. The individual
of families and monopolies at its best, and through
the non-dalit millionaire as a spectacle thus deceivesstandardised
Milton exploitation and environmental degradation at
its worst.
Friedman's thesis, which, as seen earlier, suggested that the Dalit millionaires strive on patronage and are con-
free market and economic freedom would eliminate the fined to a limited sphere of transactions. Even though their
preda-
fondest as
tory mode of accumulation. The rise of the dalit millionaire hope is to become a part of this larger truth, however,
at the moment,
a spectacle has not been able to stamp out the traces of caste. they can only desire it as a dream so that they
can
Capitalism has not triumphed over casteism. In view ofget
thesome sound sleep.
The dalit question, more than any other question, is relatively
growing wretchedness of dalits, it would be an "incredible
more prone to generate this differentiation within the dalit
idea" to conclude that casteism is a one-time social problem,
social world. On the other hand, an excessive dependence on
which, therefore, could be solved once "genuine" capitalism
patronage can explain the nature of dalit morality. The moral
begins to regulate market transactions on universal grounds.
attitude that a dalit millionaire acquires is replete with being
3.3 The Historical Truth grateful to the corporates. Dalit entrepreneurs would feel com-
pletely elevated at both the gestures of hand-holding by the state
Third, prescriptions for becoming millionaires rob the historical
a,nd even a dry or symbolic handshake with industrial magnates.
truth of its essence, which is necessary for organising thought
Thus, the dalit millionaire provides the cultural condition for the
and action for emancipatory purposes. Therefore, it is necessary
corporate
to tell dalits the historical truth as well. They need to be told that to remain morally relevant in the public sphere.
Social transition from "being" a dalit to "becoming" an au-
becoming millionaires has never formed part of dalit historical
imagination and material ambition. In this regard, thethentic
refer-corporate, and hence a universal spectacle, however, re-
mains
ence to the ideas of Jyotirao Phule and Bhimrao Ambedkar cana dream which can then work as a desire to get some
sound sleep. He or she continues to remain a dalit despite hav-
morally empower dalits to engage in an honest conversation.
For example, Ambedkar never preached to dalits that theying made some tangible transgression in social terms. Socially
should
become millionaires. The idea of being a millionaire hostile
looks conditions which keep haunting the caste of the dalit
spectacular precisely because it does not have a history millionaires
either tragically compel them to declare that they are dalit
in dalit historical imagination or the accumulation of or even untouchable. It is said that a United Kingdom-based dalit
capital.
millionaire was compelled to sport his caste on his shoulders.
In the history of ideas, we do not have any concrete evidence
from any dalit thinker suggesting accumulation. This Such a case shows the predicament of a dalit entrepreneur.
point
has been indirectly confirmed by some of the scholarsOn whothe other side of the spectre of collective unfreedom
(Alam
choose to read such imagination in Ambedkar (Omvedt 2004: 2005: 45-48), dalit millionaires are willing to, but are
11).
unable
This particular intellectually subversive background to pre- to, separate themselves from this unfreedom. A huge
scribing the idea of being a millionaire to the dalitsmajority
would of dalits are stuck in disparate poverty and are con-
tinuously pushed to do the most obnoxious and filthy, and
seem necessary to identify such a prescription as an incredible
hence
idea fixed in a bundle of contradictions, rather than an ideathe most hazardous jobs, like scavenging and garbage
portraying a spectacular picture of dalits. Thus, the risecollection
of the in the most shining and sundar (beautiful) of Indian
dalit millionaire as a spectacle does not remain attractivemetros.at Every year, poisonous gases stored in sewage chambers
kill several dalit workers who are forced to enter these manholes
the social level as it fails to alter the social relation between
without
dirty jobs and destitute dalits. It fails to realise that it does not any protection, while the practice of manual scaveng-
have the freedom and capacity to achieve these radical altera-ing forces thousands of dalit women to lose their morally inte-
tions in the life of common dalits. grated personality. The lack of decent alternate jobs forces
these dalits to walk into the manhole, an urban man-eater. This
4 Limited Freedom for the Dalit Millionaire sewage man-eater is, thus, analogous to the natural one who
also eats every year quite a few poor honey collectors in the Sun-
It is possible to argue that a spectacle of any intensity is bound
darbans (Sen 1999: 29). The collective unfreedom as lived ex-
to produce a limiting notion of freedom among dalits. Much
perience thus entails an unresolvable paradox: The Sundar-
against the Friedmanian idea of freedom, dalit millionaires
cannot enjoy an experience of freedom. They can only enjoy (literally, beautiful forest) remain both, sundar and ugly
bans
at the same time. While it is naturally sundar, it is also a zone of
partial freedom. They can rightfully argue that the free mar-
death. Similarly, urban metros are sundar, but at the same time
ket and the structures of patronage do help and have indeed
they are zones of death as far as dalits are concerned.
