J Clin Psychol - 2005 - Shapiro - Mechanisms of mindfulness
J Clin Psychol - 2005 - Shapiro - Mechanisms of mindfulness
J Clin Psychol - 2005 - Shapiro - Mechanisms of mindfulness
Mechanisms of Mindfulness
䊲
Shauna L. Shapiro
Santa Clara University
䊲
Linda E. Carlson
University of Calgary
䊲
John A. Astin
California Pacific Medical Center
䊲
Benedict Freedman
Occidental College
The authors would like to thank Deane Shapiro, whose wisdom and insight greatly contributed to clarifying the
original ideas for this paper. The authors would also like to acknowledge the Center for Mindfulness in Med-
icine, Health Care and Society, whose invitation to present at the Second Annual Conference led to the writing
of this manuscript. Finally, we are grateful to the Fetzer Institute, the Center for Contemplative Mind and
Society, and the American Council of Learned Societies for supporting this work.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to: Shauna L. Shapiro, Ph.D., Santa Clara Univer-
sity, Department of Counseling Psychology, 500 El Camino Real, Santa Clara CA 95053-0201; e-mail:
slshapiro@scu.edu
JOURNAL OF CLINICAL PSYCHOLOGY, Vol. 62(3), 373–386 (2006) © 2006 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.
Published online in Wiley InterScience (www.interscience.wiley.com). DOI: 10.1002/jclp.20237
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374 Journal of Clinical Psychology, March 2006
Recently, the psychological construct mindfulness has received a great deal of attention,
and has even been proposed as a common factor across all schools of psychotherapy
(Martin, 1997). Mindfulness has its roots in Eastern contemplative traditions and is most
often associated with the formal practice of mindfulness meditation. In fact, mindfulness
has been called the “heart” of Buddhist meditation (Kabat-Zinn, 2003; Thera, 1962).
Mindfulness, however, is more than meditation. It is “inherently a state of consciousness”
which involves consciously attending to one’s moment-to-moment experience (Brown &
Ryan, 2003). Meditation practice is simply a “scaffolding” used to develop the state, or
skill, of mindfulness (Kabat-Zinn, 2005). The intention of this paper is to refine the
exploration of this particular state of mindfulness and to explore the questions: “What
exactly is mindfulness? And, how does it work?”
Over the past 20 years, the majority of research has focused on clinical intervention stud-
ies to evaluate the efficacy of mindfulness-based interventions such as the Mindfulness Based
Stress Reduction (MBSR) program (Kabat-Zinn, 1990). This line of research has primarily
addressed the first order question “Are mindfulness-based interventions effective?” These
studies have led to promising data suggesting that MBSR is an effective intervention for treat-
ment of both psychological and physical symptoms (see Baer 2003; Bishop 2002; Gross-
man, Niemann, Schmidt, & Walach, 2004). Clearly this line of research is fundamental to
validating mindfulness as an efficacious psychological intervention, and controlled clinical
trials across diverse populations should continue. However, an equally important direction
for future research is to address the second order question “How do mindfulness-based inter-
ventions actually work?”
Investigating questions concerning the mechanisms of action underlying mindful-
ness based interventions will require two different but complementary lines of inquiry.
Dismantle studies are necessary in order to separate and compare the various active
ingredients in mindfulness-based interventions such as social support, relaxation, and
cognitive behavioral elements. A second line of inquiry is examining the central construct
of mindfulness itself to determine if the development of “mindfulness” is what actually
leads to the positive changes that have been observed. This step can be facilitated through
the recent development of valid and reliable measures of mindfulness (see Baer, 2003;
Bishop, 2002; Brown & Ryan, 2003—the KIMS), allowing measurement of mindfulness
for use in statistical models of mediation. A testable theory of the mechanisms involved in
the process of mindfulness itself is needed to explicate whether and how mindfulness
affects change and transformation. The aim of this paper is to propose a first draft of such
a theory, focusing on the construct of mindfulness itself, as opposed to the whole package
of MBSR and other mindfulness-based interventions. We would like to emphasize that
this is a beginning, a first attempt at understanding the mysterious and complex process
that is mindfulness. Further, it is “a” theory, not “the” theory—it is a search for common
ground on which to build a more precise understanding of the primary mechanisms of
action involved in mindfulness practices that have become increasingly prominent in
contemporary psychology and behavioral medicine. Our intention is to open a dialogue.