helped them enter new and clean vocations. It is also true that
they could feel free to have been liberated from their tradi-The tragedy is that while the dalit makes this ugly-looking
tional jobs that were considered filthy and obnoxious. concrete jungle sundar by draining out and detoxifying the
However, their sphere of freedom is not only limited, it dirt
is from the metros, he/she continues to remain the recipient
of the stigmatised social and moral gaze of the urban elite.
actually truncated. Dalit millionaires are no doubt part of the

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This paradox is well-represented by the "philanthropic" efforts recent invocation of the term dalit by certain proponents of
made by some. In this context, the efforts to re-signify by tak- neo-liberalism from within the dalit community has put this
ing abroad a few Valmiki women to participate in beauty pag- category into serious abuse. The question that one needs to ask
eants look not only paradoxical, but morally deeply obnoxious. is whether this category is available to these adversaries. The
Making dalit women a part of the temporal spectacle is illu- answer is categorically "no".
sionary, and therefore absurd. As the genealogy of this term suggests, this category has
The limited notion of freedom, as associated with the dalit come up as a part of the emancipatory struggle of the erst-
millionaire, also brings forth the tension that is internal to the while untouchables. It is a struggle concept, and hence opposi-
moral concept of self-esteem. In a free-market-driven society tional in its essence and political in its expression. Since it is
based on the logic of competition, the capacity and will to take oppositional in its essence, its transcendence is inbuilt. In the
risks provides moral background for achieving self-esteem. history of its radical unfolding, the dalit category has lent
Self-esteem is a feeling of being positive, worthy and heroic political credence to the struggle launched by dalits against
about oneself. Thus, those with moral capacity, who are willing the ideology of possessive individualism.
to take risks in terms of taming the vagaries of the market, are As mentioned, dalit symbolises struggle as it is produced by
supposed to enjoy high self-esteem. In such risk-taking, even the struggling masses in opposition to both the state and state-
their failure would enhance their self-esteem. In such a com- driven capitalism, and the free market. Moreover, it is an
expansive concept and is not limited to mere social discrimi-
petitive context, one wonders how much risk dalit millionaires
are taking. This question becomes relevant in a context wherenation. Its historical role is to interrogate the structures of
patriarchal domination (women), social oppression (untouch-
their enterprise is sustained by the structures of patronage. In
such a convenient context, they do not need to take an extra-ables), economic exploitation (labourers), and constraining
isolation and subversion (tribais). It does not entail a sense of
ordinary risk. One might also argue that non-dalits also do not
victimhood as has been suggested by many scholars who take
take extraordinary risks as they are well-protected by several
hidden and not-so-hidden structures of leverages. their cue from one of the leading historians of the dalit move-
ment (Zelliot 1997).
The notion of self-respect gained through the market does not
have moral significance. It lacks such significance because the The category of dalit on the contrary, is an assertion and,
dalit millionaire thrives on whatever degree of freedom he/
hence, is agential. Since it is agential, it is fundamentally criti-
she does, not because he/she has won it by making singular
cal of the idea of victimhood. To put it differently, its agential
efforts, but because of the cost paid by the larger dalit commu-qualities seek to resist the reification of the idea of victimhood.