How does mindfulness work? We posit three components (axioms) of mindfulness:
(1) intention, (2) attention, and (3) attitude (IAA). We then introduce a meta-mechanism
of action, “reperceiving” and discuss the significance of this shift in perspective in terms
of the transformational effects of mindfulness. Finally, we highlight four potential mech-
anisms, which may stem from reperceiving.
A Model Of Mindfulness
The Axioms. In an attempt to break mindfulness down into a simple, comprehensible
construct, we reflected on the core components of the practice, the essential building
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Mechanisms of Mindfulness 375
blocks of mindfulness, and examined the literature on this topic. An often cited definition
of mindfulness”—paying attention in a particular way: on purpose, in the present moment,
and non-judgmentally” (Kabat-Zinn, 1994, p. 4)—embodies the three axioms of
mindfulness:
Axioms are fundamental building blocks out of which other things emerge. From an
understanding of IAA, we can deduce how mindfulness might work. Intention, attention,
and attitude are not separate processes or stages—they are interwoven aspects of a single
cyclic process and occur simultaneously (See Figure 1). Mindfulness is this moment-to-
moment process.
Axiom I. Intention
When Western psychology attempted to extract the essence of mindfulness practice from
its original religious/cultural roots, we lost, to some extent, the aspect of intention, which
for Buddhism was enlightenment and compassion for all beings. It seems valuable to
explicitly bring this aspect back into our model (Shapiro & Schwartz, 2000). As Kabat-
Zinn writes, “Your intentions set the stage for what is possible. They remind you from
moment to moment of why you are practicing in the first place” (p. 32). He continues, “I
used to think that meditation practice was so powerful . . . that as long as you did it at all,
you would see growth and change. But time has taught me that some kind of personal
vision is also necessary” (p. 46, 1990). This personal vision, or intention, is often dynamic
and evolving (Freedman, 2005). For example, a highly stressed businessman may begin
a mindfulness practice to reduce hypertension. As his mindfulness practice continues, he
may develop an additional intention of relating more kindly to his wife.
The role of intention in meditation practice is exemplified by Shapiro’s study (1992),
which explored the intentions of meditation practitioners and found that as meditators
continue to practice, their intentions shift along a continuum from self-regulation, to
Figure 1. The three axioms of mindfulness, Intention, Attention, and Attitude, are not separate stages. They
are interwoven aspects of a single cyclic process and occur simultaneously. Mindfulness is this moment-to-
moment process.
self-exploration, and finally to self-liberation.1 Further, the study found that outcomes
correlated with intentions. Those whose goal was self-regulation and stress management
attained self-regulation, those whose goal was self-exploration attained self-exploration,
and those whose goal was self-liberation moved toward self-liberation and compassion-
ate service. These findings correspond with our definition of intentions as dynamic and
evolving, which allows them to change and develop with deepening practice, awareness,
and insight. The inclusion of intention (i.e., why one is practicing) as a central component
of mindfulness is crucial to understanding the process as a whole, and often overlooked
in other contemporary definitions (Bishop et al., 2004).
How we attend is also essential. The qualities one brings to attention have been referred
to as the attitudinal foundations of mindfulness (Kabat-Zinn, 1990, Shapiro & Schwartz,
1999, 2000). This axiom asserts that the attitude one brings to the attention is essential.
Often, mindfulness is associated with bare awareness, but the quality of this awareness is
not explicitly addressed. However, the qualities one brings to the act of paying attention
is crucial. For example, attention can have a cold, critical quality, or it can include an “an
affectionate, compassionate quality . . . a sense of openhearted, friendly presence and
interest” (Kabat-Zinn, 2003, p. 145). It is helpful to note the Japanese characters of
mindfulness are composed of two interactive figures: one mind, and the other heart (San-
torelli, 1999). Therefore, perhaps a more accurate translation of “mindfulness” from the
Japanese is heart-mindfulness (Shapiro & Schwartz, in preparation), which underlines
1
Self-liberation refers to the experience of transcending (i.e., becoming free of or dis-identifying from) the
sense of being a separate self.