nity. In fact, these millionaires in question further slide on per-Its subversive essence makes it stand on its own without any
haps much more morally slippery ground. They feed on the
suffix attached to it. It is, therefore, defined in terms of its
autonomous ontological status. This has been the most radical
grave risks taken by the common dalits. Their identity as dalits
is based on the corresponding identity that the common dalits
meaning embedded in the conception of the category of dalit.
are forced to sustain through the stigmatised jobs they later
Dalit as a struggle concept has been sociologically constituted,
are continuously pushed into. The dalit millionaire's freedom
historically arrived at and politically articulated. This, by defi-
nition, would avoid any association with capitalism and the
is a kind of reward given to a "free rider" who is compensated
by the grave risk that poor dalits take by doing the most dan-
coercive state, and other patronising vocabulary produced by
gerous jobs. The common dalits provide the former the advan-
Gandhi or by the welfare state. Dalit is not a caste term at all.
tage of a dalit identity by taking up the dirty jobs of ragpicking,
6 Conclusions
scavenging, and even undergoing atrocities.
In this regard, it could further be argued that poor dalits payAt the analytical level, the specific context of caste in India
the price by experiencing inequality, indignity and humilia- tends to produce different levels of the spectacle with high and
tion, for the benefits reaped by the dalit millionaire. Taking lowa intensities. The divide between the high and the low is
cue from Stiglitz (2012: 91), it could therefore be argued that
dalit millionaires are no different from genuine corporates,
'&/ Il
who also benefit from the costs imposed on the bottom layers y Web Exclusives
of the society. In their existence, the dalit corporates are dif-
EPW has introduced a new section, "Web Exclusives" on its new
ferent from the "real" corporates, but in essence, they share
and improved website (http://www.epw.in).
the same morally problematic ground with them.
This section will feature articles written exclusively for the web
5 The Catgeory of Dalit and Its Adversaries edition and will normally not appear in the print edition. All
visitors to the website can read these short articles written mainly
In globalising times, this term has been receiving maltreat-
on current affairs.
ment from certain dalits and their supporters. Hence, it is both
academically and politically necessary to disabuse them of Readers of the print edition are encouraged to visit the EPW
such maltreatment of this term and restore its capacity to as- website and read these web exclusives which will see new articles
sign credence to transformative dalit politics. Let me argue every week.
here that there is arbitrariness in the usage of this term. The

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enduring, thus suggesting the impossibility of a dalit becoming and recognition in the real life of the corporate class. Extend-
a capitalist of the top order. The relative gap between the two ing ideological influence by making certain rhetorical conces-
gets sustained by the structures of patronage controlled by the sions to dalit millionaires (remember the handshake of the
corporate class and the Indian government. The Indian corpo- corporate with the dalit millionaire) does not seem to be
rate class has offered some fringe benefits to the underprivi- yielding spectacular results for the corporates. Many com-
leged sections as part of their corporate social responsibility to mon dalits have stayed away from the event organised by
the latter, whereas the Indian government has adopted certain dicci (Teltumbde 2011).
welfare policies for these sections from time to time. More- To the majority of common dalits across the region, the dalit
over, the impossibility, for dalit millionaires, of disentangling millionaire (spectacle) looks too small in front of the y ug pur ush
themselves from caste has to be understood in terms of the (giant of the millennium) Babasaheb Ambedkar. These common
ideological need of the corporate to use the dalit for legitima- dalits have a parallel notion of the spectacle, i e, the yug
tion purposes. purush image of Babasaheb. They mediated this image
The emergence of the dalit as millionaire could be part of through a currency note of Rs 5,000. This particular symbolic
the truth, and yet the meaning that results from this truth is elevation of Ambedkar is produced by dalits and not by the
justificatory to the extent that it treats the ideology of Government of India, and carries on it the majestic image of
neo-liberalism with liberatory potential. This in turn forces Babasaheb.18 This spectacle sought to portray Gandhi as the in-
the dalit millionaire to provide justification for neo-liberalism. ferior spectacle. Gandhi's spectacle, though small in its content
Dalit millionaires, though as a low intensity spectacle, do as compared to the Rs 5,000 currency note, however, is real as it
collaborate with the Indian corporate class with the purpose enjoys the lived life of currency. Paradoxically, this notion of
to create a unified ideological impact on socially discreet spectacle collapses the dalit millionaire into Gandhi and makes
groups. Dalits also participate in this ideological game both share common ground entailing the underprivileged
because they have, for personal reasons, stopped listening to spectacle. It is in this sense again that dalits need to seek
the call of history. They are no more interested in listening to advancement in their position and make continuous efforts to
Phule and Ambedkar who recognised the historical truth and remain aloof from the romanticisation of individual success,
shared it with the common dalits, and with full honesty. which as mentioned earlier, did not fascinate Babasaheb
However, dalit millionaires are yet to gain larger visibility Ambedkar in his public life.