Through the process of mindfulness, one is able to disidentify from the contents of con-
sciousness (i.e., one’s thoughts) and view his or her moment-by-moment experience with
greater clarity and objectivity. We term this process reperceiving as it involves a funda-
mental shift in perspective. Rather than being immersed in the drama of our personal
narrative or life story, we are able to stand back and simply witness it. As Goleman
suggests, “The first realization in “meditation” is that the phenomena contemplated are
distinct from the mind contemplating them” (1980, p. 146).
Reperceiving is akin to the western psychological concepts of decentering (Safran &
Segal, 1990), deautomatization (Deikman, 1982; Safran & Segal, 1990) and detachment
(Bohart, 1983). For example, Safran and Segal define decentering as the ability to “step
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378 Journal of Clinical Psychology, March 2006
outside of one’s immediate experience, thereby changing the very nature of that experi-
ence.” (117). Deikman describes deautomatization as “an undoing of the automatic pro-
cesses that control perception and cognition.” (p. 137). And according to Bohart (1983),
detachment “encompasses the interrelated processes of gaining ‘distance,’ ‘adopting a
phenomenological attitude,’ and the expansion of ‘attentional space’” (see Martin, 1997,
for review). All of these concepts share at their core a fundamental shift in perspective.
This shift, we believe, is facilitated through mindfulness—the process of intentionally
attending moment by moment with openness and nonjudgmentalness (IAA).
The shift in perspective we are describing is analogous to our earlier example of the
young toddler who over time is eventually able to see himself as separate from the objec-
tive world in which he had previously been embedded. However, in this case, the dis-
identification is from the content of one’s mind (e.g., thoughts, feelings, self-concepts,
memories) rather than one’s physical environment. Through reperceiving brought about
by the cultivation of mindfulness, the stories (e.g., about who we are, what we like or
dislike, our opinions about others, etc.) that were previously identified with so strongly
become simply “stories.” In this way, there is a profound shift in one’s relationship to
thoughts and emotions, the result being greater clarity, perspective, objectivity, and ulti-
mately equanimity.
This process is similar to Hayes, Strosahl, and Wilson’s (1999) concept of cognitive
defusion, in which the emphasis is on changing one’s relationship to thought rather than
attempting to alter the content of thought itself. As Hayes, Strosahl, and Wilson note, as
one strengthens the capacity for mindful observing or witnessing of mental activity,,
there is often a corresponding shift in the self-sense. The “self” starts to be seen through
or deconstructed—i.e., it is realized to be a psychological construction, an ever-changing
system of concepts, images, sensations and beliefs. These aggregates, or constructs, that
were once thought to comprise the stable self, are eventually seen to be impermanent and
fleeting. Through reperceiving, not only do we learn to stand back from and observe our
inner commentary about life and the experiences encountered, we also begin to stand
back from (witness) our “story” about who and what we ultimately are. Through this
change in perspective, identity begins to shift from the contents of awareness to aware-
ness itself. Hayes et al. (1999) describe this as the shift from “self as content” (that which
can be witnessed or observed as an object in consciousness) to “self as context” (that
which is observing or witnessing—i.e., consciousness itself ). It is this figure/ground
shift that may, in part, be responsible for the transformations facilitated through mind-
fulness practice.
Reperceiving can easily be confused with an attempt to detach from one’s experience,
distancing to the point of apathy or numbness. However, this is in sharp contrast with the
actual experience of reperceiving, which engenders a deep knowing and intimacy with
whatever arises moment by moment. Reperceiving does indeed facilitate greater distance
in terms of clarity. And yet, this does not translate as disconnection or dissociation.
Instead, reperceiving simply allows one to deeply experience each event of the mind and
body without identifying with or clinging to it, allowing for “a deep, penetrative non-
conceptual seeing into the nature of mind and world” (Kabat-Zinn, 146, 2003). Through
this process we are actually able to connect more intimately with our moment-to-moment
experience, allowing it to rise and fall naturally with a sense of non-attachment. We
experience what is instead of a commentary or story about what is. Therefore, reperceiv-
ing, in this hypothesized model, does not create apathy or indifference, but instead allows
one to experience greater richness, texture, and depth, moment by moment, what Peters
refers to as “intimate detachment” (Peters, 2004).
Additional Mechanisms
Reperceiving, and the “shift in perspective” it fosters, may lead to additional mechanisms
that in turn contribute to the positive outcomes produced by mindfulness practice. We
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380 Journal of Clinical Psychology, March 2006
highlight four: (1) self-regulation and self-management, (2) emotional, cognitive and
behavioral flexibility, (3) values clarification and, (4) exposure. Inherent in all of these
mechanisms are the three axioms of intention, attention, and attitude.
Values Clarification. Reperceiving may also help people recognize what is meaning-
ful for them and what they truly value. Often values have been conditioned by family,
culture, and society, so that we may not realize whose values actually drive our choices in
life. We become the value, instead of the one who observes the value. Frequently, we are
pushed and pulled by what we believe (based on cultural or familial conditioning) is most
important, but fail to reflect upon whether it is truly important in the context of our own
lives. However, when we are able to separate from (observe) our values and reflect upon
them with greater objectivity, we have the opportunity to rediscover and choose values
that may be truer for us. In other words, we become able to reflectively choose what has
been previously reflexively adopted or conditioned. The literature suggests that automatic
processing often limits considerations of options that would be more congruent with
needs and values (Brown & Ryan, 2003; Ryan, Kuhl, & Deci, 1997). However, an open,
intentional awareness can help us choose behaviors that are congruent with our needs,
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Mechanisms of Mindfulness 381
interests and values (Brown & Ryan, 2003; Ryan & Deci, 2000). A recent study found
that when subjects are “acting mindfully,” as assessed by the Mindful Attention Aware-
ness Scale (MAAS) state measure, individuals act in ways that are more congruent with
their actual values and interests. (Brown & Ryan, 2003).
Exposure. The literature is replete with evidence of the efficacy of exposure in treat-
ing a variety of disorders (Barlow & Craske, 2000). Reperceiving—the capacity to dis-
passionately observe or witness the contents of one’s consciousness—enables a person to
experience even very strong emotions with greater objectivity and less reactivity. This
capacity serves as a counter to the habitual tendency to avoid or deny difficult emotional
states thereby increasing exposure to such states. Through this direct exposure, one learns
that his or her emotions, thoughts, or body sensations are not so overwhelming or fright-
ening. Through mindfully attending to negative emotional states, one learns experien-
tially and phenomenologically that such emotions need not be feared or avoided and that
they eventually pass away (Segal, Williams, & Teasdale, 2002). This experience eventu-
ally leads to the “extinction of fear responses and avoidance behaviors previously elicited
by these stimuli” (Baer, 2003). Goleman suggests that meditation provides a “global
desensitization” as meditative awareness can be applied to all aspects of one’s experience
(Goleman, 1971).
Baer provides an example of this process with chronic pain patients: “ . . . prolonged
exposure to the sensations of chronic pain, in the absence of catastrophic consequences,
might lead to desensitization, with a reduction over time in the emotional responses
elicited by the pain sensations. Thus the practice of mindfulness skills could lead to the
ability to experience pain sensations without excessive reactivity” (Baer, 2003). Indeed,
one of the first successful clinical applications of mindfulness was in the context of
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382 Journal of Clinical Psychology, March 2006
in engendering the positive effects of mindfulness practice in the context of mental health.
Indeed, the attentional component of the IAA model could be tested using the Metacog-
nitions Questionnaire in MBSR program participants, investigating changes that may
occur over the course of mindfulness training. This could help to determine if, in fact, a
shift in metacognitive awareness is occurring, as postulated.
Although IAA is not in contradiction with these two models, it is distinct from them.