notes 5 IBN Lokmat, a Marathi channel in Maharash- REFERENCES

1 Neo-liberalism could be defined in terms of tra, telecast the "Dalit Millionaire" in its pro- Alam Javeed
what could be called the screening out of the gramme "Great Bhet". Delhi: Orien
essence of the state. Neo-liberalism seeks to 6 One comes across such dalit scholars at differ- Ambedkar, B
empty the state of its essence, which gets facili- ent places, for example, in TISS, Mumbai. hishkrut Bh
tated through state intervention. To put it 7 Debord, Guy, Urls: www.marxists.org/refer- bai: Departm
ence/archive/debord/society.htm, accessed on Maharashtr
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state's spheres of influence at its best, and 7 September 2012. Chari, Shara
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Caste, Busine
gate state. It creates in dalits for the first time 9 This is an example of a dalit caterer who is re-
tion (New D
the desire to become a part of this surrogacy. ported to have been supported with clientele
Are not mobile dalit intellectuals and the NGOs Friedman, M
by one of the leading IT companies in India.
(Chicago: Un
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helping the state? Neo-liberalism also affects Kapur, Devesh
beauty pageant organised in Bangalore. ett, D Shya
rather adversely the idea of equality. Neo-liber-
11 The Delhi government covered the slum near quality: Dali
alism intensifies an un-dissolvable paradox.
Jawaharlal Nehru University with a big wall of Reform Era
On the one hand, it proposes only sectoral
hoardings during the 2010 Commonwealth 45(35): 39-49
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and on the other, it also propagates abstract
12 It is invariably true that almost all known dalit ing a Barbar
equality in the sense that it creates unified At Home in
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spheres of cultural consumption. It insists on Black).
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of opportunity, and not equality of outcome. It til Dr AmbedkarPurva Dalit Chalwal (Marathi)
discourages people from overburdening the for being the most successful millionaire. She
runs a manufacturing unit in Mumbai.
(Pune: Sugawa).
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Nilekani, Nandan (2008): Imagining India (New
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Delhi: Penguin).
same time it creates, at the social/cultural education sector are singularly from the state
ofKarnataka. Omvedt, Gail (2004): Liberty , Equality, Community:
level, mutually insulated and indifferent Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar's Vision of a New
spheres of social life, with the primacy of mar- 15 This dalit millionaire is from the state of Uttar Social Order (New Delhi: Ambedkar Chair, Ja-
ket-based equality. , Pradesh. waharlal Nehru University).
2 This is expressed by one of the important dalit 16 An interview with Laxmanan, MIDS, Chennai, Sen, Amartya (1999): Development as Freedom
ideologues, in Loksatta, a Marathi daily, pub- December 2010. (Delhi: Oxford University Press).
lished from Pune (5 September 2010). 17 Interview with Shailesh Darokar, faculty atStiglitz, Joseph (2012): The Price of Inequality (UK:
3 Dalit millionaires, with the help of Indian cor- TISS, on 10 August 2012. Allen Lane).
porates, organised these events at Pune and 18 This particular hoarding with Ambedkar s pic-Teltumbde Anand (2011): "The False Dalit of Capi-
Mumbai. ture on a symbolic Rs 5,000 currency note was tal", Tehelka, New Delhi, 24 May.
4 National TV channels like NDTV have been put up at Chembur Check Post in Mumbai, I no-Zelliot, Eleanor (1997): From Untouchable to Dalit
conducting debates on dalit capitalists. ticed it on 30 July 2012. (Delhi: Manohar).

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