IAA emphasizes a tri-axiomatic model, as opposed to a purely attentional model. IAA
defines mindfulness as a state involving the simultaneous arising of a particular intention,
attention and attitude. The S-REF and the DAH models do not explicitly discuss inten-
tion. Further, although the DAH does talk about a “friendly” attitude toward one’s expe-
rience, the IAA model makes the attitudinal component of mindfulness more explicit and
essential. IAA can be seen as an expansion of the above two models; an attempt to
continue the process of developing a theoretical model of mindfulness.
Statistical models of mediation and moderation could be tested to determine if any of the
three axioms account for change in outcomes, or if interventions are differentially effec-
tive for groups of people with varying backgrounds. For example, to test mediation of
attention using the Baron and Kenny model (Baron & Kenny, 1986), if a relationship is
established between a mindfulness-training intervention and improvement on the out-
come of stress symptoms, three conditions need to be met to determine mediation: (1) the
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384 Journal of Clinical Psychology, March 2006
initial variable (program attendance) is associated with outcome (decreased stress); (2)
the initial variable (program attendance) is correlated with the mediator variable (enhanced
attention); (3) the mediator variable (attention) affects the outcome variable. This is
established by entering both the initial variable and mediator in a regression equation or
structural equation model and showing that the mediator is correlated with the out-
comes, after controlling for effects of the initial variable. The relationships between the
initial variable and the outcome may be partially or fully mediated. In a fully mediated
model, the relationship between program attendance and the outcome of decreased stress
drops to nonsignificance in the equation when the mediator of attentional skills is added.
Partial mediation results when the coefficient between the initial variable and the out-
come drops, but still explains some significant variance in outcome, while the mediator
also explains a significant amount of variance. This type of analysis can be done with
latent constructs using structural equation modeling, or with measured variables using
multiple regression, and could be highly beneficial to future research in determining
models of mindfulness.
In contrast to mediation, a moderated effect occurs when the moderator variable
completely changes the causal relationship between the initial variable (program atten-
dance) and the outcome (stress symptoms). This is usually the case with fixed moderator
variables such as age, gender or ethnicity. In the case of moderation, the initial variable is
usually randomized, and hence there is no correlation between the initial variable and the
moderator. A classic example is that an intervention (mindfulness training) may be mod-
erated by gender (more effective for women than men). It is unlikely that assignment to
mindfulness training would be correlated with gender, as people would be randomly
assigned to treatment groups and both genders equally represented across groups. The
main distinction between moderation and mediation is that mediation is an attempt to
establish mechanisms by which one variable may be affecting another, whereas modera-
tion is looking for differences in the relationship between group assignment and out-
comes based on pre-existing variables.
The most likely use of these models in investigating the IAA constructs may be as
tests of mediational effects of intention, attention and attitude between mindfulness train-
ing and outcomes. For example, improvements in the outcome of self-compassion might
be mediated by an attitude of non-judging, such that program participants who fail to
develop a non-judgmental attitude might show little change in self-compassion and empa-
thy, while larger changes may be associated with consistent application of an open, non-
judgmental attitude. Similarly, an explicit intention of enhancing spirituality through
mindfulness training may mediate the effect of training on measures of spirituality.
A moderational effect might be found if baseline characteristics of people affect their
ability to benefit from mindfulness training. For example, people with obsessive-
compulsive disorder may find that techniques of mindfulness training exacerbate rather
than ameliorate certain compulsive anxiety-relieving behaviors. If this were the case, an
OCD diagnosis would be a moderating variable in the relationship between program
participation and the outcome of anxiety level. Other personality characteristics, such as
emotional repression, might also be moderating variables between mindfulness training
and specific outcomes.
Conclusion
The investigation of mindfulness is still in its infancy and requires great sensitivity and a
range of theoretical and methodological glasses to illuminate the richness and complexity
of this phenomenon. We have attempted to provide a first formulation of a model to
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Mechanisms of Mindfulness 385
describe how mindfulness might be fostering transformation and change. Clearly this
model is preliminary, and is merely “a” model, not “the” model. There are numerous
other possibilities and pathways that may play a role in this mysterious and complex
process. The next step is to develop testable hypotheses that can be empirically exam-
ined. From these results new hypotheses could be developed, and new, more fully elab-
orated theories derived.
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